UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA BOOK CARD Please keep this card In book pocket o» 3 o» Si THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA a 00001 49941 PRESENTED BY PENDLETON KING LIBRARY THROUGH This book is due at the LOUIS R. WILSON LIBRARY on the iast date stamped under "Date Due " If not on hold it may be renewed by bringing it to the library DATE DUE RET. mum i/JUN 1 lM 1 5 fi g MAR 2 0 DATE DUE RET Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/actsmonumentsofj02foxe_0 THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF JOHN EOXE. THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF _ ( Wm JOHN FOXE. FOURTH EDITION : REVISED AND CORRECTED, WITH APPENDICES, GLOSSARY, AND INDICES, BY THE REV. JOSIAH PRATT, M.A., OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND VICAR OF ST. STEPHEN'S, COLEMAN STREET, LONDON ; ALSO AN INTRODUCTION, BIOGRAPHICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE, BY THE REV. JOHN STOUGHTON, D.D. VOL. I LONDON: THE RELIGIOUS TRACT SOCIETY, 56 Paternostkr Row, 65 St. Paul's Churchyard, And 164 Piccadilly. LONDON : R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS, BREAD STREET HILL, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET. CONTENTS. VOL. II. BOOK III. CONTAINING THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE REIGN OF EGKERT TO THE TIME OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. A. D. VAdE 807. Egbert the Great, King of the West Saxons, afterwards Monarch of the whole Realm 5 837. Ethelwolf 6 Epistle of Huldericke, Bishop of Augsburgh, to Pope Nicholas I. 8 858. Ethelbald, Ethelbert, and Ethelred I. . . 18 871. Alfred, otherwise called Alured 21 901. Edward the Elder 36 924. Athelstan, or Adelstan 39 940. Edmund 45 Letter of Odo, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Clergy . . 49 355. Edwin, or Edwy 50 959. Edgar, surnamed Pacificus 51 975. Edward II., called the Martyr 65 978. Egelred or Ethelred II., surnamed the Unready 73 1016. Edmund Ironside, a Saxon, and Canute, a Dane, Kings together in England 79 1042. Edward the Confessor 85 1066. Harold II 91 The Oration of King Edgar to the Clergy .... .101 Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury 103 ii CONTENTS. / BOOK IV. CONTAINING ANOTHER THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR TO THE TIME OF JOHN WICKLIFF A. D. PAGE 1066. William the Conqueror 105 1067. Law of William the Conqueror, circumscribing the Ecclesiasti- cal Jurisdiction » 106 1075. Acts of a Council holden at London 114 The History of Gregory VII., otherwise called Hildehrand . 116 Epistle of Cardinal Benno to the other Cardinals . . . .121 Another Epistle of Benno to the same . 124 1080. Second Excommunication of Hildehrand against the Emperor 131 1084. Sentence of the Council of Brixen against Hildehrand . . . 132 The Names of those who were at the Conquest of England . .136 1087. William Rufus 139 1098. Letter of Pope Paschal to Anselm 148 Articles and Opinions wherein the Greek Church ditfcreth from the Latin 150 Letter from Anselm to Waltram, Bishop of Naumbui <: . , 151 Part of another Letter of Anselm to the same 152 1100. Epistle of Waltram, Bishop of Maumburg, to the Earl Louis . 155 The railing Answer of the Earl Louis 156 1100. Henry I 159 1104. King Henry's Letter to Pope Paschal 162 Anselm 's Letter to King Henry ... 165 1106. Synodal Decrees of Archbishop Anselm. 167 Letters of Anselm and Pope Paschal 170 1135. Stephen 185 1154. Henry II 189 1155. Letters to and from Adrian 191 The Life and History of Thomas Becket .196 1169. The Talk between the French King, the King of England, and Becket 241 .1177. Letter of Pope Alexander to Roger, Archbishop of York . . 256 The History of the Waldenses 264 Other Incidents happening in the Reign of King Henry II. .271 1189. Richard I „ 276 The Troubles of Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Monks of the same Church 287 Letters of Pope Urban to Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury . 292 The Story of William, the proud Bishop of Ely 309 1199. John 319 Letters of King John 322 Letter of Pope Innocent to King John 324 1212. Letter Obligatory of King John to the Pope 33^ 1216. Henry III 342 The Rabblement of Religious Orders 352 Prophecy of Hildegard of the Ruin of Rome 353 A Treatise of Geoffery Chaucer 357 1229. A Complaint of the Nobles of England against the Pope . . 363 Articles exhibited in the Council of London against the Pope . 368 Letter of King Henry III. to the BMiops 369 The Pope's Answer to the Election of Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury 386 1 23 1 . A Copy of a Letter to restrain the Benefices of Romans within the Realm 394 CONTENTS. 11] A. D. PAGE 1234. Faithful Counsel of the Bishops to the King 407 Variance between Pope Gregory IX. and the Citizens of Rome 411 1237. Substance of a Letter of Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, to Pope Gregory IX . 414 Substance of another Letter of the same to the Cardinals . . 4 1 (J A brief Table of the Pope's Opxnressions in the Realm of Eng- land 420 Intolerable Oppression of the Realm by the Pope's Exactions in the Time of King Henry III 425 Letter of King Henry III. to Pope Innocent IV 430 1245. The Supplication of the Commons of England, to Pope Inno- cent IV., in the General Council at Lyons 432 The Pope publishes a crusade against the Greek Church . . 437 1247. Letter to Pope Innocent IV. in the names of the Clergy and Commonalty of England 439 125(>. Lamentable Overthrow of the French Army in Egypt through the Sinister Counsel of the Pope's Legate 450 The whole Tragical History of Frederic II., Emperor of Ger- many 455 Letter of the Emperor Frederic to the King of England, com- plaining of Excommunication 469 Letter of the Earl of Acerrato the Emperor Frederic . . .473 The Emperor's Letter to the Prelates of the World, to bridle the Pope and restrain him of his Will 482 Letter of the K'cnch King to the Emperor Frederic on the Im- prisonment of certain Cardinals of France, with the Emperor's Reply 493 An Epistle Invective of the Emperor to the Cardinals . . . 495 Letter of the Emperor in consequence of the Sentence given against him in the Council of Lyons 499 Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, on False Apostles and True . .511 1253. The Story of Robert Grosthead, Bishop of Lincoln . . . .523 Pope Innocent's unreasonable Letter to his Factors in Eng- land 524 Answer of Grosthead to the Pope 526 Certain Aphorisms of Grosthead against the Pope 529 1261. Letter of King Henry III. to the Mayor of Northampton, in behalf of certain Scholars minded to plant themselves there as a University 543 1262. Letter of the King to his Proctors at Rome 544 1264. Letters betwesn the Barons and the King 550 Acts of the King's Council concerning the Archbishop of Can- terbury's Return into England 554 Letter of the King to the Archbishop of Canterbury .... 555 Form of Peace between King Henry III. and his Barons . . 556 Of the repairing of Trespasses committed against the Church . 558 Letter of King Henry concerning Non-residence 559 Letter of the King to the Sheriff of Oxfordshire concerning Unlawful Assemblies ibid. Notes of Occurrences in Foreign Countries during the Years of King Henry III 575 1272. Edward 1 577 The Title of Scotland proper to England 582 Letter of the Lords Temporal to the Pope 583 1303. Declaration of William de Nogaret against Pope Boniface VIII. 594 Appeal of certain French Nobles against Pope Boniface vni • sre j 307. Protest of William de Plesian against the Pope 5£>7 Appeals of the French King and Prelates against the Pope . 601 Epistle of Cassiodorus to the Church of England concerning the Abuses of the Rornish Church ,610 iv CONTEXTS. A D. PAGB Summons of a Parliament in France, and the Articles of the Laity against the Clergy 612 The Prelates' Answer to the Lord Peter's Oration .... 620 Another Sitting of the French Parliament ....... 635 1308. Edward II .641 1319. A Prohibition of Extortion in gathering the Pope's Peter-pence 652 Letter of Queen Isabel to the Mayor and Citizens of London . 657 1327. Edward III 666 Letter of King Edward III. to the Nobles and Commons of France, with other Letters ensuing 674 1340. Articles of Truce between England and France 679 Letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury to King Edward III. . 681 Letter of King Edward III. to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's 682 Letter of the Emperor to King Edward III., with the Reply . 687 1343. Letter of Complaint of the Nobles and Commons of England to the Pope 689 King Edward's Letters of Defiance against the French King . 691 Letters describing the King's Viage through France, with other Letters ensuing 694 Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury 717 BOOK V. CONTAINING THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN. 1360. Table of the Persecution of the Primitive and Latter Church 726 The Ploughman's Complaint 728 A Parable prophesying the destruction of the Pope .... 748 The Life and Story of Fitz-Ralph> Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland 749 Articles of the Students of Paris against the Friars .... 752 Opinions and Conclusions against the Friars . . . . . . 754 Conclusions and Protestations of Armachanus against the Friars 756 Notes on the Oration of Armachanus 765 1363. A Sermon of Nicholas Orem 769 1370. Notes of Parliaments 783 1371. The Story of John Wickliff 790 1377. View of Ecclesiastical Bewares . . t ...... . 807 Appendix to Vol. II, 811 ACTS AND MONUMENTS. VOL. II. VOL. II. ACTS AND MONUMENTS. BOOK III.' CONTAINING THE THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM THE REIGN OF KING EGBERT TO THE TIME OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. Now remaineth, likewise as before I did in describing the descent and diversity of the seven kings, all together reigning and ruling in this land, so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of those, who, after Egbert, king of the West Saxons, governed and ruled solely, until the conquest of William the Norman ; first ex- pressing their names, and afterwards importing such acts, as in their time happened in the Church worthy to be noted. Albeit, as touch- ing the acts and doings of these kings, because they are sufficiently and at large described, and taken out of Latin writers into the English tongue, by divers and sundry authors, and namely in the History" or Chronicle of Fabian ; I shall not spend much travail thereupon, but rather refer the reader to him or to some other, where the troublesome tumults between the Englishmen and the Danes at that time may be seen, whoso listeth to read them. 1 have fur- nished a table of their names and reigns ; and the acts done under their reigns I have compendiously abridged, using such brevity as the matter would allow. Therein is to be noted, that, before the reign of Edward the Con- fessor, the Danes obtained the crown under their captain, Canute, who reigned nineteen years. Harold Harefoot, son of Canute, reigned about four years ; Hardicanute, son of Canute, two years ; Edward the Confessor, an Englishman, son of Ethelred, twenty- four years ; Harold, son of Earl Godwin, an usurper, one year ; and William the Conqueror, a Norman, reigned twenty-one years and ten months. (1) Edition 1563, p. 10. Eu. 1583, p. 135. Ed. 1596, p. 126. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 150.— N.B. The first eight pages of the Latin Edition of 1559. bring the reader down to an account of the proceed- '°ngs of a Convocation of Bishops, holden at Lambeth, in the time of Wickliff, a.d. 1377 —Ed B 2 lieftain. of Nor- 3 l O « 'So M S B CP - . fc § * g to % 1 & » s 6» s *l ;> O rt fcn2 c! J I o bo S w ;sue •5 ew o C co had is s°° § § — t--T CO £ CN IT THE is son, 1.943 liam, * 1 II., leath tethe icon- Har- ard, his son, ( ther to Wil Emma n. Ethelrec ifter whose i ihe m. 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^ _0 >-< 75 — CO >a cp c •3 e o >SX «5 mS erj P ^ VI a. u 5 a CP K '5 13 cu '— rt — x a >, S3 o & rt bo ^ P » .3 O ^3 O "bb' -d ? C l) J w w "3 S f s s a M § w a a « S- "3 ^3 33 -a' DANISH INVASION OF ENGLAND. 5 EGBERT THE GREAT, first into the north A.D. KING OF THE WEST SAXONS, AFTERWARDS MONARCH OF THE 800. WHOLE REALM. In the reign of Brightric, a little before mentioned, about the year of grace 795, there was in his dominion a noble personage, In this of some called Egbert, of some Ethelbert, of some Ethelbright ; ^ h c e arx who, being feared of the same Brightric, because he was of kingly panes blood and near unto the crown, was, by the force and conspiracy of the aforenamed Brightric, chased and pursued out of the land of JJJJJ* aIld Britain into France, where he endured till the death of the said driv en Brightric ; after the hearing whereof Egbert sped him eftsoons out of ° u agam France unto his country of West-Sax, where he in such wise behaved himself that he obtained the regiment and governance of the above- said kingdom. Bernulph, king of Mercia, abovementioned, and other kings, had a.d. 807 this Egbert in such derision, that they made of him divers scoffing jests and scorning rhymes, all which he sustained for a time. But when he was more established in h*s kingdom, and had proved the minds of his subjects, and especially God working withal, he after- ward assembled his knights, and gave to the said Bernulph a battle, in a.d. 823, a place called Elinden, in the province of Hampton ; l and, notwith- standing in that fight were great odds of number, as six or eight against one, yet Egbert (through the might of the Lord, who giveth victory as pleaseth him) had the better, and won the field ; 2 which done, he seized that lordship into his hand ; and that also done, he made war upon the Kentish Saxons, and at length of them, in like wise, ob- tained the victory. And, as it is in Polychronicon testified, he also a d. 827 subdued Northumberland, 3 and caused the kings of these three king- doms to live under him as tributaries, or joined them to his kingdom.* This Egbert also won from the Britons or Welshmen the town of Chester, 5 which they had kept possession of till this day. After these and other victories, he, peaceably enjoying the land, called a council of his lords at Winchester, where, by their advice, he was crowned king and chief lord over this land, which before that day was called This ]arid Britain ; but then he sent out into all coasts of the land his com- fi»g£ mandments and commissions, charging straitly that, from that day Angiia. forward, the Saxons should be called Angles, and the land Angiia. About the thirtieth year of the reign of Egbert, the heathenish a.d. 832 people of the Danes, which a little before had made horrible destruc- Danes tion in Northumberland, and especially in the isle of Lindisfarn, where Jecond e they spoiled the churches, and murdered the ministers, with men, JJJS 6 ^ women, and children, after a cruel manner, entered now the second 6 land, time, with a great host, into this land, and spoiled the isle of Sheppy in Kent, or near to Kent ; where 7 Egbert, hearing thereof, assembled his people, and met with them at Charmouth : but in that conflict a.d. 833 he sped not so well as he was wont in times before, but with his Apvewo*. (1) " Elindon in Hamptuensi provincia." Polychr. Most of the historians, however, say, " EUandune," i, e. Wilton. — Ed. (2) Of this victory went a proverb,—" Rivus cruore rubuit, ruina restitit, foetore tabuit." (3) See Malmsb. de Gest. Reg. Angl. lib. i. c. 3. [Also Harpsfield, Hist. Eccl. Secul. 8, c. 21.— Ed.] (4) Ex Flor. Hist. (5) " Chester 1 ' here means Caerleon : see vol. i. p. 338, note. — Ed. (6) More correctly, " the third time :" see vol. i. p. 378, note (3). — Ed. (7) " Where " here means " whereupon." " Whereof hearynge, the kynge Egbert," &c. Fabian, —Ed. 6 A BISHOP MADE A KING. Egbert, kniglits was compelled to forsake the field. Notwithstanding, in the A j). next battle, the said Egbert, with a small power, overthrew a great 833. multitude of them, and so drave them back. 1 The next year follow- se7~ ing, the said Danes presuming upon their victory before, made their Appendix. returr) a g a i n i n to the land westward, where joining with the Britons, by their help and power they assailed the lands of Egbert, and did much harm in many places of his dominion and elsewhere ; so that after this day they were continually abiding in one place of the realm of England or other, till the time of Hardicanutc, last king of the Danes 1 blood ; so that many of them were married to English women, and many that now be, or in times past were, called English- men, are descended of them. And albeit that they were many and sundry times driven out of the land, and chased from one country to another, yet, that notwithstanding, they ever gathered new strength and power, that they abode still within the land. England And thus, as by stories appears, this troublesome land of Britain, piagueT 8 now ca ^ e( i England, hath been hitherto by five sundry outward nations by other plagued : first, by the Romans ; then, by the Scots and Picts ; thirdly, by the Saxons ; fourthly, by the Danes, of whose outrageous cruelty and hostility our English histories 2 do most exclaim and complain ; fifthly, by the Normans, who, I pray God, may be the last. Then it folio weth in the story, that the time of this persecution of the aforesaid pagans and Danes continuing, King Egbert, when he had ruled the West Saxons, and over the more part of England, by the term of seven and thirty years, died, and was buried at Win- chester, leaving to his son Ethelwolf his kingdom, who first was bishop of Winchester, (as Hoveden recordeth,) and after, upon neces- sity, made king, leaving withal, and pronouncing this saying to his son, " Felicem fore si regnum, quod multa rexerat industria, ill e consueta genti ill i non interrumperet ignavia." ETHELWOLF. A. D. Ethelwolf, the son of Egbert, in his former age had entered 837. into the order of sub-deacon, as some others say, was made bishop of Winchester; but afterwards, being the only son of Egbert, was made king through the dispensation, as Fabian saith, of Pope Pas- chal : 3 but that cannot be, for Paschal then was not bishop : so that, by the computation of time, it should rather seem to be Gregory IV. 4 This Gregory IV. was the third pope who succeeded after Paschal I., being but four years betwixt them : which Paschal suc- ceeded after Stephen IV., who followed after Leo III., next pope to Adrian above in our history mentioned, where we treated of Charle- magne. 3 From the time of that Adrian I. unto Pope Adrian III. the emperors had some stroke in the election, at least in the con- firmation of the Homan pope. Notwithstanding, divers of those aforesaid popes in the mean time began to work their practices to bring their purpose about ; but yet all their devices could take no full effect before the said Adrian III., as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared ; so that the emperors all this while bare some rule in choosing the popes, and in assembling general councils. Wherefore, (1) Fabian, c. 158. Rog. Moved, lib v. c. I. [See Appendix. — Ed.] (2) Ex Rog. Hoved. lib. v. (3) Guliel. lib. de Gest. Anglor. saith this pope was Leo. IV (4> See Appendix. — Ed. (5) Supra, vol. i. p. 375. TOPE JOAN A WOMAN POPE. 7 by the commandment of Louis, the emperor, in the time of this Eccmas- Gregory IV., a general synod was commenced at Aix-la-Chapelle, mttory where it was decreed by the said Gregory and his assistants : first, AGeneraJ that every church should have sufficient of its own proper lands and synod at revenues to find the priests thereof, that none should need to lack cnapeiie. or go about a begging ; Item, that none of the clergy, of what order Every^ or degree soever they be, should use any vesture of any precious or to have scarlet colour, neither should wear rings on their fingers, unless it be toS^ts when prelates be at mass, or give their consecrations ; Item, that pre- tg lates should not keep too great ports or families, nor keep great horse, nor use dice, or harlots, and that the monks should not exceed measure in gluttony or riot ; Item, that none of the clergy, being either anointed or shaven, should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be conjectured, what pomp and pride in those days had crept into the clergy. Moreover, by the said Pope Gregory IV., at the commandment of Louis, the The Feast emperor, the feast of All Saints was first brought into the church. saints. After this pope came Sergius II., who first brought in the altering The of the popes' names, because he was named before 4 Os porci,' that is, Ses 4 Swine's snout C who also ordained the ' Agnus' thrice to be sung at ^J talter * the mass, and the host to be divided into three parts. divided 5 * After him was Pope Leo IV,, to whom this King Ethel wolf (as in into three this present chapter is hereafter specified) did commit the tuition of parts ^ e his son Alfred. By this Pope Leo IV. it came in, and was first Append,x - enacted in a council of his, that no bishop should be condemned under threescore and twelve witnesses ; according as ye see in the witnesses at the condemnation of Stephen Gardiner orderly practised. Item, contrary to the law of Gregory IV., his predecessor, this pope The ordained the cross, all set with gold and precious stones, to be carried ^o^first before him, like a pope. foTthe 6 " And here next now followeth and cometh in the whore of Babylon pope. [Rev. xix. 2,] rightly in her true colours, by the permission of God, and manifestly without all tergiversation to appear to the whole world : and that not only after the spiritual sense, but after the very letter, and the right form of an whore indeed. For after this Leo abovemen- tioned, the cardinals, proceeding to their ordinary election (after a solemn mass of the Holy Ghost), to the perpetual shame of them and of that see, instead of a man pope, elected a whore indeed to minister sacraments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute deacons, priests, and bishops ; to promote prelates, to make abbots, to consecrate churches and altars, to have the reign and rule of emperors and kings: and so she did indeed, called by name Joan VIII. This woman's a.d. 855 proper name was Gilberta, a Dutch woman of Mayence, who went p 0 ^ oman with an English monk out of the abbey of Fulda in man's apparel called unto Athens, and after, through her dexterity of wit and learning, oan was promoted to the popedom, where she sat two years and six months. At last, openly in the face of a general procession, she fell in labour and travail of child, and so died ; by reason whereof the cardinals, yet to this day, do avoid to come near by that street where this shame was taken. 1 By Benedict III. who succeeded next in the whorish (1) In reference to this event, which has proved a source of lengthened controversy, a monkish poet observes — " Papa Pater Patrum : peperit Papissa Papellum." See Bower's Lives of the Popes: Joan. Also Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 271. See Appendix.— Ed. s MARRIAGES OF PRIESTS FORBIDDEN. BaJettor- see, was first ordained (as most writers do record) the "Dirige" to iiutonj. be said for the dead. Albeit before him, Gregory III. had done in Dirae f that matter worthily for his part already. the dead. After him sat Pope Nicholas I. who enlarged the pope's decrees with many constitutions, equalling the authority of them with the writings of the apostles. He ordained that no secular prince, nor the emperor himself, should be present at their councils, unless in matters concerning the faith; to the end that such as they judged to be heretics, they should execute and murder ; Also, that no laymen should sit in judgment upon the clergy, or reason upon the pope's power ; Item, that no christian magistrate should have any power upon any prelate, alleging that a prelate is called God ; Item, that all church service should be in Latin ; yet, notwithstanding, dispensing with the Sclavonians and Poles to retain still their vulgar language. Sequences Marri- in the mass were by him first allowed. By this pope priests began rmests to be restrained and debarred from marrying : whereof Huldericke, forbidden. D i s hop 0 f Augsburgh, a learned and a holy man, sending a letter unto Appendix. ^ e p 0 p ej gravely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his indiscreet proceedings touching that matter. The copy of which letter, as I thought it unworthy to be suppressed, so I judged it here worthy and meet for the better instruction of the reader to be inserted ; the words thereof here follow, out of Latin into English translated. A learned epistle of Huldericke, bishop of Augsburgh, sent to Pope Nicholas I., proving by probations substantial that priests ought not to be restrained from marriage. 1 Huldericke, bishop only by name, unto the reverend Father Nicholas, the vigilant overseer of the holy church of Rome, with due commendation sendeth love as a son, and fear as a servant. Understanding, reverend Father, your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single life of the clergy, to be far discrepant from all discretion, I was troubled partly with fear, and partly with heaviness. With fear — for that, as it is said, the sentence of the pastor, whether it be just or unjust, is to be feared. For I was afraid lest the weak hearers of the Scripture, who scarcely obey the just sentence of their pastor, much more despise his unjust sentence, should show themselves disobedient to this oppressive, nay intolerable, decree of their pastor. "With heaviness I was troubled, and with compassion — for that I doubted how the members of the body should do, their head being so greatly out of frame. For what can be more grievous or more worthy the compassion of the whole church, than for you, being the bishop of the principal see, to whom appertaineth the exami- nation of the whole church, to swerve never so little out of the right way ! Certes, in this you have not a little erred, in that you have gone about to con- strain your clergy to continency of marriage with imperious tyranny, whom rather you ought to admonish on the subject. For is not this to be counted a violence and tyranny in the judgment of all wise men, when a man is com- pelled by private decrees to do that which is against the institution of the gospel and the suggestion of the Holy Ghost? Seeing then there be so many aoly examples both of the Old and New Testament, teaching us (as you know) holy discretion, I desire your patience not to think it grievous for me to bring a few here out of many. Priests* First, in the old law, the Lord permitteth marriage unto the priests, which mTh^ofd afterward * n tne new law we do not read to be restrained, but in the gospel law per- thus he saith, " There be some which have made themselves eunuchs for the mit ted, in kingdom of heaven, but all men do not take this word; he that can take it, tiie new B 1 ' a " .'' ot (1) Nicholao Domino et Patri, pervipili sanctae Romanae ecclesiae provisori, Huldericus solo torbicu.en. noni x Ilt . episcopus, ;unorem ut Alius, timorem ut servus. Cum tua (O Pater et Domine) decreta super rlericorum continentia, &e. [See the Latin infra, vol. v. p. 3!2, whence this translation is revi>eo ami crroc ed.— En.l PRIESTS MARRIAGES PROVED LAWFUL 0 let him take it." [Matt. xix. 12.] Wherefore the apostle saith, " Concerning Beeletias- virgins, I have no commandment of the Lord, but only I give counsel." [1 Cor. vii. 25.] Which counsel he knowing that all men could not take, L according to the Lord's saying before ; nay — seeing that many professed admi- rers of the said counsel, who sought to please men, not God, by a false pre- tence of continency, actually fell into horrible wickedness Therefore, f lest through the infection of this wicked pestilence the state of the church should be too much perilled, he said, " Because of fornication, let every man have his own wife." [1 Cor. vii. 2.] Touching which saying our false hypo- crites falsely do lie and feign, as though only it pertained to the laity, and not to them. And yet they themselves, seeming to be set in the most holy older, are not afraid to commit adultery, and, as we see with weeping eyes, they all do outrage in the aforesaid wickedness. These men have not rightly understood the Scripture, whose breasts while they suck so hard, instead of milk they suck out blood. For the saying of the apostle, " Let every man have his own wife," [1 Cor. vii. 2,] doth except none in very deed, but him only who hath made a profession of continency, prefix- ing with himself to keep his virginity in the Lord. Wherefore, O reverend Father, it shall be your part to cause and oversee, that whosoever either with hand or mouth hath made a vow of continency, and afterward would forsake it, either should be compelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should be deposed from his order. And to bring this to pass, you shall not only have me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers unto you. But that you may understand, that those who know not what a vow doth mean, are not to be violently compelled there- unto, hear what the apostle saith to Timothy, " A bishop must be irrepre- liensible, the husband of one wife." [lTim.iii. 2 — 12.] Which sentence lest you should turn and apply only to the church, mark what he inferreth after, " He that knoweth not to rule his own household and family, how should he rule the church of God?" "And likewise the deacons," saith he, " let them be the husband of one wife, which have knowledge to govern their own house and children." And this wife, how she is to be blest of the priest, you understand sufficiently, I suppose, by the decrees of holy Sylvester, the pope. To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture agreeth also he that This de- is the writer of the " Rule of the clergy," writing after this manner, "A clerk ^fj^v must be chaste and continent, or else let him be coupled in the bands of to the bi- matrimony, having one wife." 1 Whereby it is to be gathered, that the bishop s] ™f* t *" d and deacon are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they be divided among fnQueen more women than one : otherwise, if they do forsake one under the pretence Mary's of religion, both they together, as well the bishop as the deacon, be here con- time ' demned by the canonical sentence, which, saith, " Let no bishop or priest forsake his own wife, under the colour and pretence of religion. If he do forsake her, let him be excommunicate. And if he so continue, let him be degraded." 2 St. Augustine also, a man of discreet holiness, saith in these words, " There is no offence so great or grievous, but it is to be allowed, in order to avoid a greater evil." Furthermore, we read in the second book of the Tripartite History, that when the Council of Nice, going about to establish the same decree, would enact that bishops, priests, and deacons, after their consecration, either should abstain utterly from their own wives, or else should be deposed; then Paphnutius (one of those holy martyrs of whom the Emperor Maximin had put out the right eye, and hocked their left legs) rising up amongst them, withstood their purposed decree, confessing marriage to be honourable, and asserting the bed of matrimony to be chastity; and so dissuaded the council from making that law, declaring what occasion thereby might come to them- selves and their wives of fornication. And thus much did Paphnutius (being unmarried himself; declare unto them. And the whole council, commending his sentence, gave place thereto, and left the matter freely without compulsion to the will of every man, to do therein as he thought right. Notwithstanding, there be some who take St. Gregory for their defence in this matter, whose temerity I laugh at and ignorance I lament; for they know not how that the dangerous decree of this heresy being made by St. Gregory, (1) Isidore, De Divinis sive Ecclesiasticis Officiis, lib. ii. cap. 2, " de Regulis Clericoiam." — El* iZ) Apost. Can. v.— Ed. 10 PRIESTS 1 MARRIAGES PROVED LAWFUL Ecciesiax- he afterwards well revoked the same, with condign fruit of repentance. For h 'sIo l, P on a certam day, as he sent unto his fishpond to have fish, and did see more lstor y- than six thousand infants' heads brought to him, which were taken out of the Six same pond or moat, he did greatly repent in himself the decree made before heads 3 "/ touc hing the single life of priests, which he confessed to be the cause of that infants so lamentable a murder. 1 And so purging the same (as I said) with condign found in fruit of repentance, he altered again the things which he had decreed before, rnoa^° pe S commencu ng that counsel of the apostle, which saith, " It is better to marry than to burn " [1 Cor. vii. 9] ; adding moreover of himself thereunto, and saying, " It is better to marry than to give occasion of death." Peradventure if these men had read with me this which so happened, I think they would not be so rash in their doing and judging, fearing at least the Lord's commandment, " Do not judge, that you be not judged" [Matt. vii. 4.] And St. Paul saith, " Who art thou that judgest another man's servant ? Either he standeth or falleth to his own master; but he shall stand; for the Lord is mighty and able to make him stand." Therefore let your holiness cease to compel and enforce those whom only you ought to admonish, lest through your own private commandment (which God forbid) you be found contrary as well to the Old Testament as to the New ; for, as St. Augustine saith to Donatus, " This only do we fear about you, lest, in your zeal for righteousness, you should be for punishing transgressors more with reference to the aggravation of their offences than to the tender forbearance of Christ. This we do beseech you for his sake not to do. For transgressions are so to be punished, that the trans- gressors may haply be brought to repentance." Also another saying of St. A saying Augustine we would have you to remember, which is this : — "Nilnocendi fiat of St. Au- cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate, et nihil fiat immaniter, nihil inhu- gustme. man it er ." that is, " Let nothing be done through the greediness of hurting, but all things through the charity of profiting ; neither let any thing be done cruelly, nothing ungently." Item, of the same Augustine it is written, " In the fear and name of Christ I exhort you, which of you soever have not the goods of this world, be not greedy to have them ; such as have them, presume not too much upon them. For I say, to have them is no damnation ; but if you presume upon them, that is damnation, if for the having of them you shall seem great in your own sight, or if you do forget the common condition of man through the excellency of any thing you have. Use therefore therein due discretion, tempered with moderation." The which cup of discretion is drawn out of the fountain of the apostolic preaching, which said, ' Art thou loose from thy wife ? do not seek for thy wife. Art thou bound to thy wife? seek not to be loosed from her.' [1 Cor. vii. 27.] Where also it followeth, ' Such as have wives, let them be as though they had them not, and they that use the world To marry let them be as not using it.' Item, concerning the widow he saith, 'Let her in the marry to whom she will, only in the Lord/ [1 Cor. vii. 39.] To marry in Lord ' the Lord is nothing else, but to attempt nothing in contraction of matrimony, which the Lord doth forbid. Jeremy also saith, ' Trust not in the words of lies, saying, The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord.' [Jer. vii. 4.] The which saying of Jeremy, Hierome expoundeth thus, " This may agree also, and be applied, to such virgins as brag and vaunt of their virginity, with an impudent face pretending chastity when they have What a another thing in their conscience, and know not how the apostle defmeth the virgin is virgin, that she should be holy in body, and also in spirit. For what availeth bjfthef *he chastity of the body, if the mind inwardly be unchaste, or if it have not apostle, the other virtues, which the prophetical sermon doth describe?" The which virtues forsomuch as we see partly to be in you, and because we are not ignorant that this discretion, although neglected in this part, yet in the other actions of your life is kept honestly of you, we do not despair but you will also soon amend the little lack which is behind; and therefore (though not so severely as we might, so serious is the offence) we do blame and condemn this your negligence. For although, according to our common calling, a -,,/,cndix. bishop is greater than a priest, yet Augustine was less than Hierome, and a (1) Bishop Hall, In his " Honour of the Married Clergy," book iii. sect. 2 & 3, vindicates the genuineness of this letter against the cavils of his popish adversary, and in reference to this par- ticular passage, says, " As for the number of children, I can say no more for it than he can against it. This history shall be more worth to us than his denial. Eut this I dare say, that 1 know persons both of credit and honour, that saw betwixt fifty and three score cast up out of the little mote of an abbey where I now live. Let who list cast up the proportion." See Appendix. — En BY BISHOP HULDERICKE, 11 gcod correction proceeding from the lesser to the greater is not to be refused Ecdesias- or disdained, especially when he who is corrected is found to strive against the Meal truth, to please men. For, as St. Augustine saith, writing to Boniface, " The u ory ' disputations of men, be they never so catholic or approved persons, ought not to be placed on a par with the canonical Scriptures, as though we may not dis- approve or refuse (saving the reverence which is due unto them) any thing that is in their writings, if any thing therein be found contrary to the truth, as dis- covered through divine aid either by ourselves or others." And what can be found more contrary to the truth than this, viz. that when the Truth him- self, speaking of continency, not of one only, but of all (the number only excepted of them which have professed continency), saith, " He that can take, let him take;" these men, moved I cannot tell by what cause, do turn and say, " He that cannot take, let him be accursed?" And what can be more foolish with men or displeasing to God, than when any bishop or arch- deacon run themselves headlong into all kinds of lust, yet shame not to say, f that the chaste marriage of priests is in ill savour with them ; and do not, with the compassion of real righteousness, entreat their clerks, as their fellow- servants, to contain, but with the pride of mere pretended righteousness com- mand them and enforce them violently, as servants, to abstain? Unto the which imperious commandment of theirs, or counsel (whichever you will call it), they add also this foolish and scandalous suggestion, saying, " that it is more honest The ab- privily to have to do with many women, than apertly in the sight and con- surd say- science of many men to be bound to one wife." The which truly they would contrary not say, if they were either of Him, or in Him, who saith, " Woe to you doing of Pharisees, which do all things before men." And so the Psalmist, " Because Pa P ists - they please men they are confounded, for the Lord hath despised them." [Ps. liii. 5.] These be the men who ought first to persuade us that we should shame to sin privily in the sight of Him, to whom all things be open, and then that we seem in the sight of men to be clean. These men therefore, although through their sinful wickedness they deserve no counsel of godliness to be given them, yet we, not forgetting our humanity, cease not to give them counsel, by the authority of God's word, which seeketh all men's salvation, desiring them by the bowels of charity, and saying with the words of Scripture, " Cast out, thou hypocrite, first the beam out of thine own eye, and then thou shalt see to cast the mote out of the eye of thy brother." Moreover, this also we desire them to attend to, what the Lord saith of the adulterous woman, " Which of you that is without sin, let him cast the first stone against her." As though he would say, " If Moses bid you, I also bid you. But yet I require you that be the competent ministers and executors of the law, take heed what you add thereunto; take heed also, I pray you, what you are yourselves : for if, as the Scripture saith, thou shalt well consider thyself, thou wilt never defame or detract from another." Moreover, it is signified unto us also, that some there be of them, who, when they ought like good shepherds to give their lives for the Lord's flock, yet are they puffed up with such pride, that without all reason they presume to rend and tear the Lord's flock with whippings and beatings ; whose unreasonable doings St. Gregory bewailing, thus saith, " Quid fiat de ovibus quando pastores lupi fiunt?" that is, " What shall become of the sheep when the pastors them- selves be wolves?" But who is overcome, but he who exerciseth cruelty? Or who shall judge the persecutor, but He who gave patiently his back to stripes? But it is worth while to learn the fruit w 7 hich cometh to the church by such persecutors, also which cometh to the clergy by such despiteful handling of their bishops, more like infidels. (Nay — why may I not call them infidels, of whom St. Paul thus speaketh and writeth to Timothy ; that " in the latter days there shall certain depart from the faith, and give heed to spirits of error and doctrine of devils ; that speak false through hypocrisy, having their con- sciences marked with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats." [1 Tim. iv. 1 — 3.]) This, then, if it be well marked, is the bundle which will grow from their darnel and cockle sown amongst the corn ; this is all the event of their madness ; that while they of the clergy be compelled through a Pharisaic frenzy (which God forbid) to relinquish the company of their own lawful wives, they must become vile ministers of forni- cation and adultery and other sinful filthiness, through the fault of those which brought into the church of God this heresy, as blind guides leading the blind ; that it might be fulfilled which the Psalmist speaketh of such leaders in 12 THE DANES AGAIN INVADE ENGLAND. Etheiu-oif. error, accursing them after this manner, "Let their eyes be blinded, that they see not, and bow down always their back." [Ps. lxix. 23.] 'J~' Forsomuch then, O apostolical sir! as no man who knoweth you, is igno- rant, that if you through the light of your wonted discretion had understood and seen what poisoned pestilence must come into the church through the sentence of this your decree, you would never have consented to the suggestions of certain wicked persons ; therefore, we counsel you, by the fidelity of our due subjection, that with all diligence you put away so great slander from the church of God, and through your discreet discipline remove this Pharisaical doctrine from the flock of God . so that this only Shulamite of the Lord's (using no more adulterous husbands) do not separate the holy people and the kingly priesthood from her spouse which is Christ, through an irrecoverable divorcement : seeing that no man without chastity (not only in the virgin's state, but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, liveth and reigneth for ever. Amen. 1 By this epistle of Bishop Huldericke above prefixed the matter is plain, gentle reader, to conceive what was then the sentence of learned men concerning the marriage of ministers : but here, by the way, the reader is to be admonished, that this epistle, which by error of the writer is referred to Pope Nicholas I., in my mind is rather to be attributed to the name and time of Nicholas II. or III. After this Pope Nicholas succeeded Adrian II., John VIII., and Martinus II. After these came Adrian III. and Stephen V. By Appendix, this Adrian it was first decreed, That no emperor after that time should intermeddle or have any thing to do in the election of the pope ; and thus began the emperors first to decay, and the papacy to swell and rise aloft. 2 Thus much concerning Romish matters for this time. Then to return where we left, touching the story of King Ethel- wolf. About the beginning of his reign, 3 the Danes, who before had invaded the realm in the time of King Egbert, as is above declared, a.d. 838. now made their re-entry again, with three and thirty ships arriving about Hampshire ; through the barbarous tyranny of whom much bloodshed and murder happened here among Englishmen, in Dorset- shire, about Portsmouth, in Kent, in East Anglia, in Lindsey, at Rochester, about London, and in Wessex, where Ethelwolf, the king, was overcome, besides divers other kings and dukes, whom the Danes, daily approaching in great multitudes, in divers victories had put to flight. At length King Ethelwolf, with his son Ethelbald, a.d. 852. warring against them in Southery, at Ocley, drave them to the sea ; where they hovering a space, after a while burst in again with horrible rage and cruelty, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so much as to our purpose shall serve, professing in this history to write of no matters extern and politic, but only pertaining to the church. The cause of this great affliction sent of God unto this realm, thus I found expressed, and collected in a certain old written story, which hath no name : the words of which writer, for the same cause as he thought to recite them, (writing, as he saith, "ad cautelam tutur/orum,*") I thought also for the same here not to be omitted, albeit in all parts of his commendation I do not fully with him accord. The words of the writer be these : 4 — (1) Invenitur haec epistola in vetustis membranaceis libris (testante Illyrico in catalogo.) Mem'nit ejusdem epistola; iEneas Sylvius, in sua peregrinatione, et Germaniae descriptione. (2) Martinus Polonus.— Ed. ,3) Foxe, misled by Fabian, says, " the latter end:" see Appendix. — En. (4) " In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiva, religio clarissinie resplenduit : ita ut Reges et Reginae, et Principes ac Duces, Consules, et Barones," etc.— Ex vetusto exemplo historiae Carianae. W. C. 1. [The passage is found in M. Westm., and with very little variation in Hoveden, Script post fled. p. 412, and Brompton : see infra, p. 108, note (1).— Ed.] CAUSES OF GODS WRATH AGAINST ENGLAND. J 6 " In the primitive church of the Englishmen religion did most clearly shine, Etheiwoifi insomuch that kings, queens, princes and dukes, consuls, barons, and rulers of churches, incensed with the desire of the kingdom of heaven, labouring and A. D. striving among themselves to enter into monkery, into voluntary exile, and ^52. solitary life, forsook all, and followed the Lord. But, in process of time, all The virtue so much decayed among them, that in fraud and treachery none seemed causes of like unto them : neither was to them any thing odious or hateful, but piety and justice ; neither any thing in price or honour, but civil war and shedding whereby of innocent blood. Wherefore, Almighty God sent upon them pagan and cruel *^ t. Tealra nations, like swarms of bees, which neither spared women nor children, as i an( j ^as Danes, Norwegians, Goths, Swedes, Vandals, and Frisians : who, from the scourged beginning of the reign of King Ethelwolf till the coming of the Normans, D y a JJ^ by the space of nearly two hundred and thirty years, destroyed this sinful land from the one side-of-the-sea to the other, from man also to beast. For why ? they, invading England ofttimes of every side, went not about to subdue and possess it, but only to spoil and destroy it. And if it had chanced them at any time to he overcome of the English, it availed nothing, since other navies with still greater power in other places were ready upon a sudden and unawares to approach them." Thus far have you the words of mine author, declaring the cause which provoked God's anger: whereunto may be adjoined the wickedness, not only of them but of their forefathers also before them, who, falsely breaking the faith and promise made with the Britons, did cruelly murder their nobles, wickedly oppressed their commons, impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, injuriously possessed their land and habitation, chasing the inhabitants out of house and country ; besides the violent murder of the monks of Bangor, and divers foul slaughters among the poor Britons, who sent for them to be their helpers. 1 Wherefore God's just recompence falling upon them from that time, never suffered them to be quiet from foreign enemies, till the coming of William the Norman. Moreover, concerning the outward occasions given of the English- The first men's parts, moving the Danes first to invade the realm, I find SSS°f in certain stories two most specially assigned ; the one unjustly Danes - given, and justly taken, the other not given justly, and unjustly taken. 2 Of the which two, the first was given in Northumber- land, by the means of Osbright, reigning under-king of the West Saxons, in the north parts. This Osbright upon a time journeying by the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles, called Bruer, who, having at home a wife of great beauty (he being absent abroad), the king after his dinner, allured with the excellency of her beauty, did sorely ill treat her : whereupon, she being greatly dismayed and vexed -f in her mind, made her moan to her husband returning, of this violence and injury received. Bruer consulting with his friends, first went to the king, resigning into his hands all such service and pos- sessions which he did hold of him : that done, he took shipping and sailed into Denmark, where he had great friends, and had his bringing up before. There, making his moan to Codrinus the king, he desired codrinus his aid in revenging the great villany of Osbright against him and and k in g ' his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to have some iust quarrel f T uar and to enter their land, levied an army with all speed, and preparing all captains things necessary for the same, sendeth forth Inguar and Hubba, Danes, two brethren, his chief captains, with an innumerable multitude of Danes, into England ; who first arriving at Holderness, there burnt (t) See vol. i. pp. 313, 338.— Ed. (2) Ex Historia Jornalensi. INVASION OF THE DANES. E'heitvoif . up the country, and killed without mercy both men, women, and A. D. children, whom they could lay hands upon ; then marching towards 852. York, entered their battle with the aforesaid Osbright, where he AD . 867 . with the most part of his army was slain ; and so the Danes entered Another possession of the city of York. Some others say, and it is by the th U com- most P art °f stor .v writers recorded, that the chief cause of the coming the° f °^ I n o uar an( i Hubba with the Danes, was, to be revenged of King Danes. Edmund, reigning under the West Saxons over the East Angles in Norfolk and Suffolk, for the murdering of a certain Dane, father to Inguar and Hubba, which was falsely imputed to King Edmund. The story is thus told. 1 " A certain nobleman of the Danes, of the king's stock, called Lothbroke, father to Inguar and Hubba, entering upon a time with his hawk into a certain skiff or cock-boat alone, by chance, through tempest, was driven with his hawk to the coast of Norfolk, named Rudham, where he, being found and detained, was presented to the king. The king understanding his parentage, and seeing his case, entertained him in his court accordingly ; and every day more and more perceiving his activity and great dexterity in hunting and hawking, bare special favour unto him, insomuch that the king's falconer, or master of game, bearing privy envy against him, secretly, as they were hunting together in a wood, did murder him, and threw him into a bush. This Lothbroke, being murdered, within two or three days began to be missed in the king's house ; of whom no Murder tidings could be heard, but only by a dog or spaniel of his, which con- wiu out. |. mum g m ^ e wooc i w ith the corpse of his master, at sundry times came and fawned upon the king, so long that at length they, following the trace of the hound, were brought to the place where Lothbroke lay. Whereupon inquisition being made, at length, by certain cir- cumstances of words and other evidences, it was known how and by whom he was murdered, that was by the king's huntsman, named Berike ; who thereupon being convicted, was put into the same boat of Lothbroke, alone, and without any tackling, to drive by seas, and thus either to be saved by the weather, or to be drowned in the deep. And as it chanced Lothbroke from Denmark to be driven to Norfolk, so it happened that from Norfolk Berike was cast into Denmark, where the boat of Lothbroke being well known, hands were laid upon him, and inquisition made of the party. In fine, in his torments, to save himself, he uttered an untruth of King Edmund, saying, ' That the king had put Lothbroke to death in the county of Norfolk.' Whereupon grudge first was conceived, then an army appointed, and great multitudes sent into England to revenge that fact, where first they arriving in Northumberland, destroyed, as is said, those parts first. From thence sailing into Norfolk, they exercised the like tyranny there upon the inhabitants thereof, especially upon the inno- cent prince and blessed martyr of God, King Edmund. 1 '' Concerning the further declaration whereof hereafter shall follow (Christ our Lord so permitting) more to be spoken, as place and observation of time and years shall require. This Ethelwolf had especially about him two bishops, whose counsel he was most ruled by, Swithin, bishop of Winchester, and Adelstan, (1) See vol. i. p. 325, note (3).— Ed. BLIND IGNORANCE. bisliop of Sherborne. Of the which two, the one was more skilful in Ethei^ temporal and civil affairs touching the king's wars, and filling of his ~AA)~ coffers, and other furniture for the king. The other, which was 855. Swithin, was of a contrary sort, wholly disposed and inclined to spiri- swithin tual meditation, and to minister spiritual counsel to the king ; who winciief- had been schoolmaster to the king before. Wherein appeared one ter - good condition of this king's nature, among his other virtues, not only in following the precepts and advertisements of his old schoolmaster, but also in that he, like a kind and thankful pupil, did so reverence his bringer-up and old schoolmaster (as he called him), that he ceased not, till he made him bishop of Winchester, by the consecra- tion of Celnoch, then archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning Monkish the miracles which are read in the church of Winchester, of this J^edof Swithin, them I leave to be read together with the Iliads of Homer, swithin. or the tales of Robin Hood. This Ethelwolf (as being himself once nuzled in that order) was always good and devout to holy church and religious orders, inso- much that he gave to them the tithe of all his goods and lands in West Saxony, with liberty and freedom from all servage and civil charges ; whereof his chart instrument beareth testimony after this tenor proceeding, 1 much like to the donation of Ethelbald, king of Mercians above mentioned. Regnante in perpetuum Domino nostro Jesu Christo, in nostris temporibus per bellorum incendia, et direptiones opum nostrarum, necnon et vastantium crudelissimas deprsedationes hostium barbarorum, paganarumque gentium multiplices tribulationes affligentium nos pro peccatis nostris usque ad inter- necionem, tempora cernimus incumbere periculosa. Quamobrem, ego Ethel- wulfus Rex occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum et principum meorum, consilium salubre atque uniforme remedium affirmavi : ut aliquam portionem terrse mese, Deo et beatse Marise et omnibus Sanctis jure perpetuo possidendam concedam, decimam scilicet partem terrsemese, ut sit tuta muneri- bus et libera ab omnibus servitiis secularibus, necnon regalibus tributis majori- bus et minoribus, sive taxationibus, quas nos Witteredden appellamus : sitque omnium rerum libera, pro remissione animarum et peccatorum meorum, ad serviendum soli Deo, sine expeditione, et pontis constructione, et arcis muni- tione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis preces ad Deum sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum servitutem in aliquo levigamus. Placuit autem episcopis ecclesise Scire- burnensis Alstano, et Winton Switheno, cum suis abbatibus et Dei servis, viris scilicet et fceminis religiosis quibus supradicta collata sunt beneficia, consilia inire, ut omnes fratres et sorores omni hebdomada, die Mercurii, hoc est Wed- nesday, in unaquaque ecclesia cantent psalmos 50 et unusquisque presbyter duas missas, unam pro rege, et aliam pro ducibus ejus in hunc modum con- sentientibus, pro salute et refrigerio delictorum suorum. Postquam autem defuncti fuerimus, pro rege defuncto singulariter, et pro ducibus communiter. Et hoc sit firmiter constitutum omnibus diebus Christianitatis, sicut libertas constituta est, quamdiu fides crescit in gente Anglorum. Scripta est autem haec donationis charta, anno gratise 855 indictione quarta quinto nonas No- vemb. in urbe Wentana ante majus altare beati Petri apostoli. Hereby it may appear, how and when the churches of England began first to be endowed with temporalities and lands, also with Jnorance privileges and exemptions enlarged : moreover (and that which spe- l[^ ose cially is to be considered and lamented), what pernicious doctrine this was, wherewith they were led thus to set remission of their sins and remedy of their souls, in this donation and such other deeds of (1) Ex Flor. Hist. [Lond. 1570, p. 307 ; Francof. 1601, p. 158. The Latin in the text is accord- ing to the printed copies, from which Foxe a little varies.— Ed.] Appendi: 16 STORY OF LOUIS THE PIOUS, KING OF FRANCE. Etheiwoif. their devotion, contrary to the information of God's word, and with 7 D no small derogation from the Cross of Christ. 856.' These things thus done within the realm, the said Etheiwoif, the a~d~ 857 k m &' taking his journey to Rome with Alfred, his youngest son, committed him to the bringing up of Pope Leo IV., where he also re-edified the English school at Rome ; which, being founded by King OfFa, or rather by Ine, king of Mercians, as in the ' Flowers of Histories ' is affirmed, was lately, in the time of King Egbert his Peter father, consumed with fire. Further and besides, this king gave and through granted there unto Rome, of every fire-house a penny to be paid granted™ through his whole land, as King Ine in his dominion had done before, to Rome. Also, he gave and granted, yearly to be paid to Rome, 300 marks , bestowed that to the maintaining of the lights of St. Peter, ] 00 marks ; daylight to tne % nts °f St. Paul, 100 marks ; to the use of the Pope also another hundred. 1 This done, he returning home through France, Oct. ist, married there Judith, the daughter of Charles the Bald, the French A D 856 ' king ; whom he restored afterward (contrary to the laws of West Saxons) to the title and throne of a queen. For before, it was decreed among the West Saxons, by the occasion of wicked Ethelburga, who poisoned Brightric, her own husband, that after that, no king's wife there should have the name or place of a queen. And forsomuch as I have here entered into ti e mention of Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald, the occasion thereof putteth me in memory here to insert by the way a matter done, although not in this realm, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiastical history. And first, to deduce the narration thereof from the first original. The father of this Charles the Bald, whose name was Louis, the first of that name, called " the Pious," king of France, had two wives; whereof by the first he had three sons, Lothaire, Pepin, and Louis : which three sons unnaturally and unkindly conspiring against their father The and his second wife, with her son, their youngest brother, persecuted J^e him so that through a certain council of lords spiritual and temporal, an5 n do- S ^ ne y deposed the same their natural and right godly father, dispos- ingsofthe sessing and discharging him of all rule and dominion. Moreover, lords. 1131 they caused him to renounce his temporal habit, enclosing him in the monastery of St. Mark, for a monk, or rather a prisoner. All which done, they divided his empire and kingdom among themselves. Thus was Louis the Pious of impious sons left desolate. But the power of God which worketh, when all earthly power ceaseth, of his divine mercy so aided and recovered him out of all his tribu- lation to this imperial dignity again, that it was to all his enemies confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way. By his second wife, whose name was Judith, 2 he had this Charles the Bald, here mentioned. Which Judith was thought, and so accused to the pope, to be within such degree of alliance, that by the pope's law she might not continue his wife without the pope's dispensation. Frederic It so fell out in the mean time, that this Louis, the emperor, Utrecht, had promoted a young man named Frederic, to be bishop of Utrecht, and to him had given sad and good exhortation, that he remembering (1) See the Latin conveyance, infr&, p 652. — Ed. (2) There were two Judiths, one the mother of Charles the Bald, the other his daughter, whom King Etheiwoif married. STORY OF LOUIS THE PIOUS, KING OF FRANCE. 17 and following the constancy of his predecessors, would maintain right Bthmoif. and truth without all exception of any person, and punish misdoers ~a7d7 with excommunication, as well the rich as the poor ; with such like 856. words of godly counsel. Frederic, hearing the king thus say, sitting at dinner with him as the manner was, being newly invested, in these words answered the emperor again : " I thank your majesty," saith he, " who with your so wholesome exhortation put me in mind of my profession. But I beseech you, of your benign favour and patience, that I may freely disclose that which hath long encumbered and pierced my conscience." To whom leave being given, thus he began : " I pray you, lord emperor, to show me herein your mind 11 (point- openly ing to the fish before him), " whether it is more according to pro- nt™°tb priety to attack this fish here present, beginning first at the head or^^tEt at the tail P" 1 " What a tale is this P 11 quoth the emperor, " of the table, tail and of the head P 11 " At the head, 11 quoth he. Then Frederic, taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth : " Even so let it be, lord emperor," saith he, " as you have said. Let christian faith and charity first begin with yourself, as with the head, admonishing you to cease from your fact and error, that your subjects by that example be not emboldened to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you your unlawful wedlock, which you have made with Judith your near kinswoman. 11 These words of the new bishop, although they moved Louis the emperor not a little, yet he with a gentle modesty and modest silence was contented, suffering the bishop to go home in peace. But the word being uttered in such an audience could not be so concealed, but spread and burst out in much talk in the whole court, and especially among the bishops, consulting earnestly with themselves about the matter. Through whose counsel and labour so at length it fell, that the emperor was constrained to leave the com- pany of his wife, till he had purchased a license of the bishop of Rome to retain her again, who then forgave the said bishop all that was past. But the woman hired two knights that slew him in his vestments, when he had ended his mass. Ranulphus and Malmsbury 2 give forth judged of this story in his great commendation, that he died a martyr; whereof many'*. I have not to judge, nor here to pronounce, but that rather I think him to be commended in his dying, than the woman for her killing. And forsomuch as mention hath been made of Louis the Pious, here is to be noted, that in France then were used by priests and churchmen precious and shining vestures, and golden and rich staring girdles, with rings and other ornaments of gold. Wherefore the said Louis purchased of the bishop of Rome a correction for all such as used such disordinate apparel, causing them to wear brown and sad colours, according to their sadness. 3 Of this Louis the papists do feign, that because he converted certain of their church-goods and patrimony to the wages of his sol- diers, " his body, 11 say they, " was carried out of his tomb by devils, and was no more seen. 11 And thus a little having digressed out of our course, now let as return out of France into England again. King Ethelwolf, coming (1) " Utrum piscem liunc mensae appositum honestius est a capite an a cauda aggredlf Malinsb.— Ed. (2) Gul. lib. de Pontif. (3) Fabian. VOL. II., C 18 YORK BURNED BY THE DANES. Ethetwoif. now from Rome by the country of France, was now returned again ^ Y) into his own dominion, where he continued not long after, but 857. departed, leaving behind him four sons, who reigned every one in his order, after the decease of their father; the names of whom were Etheiwoif Ethelbald, Ethelbright, Ethelred, and Alfred or Alured. deceas- ' ° ' 7 eth. ETHELBALD, ETHELBRIGHT, AND ETHELRED I. A.D. King Ethelbald, the eldest son of Etheiwoif, succeeding his father 857 . in the province of W est Sax, and Ethelbright in the province of Appfndix. Kent, reigned both together the term of five years, one with the other. Of the which two, Ethelbald, the first, left this infamy be- hind him in stories, for marrying and lying with his stepmother, wife a.d. 866. to his own father, named Judith. After these two succeeded Ethel- Etheired. red, the third son, who in his time, was so encumbered with the Danes York bursting in on every side, especially about York, which city they byth? then spoiled and burnt up, that he in one year stood in nine battles Danes, against them, with the help of Alfred his brother. In the beginning of this king's reign, the Danes landed in East England, or Norfolk and Suffolk. But, as Fabian writeth, they were compelled to forsake that country, and so took again shipping, and sailed northward, and landed in Northumberland, where they were met by the kings then there reigning, called Osbright and Ella, who gave them a strong fight ; but, notwithstanding, the Danes, with the help of such as inhabited the country, won the city of York, and held it a certain season, as is above foretouched. In the reign of this Ethelred I., the Northumberlanders rebelling against the king, thought to recover the former state of their kingdom out of the West Saxons' hands ; by reason of which discord, as hap- peneth in all lands where dissension is, the strength of the English nation was thereby not a little weakened, and the Danes the more thereby prevailed. a.d. 87o. About the latter time of the reign of this King Ethelred I., which was about a.d. 870, certain of the aforesaid Danes being thus pos- sessed of the north country, after their cruel persecution and murder done there, as partly is touched before, took shipping from thence, intending to sail toward the East Angles, who by the way upon the sea met with a fleet of Danes, whereof the captains or leaders were named Inguar and Hubba ; who, joining all together in one council, made all one course, and lastly landed in East England, or Norfolk, st. Ed- and in process of time came to Thetford. Thereof hearing, Edmund, Sng of t nen under-kin g of that province, assembled a host that gave to them Angles battle ; but Edmund and his company were forced to forsake the field, and the king, with a few persons, fled unto the castle of Framling- ham, whom the Danes pursued ; but he in short while after yielded himself to the persecution of the Danes, answering in this manner to the messenger, who addressed him in the name of Inguar, prince of the Danes, " who most victoriously, 11 saith he, " was come with innu- merable legions, subduing both by sea and land many nations unto him ; and so now arrived in those parts requireth him likewise to submit himself, yielding to him his hid treasures, and all other goods INGUAR AND HUBBA SLAIN. 19 of his ancestors, and so to reign under him : which thing if he would stheired. not do, he should," said he, u be judged unworthy both of life and a.D. reign. 1 '' Edmund, hearing of this proud message of the pagan, con- 870. suited with certain of his friends, and among others, with one of his bishops, who was then his secretary ; who, seeing the present danger of the king, gave him counsel to yield to the conditions. Upon this the king pausing a little with himself, at length rendered this answer, bidding the messenger go tell his lord in these words, " that Edmund, a christian king, for the love of temporal life, will not submit himself to a pagan duke, unless he first would be a Christian Immediately upon the same, the wicked and crafty Dane, approaching in most hasty speed upon the king, encountered with him in battle, as some say, at Thetford ; where the king being put to the worse, and pitying the terrible slaughter of his men, think- ing with himself rather to submit his own person to danger, than that his people should be slain, did fly, as Fabian saith, to the castle The per- of Framlingham, or, as mine author writeth, to Halesdon, now anTmar- called St. Edmundsbury, where this blessed man, being on every g rd ^™ of side compassed by his cruel enemies, yielded himself to their per- mund, secution. And, for that he would not renounce or deny Christ the g East and his laws, they therefore most cruelly bound him unto a tree, and ^vS' caused him to be shot to death ; and, lastly, caused his head to be Danes, smitten from his body and cast into the thick bushes; which head and body at the same time by his friends were taken up, and solemnly buried at the said Halesdon, otherwise now named St. Edmunds- bury : whose brother, named Edwold, notwithstanding of right the kingdom fell next unto him, setting apart the liking and pleasure of the world, became a hermit, of the abbey of Cerne, in the county of Dorset. After the martyrdom of this blessed Edmund, when the cruel Danes had sufficiently robbed and spoiled that country, they took again their ships, and landed in Southery, and continued their journey till they came to the town of Reading, and there won the town with Reading the castle, where, as Cambrensis saith, within three days of their *j£ en by coining thither, the aforesaid Inguar and Hubba, captains of the Danes, Danes, as they went in pursuit of their prey or booty, were slain at guar and a place called Englefield. These princes of the Danes thus slam, g^n^ the rest of them kept whole together, in such wise that the West App s e e n e dix Saxons might take of them no advantage, but yet, within a few days after, the Danes were holden so short, that they were forced to issue out of the castle and to defend themselves in open battle ; in the which, by the industry of King Ethelred and of Alfred his brother, the Danes were discomfited, and many of them slain, which discomfort made them fly again into the castle, and there keep them for a certain time. The king then committing the charge of them to Ethelwold, duke of Baroke, or Berkshire, departed. But when the Danes knew of the king's departure, they brake suddenly out of Duke their hold, took the duke unprovided, and slew him and much Etfcei- of his people ; and so, joining themselves with others that were slain, scattered in the country, embattled them in such wise, that of them was gathered a strong host. As the tidings hereof were brought to King Ethelred, which put 20 DEATH OF ETHELRED. Ethetred. him in great heaviness, word also was brought the same time of A.D. the landing of Osrick, king of Denmark, who, with the assistance 872. of the other Danes, had gathered a great host, and were embattled 0srick> upon Ashdon. To this battle King Ethelred, with his brother Denmark Alfred, forced by great need, hastened, to withstand the Danes, at landethm' which time the king a little staying behind, being yet at his service, England. ^Ajf rec ^ was come in before, had entered already into the whole fight with the Danes, who struck together with huge violence. 1 The king being required to make speed, and being then at service and meditations, such was his devotion, that he would not stir out one foot before the service was fully complete. In the meanwhile, the Danes so fiercely invaded Alfred and his men, that they won invoca- the hill, and the christian men were in the valley, and in great danger prTyer to lose the field. Nevertheless, through the grace of God, and their rtme le godly manhood, the king coming from his service, with his fresh of battle, soldiers, recovered the hill of the infidels, and so discomfited the Danes Danes that day, that in flying away not only they lost the victory, but over- most part of them their lives also, insomuch that their duke or king, Sdon 31 Osrick or Osege, and £ve of their other dukes, with much of their people were slain, and the rest chased unto Reading town. After this the Danes yet re-assembled their people, and gathered a new host, so that within fifteen days they met at Basingstoke, and there gave battle to the king, and had the better. Then the king again gathered his men, which at that field were dispersed, and with fresh soldiers accompanying them, met the Danes, within two Another months after, at the town of Merton, where he gave them a sharp Merton. battle, so that much people were slain as well of the Christians as of the Danes ; but, in the end, the Danes had the honour of the field, and King Ethelred was wounded, and therefore fain to save himself. After these two fields thus won by the Danes, they obtained great circuit of ground, and destroyed man and child that would not yield to them ; and churches and temples they turned to the use of stables, and other vile occupations. Thus the king, being beset with enemies on every side, seeing tire land so miserably oppressed of the Danes, his knights and soldiers consumed, his own land of West Saxons in such desolation, he being also wounded himself, but specially for that he, sending his commis- sions into Northumberland, Mercia, and East Anglia, could have of them but small or little comfort, because they, through wicked rebellion, were more willing to take the part of the Danes than of their king, was sore perplexed therewithal, as the other kings were both before him and after him at that time, so that (as Malmesbury witnesseth) " magis optarent honestum exitium, quam tarn acerbum imperium : ' that is, " they rather wished honestly to die, than with Death of such trouble and sorrow to reign.'" And thus this king not long after ' deceased, when he had reigned, as Fabian saith, eight years, or, as Malmesbury writeth, but five years, during which time, notwith- standing his so great troubles and vexations in martial affairs (as is in some stories mentioned), he founded the house or college of canons (1) Ex Guliel. M. Imeshuriensi. Ex Historia Jornalensi. Ex Fabiano et aliis. ALFRED CROWNED AT ROME. 21 at Exeter, and was buried at the abbey of Wimborne, in Dorset- Aifre g. shire, after whose decease, for lack of issue of his body, the rule of ~aId. the land fell unto his brother Alfred. 872. See Appendix. ALFRED, 1 OTHERWISE CALLED ALURED. Among the Saxon kings hitherto in this history mentioned, I find few or none to be preferred, or even to be compared, to this Alfred, or Alured, for the great and singular qualities in this king, worthy of high renown and commendation — whether we behold in him the valiant acts and manifold travails which he continually, from time to time, sustained against his enemies in war, during almost all the time of his reign, for the public preservation of his people ; or whether we consider in him his godly and excellent virtues, joined with a public and tender care, and a zealous study for the common peace and tranquillity of the weal public, appearing as well in his prudent laws by him both carefully set forth, and with the like care executed, as also by his own private exercises touching the virtuous institution of his life ; or, lastly, whether w r e respect that in him, which with equal praise matcheth with both the others before, that is, his notable knowledge of good letters, with a fervent love and King princely desire to set forth the same through all his realm, before his ^iour, s time being both rude and barbarous. All these heroical properties, [ e i ^ , i * nd joined together in one prince, as it is a thing most rare, and seldom earmng " seen in princes now a-days, so I thought the same the more to be noted and exemplified in this good king, thereby either to move other rulers and princes in these our days to his imitation, or else, to show them what hath been in times past in their ancestors, which ought to be, and yet is not found in them. Wherefore, of these three parts to discourse either part in order, first we will begin to treat of his acts and painful travails sustained in defence of the realm public, against the raging tyranny of the Danes, as they are described in the Latin histories of Roger Hoveden and Huntingdon, whom Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow. King Alfred, therefore, the first of all the English kings, taking his crown and unction at Rome of Pope Leo 2 (as Malmesbury and Polychro- nicon do record), in the beginning of his reign, perceiving his lords and people much wasted and decayed by reason of the great wars which Ethelred had against the Danes, yet, as well as he could, gathered a strength of men unto him ; and, in the second month that he was made king, he met with the Danes beside Wilton, where he gave them battle ; but being far over-matched through the multitude of the contrary part, he was put there to the worse, though not without a great slaughter of the pagan army, which army of the Danes, (1) Edition 1563, p. 11. Ed. 1583, p. 141. Ed. 1596, p. 127. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 157.— Ed. (2) Pope John VIII., the hundred and sixth bishop of Rome, was chosen a.d. 872, the year that Alfred obtained the government of his realm. The Leo to whom our author refers, was Leo IV. to whom Alfred was sent at the age of four years, to be educated, [a.d. 854.] Asserius, who wrote Alfred's life, informs us that Leo confirmed him, adopted him for his son, and anointed him king <" took his crown and unction at Rome," as Foxe observes), but of what kingdom neither that writer, nor any other has informed us. T3ie kingdom of West Saxons was then held by his father, who had three sons older than Alfred.— Ed. 22 INCREASE OF THE DANES. Alfred, after that victory, by compact made with King Alfred to depart out A.D. °f his dominion of West Sax, removed from Reading to London, 878. where it abode all that winter. Halden their king, making truce Burthred tnere w ^ tn Burthred, king of Mercia, the following year left those expelled parts, and drew his men to Lindsey, robbing and spoiling the towns dom kl dfe" s and villages as they went, and holding the common people under at Rome. serv itude. From thence they proceeded to Repingdon, where, joining with the three other kings of the Danes, called Surdrim, Osketell, and Hamond, they grew thereby to mighty force and strength : then, dividing their army into two parts, the one half remained with Halden in the country of Northumberland ; the residue were with the other three kings, wintering and sojourning all the next year at Grantbridge, which was the fourth year of King a.d. 875. Alfred. In that year King Alfred's men had a conflict on the sea with six of the Danes 1 ships, of which they took one, the others fled Roiio, away. In the next year went Rollo, the Dane, into Normandy, fir?tduke where he was duke thirty years, and afterward was baptized in the mandy °^ ^h 1 ^' an d named Robert. The aforesaid army of the three see Danish kings above-mentioned, from Grantbridge returned again to West Saxony, and entered the Castle of Wareham, where King Alfred, with a sufficient power of men, was ready to assault them ; but the Danes seeing his strength durst not encounter with him, but sought delays till more aid might come. In the mean season they were constrained to entreat for a truce, leaving also sufficient pledges in the king's hand ; promising, moreover, upon their oath, to leave the country of the West Saxons. The king, upon this surety, let Appendix, them go ; but they, falsely breaking their league, privily in the night brake out, taking their journey toward Exeter, during which journey Appfndix. they lost six score of their small ships by a tempest at Swanawic, as Henry Huntingdon in his story recordeth. Then King Alfred followed after the horsemen of the Danes, but could not overtake them before they came to Exeter, where he took of them pledges and fair promises of peace, and so returned. Notwithstanding, the number of the pagans did daily more and more increase, insomuch (as one of my authors saith) that if in one day thirty thousand of them were slain, shortly after they increased to double as many. a.d. 877. After this truce taken with King Alfred, the Danes withdrew to the land of Mercia, part of which kingdom they kept themselves, and part they committed to one Ceolulphus, upon condition that he should be vassal to them, and at their commandment, with his people at all times. a d. 878. The next year ensuing, which was the seventh year of the reign of Alfred, the Danes now having all the rule of the north part of England, from the river Thames, with Mercia, London, and Essex, disdained that Alfred should have any dominion on the other side of Thames southward. Whereupon the aforesaid three kings, with all the forces and strength they could gather, marched toward Chippenham, in West Sax, with such a multitude, that the king with his people was not able to resist them ; insomuch that of the people which inhabited there, some fled over the sea, some remained with the king, and divers submitted themselves to the Danes. Thus King Alfred being- overset with a multitude of enemies, and forsaken ALFRED ENTERS THE DANISH CAM P. 23 of his people, having neither land to hold, nor hope to recover that Alfred. which he had lost, withdrew himself with a few of his nobles about a.D. him, into a certain wood country in Somersetshire, called Etheling, 878. where he had right scant to live upon, but such as he and his people Alfred might procure by hunting and fishing. This Edeling, or Etheling, ^wood 10 or Ethelingsey, which is to say, the Isle of Nobles, standeth in a great marsh or moor, so that there is no access to it without ship or boat, and hath in it a great wood called Selwood, and in the middle a little plain, about two acres of ground : in this isle is venison, and other wild beasts, with fowl and fish in great plenty. In this wood King Alfred, at his first coming, espied a certain desert cottage of a poor swineherd, keeping swine in the wood, named Dunwolf ; by whom the king, then unknown, was entertained and a swine- cherished with such poor fare as he and his wife could make him, for Se which King Alfred afterwards set the poor swineherd to learning, wScEes- and made him bishop of Winchester. ter. In the mean time, while King Alfred, accompanied with a few, was thus in the desert wood, waiting the event of these miseries, according to certain stories a poor beggar there came and asked alms of the king ; and the night following he appeared to the king in his sleep, saying, his name was Cuthbert, promising (as sent from God unto him for his good charity) great victories against the Danes. But let these dreaming fables pass, although they be testified by divers authors. 1 Notwithstanding, the king, in process of time, was more strengthened and comforted, through the providence of God, respecting the miserable ruin of the English. First, the brother of King Halden the Dane, before-mentioned, coming in with three and thirty ships, landed about Devonshire, where by chance being resisted by an ambushment of King Alfred's men, who for their safeguard there lay in garrison, they were slain to the number of 1300 men, and their Api * e ndix ensign, called the Raven, was taken. Hoveden, in his book called 4 Continuationes," 1 writeth, that in the same conflict both Inguar and Hubbawere slain among the other Danes. 2 After this, King Alfred being better cheered, showed himself more at large ; so that daily resorted to him men of Wiltshire, Somersetshire, and Hampshire, till he was strongly accompanied. Then the king put himself in a bold and dangerous venture, as Alfred write Malmesbury, Polychronicon, and Fabian, who followeth them Jftothe* both. For he, apparelling himself in the habit of a minstrel, being ^^ sh very skilful in all Saxon poems, with his instrument of music, entered into the tents of the Danes, lying then at Eddington. There, while showing his interludes and songs, he espied all their sloth and idleness, and heard much of their counsel ; and after, returning to his company, declared to them the whole manner of the Danes. Shortly upon this, the king suddenly in the night fell upon the a. p. srs aforesaid Danes, distressed and slew of them a great multitude, and chased them from that coast, insomuch that through his strong and valiant assaults upon his enemies out of his tower of Edeling newly fortified, he so incumbered them, that he clearly voided the country Append) (1) Guliel. Malmesb. lib. de Reg.; Polychronicon, Rog. Hoveden; Jornalensis; Henr. Hunting, ib. v. de Hist. Aug. (2) See page 19.— Ed. 24 SIEGE OF ROCHESTER. J'fred. of them, between that and Sehvood. His subjects soon hearing of A.D. these his valiant victories and manful deeds, drew to him daily out 890. of all coasts ; so that through the help of God, and their assistance, he held the Danes so short, that he won from them Winchester and divers other good towns. Briefly, he at length forced them to seek for peace, which was concluded upon certain covenants, whereof one, and the principal was, that the beforenamed Gutrum, their king, should be christened ; the other was, that such as would not be christened should depart, and leave the country. Gutrum, Upon these covenants, first the said Gutrum, the Danish prince, ponce o com - n g tQ Winchester, was there christened with twenty of his greatest JJfri"' dukes or nobles, which Gutrum King Alfred, being his godfather named"" 1 Da P^ sm » named Athelstan. Having, after a certain season, Athei- feasted the said Danes, Alfred, according to his promise before made, Norfolk & ave unto tneu * tne country of East Anglia, containing Norfolk and saf- and Suffolk, and part of Cambridgeshire. Moreover, as saith Poly- t^hmV. 011 chronicon, he granted to the Danes that were christened the country Arplndix. of Northumberland; so the residue that would not be christened departed the land, and sailed into France, where what vexation and harm they wrought, the chronicles of France do partly com- prehend. King Athelstan thus having the possession of these countries, had all East Anglia under his obedience ; and, albeit that he held the said province as in fee of the king, and promised to dwell there as his liege man, yet, notwithstanding that, he continued more like a tyrant by the term of eleven years, and died in the twelfth year ; during which space, King Alfred, having some more rest and peace, repaired certain towns and strong holds before by the Danes The nun- impaired ; also he builded divers houses of religion, as the House of shaSes 0 - Nuns at Shaftesbury ; another religious house at Etheling he founded ; Eihefin- anotner m Winchester, named the New Monastery ; and also endowed and the 0 ' richly the Church of St. Cuthbert in Durham. He, likewise, sent to at win- India to pay and perform Iris vows to St. Thomas of Ind, which he buiu er ma de during the time of his distress against the Danes. a.d. 886. About the fifteenth year of the reign of Alfred, the Danes App/ndix. returning from France to England, landed in Kent, and so came to Rochester and besieged that city, and there lay so long that they builded a tower of timber against the gates of the city : but, by strength of the citizens, that tower was destroyed, and the city defended, till King Alfred came and rescued them ; whereby the Danes were so distressed, and so near trapped, that for fear they left their horses behind them, and fled to their ships by night. But the king, when he was thereof aware, sent after them, and took sixteen of their ships, and slew many of the Danes. This done, the king returned to London, and repaired the same honourably (as saith Hoveden), and made it habitable, which before was sore decayed and enfeebled by the Danes. a.d. son. The fourth year after this, which was the nineteenth year of the Ap$£dix. reign of King Alfred, the aforesaid Athelstan, the Danish king of Norfolk, who was before christened by Alfred, deceased. Not long after this, about the one and twentieth year of this king's reign, the Danes again landed in four places of this land ; namely, in DEFEAT OF THE DANES. %0 East England, and in the north, and in two places in the west. Before Alfred. the landing of these Danes it chanced that King Alfred, having heard a.D. of the death of King Athelstan, and of other complaints of the 897. Danes, was in East Anglia when these tidings came to him. When King Alfred was hereof assured that some of the Danes The were landed on that coast, thinking with themselves the further they JJJJJJ went in those parts the less resistance to have and the more speed, g°™ olk as they were wont to have before ; Alfred, sending messengers 1 a*^ in all haste to Ethelred, duke of Mercia, to assemble him a host to withstand the Danes, who landed in the west, made forth toward his enemies there, where he was in East Anglia, whom he pursued so sharply, that he drove them out from those parts. They then landed in Kent, whither the king with his people sped him ; and in like manner drave the Danes from thence, without any great fight, so far as in our authors we can see. After this, the Danes took shipping again and sailed, into North Wales, and there robbed and Jjjj 1 ™ t0 spoiled the Britons, and from thence returned by the sea into East wales. Anglia, with a hundred ships, and there rested themselves, inasmuch as the king was then gone westward. The fourth host of the Danes the same year came to Chester, which at Driven length they won ; but the country adjoining pressed so sorely upon Chester, them, and besieged them so long, keeping them within the city, that c^J leon -j at last, wearied with the long siege, they were compelled to eat &* their own horses for hunger. But, by appointment, at last they AppenAtx ' gave up the town, and. went about by North Wales to Northum- berland, which was about the three and twentieth year of King Alfred. In the mean while Alfred with his host sped him thither- ward. Then the Danes, leaving their strong holds and castles garnished with men and victual, took again shipping, and fet their course in such wise that they landed in Sussex, and so came to the port of Lewes, and from thence toward London, and builded a tower or castle near the river Ley, twenty miles from London. But the Londoners hearing thereof, manned out a certain number of men at arms, who, with the assistance of them of that country, put the Danes Dnven from that tower, and afterwards beat it to the ground. Soon after, the £°™ eSt king came down thither, and, to prevent the dangers that might ensue, commanded the river Ley to be divided into three streams, so The rivei that where a ship might sail in times before, a little boat might then scarcely row. From thence the Danes, leaving their ships and wives, into three were forced to fly that country, and took their way again toward stream3, Wales, and came to Quadruge, near the river Severn ; where, upon the borders thereof, they builded a castle, and rested themselves for a time, but the king with his army soon pursued them. In the mean time the Londoners at Ley, taking the Danish ships, brought some of them to London, and the rest they fired. During these three years, from the first coming of the Danes to Ley, England was afflicted with three kinds of sorrows ; with the Danes, with Three pestilence of men, and with murrain of beasts ; notwithstanding F^ln! 9 which troubles the king manfully resisted the malice of his enemies, gland> and thanked God ahvays, what trouble soever fell to him, or to his realm, sustaining it with great patience and humility. These three years overpast, the next following, which was the eight and twentieth 26 CHARACTER OF KING ALFRED. Alfred, of the reign of Alfred, the Danes divided their host, of whom part A.D. went to Northumberland, part to Norfolk ; others sailed over to 901. France, and some came to West Sax, where they had divers conflicts ^ with the Englishmen, both by land, and especially upon the sea ; Danes' 0 f whom some were slain, many perished by shipwreck, divers others taken, were taken and hanged, and thirty of their ships were captured. a.d. 897. -^- 0 £ j on g a fl- er this, King Alfred, when he had reigned twenty- a.d. 901 n i n e years and six months, exchanged this mortal life. And thus much, and more, peradventure, than will seem to this our eccle- siastical history appertaining, touching the painful labours and travails of this good king; which he no less valiantly achieved than patiently sustained, for the necessary defence of his realm and subjects. character Now, if there be any prince who listeth to see and follow the Alfred, virtuous and godly disposition of this king, both touching the institution of his own life, and also concerning his careful govern- ment of the common-weal, thus the histories of him do record: that at what time he, being young, perceiving himself somewhat disposed to carnal indulgences, and thereby hindered from many virtuous purposes, did not, as many young princes and kings'* sons in the world be now wont to do, that is, resolve themselves into all kind of carnal license and dissolute sensuality, running and following without bridle, whithersoever their license given doth lead them ; as therefore, not without cause, the common proverb reporteth of them, that " kings' sons learn nothing else well but only to ride meaning thereby, that while princes and kings'* sons have about them flatterers, who bolster them in their faults, their horses yield to them no more than to any other, but if they sit not fast, they will cast them. But this young king, seeing in himself the inclination of his fleshly nature, and minding not to give himself so much as he might take, but rather by resistance to avoid the temptation thereof, His godly besought God that he would send him some continual sickness to prayer. q Uencn that vice, whereby he might be more profitable to the public business of the commonwealth, and more apt to serve God in his calling. 1 Then, at God's ordinance, he had the evil called Ficus till he came to the age of twenty years, whereof at length he was cured (as is said in some histories) by a virgin called Modwen, an Irish woman. After this sickness being taken away, to him fell another, which continued with him from the twentieth to the forty-fifth year of his age (according to his own petition and request, made unto God), whereby he was the more reclaimed and attempered from the other greater inconveniences, and less disposed to that which he did most abhor. Moreover, to behold the bountiful goodness, joined with like prudence, in this man, in the ordering and disposing his riches and rents, it is not unworthy to be recited, how he divided his goods into two equal parts, 2 the one appertaining to uses secular, the other to uses spiritual or ecclesiastical ; of the which two principal paits, the first he divided into three portions, namely, one to the (1) Cestren. lib. v. cap. 1. Fab. cap. 17. (2) IVjychron. lib. v. cap. 1. Guliel. Malmesb. lib. de Regibus. HIS GODLY LAWS. 27 behoof of his house and family ; one to the workmen and builders Alfred. of his new works, wherein he had great delight and cunning ; and one ~A.D. to strangers. Likewise the other second half upon spiritual uses, he 901. did thus divide in four portions ; one to the relieving of the poor, another to monasteries, the third portion to the schools of Oxford jj^™ 1 for the maintaining of good letters, the fourth he sent to foreign churches without the realm. This also is left in stories written in his commendation for his great tolerance and sufferance, that when he had builded the new monastery at Winchester, and afterward his son Edward had purchased of the bishop and the chapter a sufficient piece of ground for certain offices to be adjoined unto the same, and had given for every foot of ground, " marcam auri pleni ponderis" (which was, as I think, a mark of gold or more), yet Alfred therewithal was not greatly discontented to see his coffers so wasted. Over and besides, how sparing and frugal he was of time, as of a How well thing in this earth most precious, and how far from all vain pastimes he d S pent y and idleness he was, this doth well declare, which in the story of time - Malmesbury and other writers is told of him ; namely, that he so divided the day and night in three parts, if he were not let by wars or other great business, that eight hours he spent in study and learning, other eight hours he spent in prayer and almsdeeds, and other eight hours he spent in his natural rest, sustenance of his body, and the needs of the realm ; which order he kept duly by the burning of waxen tapers kept in his closet by persons appointed for that purpose. 1 How studious he was and careful of the commonwealth, and *^ s s godly maintenance of public tranquillity, his laws, most godly set forth and devised by him, may .declare ; wherein especially by him was provided for the extirpation and abolishing of all theft and thieves out of the realm, whereby the realm, through his vigilant care, was brought into such tranquillity, or rather perfection, that in every cross or turning-way, he made to be set up a golden brooch, at least of silver gilded, throughout his dominions, and none so hardy, neither by day nor night, to take it down ; for the more credit whereof, the words of the Latin story be these, " armillas aureas juberet suspendi, quae viantium aviditatem irritarent, dum non essent qui eas abriperent." 2 And no great marvel therein, if the realm in those days was brought into such an order, and justice so well ministered, when the king himself was so vigilant in overseeing the doings of his judges and officers ; whereof thus also we read in the said author testified : " judiciorutn a suis hominibus factorum inquisitor perperam actorum asperrimus corrector," i. e. "he was," saith mine author, speaking of the king, " a vigilant inquisitor of the doings of his judges, and a strict punisher of their misdoings. ,, Jornalensis also writing upon the same, saith, " he did diligently search out the doings of his officers, and especially of his judges, so that if he knew any of them to err, either through covetousness or unskilfulness, them he removed from their office.'' 13 (1) Guliel. Malmesb. lib. de regibus Angl. (2) Ibid. (3) " Facta ministrorum suorum et potissime judicum diligenter investigavit, adeo ut quos ex avaritia aut imperitia errare cognosceret, ab officio removebat."— Ex Hist. Jornalensi. ^tf ALFRED S ENCOURAGEMENT OF LEARNING. Alfred. And thus much concerning the valiant acts and noble virtues of A.D. this worthy prince ; whereunto, although there were no other 901. ornaments adjoining besides, yet sufficient were they alone to set forth a prince worthy of excellent commendation. Now, besides these other qualities and gifts of God's grace in him above-mentioned, King remaineth another part of his no little praise and commendation, com- which is his learning and knowledge of good letters, wherein he not forlearn- on ty was excellently expert himself, but also a worthy maintainer of l g nin >■ same through all his dominions. Where, before his time, no use first en- of grammar or other sciences was practised in this realm, especially in En- ed about the west parts of the land, there, through the industry of this gland. king, schools began to be erected and studies to flourish. Although Chester among the Britons, in the town of Chester, in South Wales, long ieon],T before that, in King Arthur's time, as Galfridus writeth, 1 both learning, grammar and philosophy, with other tongues, were taught. After that, some writers record that in the time of Egbert, king of Kent, this island began to flourish with philosophy. About which time univer- some also think that the university of Granchester, near to that Gran°- f which now is called Cambridge, began to be founded by Bede, cam- erby foUo wm g this conjecture therein, for that Alcuinus, before-mentioned, bridge, who after went to Rome, and from thence to France, in the time univer- of Charlemagne, where he first began the university of Paris, Paris. was first trained up in the exercise of studies at the same school of Granchester. Bede 2 also, writing of Sigebert, king of East Anglia, declareth how that king, returning out of France into England, according to the examples which he did there see, ordered and disposed schools of learning, through the means of King si- Felix, then bishop, and placed in them masters and teachers, after fmnder the use and manner of the Cantuarites. And yet before these of schools. ti mes? moreover, it is thought that there were two schools or Two an- universities within the realm; the one for Greek, at the town of schools Greglade, which afterward was called Kirkelade; the other for Latin, gland, a ^ a place then called Latinlade, afterward Lethelade, near Oxford. Greek 1 "^ u ^ now ever it chanced that the knowledge and study of good the other letters, once planted in this realm, afterward went to decay, yet for Latin. jQ n g Alfred deserveth no little praise for restoring, or rather A PV en ix. mcreasm g tn e same ; after whose time they have ever since con- tinued, albeit not continually through every age in like perfection. But this we may see, what it is to have a prince learned himself, who, feeling and tasting the price and value of science and knowledge, is thereby not only the more apt to rule, but also to instruct and frame his subjects from a rude barbarity, to a more civil congruity of life, and to a better understanding of things, as we see in this famous prince to happen. Concerning his first education and bringing up, although it was somewhat late before he entered on his letters, yet, such was the apt towardness and docility of his nature, that being a child he had the Saxon Poems, a» they were used then in his own tongue, by heart and memory. Afterwards with years and time he grew up in such perfection of learning and knowledge that, as mine author saith, " nullus Anglorum fuerit vel intelligendo acutior, vel interpretando elegantior which (1) Lib. ix. cap. 12. See Appendix. (2) Beda, lib. iii. cap. 18. See Appendix. HIS LITERARY WORKS ?.9 thing in him the more was to be marvelled at, for that he was twelve Alfred. years of age before he knew any letter. Then his mother, careful a.D. and tender over him, having by chance a book in her hand, which 901. he would fain have, promised to give him the same, so that he ST" would learn it. 1 Whereupon he, for greediness of the book, soon Earned the letters, having for his schoolmaster Pleimundus, after- pie-mim- wards bishop of Canterbury. And so daily grew he more and £ e ™ hert0 more in knowledge, that, at length, as mine author saith, "aKingAi- great part of the Latin library he translated into English, converting after- to the uses of his citizens a notable prey of foreign ware and bishop of merchandize." 2 Of the books by him and through him translated, canter- . bury were Orosius, the Pastoral of Gregory, the History of Bede, Boetius Books 1 de Consolatione Philosophise; 1 also a book of his own making and in JXTof his own tongue, which in the English speech he called a Hand-book, Jj^ n d by in Greek called Enchiridion, in Latin a Manual. Besides the History of Bede, translated into the Saxon tongue, he also himself compiled a story in the same speech, called, ' The Story of Alfred," both which books, in the Saxon tongue, I have seen, though the language I do not understand. As he was learned himself excellently well, so likewise did he inflame all his countrymen to the love of liberal letters, as the words of the story reporteth : " he exhorted None ac* and stirred his people to the study of learning, some with gifts, any C dig-° some by threats, suffering no man to aspire to any dignity in the jjjty ex- court except he were learned. 1 "' 3 Moreover, another story thus saith, were speaking of his nobles : " also his nobles so much he did allure to learned - the embracing of good letters, that they sent all their sons to school ; or if they had no sons, yet their servants they caused to be learned ;" 4 whereby the common proverb may be found, not so common as true, " such as is the prince, such be the subjects." He began, The moreover, to translate the Psalter into English, and had almost finished the same, had not death prevented him. 5 In the prologue ^J'J of the book, 6 thus he writeth, declaring the cause why he was by King so earnest and diligent in translating good books from Latin into Alfre(L English ; showing the cause thereof why he so did, as folio weth : 7 " the cause was, for that innumerable ancient libraries, which were kept in churches, were consumed with fire by the Danes ; and that men had rather suffer peril of their life than follow the exercises of studies ; and therefore he thought thereby to provide for the people of the English nation." 7 It is told of him, both by Polychronicon, Malmesbury, Jornalensis, and other historians, whereof I have no names, that he, seeing his country to the westward to be so desolate of schools and learning, partly to profit himself, partly to furnish his country and subjects with better knowledge, first sent for Grinbald, a learned See Appemlia (1) Ex Hist. Guliel. Malmesb. de Regib. Ang. (2) " Plurimam partem Romanae Bibliothecae Anglorum auribus dedit, opimam praedam pere- grinarum mercium civium usibus converters." (3) " Illos prasmiis, hos minis hortando, neminem illiteratum ad quamlibet curiae dignitatem aspirare permittens." (4) " Optimates suos ad discendam literaturam adeo provocavit, ut ipsi filios snos, vel, si filios non haberent, saltern servos suos, si ingenio pollerent, concessa libertate Uteris commendarent." — Polychron. lib. vi. cap. 1. (5) Guliel. Malmesb. de Regib. Ang. (6) Entitled, " Pastorale Gregorii." (7) " Quod Ecclesiae, in quibus innumerae priscse Bibliothecae continebantur, cum libris a Danis incensae sint : quodque in tota insula studium literarum ita abolitum esset, ut qmsque minus timeret capitis periculum, quam studiorum exercitia adire. Qvapropter se in hoc Anglis suis consulere," &c. SO JOHANNES SCOTUS. Wed, monk, out of France, to come into England : he also sent for another A.D. learned man out of Wales, whose name was Asserius, whom he 901. made bishop of Sherborne ; and out of Mercia he sent for Werefrith, Learned" bishop of Worcester, to whom he gave the Dialogues of Gregory forand nt *° ^ e translated. But chiefly he used the counsel of Neotus, who about 1 the ^ en was coun ted for a holy man, an abbot of a certain monastery, king. in Cornwall, by whose advisement he sent for the learned men arf abbot a ^ ove recited, and also first ordained certain schools of divers arts at The Oxford, and enfranchised the same with many great liberties ; l and uni- thereof perhaps the school now called New College first then begun versity of by this Neotus, might take its name; which afterwards, perad venture, begun by the bishops of Winchester, after a larger manner, did re-edify and Alfred, enlarge with greater possessions. Johannes Moreover, among other learned men who were about King Alfred, scotus. histories make mention of Johannes Scotus, a godly divine and a learned philosopher ; but not that Scotus whom now we call Duns, for this Johannes Scotus came before him many years. This Johannes is described to have been of a sharp wit and of great eloquence, and well expert in the Greek tongue, pleasant and merry of nature and con- ditions, as appeareth by divers of his doings and answers. First, lie coming to France out of his own country of Scotland, by reason of the great tumults of war, was there worthily entertained, and Append^, for his learning had in great estimation of Charles the Bald, the French king ; who commonly and familiarly used ever to have him about him, both at table and in chamber. Upon a time the king sitting at meat, and seeing something (belike in this John Scot) which seemed not very courtly, cast forth a merry word, asking him what difference there was betwixt a Scot and a sot ? Whereunto the His an- Scot, sitting over against the king somewhat lower, replied again the 1 10 suddenly rather than advisedly, yet merrily, saying, " mensa tantum, 11 French t na t " table only importing thereby himself to be the Scot, and so calling the king a sot by craft ; which word how other princes would have stomached I know not, but this Charles, for the great reverence he bare to his learning, turned it but to laughter among his nobles, and so let it pass. Another time the same king being at dinner was served with a certain dish of fish, wherein were two great fishes and a little one. After the king had taken thereof his repast, he set down to John Scot the aforesaid fish, to distribute unto the other two clerks sitting there with him, who were two tall and mighty persons, he himself being but a little man. John taketh the fish, of the which the two great ones he taketh and carveth to himself, while the little fish he reacheth to the other two. The king, perceiving his division thus made, reprehended the same. Then John, whose manner was ever to find out some honest matter to delight the king, answered him again, proving his division to stand just and equal : " for here, 11 saith he, " be two great ones and a little one, 11 pointing to the two great fishes and himself, " and likewise here again is a little one and two great pointing to the little fish, and the two great persons . " I pray you, 11 saith he, " what odds is there, or what (1) GvJiel. Maimesb. ; Jornalensis; Fabian, c. 171 . king Alfred's children. 31 distribution can be more equal ?* Whereat the king with his nobles _Aifred. being much delighted, laughed merrily. A.D. At the request of this Charles, sirnamed Bald, the French king, this 901. Scotus translated the book of Dionysius, entitled, " De Hierarchic Johannes from Greek into Latin, word for word, " quo fit, 11 as my author s t ™^ ates saith, " ut vix intelligatur Latina litera, quum nobilitate magis Grseca, Dkmy- quam positione construitur Latina." He wrote also a book, ' De Hierar- Corpore et Sanguine Domin]V which was afterward condemned by the fntoLatin Pope, in the council of Vercelli. The same John Scot, moreover, App s e e n e dix . compiled a book of his own, giving it a Greek title, ' Ylspi (j>vaiK(ov ^Laipicretov,' that is, 4 De naturae divisione ; ' in which book (as saith my aforesaid author) is contained the resolution of many profitable questions, but so that he is thought to follow the Greek church rather than the Latin, and for the same was counted of some to be a heretic ; because in that book some things there be which in all points accord not with the Romish religion. Wherefore the p Ope, Is ac- writing to the said King Charles of this Scotus, complaineth, as in the e p 0 pe his own words here folio weth : — " relation hath been made unto jj s er a etic our apostleship, that a certain man called Johannes, a Scottish man, hath translated the book of Dionysius the Areopagite, of the names of God and of the heavenly orders, from Greek into Latin ; which book, according to the custom of the church, ought first to have been approved by our judgment ; namely, seeing the said John, albeit he be said to be a man of great learning and science, in time past, hath been noted by common rumour, to have been a man not of upright or sound doctrine in certain points. 1 " 1 For this cause, the said Scotus being constrained to remove from France, came into England, allured, as some testify, by the letters of Alured, or Alfred, by whom he was with great favour entertained, and was con- versant a great space about the king; till, at length (whether before or after the death of the king, it is uncertain), he went to Malmes- bury, where he taught certain scholars a few years, by whom at last most impiously he was murdered and slain with their penknives, siain by and so died, as stories say, a martyr, buried at the said monastery scholars, of Malmesbury with this epitaph. " Clauditur in tumulo sanctus sophista J ohannes, Qui ditatus erat jam vivens dogmate miro. Martyrio tandem Christi conscendere regnum Qui meruit, regnans secli per secula cuncta." King Alfred having these helps of learned men about him, and no less learned also himself, past his time not only to the great utility and profit of his subjects, but also to a rare and profitable example of other christian kings and princes for them to follow. This aforesaid Alfred had by his wife, called Ethelwitha, two sons, Edward and Ethel ward ; and three daughters, Elfleda, Ethelgora, The chn- and Ethelguida : " quas omnes liberalibus fecit artibus erudiri ; 11 that Alfred! is, " whom he set all to their books and study of liberal arts," as my story testifieth. First, Edward, his eldest son, succeeded him (1) " Relation est apostolatui nostro, quod opus Dionysii Areopagitse, quod de divinis nominibus et de coslestibus ordinibus Graeco descripsit eloquio, quidam vir Johannes (genere Scotus) nuper transtulit in Latinum. Quod, juxta morem Ecclesiae, nobis mitti, et nostro judicio debuit appro- bari ; praesertim quum idem Johannes (licet multas scientiae esse prasdicetur) olim non sane sape/e in quibusdam frequenti rumore dicatur," &c. Alfred's death, ecclesiastical affairs. Aijr ed. in the kingdom; the second son, Ethel ward, died before his father; A.B. Ethelgora, his middle daughter, was made a nun ; the other two 901. were married, the one in Merceland, the other to the earl of Flanders. Thus King Alfred, that valiant, virtuous, and learned prince, after he had thus christianly governed the realm for the term of twenty- ofKhig n * ne 3 rears anc ^ s * x mon ths, departed this life, 5 Cal. Novemb. a. d. Alfred. 901, and lieth buried at Winchester. Of Alfred this I find, more- A,D " 901 ' over, greatly noted and commended in history, and not here to be forgotten, for the rare example thereof, that, wheresoever he was, 01 whithersoever he went, he bare always about him in his bosom or pocket a little book containing the Psalms of David, and certain other orisons of his own collecting, whereupon he was continually reading or praying whensoever he was otherwise vacant, having leisure thereunto. Finally, what were the virtues of this famous king, this little table hereunder written, which is left in ancient writing in remembrance of his worthy and memorable life, doth sufficiently, in few lines, contain. 1 bishops of ^ n ^ ne s t° rv °f this Alfred, a little above, mention was made of canter- Pleimund, schoolmaster to the said Alfred, and also bishop of Can- terbury, as succeeding Ethelred there bishop before him; which AppfZir Pleimund governed that see thirty-four years. After Pleimund succeeded Athelm, who sat twelve years, and after him, Ulfelm, who sat thirteen years. Then followed Odo, a Dane, born in the said Apt/'*.* see of Canterbury, who governed the same tw r enty years, being in great favour with King Athelstan, King Edmund, and Edwin, as in process hereafter (Christ willing), as place and order doth require, shall more at large be expressed. Eccierias- As touching the course and proceedings of the Romish bishops 'fairs. 0 ' 1 ' there, where I last made mention of them, I ended with Pope Stephen V. 2 After his time was much broil in the election of the Nine bishops of Rome, one contending against another, insomuch that nine* to vvi ^ mn the space of nine years were nine bishops, of whom the first years was Formosus, who succeeded next unto the forenamed Stephen V., (1) " In Regis Alfredi, et virtutis illius claram memoriam : — Famosus, bellicosus, victoriosus ; viduarum, pupillorum, et orphanorum, pauperumque, provisor studiosus ; poetarum Saxonicorum peritissimus ; suae genti charissimus, affabilis omnibus, liberalissimus ; prudentia, fortitudine, temperantia, justitia praeditus ; in infirmitate, qua continue laborabat, patientissimus ; in exe quendis judiciis indagator discretissimus, in servicio Dei vigilantissimus et devotissimus, Anglo- Saxonum Rex Alfredus, piissimi Ethelul.fi films, 29 annis sexque mensibus regni sui peractis mortem obiit. Indict. 4. quinto cal. Novemb. leria quarta, et Wintonias in novo monasterio sepultus, immortalitatis stolam et resurrectionis gloriam cum justis expectat," &c. Moreover, in the history of Henry of Huntingdon, these verses I find written in commendatio-i cf the same Alfred, made, as I suppose and by his words appeareth, by the said author, whereo' I thought not to defraud the reader. The words thereof here follow : Epitaphium Regis Alfredi. Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem, Armipotens Alfrede, dedit, probitasque laborem, Perpetuumque labor nomen: cui mixta dolori Gaudia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori. Si modo victor eras, ad crastina bella pavebas, Si modo victus eras, ad crastina bella parabas. Cui vestes sudore jugi, cui sica cruore Tincta jugi, quantum sit onus regnare, probarunt Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi, Cui tot in adversis nil respirare liceret. Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum, Aut gladio potuit vitas finisse dolores. Jam post transactos vitas regnique labores Christus ei sit vera quies, sceptrumque pereime. (2) See page 12. Stephen V.— Ed See Appemtis. SCHISMS AMONG THE POPES. S3 being made pope against the mind of certain in Rome, that would Ecciesias- rather Sergius, then deacon of the church of Rome, to have been affair*. pope : notwithstanding, Mars and money prevailed on Formosus' ~~ part. This Formosus, of whom partly also is mentioned in other places of this ecclesiastical history, 1 being before bishop of Porto, a sea- Ap ^ dia port near Rome, had, on a time, I know not upon what causes, offended Pope John VIII., by reason whereof, for fear of the pope, he voided away, and left his bishopric, and because he, being sent for again by the pope, would not return, therefore was excommunicated. At length, coming into France to make there his satisfaction unto the pope, he was degraded from a bishop into a secular man's habit, swearing to the pope that he would no more re-enter into the city of Rome, nor claim his bishopric again ; subscribing, moreover, with his own hand, to continue from that time in the state of a secular person. But then Pope Martin, the next pope after John, released the said Formosus of his oath, and restored him again unto his bishopric ; whereby Formosus not only entered Rome again, but also obtained shortly after the papacy. Thus he being placed in the popedom, there arose a great doubt or controversy among the schisms divines about his consecration, whether it was lawful or not ; some ^°p 0 p ea . holding against him, that forsomuch as he was solemnly deposed, degraded, unpriested, and also sworn not to reiterate the state ecclesiastical, therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise than for a secular man. Others alleged again, that whatsoever Formosus was, yet for the dignity of that order, and for the credit of them whom he ordained, his consecration ought to stand in force, especially seeing the said Formosus was afterward received and absolved by Pope Martin from that his perjury and degradation. In the mean time, Appendix. as witnesseth Sigebert, this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulph for aid against his adversaries ; who then marching to Rome, was pre- vented from entering, and besieged the Leonine quarter. But in A P p?nan the siege the Romans within so played the lions, that a poor hare, or such a like thing, running toward the city (saith the author), the host of Arnulph followed after with such a main cry, that the valiant Romans upon the walls for very fear, and where there was no hurt, cast themselves desperately over the walls, so that Arnulph with little labour scaled the walls, and got the city. Thus Arnulph, obtaining the city of Rome, rescueth Pope Formosus, and beheadeth his adversaries ; whom the pope to gratify with like recompence again, blesseth and crowneth him for emperor. Thus Formosus, sitting fast about the space of four or five years, followed his predecessors ; after whose time, as I said, within the space of nine years, were nine bishops, as followeth. But in the mean time, concerning the story of this Formosus declared by Sigebert and many other chroniclers, this thing would I gladly ask, and more gladly learn, of some indif- ferent good Catholic person, who not of obstinacy, but of simple error being a papist, would answer it to his conscience, whether doth he think the holy order of priesthood, which he taketh for one of the seven sacraments, to be character indelebilis or not ? If it be not tndelebilis, that is, if it be such a thing as may be put off, why then VOL. IT, (1) Ex Chronico Sigeberti. D 84 ONE POPE BURNS THE DECREES OF ANOTHER. EceieHas- dotli the pope's doctrine so call and so hold the contrary, pre- affais. tending it to be indelebilis, unremovable ? If it be indeed so as Wheth they teach and affirm, indelebilis character, why then did Pope the pope John, or could Pope John, annihilate and evacuate one of his cardinals seven pope-holy sacraments, making of a priest a non-priest or may err. ] a y ma n 5 uncharactering his own order, which is (as he saith) a character, which in no wise may be blotted out or removed ? Again, howsoever Pope John, is to be judged in this matter to do either well or not well, this would I know, if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus for such private offences ? If yea, how then standeth his doing with his own doctrine which teacheth the contrary ? If he did not well, Iioav then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true, which teacheth that the pope with his synod of cardinals cannot err ? Moreover, if this Pope John did not err in his disordering Formosus, how then did Martin, his successor, not err in repealing the said doing of his predecessor ? or how did not Pope Formosus himself err, who being unpriested by Pope John, afterward, without reiterating the character or order of priesthood, took upon him to be Pope, and made acts and laws in the church ? Again, if Formosus now pope did not err, how then did Pope Stephen his successor afterward not err, who did annihilate the consecration, and all other acts of the said Formosus, as erroneous ? Or again, if we say that this Stephen with his synod of cardinals did right, then how could it be that Pope Theodore, and Pope John IX, who came after the aforesaid Stephen, did not plainly err, who, approving the consecration of Formosus, did condemn and burn the acts synodal of Stephen and his cardinals, which before had condemned Formosus, according as in story here consequently may appear ? After Formosus had governed the see of Rome five years, succeeded first Boniface VI., who continued but five and twenty days. Then came Stephen VI., who so envied the name of his predecessor For- mosus, that he abrogated and dissolved his decrees, and, taking up his body after it was buried, cut two fingers off his right hand, and commanded them to be cast into the Tiber, and then buried the body in a private or layman's sepulchre. 1 Thus, after Stephen had sat in the chair of pestilence one year, . succeeded to the same chair Pope Romanus, and sat three months, repealing the acts decreed by Stephen his predecessor, against For- mosus. Next to him came Theodore II., who likewise taking part with Formosus against the aforesaid Stephen, reigned but twenty days. Then sat Pope John IX., who did fight and repugn against the Romans, and, to confirm the cause of Formosus more surely, did hold a synod at Ravenna of seventy-four bishops, the French king Charles 2 and his archbishops being present at the same, at the which one council were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus, and burSeth the contrary acts of the synod of Stephen VI. were burned. This decree e s.' s P°P e nve d not pope fully two years, after whom succeeded Bene- A.D.900. diet IV., who kept the chair three years. After whom Leo V. was next pope, who within forty days of his papacy, was, with strong (1) Ex Chron. Martini pnenitentiarii, Platina, Sigeberto, Polychronieo, et aliis. '°\ See Appendix. RAPID SUCCESSION OF POPES. sn hand, taken and cast into prison by one Christopher, his own house- Ecciesina- hold chaplain, whom he had long nourished before in his house ; which affairs. thing, saith Platina, could not be done without great conspiracy, and Pope Leo great slaughter of men. Which Christopher, being pope about the v. impri- space of seven months, was likewise himself hoisted from his papal unpoped 11 throne by Sergius, like as he had done to his master before ; and thus J^swn within the space of nine years had been nine popes, one after another. Then Sergius, after he had thrust down Pope Christopher into a monastery, and shorn him monk, occupied the room seven years. A.D.yos. This Sergius, a rude man and unlearned, very proud and cruel, had before been put back from the popedom by Formosus above- mentioned ; by reason whereof, to revenge himself upon Formosus again, Sergius being now in his papacy, causing the body of Formosus, where it was buried, to be taken up and afterward set up in the papal chair, as in his pontificalibus, first degraded him, and then commanded his head to be smitten off, with the other three fingers that were left, p 0 pe For- as Sigebert writes ; 1 which done, he made his body to be thrown into S°er US ' the Tiber, deposing likewise all such as by the said Formosus before {j|jj*' ded had been consecrated and invested. This body of Formosus, thus thrown into the Tiber, was afterward, as our writers say, found and taken up by certain fishers, and so brought into St. Peter's temple ; at the presence whereof, as they say, certain images there stand- ing by, bowed down themselves, and reverenced the same — with lie and all. But such deceivable miracles of stocks and images, Feigned in monkish and friary temples, be to us no news, especially here in JJjjjJfthe England, where we have been so inured to the like, and so many, that J»dytf such wily practices cannot be to us invisible, though this crown-shorn sus. generation think themselves to dan'ce in a net. But the truth is, while they think to deceive the simple, these wily beguilers most of all deceive themselves, as they will find, except they repent. By this Bearing Pope Sergius first came up to . bear about candles on Candlemas orfcan- day, for the purifying of the blessed Virgin ; as though the sacred ^ e ™ho* conception of Jesus the Son of God, were to be purified as a thing it came impure, and that with candle-light ! up ' After Sergius entered Pope Anastatius III., in whose time the A.D.911. body of Formosus, aforenamed, is thought to be found of fishermen in the river Tiber, and so brought (as is said) into the temple to be saluted of the images ; which thing may be quickly tainted as a lie ; for how is it to be thought that the body of Formosus, so long dead before, and now lying seven years in the river, could remain whole all that while, that fishers might take it up, and discern it to be the same ? After Anastatius had sat two years followed Pope Lando I., a.d.913. the father, as some stories think, of Pope John, which John is said to have been the paramour of Theodora, a famous harlot of Rome, and set up of the same harlot, either against Lando, or after Lando his father, to succeed in his room. There is a story writer, called Luithprandus, 2 who maketh mention of this Theodora and Pope John X., and saith, Harlots a« moreover, that this Theodora had a daughter, named Marozia, which SldaE? Marozia had, by Pope Sergius above-mentioned a son, who was at Rome afterward Pope John XI. The same Marozia afterwards chanced (1) See infra, vol. viii. p. 292, and Appendix. — Ed. (2) Luithprandus, de Imperatoribus, lib. ii. cap. 13= D 2 30 COMPARISON BETWEEN ALFRED AND EDWARD. Eeeksias- to marry with Guido, marquis of Tuscany, through the means of afrrirs. which Guido and his friends at Rome, she brought to pass that this Pope John X. was smothered with a pillow laid to his mouth, after he had reigned thirteen years, and so that the aforesaid John XI., her son, might succeed next after him ; but because the clergy and people of Rome did not agree to his election, Pope Leo VI. was in his place set up ; thus, Pope John, the son of Sergius and Marozia, being dejected, Pope Leo reigned seven months. After him, Pope Stephen A.Dy>29. VII. or VIII. reigned two years, who, being poisoned, Pope John pgjjg«i«r. xi. above-rehearsed, the son of Sergius and Marozia, was set up restored 1 ' again in the papacy, where he reigned nearly the space of five years. Of the wickedness of Marozia, how she married two brethren, one after the death of the other, and how she governed all Rome and the whole church at that time, I let it pass. Although the Latin verses wherewith Luithprandus doth inveigh against such women as marry two brethren, were not unworthy here to be recited, and perhaps might Appends be further applied than to that Marozia of Rome, yet for shortness I let them also pass. After John XL followed Pope Leo VII. three ad. 939. years and four months ; Pope Stephen VIII. three years and four months ; Pope Martin III. three years and six months ; and, after him, Pope Agapetus II. eight years and six months about whose ordo time, or a little before, began first the order of monks, called Ordo cenSs be- Cluniacensis. But now to leave off these monstrous matters of Rome, 2 ad. 6 ^ and to return again to our country of England, where we last left off. Appendix EDWARD THE ELDER. 3 A.o. After the reign of the famous King Alfred, his son Edward 901. succeeded, sirnamed the Elder; where first is to be noted, that before the conquest of the Normans, there were in England three Edwards : first, this Edward the Elder ; secondly, Edward the Martyr ; thirdly, Edwards -^ward the Confessor ; whereof hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall before the follow in order, as place shall give to be declared. This Edward conquest, j^g^j ^jg re ig n AiD . 901, and governed the land right valiantly Alfred a nobly four and twenty years. In knowledge of good letters and and his learning he was not to be compared to his father ; otherwise, in princely walof ' 1 " renown, in civil government, and in martial prowess, he was nothing pared inferior, but rather excelled him, through whose valiant acts the princedom of Wales and kingdom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof, were first to him subdued. He adjoined, moreover, to his dominion, the country of East Anglia, that is, of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex. All Merceland also he recovered, and Northumberland, out of the hands of the Danes. In all his wars he never lightly went without victory. The subjects of his provinces and dominions were so inured and hardened in continual practice and feats of war, that when they "heard of any enemies coming (never tarrying for any (1) On the authority of Mosheim, some obvious errors in the history of the popes of Rome have been here corrected. — Ed. (2} Baronius calls the tenth century an "iron age, barren of all goodness; a leaden age, abound- ing with all wickedness; and a dark age, remarkable above all the rest for the scarcity of writers and men of learning." — Ed. (3) Edition 1563, p. 10. Ed. 15S3, p. 146. Ed. 1596, p. 132. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 163.— Ed. REBELLION OF CLITO FTHELWOLD. 37 bidding from the king or from his dukes), straightway they encountered Edwara with them ; both in number and in knowledge of the order of war, e '• 8 « excelling always their adversaries. Malmesbury saith, " So was the ^ In- coming and assaulting of their enemies, to the people and common __L1_ soldiers but a trifle, to the king but a ridicule." 1 Among other adversaries who were busy rather than wise, in assailing this king, was one called Clito Ethelwold, a young man, King Edward's uncle's ciito son ; who, first occupying the town of Wimborne, and taking thence J^ 1 " a nun with him, whom he had already married, fled by night to rehe } s Northumberland, to unite himself unto the Danes, and was made King chief king and captain over them. Being chased from thence, Clito aS.^oV fled over into France, but shortly returning again into England, he Ap p e c , e ldix . landed in East England, where, with a company of Danes of that country gathering to him, he destroyed and pillaged much of the country about Crekinford and Crikeland ; and so passing over the Thames, after he had spoiled the land there to Bradenstock, returned again to Norfolk and Suffolk ; where, meeting with an ambushment of Kentish men, which dragged and tarried after the main host of Edward, contrary to his commandment, he inclosed them, and slew the most part of them. Soon after, the two hosts meeting together, between the two ditches of St. Edmund's land, after a long fight, Clito and many of the Danes were slain, and the remnant were con- strained to seek for peace, which, upon certain conditions, and under a tribute, was to them granted. In process, about the twelfth year of his reign, the Danes repent- ing them of their covenants, and minding to break the same, assem- bled a host, and met with the king in Staffordshire, at a place called Tottenhall, and soon after at Wodenfield, at which two places the king slew two kings, two earls, and many thousands of Danes that occupied the country of Northumberland. Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being assuaged, King a. d 913 Edward having now some leisure given from wars to other studies, gave his mind to the building or repairing of cities, towns, and castles, that by the Danes were rased, shattered, and broken ; as first, of Chester, which city he enlarged to double that it was before, Ap ^ dije compassing the castle within the walls of the same, which before stood without. That done, the king builded a strong castle at Hereford, on the edge of Wales. Also, for the^strengthening of the country, he made a castle at the mouth of the water of Avon, and another castle at Buckingham, and the third fast thereby upon the river Ouse. Moreover, he builded or re-edified the towns of Towcester and Wig- moor, and destroyed the castle that the Danes had made at Demes- ford. Likewise upon the river Trent, against the old town of Nottingham, he builded a new town on the south side, and made a The new bridge over the river between the said two towns. Also by the river Notting- Mersey he builded a city or town in the north end of Mercia, and j2J ded named it Thilwall ; and after repaired the city of Manchester, that was sore defaced with wars of the Danes. In this renewing and building of towns and castles, for the more fortifying of his realm, his sister Elfleda, daughter of King Alfred, and married to the duke of Mercia, as is before-mentioned, was no small (1) " Ita hostes militibus contemptui, regi risui erant."— Guliel Malmesb. de Regib. 88 CHARACTER OF ELFLEDA. Edward helper. Of this Elfleda, it is firmly of writers affirmed, that she being, theEider^ ag - g mai ned to Ethelred, duke of Mercia, after she had once 92? assa y e( l the pains of travail, did so much abhor them, that it seemed " to her, she said, not seemly for a noble woman to desire that whereof , so great sorrow and travail should ensue. Yet notwithstanding, the same Elfleda, for all her delicate tenderness, was so hardy in warlike dangers, which nature giveth not to women, that, fighting against * the Danes, four of her next knights, who were guardians of her character body, were slain fast by her. This Elfleda, among her other noble of Eifieda. w j lere ] :) y g]^ deserved praise, was a great helper and stirrer up of her brother Edward, who builded and newly repaired many castles and Appendix, towns, as Tamworth beside Lichfield, Stafford, Warwick, Shrewsbury, Watrisbury, Eldsbury beside Chester in the forest, now destroyed ; also, in the north end of Mercia, upon the river Mersey, a castle called Runcorn ; as well as a bridge over the Severn, named Brimmis- bury bridge. Ttetews As touching the laws and statutes of this Edward, as also of his Alfred g father Alfred, made before him, I omit here to record them for length Edward! 8 °f ma tter and waste of time ; yet, notwithstanding, this admonition by the way I think good to note, that in the days of those ancient kings reigning in England, the authority both of conferring bishop- rics and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing 'laws as well to the churchmen as to the laity, and of ordering and intermeddling in matters merely spiritual, was then in the hands of kings ruling in the land, and not only in the hand of the pope, as appeareth by the laws of Alfred. 1 Kings of By these and other such like constitutions it may appear, how irf times the governance and direction of the church in those days depended authority no ^ u P on Monsieur le Pope of Rome, but upon the kings, who here, in spiri- m their time (under the Lord), did govern the land. To this also causes, the example of King Edward's time gives testimony ; which Edward, with Pleimundus above-mentioned, archbishop of Canterbury, and with other bishops, in a synod assembled, assigned and elected seven bishops, in seven metropolitan churches of the realm ; the first of whom was Fridelstan, the second Adelstan, the third Werstan, the fourth Adeleme, the fifth Edelfus, the sixth Dernegus, the seventh Kenulphus ; in which election the king's authority seemed then alone to be sufficient. a.d. 925. This Edward, as in the beginning was said, reigned twenty-four SSg years, who had three wives, Egwin, Elfled, and Etheiwid. Of Egwin SeSder ^ad his eldest son Athelstan, who next succeeded in the kingdom, and a daughter, married after to the duke of Northumberland. Of Elfled he received two sons, to wit, Ethelwald and Edwin, and six daughters. Ethelwald was excellently well seen in all knowledge of learning, much resembling, both in countenance and conditions, his grandfather Alfred ; he died soon after his father. Of his six daugh- ters, two of them, Elfled and Ethelhilda,were made nuns, the other (1) " Si quis fornicetur cum uxore aliena, &c Si quis in quadragesima sanctum velum in publico vel in lecto, &c. Ut Christiani Deum diligant et paganismo renuncient, &c. Si quis Christianitatem mutet, &c. Si quis ordinatus sacris furetur, &c. Si Presbyter ad rectum terminum sanctum chrisma, &c. Si duo fratres vel cognati cum una aliqua fornicentur, &c." AWFUL DEATH OF DUKE EI, FRED. 89 four were married ; Edgiva to Charles, the French king, in her father's Athetstan time; Ethilda, by king Athelstan, was married to Hugo, the son of A D Duke Robert ; Edgitha and Algiva were both sent to Henry, prince of 92.5. Almains. Of which two sisters, the former the said Henry married - to his son Otho, who was the first emperor of the Almains ; the other sister, who was Algiva, the aforesaid Henry married to a cer- tain duke, 1 about the borders of the Alps, in France. Of his third wife, Ethel wid, he received two sons, Edmund and Edred, who both reigned after Athelstan ; and two daughters, Edburga, whom he made a nun, and Eadguina, who was married to Ebles, 2 prince of Aquitaine, in France. These sons and daughters King Edward the The Elder thus brought up ; his daughters he set to spinning and to the u p in of mg needle ; his sons he set to the study of learning, " to the end that Edward'i they, being as first made philosophers, should be the more expert children, thereby to govern the commonwealth." 3 ATHELSTAN, or ADELSTAN. 4 Athelstan, or Adelstan, after the death of Edward his father, a.d. pi began his reign in England, and was crowned at Kingston. He was a prince of worthy memory, valiant and wise in all his acts, nothing inferior to his father Edward, in like worldly renown of civil government, joined with much prosperous success in reducing this realm under the subjection of one monarchy; for he both expelled the Danes, subdued the Scots, and quieted the Welshmen, as well in North Wales as also in Cornwall. The first enemy against this Athelstan, was one Elfred, who, with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the said Athelstan at Winchester, incontinently after the death of his father, went about to put out his eyes. Not- withstanding, the king escaping that danger, through the help of God, was at that time delivered. Elfred, upon the same being accused, fled Duke ej to Rome, there before the pope to purge himself by his oath. When 525^"*' being brought to the church of St. Peter, and there swearing, or ^ y ri t c h k e en rather forswearing, himself to be clear, who indeed was guilty thereof, hand of suddenly upon his oath fell down ; and so brought to the English penury, house in Rome, within three days after departed. The pope sending word to King Athelstan, whether he would have the said Elfred buried among Christians or not, at length, through the persuasions of his friends and kinsfolks, it was concluded that he should be buried in christian burial. This story although I find in no other writers mentioned, but only in the Chronicles of Malmesbury, yet, forasmuch as it beareth the witness and words of the king himself, as testified in an old deed of gift, given to the monastery of Malmesbury, I thought the same the more to be of credit. The words of the king proceed as follow in the note. 5 (1) Louis lAveugle, king of Provence. LArt de Ver. des Dates, Rois de Bourgogne et Provence. —Ed. (2) Not Louis, as Foxe says ; who, however, copies Malmeshury in this paragraph. Ibid. — Ed. (3) " Ut quasi philosophi ad gubernandam rempublicam non jam rudes procederent." — Guliel. Malmesb. de Regib. (4) Edition 1563, p. 10. Ed. 1583, p. 147. Ed. 1596, p. 133. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 164.— Ed. (5) The copy of an old writing of King Athelstan, testifying of the miraculous death of Duke Elfred, suddenly stricken by the hand of God for perjury:—" Sciant sapientes regionis nostra?, non ftas praefatas terras me injuste rapuisse, rapinamque Deo dedisse. Sed sic eas accepi, quemad- raodum judicaverunt omnes optimates regni Anglorum, insuper et apostolicus papa Romanae 40 FABULOUS MIRACLES. Athehta*.. I n the second year of the reign of King Athelstan, for an unity ^ D and a peace to be had between the king and the Danes of Nortli- 933. umberland, he married to Sitheric 1 their king his sister, whereof ~~ — mention is made before ; but shortly after, within one year, this Sitheric died, after whose death King Athelstan seized that province North- into his own hand, putting out the son of the aforesaid Sitheric, Tanda^d called Anlaff, who, with his brother Godfrey, fled, the one into luMued 8 Ireland, the other to Constantine, king of the Scots ; and, when he to the had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberland, he shortly Enfia°nd. made subject unto him Constantine, king of Scots. But the said Constantine meeked himself so lowly to the king, that he restored him to his former dignity, saying, that it was more honour to make a king than to be a king. Not long after, the said Constantine, king of Scots, did break covenant with King Athelstan ; wherefore he assembled his knights, and made towards Scotland, where he subduing his enemies, and bringing them again unto due subjection, returned into England with victory. Here, by the way, in some story writers, who, forgetting the office of historians, seem to play the poets, is written and recorded for a marvel, that the said Athelstan, returning out of Scotland into England, came to York, and so into the church of St. John of Beverly, to redeem his knife, which before he had left there for a pledge at his going forth : in the which place he praying Fabui. >us to God and to St. John of Beverly, that he might leave there some miracles. remem |- )railce whereby they that came after might know that the Scots bv right should be subdued to the English men, smote with sword, they say, upon a great hard stone standing near about the castle of Dunbar, that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large ell deep, with a lie no less deep also than was the stroke in the stone. But of this poetical or fabulous stor} r , albeit Poly- chronicon, Fabian, Jornalensis, and others more, constantly accord in the same, yet in Malmesbury and Huntington no mention is made at all. But peradventure, he that was the inventor first of this tale of the AppeZhx stone, was disposed to lie for the whetstone ; wherefore in my mind he is worthy to have it. Of like truth and credit seemeth also to be this that followeth about the same year and time under the reign of King Athelstan, being the eighth year of his reign, of one Bristan, bishop of Winchester, who succeeded Frithstan, in the k d 933. same see, and governed that bishopric four years. This Bristan, being a devout bishop in prayer and contemplation, used much, among his solitary walks, to frequent late the church-yard, praying ecclesiae Johannes, Elfredo defuneto, qui nostra? felicitati et vita? aemulus extitit, nequitiae inimi- corum nostrorum consentiens, qui me voluerunt (patre meo defuneto) caecare in urbe Wintonia, si non me Deus sua pietate eripuisset. Sed denudatis eorum machinamentis, remissus est ad Romanam ecclesiam, ut ibi se coram Apostolico Johanne jurejurando defenderet. Et hoc fecit coram altare sancti Petri. Sed facto juramento, cecidit coram altare, et manibus famulorum suorum portatus est ad scholam Anglorum, et ibi tertia nocte vitam finivit. Et tunc apostolicus ad nos remisit, et quid de eo ageretur a nobis consuluit, an cum caeteris Christianis corpus illius pone- retur. His peractis et nobis renunciatis, optimates regionis nostras cum propinquorum illius turma efflagitabant omni humilitate, ut corpus illius per nostram licentiam cum corporibus pone- retur Christianorum. Nosque flagitationi illorum consentientes Romam remisimus ; et papa consentiente, positus est ad caeteros Christianos, quamvis indignus. Et sic judicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in magnis et in modicis. Sed et hsec a-ucibus literarum praenotavimus, ne quando aboleatur, unde mihi praefata possessio, quam Deo et sancto Petro dedi, donatur. Nec justius novi, quam Deo et sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare, quiaemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, et mihi prosperitatem regni largiti sunt." & c. — Guliel. Malmesb. lib. de Reg. in Vita Ethelstani. FEdit Francof. p. 52.— Ed.j (1) See pp. 38, 43.— Ed. BATTLE OF BRUMANBRUCH. 41 for the souls there, and all christian souls departed. Upon a time the Atheist™. said- Bristan, after his wonted manner proceeding in his devotions, A D when he had done, came to " Requiescant in pace," whereunto 93s. suddenly a great multitude of souls answering together with one voice, " said, " Amen." Of this miracle albeit I have not much to say, hasting to other matters, yet this question would I ask of some indifferent papist, who were not wilful, but of ignorance deceived, if this mul- titude which here answered " i\men," were the souls of them buried in the church-yard or not ? If yea, then how were they in purgatory, what time they were heard in that place answering " Amen," except we should think purgatory to be in the church-yard at Winchester, where the souls were heard then so many answering and praying " Amen?" And yet this story is testified by the accord of writers of that time, Malmesbury, Polychronicon, Hoveden, Jornalensis, and others more. Much like miracles and prophecies also we read of Elphege who succeeded him ; but because we haste to other things, let these fables pass. Ye heard a little before, how King Athclstan, after the death of Sitheric, king of Northumberland, seized that land or province into his own hand, and put out his son Anlaff, who, after flying into Scotland, married the daughter of Constantine, king of Scots, by whose stirring and exhortation he gathered a company of Danes, Scots, and others, and entered the mouth of Humber with a strong navy of six hundred and fifteen ships. Whereof king Althelstan, with his brother Edmund, having knowledge, prepared his army, and at Battle length joined in fight with him and his people at a place called at U lru- Brimanbruch, or Brimford, where he fighting with them from man- morning to even, after a terrible slaughter on both sides, as the like ajx 938 hath not been seen lightly in England, had the victory. In which battle were slain five small and under-kings, with Constantine, king of Scots, and twelve dukes, with the more part of all the strangers Another which at that time they gathered to them. Here, also, our writers mSieof put in another miracle in this battle, how King Athelstan's sword kin g miraculously fell into his sheath, through the prayer of Odo, then stanV archbishop of Canterbury. sword - Concerning this battle, I find in a certain written Chronicle the odo arch- underwritten verses, which, because they should not be lost, I thought JJjJg of not unworthy here of rehearsal. 1 bury (1) " Transierat quinos et tres et quatuor annos, Jure regens cives, subigens virtute tyrannos, Cum redit ilia lues Europae noxia labes. Jam cubat in terris fera barbaries aquilonis, Et jacet in campis pelago pirata relicto. Illicitas torvasque minas Analavus anhelat. Bacchanti furiae, Scotorum rege volente, Commodat assensum borealis terra serenum. Et jam grande tument, jam terrent aera verbis. Cedunt indigenae, cedit plaga tota superbis. Nam — quia rex noster, fidens alacrisque juventa, Emeritus pridem detriverat otia lenta— Illi continuis fsedabant omnia prasdis, Urgentes miseros injectis ignibus agros. Marcuerant totis viridantia gramina campis, iEgra seges votum deluserat agricolarum. Tanta fuit peditum, tarn barbara vis equitantuni, Innumerabilium concursus quadrupedantum ! Excivit tandem famae querimonia regem, Ne se cauterio tali pateretur inuri, Qu6d sua barbaricae cessissent arma securi. Nec mora, victricis ducentia signa cohortes 42 ETHELSTAN MURDERS HIS BR0TLER EDWIN'. Athenian After this victory thus obtained of the Danes and Scots, King \ % d Athelstan also subdued, or at least quieted, the North Britons, whom 938. he conventing together at Hereford, or thereabouts, forced them to Thl grant unto him as a yearly tribute twenty pounds of gold, three hun- Nor c h ^ dred pounds of silver, and of heads of neat five and twenty hundred, anuSouth . . f ' . . J ' Britons with hawks and dogs to a certain number. 1ms done, he went to to'tJibute, Exeter, and there likewise subduing the South Britons about Exeter tinia Uh ' an d Cornwall, repaired the walls of Exeter with sufficient strength, and so returned. Among these victorious and noble acts of this king, one blot there is of him written and noted, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehended as in the other before to be commended ; that is, the innocent death and murder of his brother Edwin, the occasion whereof was this : — King Edward aforenamed, their father, in the time of his youth, coming by a certain village or grange where he had been nursed and brought up of a child, thought of courtesy to go see how his nurse did, where he, entering into the house, espied a certain young damsel, beautiful, and right seemly attired, Egwina by name. This Egwina, before being a poor man's daughter, had a vision by night, that of her body sprang such a bright light of the moon, that the brightness thereof gave light to the realm of England, by reason whereof she was taken into the aforesaid house, and daintily brought up instead of their own daughter for hope of some commodity to ensue thereby, as afterward it came to pass ; for King Edward, as it is declared, coming into the house, and ravished with the beauty of the maiden, had of her this Athelstan. Where- fore the said Athelstan being thus basely born of Egwina, the first wife to Edward, as is said, before he was married to her, and fearing his next brother Edwin, who was rightly born, especially King being stirred thereunto through the sinister suggestion of his butler, stan 6 " did cast such displeasure to the aforesaid Edwin his brother, being death of 6 y et but y 01111 ^ that, notwithstanding his innocent submission and purgation made against his accusers, he caused him to be set in an old rotten boat in the broad sea, only with one esquire with him, without any tackling or other provision to the same ; where the young and tender prince being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the Hoods, and now weary of his life, cast himself overboard into the sea, and so was drowned. The esquire, however, shifting for himself as he could, and recovering the body of his master, brought it to Sandwich, where it was buried : which done, the king, afterwards coming to the remembrance of himself, was stricken with great repentance the space of seven years together, and at length was revenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser, as is said, was the king's cup-bearer, who, as God the righteous Judge of all things would have it, upon a certain solemn feast, bearing the cup unto the king, chanced in the middle of the floor to stumble Explicat in ventum vexilla ferocia centum. Juncta virum virtus, decies bis millia quina, Ad stadium belli comitantur praevia signa. Hie strepitus movit praedatorum legiones, Terruit insignis venientum fama latrones, Ut posita proprias praeda peterent regiones. At vulgus reliquum miseranda strage peremptum Infecit bibulas tetris nidoribus auras. Fugit Analavus de tot modo millibus unus," &c. death of his own brother SUPERSTITIOUS RELICS. 48 with one foot, helping and recovering himself with the other, saying a theistan in these words, " Thus one brother, as you see, helpeth another." A D These words being thus spoken in the hearing of the king, so moved 941. his mind, that forthwith he commanded the false-accuser of his brother to be had out to execution ; whose just recompense I would wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord between brother and brother. King Athelstan, besides his seven years' lamentation for this act, builded the two monasteries of Middleton and of Michelenes for his Thecause brother's sake, or, as the stories say, for his soul : whereby it may °ng S- appear what was the cause most special in those days of building bey ^ monasteries, to wit, for releasing the sins both of them departed, and A pp endix - them alive ; which cause, how it standeth with the grace and verity of Christ's gospel, and of his passion, let the christian reader try and examine with himself. This cruel fact of the king towards Edwin, caused him afterward to be more tender and careful towards his other brethren and sisters left in his hands unmarried ; which sisters, as is partly in the chapter before declared, he richly bestowed in great marriages, as one to the king of Northumberland, Sitheric ; another he gave to Louis, king of Provence ; the third to Henry, duke of Almain, for his son Otho, who was the first emperor of the Germans ; whereby it otho, is to be understood, that the empire at this time began first to be emperor translated from France (where it remained about one hundred years ^Jj aiis and a half) unto Germany, where it hath ever since continued. The fourth of his sisters, being a virgin of singular beauty, Hugo, duke of France, 1 required to be given to him ; sending to King Jewels Athelstan precious and sumptuous presents, such as were not before Athelstan seen in England : among the which presents and gifts, besides sundry p?™^ 6 favours of rare odours and fine spices ; and besides precious and costly king, gems, namely, emeralds of most refulgent green ; besides also many fine coursers and palfries richly trapped; especially of one jewel do writers make mention, which was a certain vase, finely and subtilely made of the precious stone onyx, so wrought and polished, that in it corn and vines appeared to be really growing, and men's images walk- ing. Over and besides was sent also the sword of Constantine the Great, with his name written in golden letters, and in the haft of the same, inlaid in gold, was one of the iron nails wherewith our Saviour oneofthe on the cross was nailed. Of the verity whereof I am not disposed at "^ e . this present much to say what I suspect, but from the ecclesiastical with our story of Eusebius it is evident, that two of the aforesaid nails ofwalTu Christ were spent on the bridle of Constantine, the third he cast into Clfied - the sea in a raging tempest ; wherefore if Christ were nailed with four nails, perhaps this nail might be one ; if he were nailed but with three, I see not how this story can stand with other stories, neither how this fourth nail can stand with the truth. Among the rest, moreover, was the spear of Charlemagne, the same (as is reported) wherewith the side of our Saviour was opened, which also the said Charlemagne was wont to carry in the field against his enemies : with a portion likewise of the holy cross enclosed in crystal ; also a part of the crown of thorns in like manner enclosed. 2 Of the which relics, (1) Alias, Earl of Paris. L'Art de V. des D. Foxe, misled by Malmesbury, calls him " the French king." One or two errors are corrected in the preceding paragraph. See supra, p. 39. — Ed. (2) The above account of Hugo's presents is corrected from the original in Malmesbury, — Ed„ A LAW CONCERNING TITHES, tical temporal. concern ing tithes. athelstan . part was given to Winchester, part to the church of Malmesbury, A.D. where King Athelstan was buried. As this king was endued and 941. enlarged by the gift of God (the setter-up and disposer of all kings) with great victories of worldly renown, having under his subjection both the Scots and Britons, and the whole monarchy of the land ; so he devised divers good and wholesome laws for the government of the same, as well concerning the state of the orders ecclesiastical, as also of the secular or lay people. 1 Whereby it is to be understood, that the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome did not then extend itself so largely, nor so proudly derogate from the authority of kings and Kings of princes, but that every one in his own dominion had, under God, and governors not un ^ er ^ ne P°P e > the doing of all matters within the same his asweiiin dominion contained, whether they were causes temporal or spiritual, eccieefas- as by the decrees and constitutions of this king, and also of others as well before him as after him, may evidently be testified ; as where he, amongst other laws, thus ordaineth touching the bishop, in the words that follow underwritten. 2 a law The said Athelstan besides prescribed other constitutions also, as touching tithes-giving, where he saith, and proclaimeth: " I Athelstan, king, charge and command all my officers through my whole realm, to give tithes unto God of my proper goods, as well in living cattle as in the corn and fruits of the ground ; and that my bishops like- wise, of their proper goods, and mine aldermen, and my officers and headmen, shall do the same. 3 Item, this I will, that my bishops and other headmen do declare the same to such as be under their subjection, and that to be accomplished at the term of St. John the Baptist. Let us remember what Jacob said unto the Lord, 4 Of all things that thou givest to me I will offer tithes unto the Lord (1) See the Acts of the Council of Gratley, a.d. 928, given in Wilkins's Concilia, torn. i. p. 205. —Ed. (2) " Episcopo jure pertinet, omnem rectitudinem promovere, Dei videlicet ac seculi. In primis, debet omnem ordinatum instruere, quid ei sit agendum jure, et quid hominibus secularibus judicare debeant. " Debet etiam sedulo pacem et eoncordiam operari cum seculi judicibus, qui rectum velle diligunt, et in compellationum allegationem edocere, ne quis aliiperperam agat in jurejurando velin ordalio. " Nec pati debet aliquam circumventionem injustae mensuras, vel injusti ponderis. Sed convenit ut per consilium et testimonium ejus omne legis rectum, et burgi mensura, et omne pondus, sit secundum ditionem [alias dictionem] ejus institutum valde rectum; ne quis proximum suum seducat, pro quo decidat in peccatum. " Et semper debet Christianis providere contra omnia quae predicta sunt, et ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere, ut sciat quomodo grex agat, quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit, ne diabolus eum dilaniet, nec malum aliquod superseminet. Nunquam enim erit populo bei.e consultum, nec digne Deo conversabitur, ubi lucrum impium et magis falsum diligitur. Ide debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est enervare, et quod justum est elevare, nec pati ut proptei falsum et pecuniae quaestum homines se forisfaciant erga vere sapientem Deum, cui displrcet omnis injustitia. " Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, ut rectum diligant, et iniqua condemnent, et saltern sacris ordinibus evecti justum semper erigant, et prava deponant. " Hinc debent episcopi cum seculi judicibus judicia dictitare, et interesse judiciis, ne permittant (si possint) ut illinc aliqua pravitatum gramina pullulent. Et sacerdotibus pertinet in sua dicecesi, ut ad rectum sedulo quemcumque juvent, nec patiantur (si possint) ut Christianus aliquis alii noceat, non potens impotenti, non summus infimo, non praelatus subditis [minoribus], non dominus hominibus suis, servis aut liberis. Et secundum ditionem [alias dictionem] et per mensuram suam convenit per rectum, ut necessaria servi [servi testamentales] operentur super omnem schyram cui praeest. " Et rectum est ut non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longior quam alia, sed per Episcopi men- suram omnes institutae sint, et exequatae per suam dicecesin [in sua scriftscyra], et omne pondus constet secundum dictionem ejus, et si aliquid controversiarum intersit, discernat Episcopus. " Uniuscujusque Domini proprium est et necesse, ut servis suis condescendat et compatiatur, sicut indulgentius poterit : quia Domino Deo viventi sunt aeque chari servus et liber. Et omnes uno et eodem pretio redemit, et omnes sumus Deo necessario servi, et sic judicabit nos, sicut ante judicavimus eos, in quos potestatem judicii in terris habuimus. Et ideo opus est ut eis parcamus qui nobis parere debent, et tunc manutenebimur, in Dei Omnipotentis proprio judicio. Amen." — Extractum ex legib. Regis Ethelstani. [The above is found, slightly varied, in Brompton.— Ed.] (3) " Ego Ethelstanus Rex, consilio Ulfelmi archlepiscopi mei et aliorum episcoporum, mando praepositis omnibus in regno meo, in nomine Domini et sanctorum omnium, ut imprimis reddant de meo proprio decimas Deo, tarn in vivente capitali, quam in mortuis frugibus terrse : et episcopi mei similiter faciant de suo proprio, et aldermanni mei et praepositi mei," &c THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MONKS AND PRIESTS. 45 also, what the Lord saith in the Gospel of St. Matthew, 4 To him Edm»vd- that hath it shall be given, and he shall abound.' We must also ~a7dT consider how terribly it is written in books, that ' if we will not offer 941. our tenths, from us nine parts shall be taken away, and only the " tenth part shall be left us.'" And, in the same place, after that he hath assigned the church rights to be paid in the place whereto they belong, it followeth, " that the king would usurp no man's goods wrongfully."" 1 Among his other laws and ordinances, to the number of thirty- five, divers things are comprehended, pertaining as well to the spiri- tual, as also to the temporal jurisdiction. Out of the laws of "this king first sprang up the attachment of thieves, that such as stole above twelve pence, and were above twelve years old, should not be spared. Thus much, briefly, concerning the history of King Athelstan, and things in his time done, who reigned Ap p% e d,x, about the space of sixteen years : 2 as he died without issue, after him succeeded his brother Edmund, a.d. 941, who reigned four years Appendix. and a half. EDMUND. 3 Edmund, the son of Edward the Elder by his third wife (as is A.D. declared) and brother of Athelstan, being of the age of twenty years, 94:1 to entered upon his reign, who had by his queen Elgina two sons, Edwin, 946 ' and Edgar, surnamed Pacificus, who both reigned after him as followeth. This Edmund continued his reign four years and a half. By him were expelled the Danes, Scots, Normans, and all foreign enemies out of the land. Such cities and towns as before were in the possession of strangers, as Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Stafford, and Leicester, he recovered out of their hands. Thus the realm being cleared of foreign power for a time, the king set his mind upon redressing and maintaining the state of the church ; which all stood then in build- ing of monasteries, and furnishing of churches, either with new possessions, or in restoring the old, which were taken away before. In the time of this Edmund, this I find in an old written story borrowed of William Carey, a citizen of London, a worthy treasurer of most worthy monuments of antiquity. The name of the author I cannot allege, because the book beareth no title, lacking both the beginning and the latter end, but the words thereof faithfully recited be these, 44 In the Time of this king, there was a scattering or dis- persion made of the monks out of the monastery of Evesham, and canons substituted in their place, through the doing of Athelmus and Ulricus, laymen, and of Osulfus, bishop, 1 ' &c. 4 a.d. 941. Here, as concurring this matter between monks and others of the The aif- cJergy, first it is to be understood, that in the realm of England here- ESJJSa to fore, before the time of Dunstan, the bishops' sees and cathedral monks 1 and (1) " Facite etiam "t mini mea propria capiatis, quae mini poteritis recte acquirere. Nolo ut P necto • a'iquid mini injuste :onquiratis. Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore, quo mini mea similiter exoptetis. r^vete simul et vobis, et eis quos admonere debetis, ab ira Dei, et trans- gressione mea." (2) Epitaph, in Ethelst. " Sol illustravit bisseno scorpion ortu : cumregem cauda percutit ille sua " (3) Edition 1563, p. !1. Ed. 1583, p. 150. Ed. 1597, p. 135. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 167.— Ed. (4) " Hujus regis tempore facta est dispersio monachorum Eushmensis ccenobii, cum substitu- Monc canonicorum ner Athelmum et Ulricum laicos, et Osulphum episcopum," &c. 4 b MONASTERY OF FLORIAKE. Edmund, churches were replenished with no monks, but with priests and canons, A.D. called then clerks, or men of the clergy. After this, beginneth 941 to to rise a difference or a sect between these two parties in strictness of 94G - life, and in habit ; so that they who lived after a stricter rule of holi- ness were called monks, and professed chastity; that was, to live without wives, for so was chastity then defined in those blind days ; as though holy matrimony were not chastity, according as Paphnutius did well define it in the Council of Nice. The other sort, who were not monks, but priests, or men of the clergy so called, lived more free from those monkish rules and observances, and were then commonly, or at least lawfully, married, and in their life and habit came nearer to the secular state of other Christians, by reason whereof great disdain and emulation were among them, insomuch that in many cathedral churches, where priests were before, there monks were put in ; and on the contrary, where monks had intruded, there priests and canons again were placed, and monks thrust out ; whereof more shall appear hereafter (by the grace of Christ), when we come to the life of Dunstan. In the mean time something to satisfy the cogita- tion of the reader, who perad venture either is ignorant, or else would know of the first coming in of monks into this realm and church of England in the Saxons'* time, this is to be noted, according as I find in old chronicles, namely, in the Latin history of Malmes- bury, recorded touching the same. 1 About this time of King Edmund, or shortly after, hardness and strictness of life, joined with superstition, was had in veneration, and counted for great holiness : men, therefore, either to win public fame with men, or merits with God, gave themselves to lead a strict life, thinking thereby, the stranger their conversation was, and the further from the common trade of vulgar people, the more The mo- perfect to be towards God and man. There was at that time, and of Fieury. before that, a monastery in France named Fleury, 2 after the order and rule of Benedict ; from which monastery did spring a great part of our English monks, who being there professed, and after- ward returning into England, did congregate men daily to their pro- fession ; and so, partly for strangeness of their rule, partly for outward holiness of their strict life, partly for the opinion of holiness that many had of them, were in great admiration, not only with the rude sort, but with kings and princes, who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with possessions. Among this order of monks coming from Fleury especially was one Oswald, first a monk of Fleury, then bishop of Worcester and York, a great patron Oswald, and setter up of monkery. Touching this Oswald, Malmesbury, of York, writing of his history, hath these words : " It was a common custom pafr 0 e n of at that time among Englishmen, that if any good men were well- monkery affected or minded toward religion, they w r ent to the monastery of the blessed St. Benedict in France, and there received the habit of origin. a mon ^ whereupon the first origin of this religion began," &c. But of this Oswald, bishop of York, and Dunstan, bishop of Canterbury, and Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester, hoAv they replenished divers (1) Guliel. Malmesb. de Gestis Pontificum Anglorum, lib. ii. (2) Founded by Pepin, a.d. 695.— Ed. DUNS TAN, ABBOT OF GLASTONBURY. 47 monasteries and cathedral churches with monks, and how they dis- Edmund. charged married priests and canons out of their houses, to plant ^.D. in monks in their cells, more shall be spoken, by the grace of 941 to Christ, hereafter. * ; 94 6 - Let us now return to the matter where we left off, of King Edmund, who, besides his noble victories against his enemies, and recovering the cities above expressed into his own hands, did also subdue the province of Cumberland; and, after he had put out the eyes of the two sons of Dunmail, king of Cumberland, he com- mitted the governance thereof to Malcolm, king of Scots, upon pro- mise of his trusty service and obedience, when the king should stand in any need of him. In the time of this king, Dunstan was not yet Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, but only abbot of Glastonbury, of whom Giaston- many fabulous narrations pass among writers, importing more vanity bury ' than verity, whereof this is one of the first. What time Edgar, called Pacificus, was born, Dunstan, being at the same time abbot of Glastonbury, heard, as the monkish fables dream, a voice in the air of certain angels singing after this tenor, " Now peace cometh to the church of England in the time of this child, and of our Dun- stan," &c. This I thought to recite, that the christian reader might The son. the better ponder with himself the impudent and abominable fictions Edmund, of this Romish generation. But of the same mint also they have T ^ e ™" forged, how the said Dunstan heard the angels sing the Kyri- vanity eleson, usually sung at even-song in the church. 1 Which is as Popes' true as that the harp, hanging in a woman's house played by itself {J forg- the tune of the anthem, called, " Gaudent in ccelis," &c. What jjjfj^j would not these deceivers feign in matters something likely, who, in things so absurd and so inconvenient, shame not to lie and to forge so impudently, and also so manifestly ? Through the motion of this This Dunstan, King Edmund builded and furnished the monastery of Saston- Glastonbury, and made the said Dunstan abbot thereof. |£iy was Concerning the end and death of this king, sundry opinions there builded be. Alfridus and Marianus say, that while this King Edmund il e Kmg endeavoured himself to save his sewer from the danger of his enemies, Ap ^ dir who would have slain him at Pulcher church, the king, in parting the fray, was wounded, and died shortly after. But Malmesbury saith, 2 " that the king being at a feast at Pulcher church upon the day of St. Augustine, spied a felon sitting in the hall named Leof, whom he for his felony had exiled; and leaping over the table did fly upon him, and plucked the thief by the hair of the head to the ground ; in which doing, the felon with a knife wounded the king to the death, and also with the same knife wounded many other of the king's servants, and at length was hewn down and died forth- with. By the laws of King Edmund (ordained and set forth, as well for The laws the redress of church matters, as also of civil regiment) it would E f d muSd appear, that the state of causes both temporal and spiritual apper- *° u ^j" s tained then to the king's right (the false pretended usurpation of the state the bishop of Rome notwithstanding), as by these laws is to be SteS- 1 seen : where he, by the advice of his lords and bishops did enact P° ral - and determine concerning the chastity and pure life of ecclesiastical U) Guliel. Malmesb. de Pontif. lib. i. (2) Idem, de Regib lih. ii 48 king Edmund's laws. Edmund, ministers, and such as were in the orders of the church, with the A.D~ penalties also for those who transgressed the same. 941 to Item, For tithes to be paid for every christian man, and for the 9 '* 6 - church fees, and alms fees, &c. Item, For defiling of women professed, whom we call nuns, &c. Item, For every bishop to see his churches repaired of his own proper charge ; and boldly to admonish the king, whether the houses of God were well maintained, &c. Item, For flying into the church for sanctuary, &c. Item, Concerning cases and determinations spousal or matri- monial, &c. All which constitutions declare what interest kings had in those days in matters as well ecclesiastical as others, within their dominion ; and that, not only in disposing the ordinances and rites that apper- tained to the institution of the church, but also in placing and setting bishops in their sees, &c. In the time of this Edmund, Ulstan was archbishop of York, and Appendix. Odo archbishop of Canterbury, which Odo, being a Dane born, as is before said, was promoted to that see by King Athelstan, for that, as they say, he being first bishop of Wilton, and present with King Athelstan in the field against Analavus before-mentioned, what time the said Athelstan had lost his sword, he, through his intercession up to heaven, did see a sword from heaven come down into the sheath of the king. Whereof relation being made unto the king by the aforesaid bishop, 1 Athelstan upon the same was so affected towards Odo, that not only he accounted him a patron of his life, but also made him primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelm. This Odo was the first from the coming in of the Saxons, who was archbishop of Canterbury, being no monk ; for all the others before him were of the profession of monks, of. whom a odo made great part had been Italians unto Berctualdus. 2 Notwithstanding i'ieury, at this Odo, being also a stranger born, after he was elected to the wasVrch- bi sno P r i c ? to answer to the old custom of others before him, sailed bishop of over into France, and there, at Fleury, after the usual manner bury. ' above-mentioned of Englishmen, received the profession and habit of monkish religion, as saith Malmesbury. 3 And, like as the said Odo first being no monk, was made archbishop of Canterbury, so also Ulstan, being at the same time bishop of York and of Worcester, differed from divers of his predecessors before him in profession and habit ; of whom the beforenamed author thus writeth in his third book, speaking of Ulstan, " Qui sanctitate discrepabat et The dif- habitu that is, " He differed in sanctimony and in habit."" Where- of habit by it is to be collected, that in those days there was a difference in ment ar habit garment, not only between monks and bishops, but also men of between one bishop and another ; albeit what difference it was, I do the not find. But to return again to Odo, who, by the description of church ' his manners, might seem not to be the worst who occupied that place, were it not that our lying histories, feigning false miracles about him, as they do of others, make him indeed to seem worse (1) Guliel. Malmesb. de Pontif. lib. i. Polychron. lib. vf. cap 6. (2) Idem, de Pontif. lib. i. (3) Idem, lib. Hi. de Pontif. Ebor. PASTORAL LETTER OF A iiCHiilSHOF ODO. than he was, as where they imagine that he should see from heaven Edmund. a sword fall into the scabbard of King Athelstan ; also, where he a.D. should cover and defend the church of Canterbury with his prayers 941 to from rain ; and where he should turn the bread of the altar (as 946- the writer termeth it) into lively flesh, and from flesh into bread Lying . again, to confirm the people who before doubted about it. Where JJ h od 0 es note again, good reader ! that albeit this miracle were true, as no doubt it is untrue, yet is it to be noted, that in those days was a great doubt amongst Englishmen about the popish sacrament, and that transubstantiation was not received into the christian creed. Transub- The like judgment is to be given also of that, where our English tion 1 not writers, testifying of the same Odo, say that he prophesied long be- JJfySd fore that Dunstan would be his successor in the church of Canter- bury. But to let these phantasies and idle stories pass, this which we find of his own writing is certain, that the said Odo, in the reign of King Edmund, had a synod commenced of the chief pre- lates and men of the clergy in his time, to whom lie directed this letter here following: the copy whereof I thought to give, for the reader to see what zealous care then reigned in archbishops to- ward the church of the Lord. The words of his epistle proceed in this tenor : — The letter or epistle of Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, sent to the other bishops and men of the clergy. 1 By the divine grace of God, I Odo, of the church of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ archbishop, and metropolitan of the city of Dover, to my fellow- bishops and fellow-planters of the Catholic faith, and my fellow-brethren in the spiritual bond of charity, with greeting, wish prosperity in this world present, and in the world to come felicity. If it were so, or by any means could be, that all the riches of this world were laid before mine eyes, so that I being emperor had all things universally under my subjection, all those things gladly would I give, yea and myself also I w r ould offer willingly for the health of your souls, aa who also do desire, and trust likewise myself to be strengthened with the fervency of your holiness, as appertaining to those things wherein the Lord our God hath set us to be workmen, &c. And after a few other words to the like effect, wherein he doth declare the heavy burden of his office, it followeth after this manner : — Wherefore most humbly, and as one unworthy, but yet a devout fellow-brother of yours, I beseech and exhort your holiness, that you will not show yourselves cold and negligent in the cure and regiment of souls, so that in the time of the fearful judgment, the Lord do not complain of you, saying, " My shepherds did not feed my flock, but they fed themselves;" and again, " They were princes of my flock, and I knew not of it." But rather let us take heed and be diligent over the household of the Lord, over which he hath set us to be the leaders, to give them meat and true measure of corn in time convenient ; that is to say, whole- some doctrine. And, although upon mine own merits or worthiness, I do not presume to comfort or exhort any man, but as one being unworthy and faulty in transgressions innumerable, I am glad, and stand in need rather, to be strengthened by your brotherly admonitions ; yet, for the ancient authority of my predecessors, as of Augustine of happy memory, and also of all other saints, by whose indus- try the rule of Christianity did first flourish and spring from this metropolitan see unto all quarters of England, therefore I have thought good to direct unto 0) " Mirabili euncti-potentis polorum prassulis dementia opitulante, ego Odo, eeclesiag salva- tOris Domini nostri Jesu Christi archiepiscopus, Doverniensis civitatis metropolitanus, coepis- ropis fidei Catholicae compagatoribus, spirituali charitatis vigore meis confratribus, praesentiuro piosperitatem aetliereiqne decoris beatitudinem," frc. VOL. II. F 50 DUNSTAN THE MONK. ABBOT OF GLASTONBURY Edmund, you these my letters to the profit of you all; especially, for that our renowned ■ and princely king Edmund, with all his people, doth joy to follow that which A. D. h e heareth in you and of you; and also forasmuch as all his subjects, who be 946 to un( ier his imperial dominion, do love and delight to follow most joyfully the 955. same, and report of your sincere conversation, &c. Arplndir. This Odo continued bishop the space of eighteen years. After him Elsinus was elected and ordained by the king to succeed through favour and money ; but, in going to Rome for the pope's pall, in his journey through the Alps, he decayed and died for cold. Hereupon succeeded Dunstan, as in time and place (by the leave of Christ) fol- loweth to be declared. King Edmund gave to St. Edmund the Martyr before-mentioned, the town of Bredrichworth, which is now called St. Edmundsbury, with great revenues and lands appertaining to the same. But con- cerning the frivolous miracles which our monkish story-writers here feign of this good Edmund by the way, or rather out of the way, I children let them pass. And thus much concerning King Edmund, who, after Edmund. ne na d reigned four years and a-half, was slain, as it is said, atPulcher- Appendix. church, and buried at Glastonbury by Dunstan, leaving behind him two children, Edwin and Edgar, by his wife Elgina. But because the two aforesaid children were yet young, and under age, therefore Edred, Edred, brother to King Edmund, and uncle to the children, governed of !he n ° r as protector about the space of nine years and a half, till Edwin the a"d^946 eldest son came of age. This Edred, with great moderation and fidelity to 955. to the young children behaved himself, during the time of his govern- Appendix. ment - In his time Dunstan was promoted, through the means of Odo Dunstan the archbishop, from abbot of Glastonbury to be bishop of Worcester, bishop of By the counsel of this Dunstan Edred was much ruled, and too worces- much thereto addicted ; insomuch that he is reported in stories to have submitted himself to much fond penance and castigation, in- flicted on him by the said Dunstan. Such zealous devotion was then in princes, and more blind superstition in bishops. And here again is another miracle as fantastical as the other before, forged by Dunstan, that when that Edred being sick sent for Dunstar to be his confessor, by the way Dunstan should hear a voice declaring to him beforehand, that Edred was already departed ; at the declaring whereof, Dunstan's horse fell immediately dead under him- — with lie and all ! EDWIN, or EDWY. A D. Edwin, the eldest son of King Edmund before-mentioned, after 955 to hi s uncle Edred, began his reign about a.d. 955, being crowned at 959, Kingston by Odo, the archbishop of Canterbury. Of this Edwin it is reported by divers writers, that the first day of his coronation, sitting with his lords, he brake suddenly from them, and entered a secret chamber, to the company of a certain woman whom he inordinately retained, being, as some say, another man's wife, whose husband he had before slain ; as others say, being of his alliance, to the great mis- liking of his lords, and especially of the clergy. Dunstan was as yet but abbot of Glastonbury ; who, following the king into the chamber, HIS ADVANCEMENT TO THE PRIMACY. 51 enemy to monks. brought him out by the hand, and accused him to Odo, the archbishop, Edwin. causing him to be separate from the company of the aforesaid party, A by the which Odo the king was for his fact suspended out of the 955 to church : by reason whereof the king, being with Dunstan displeased, 959. banished him his land, and forced him for a season to flee to Flanders, The king where he was in the monastery of St. Amand. About the same edTy"^ season the monastical order of Benedict monks, or black monks, (as ^ bi " they were called,) began to multiply and increase here in England ; insomuch that where, beforetime, other priests and canons had been placed, there monks were in their rooms set in, and the secular priests (as they then were called) or canons, put out. But King Edwin, Edwin an for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan, did so vex all the order of the said monks, that in Malmesbury, Glastonbury, and other places more, he thrust out the monks, and set secular priests in their stead. Notwithstanding, it was not long but these priests and canons were again removed, and the said monks in their stead restored, both in the aforesaid houses, and in divers other cathedral churches besides, as in the next story of King Edgar (Christ willing) shall more at large appear. In fine, King Edwin being hated, by reason of certain his de-m s death meanours, of all his subjects, especially the Northumbrians and Mercians, was by them removed from his kingly honour, and his brother Edgar in his stead received, so that the river of Thames divided both their kingdoms. Which Edwin, after he had reigned about the term of four years, departed, leaving no heir of his body, wherefore the rule of the land fell unto Edgar, his younger brother. EDGAR, surnamed PAOIFIOUS. 1 Edgar, the second son of Edmund, and brother to Edwin, being of A. D, the age of sixteen years, began his reign over the realm of England, 959. a.d. 959, but was not crowned till fourteen years after, 2 the causes Ap £?* dix . whereof hereunder follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the be- ginning of his reign he called home Dunstan, whom King Edwin had ApP S endi X . exiled. Then was Dunstan, who before was abbot of Glastonbury, Dunstan made bishop of Worcester, and then of London. Not long after this, jj^op of Odo, the archbishop of Canterbury, deceaseth, after he had governed ^°J do r "' that church twenty-four years. After whom, Elsinus, 3 bishop of sentry* Winchester, [first was elected ; but shortly after died, as above re- bishop of lated. After him, Brithilinus, bishop of Wells,] was elected ; but ^ er " because he was thought not sufficient to furnish that room, Dunstan s«_ was ordained archbishop, and the other sent home again to his old Appe " d,x ' church. 4 Where note by the way, how in those days the donation and assigning of ecclesiastical dignities remained in the king's hand ; only they fetched their pall from Rome as a token of the pope S COn- Livings firmation. So Dunstan, being by the king made archbishop, took his taking, journey to Rome for his pall of Pope John XII., which was about and notby the beginning of the king's reign. Thus Dunstan, obtaining his epope ' pall, shortly after his return again from Rome entreateth King Edgar that Oswald (who, as is said, was made monk at Fleury, and was nephew to Odo, late archbishop of Canterbury) might be promoted to the bishopric of Worcester, which thing to him was granted ; and, (1) Edition 1563, p. 10. Ed. 1583, p 152. Ed. 1596, p. 137. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 169.— En. (2) See Appendix. (3) Foxe says, erroneously, "Brithilinus:" see pp. 50, 103. — E©. (4) Ex. Hist. Ro. Hoveden, [whence the above correction of the text is made. — Ed.] E 2 52 MONKISH DREAMS. Edyar. not long after, through the means of the said Dunstan, Ethelwold, ^ I) whom stories do feign to be the great patron of monkery, first monk 959. at Glastonbury, then abbot of Abingdon, was also made bishop of ' Winchester. Of this Ethelwold, Malmesbury 1 recordeth, that what W oid, time he was a monk in the house of Glastonbury, the abbot had a \nnches- v ^ swn °f nnT1 > wliicli was this : how that there appeared to him in his ter, a sleep a certain great tree, the branches whereof extended throughout maintain- all the four quarters of the realm, which branches were all covered monkery, w * tn many little monks' cowls ; where in the top of the tree was one a. d. 963. great master-cowl, which, in spreading itself over the other cowls, enclosed all the rest; which master-cowl in the tree-top mine author, Monkish in the interpretation, applieth to the life of this Ethelwold. Of such ieams " prodigious fantasies our monkish histories be full ; and not only our histories of England, but also the heathen stories of the Gentiles, be stuffed with such kind of dreams of much like effect. Of such a like dream we read of the mother of Athelstan ; how the moon did spring out of her womb, and gave light to all England ! Also of King Charles the emperor, how he was led by a thread to see the torments of hell. Likewise of Furceus, the hermit, mentioned in the third Book of Bede, who saw the joys of heaven, and the four fires that should destroy the world ; the one of lying, for breaking our promise made at baptism ; the second fire was of covetousness ; the third of dissension ; the fourth was the fire of impiety and wrongful dealing. Item, in like sort of the dream of Dunstan, and of the same Ethelwold, to whom appeared the three bishops, Bristan, Birin, and Swithin, &c. Item of the dream of the mother of this Ethelwold, who being great with him, did see a golden eagle fly out of her mouth, &c; of the dream likewise, or the vision of King Edgar, concerning the falling of the two apples ; and of the pots, one being full, the other empty, of water, &c; also of King Edward the Confessor, touching the ruin of the land by the conquest of the Normans. We read also in the History of Astyages, how he dreamed of Cyrus; and likewise of many other dreams in the books of the monks and of the ethnic writers ; for what cannot either the idle vanity of man's head or the deception of the lying spirit work by man, in fore- showing such earthly events as happen commonly in this present world ? But here is a difference to be understood between these earthly dreams, speaking of earthly things and matters of human super- stition ; and between other spiritual revelations sent by God touching spiritual matters of the church, pertaining to man's salvation. But, to How and our purpose ; by this dream, and by the event which followed after, it mlJnksbe- ma y a PP ear how, and by what means, the multitude of monks began -an to first to swarm in the churches of England, that is, in the days of this Sgiand! Edgar, by the means of these three bishops, Dunstan, Ethelwold, and Three set- Oswald. Albeit Dunstan was the chiefest ringleader of this race, yet^ ters up of Ethelwold, beinff now bishop of Winchester, and Oswald bishop of a monkish ' ° i i i • i p i • Tt ^ • - religion Worcester, were not much behind tor their parts. J3y the instigation and counsel of these three aforesaid, King Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground, or to re-edify monasteries de- cayed by the Danes, more than forty: as the house of Ely, Glastonbury, Abingdon, Burga by Stamford, 2 Thorney, Ramsey, 3 Wilton, Win ton. (1) Ex. Guliel. Malmesb lib. de Gestis Pontificum Anglorum. (2) Peterborough.— Ed. (3) Rumsey in Hants was founded by Edgar, Ramsey in Hunts re-founded. See Tanner's Notitia Monastic* for confirmation of our author. PRIESTS COMPELLED TO GIVE PLACE TO MONKS. 53 Winchcomb, Tavistock in Devonshire, with divers other more, in the Edgar. setting up and building of the which the aforesaid Ethelwold was a a.D. great doer, and a founder under the king. Moreover, through the 964. motion of this Diinstan and his fellows, king Edgar, in divers great houses and cathedral churches where prebendaries and priests were before, displaced the priests, and set in monks. Whereof we read in the Chronicle of Roger Hoveden, in words and form as followeth : — 44 Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the king's council, did urge the king chiefly to expel clerks out of monasteries, and in their rooms to bestow monks and nuns." 1 Thus the secular priests being put to their choice, whether to change their habit, or to leave their rooms, departed out of their houses, giving place for other better men to come in. Then the houses and monasteries of religious men through all the realm went up apace. After the king's mind was thus persuaded and incited by these The po bishops to advance monkery, then Oswald, bishop of W orcester, and Saw in also made archbishop of York after the decease of Oskitel, " Sui voti ]|Jj ving compos effectus, 11 as Hoveden writeth, having his see in the cathedral priests to church there of St. Peter, began first with fair persuasions to assay the monks" minds of the canons and priests, whether they could be content to AD - 9(50 change their profession, and to be made monks or no ; and when he saw it would not take effect, he practised this policy with them : — near to the said church of St. Peter, within the church-yard, he erected another church of our Lady, 2 which when he had replenished with monks, he continually frequented ; there he kept, there he sat, and was ever there conversant, by reason whereof the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the people gathered there, where the bishop was. The priests seeing themselves so to be left and neglected both by the bishop and by the people, to whom nothing remained but shame and contempt, were driven by shame either to relinquish the house (such as would not enter the monkish profession), or else to become monks (such as had nothing else to depend upon). After the like superstition, although not after the same subtilty, did Ethelwold also drive out the canons and priests from the new monastery in Winchester, afterward called Hyde, and place therein his monks. So in Oxford and in Mildune^ with divers other places, the secular priests, with their wives, w r ere expelled, to give place to monks. The cause thereof is thus pretended in certain story-writers, whom I see also Fabian to follow 7 ; for that the priests and clerks were thought slack and negligent in their church service, and set in vicars in their stead, while they lived in pleasure and mispent the patrimony of the church after their own lust. Then King Edgar gave to the vicars the same land which before belonged to the prebendaries; who also not long after showed themselves as negligent as the others. Wherefore King Edgar, as mine authors write, by the consent of Pope John XIII., voided clearly the priests, (1) " Hie namque Ethelwoldus regem, cujus eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maxime provoca- vit, ut clericos a monasteriis expelleret, et monachos sanctimonialesque in eis collocaret," &c. Ro. Hoveden, lib. Continuationum post Bedam. Chro. Jornalens. Guliel. Malmesb. de Gestis Pon- tif. lib. i. Whereunto accordeth likewise Jornalensis : " Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. et Oswaldus Wigorniensis, episcopi, jussu Regis Edgari (Clericis de quibusdam majoribus ecclesiis expulsis) monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis et aliis monachos in eisdem fecerunt." Malmesbury also, writing of the time of Dunstan, maketh the matter somewhat more plain, where he saith, " Itaque clerici multarum ecclesiarum data optione, ut aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedi- cerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes : surgebant itaque in tota insula religiosorum mo- nasteria, cumulabantur mole pretiosi metalli sanctorum altaria," &c. (*2) Guliel. Malmesb. lib. iii. de Gest. Pont. ; Chron. Jornalen. in Vita Edgari (3) Malmesbury.— Ed. 54 MONKS IX THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH Edgar, and ordained there monks ; tliougli certain of the nobles and some "aTdT °f tne prelates were therewith not well contented, as in the chapter 96(3. following may partly appear. Ecclesias- tical But forasmuch as we have entered upon the mention of monks and a/airs. nuns, and of their profession, which I see so greatly in our monkish stories commended ; lest perhaps the simple reader may be deceived The dif- therebv, in hearing the name of monks in all histories of times to be o/derjand such an ancient thing in christian life, even from the primitive JjJfJJ" church after the apostles 1 time, both commonly recited and well monks, received : therefore, to help the judgment of the ignorant, and to pre- vent all error herein, it shall not be unprofitable, in following the present occasion here given, by way of a little digTession, to inter- meddle somewhat concerning the original institution of monks, what they were in the old time who were called Monachi ; wherein the r*» . monks of the primitive time did differ from the monks of the middle theprimi- time, and from these our monks now of this latter age ; moreover, church, therein all these three do differ from priests, as we call them, and from men of the clergy. Wherefore, to answer to the superstitious scruple of those who allege the old antiquity of the name and title of monks, first. I grant the name and order of monks to be of old continuance, nearly from the time of three hundred years after Christ ; of whom divers old authors do discourse, as Augustine, Hieronymus, Basilius Magnus (who was also himself one of the first institutors and com- menders of that superstition), Chrysostom, Nazianzen, Evagrius, So- zomen, Dionysius, and divers others. In the number of these monks, who then were divided into hermits or anchorites, and into Coenobites, were Antonius, Paulus, and Johannes, with clivers other recluses, among whom were Hierome, Basil, Macharius, Isidore, Pambus, Xilammon, Simeon, with infinite others, both in Palestine, Syria, Thebes, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Africa, and Scythia ; insomuch A?J*Zte.. that Cassianus 1 maketh mention of a certain monastery at Thebes, wherein were above 5,000 monks, under the government of one abbot. And here also in England mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were 2,200 monks under one man's ruling [a.d. 596] ; whereby it appeareth that there were monks then, and two hundred vears before, in the primitive time of the church. But what monks these were, is to be considered : such as by tyranny of persecution were driven into solitary and desert places, or else such as not constrained by any, but of their own voluntary devotion, joined with some superstition, for the love they had unco spiritual contemplation, and for hatred of the wicked world, withdrew themselves from all company, either having nothing to themselves proper, or else all things Monks in common with others. Now all these were then nothing else but timbre laymen : of which laymen there were two sundry sorts, one of the men? a ' v Vl % ai " an ^ common people, who only were partakers of the sacraments ; leading a the others, through following a monastical kind of life, were called Ftnc, hfe. mon k s ^ b e i n g nothing but laymen leading a more severe and stricter trade of life than others. By the authors quoted in the note, 2 it is evident that monks (1) Cassian. lib. ii. cap. 4. [Instit. Coenob. iib. iv. cap. 1, de institutis renuntiantium.— Ed ] (2) August, lib. de moribus e.-clesiie. cap. 13. Item. lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item, Epis- tola ad Aurelium. Also by Hierome ad Heliodorum. writing these words : " Alia monachorum NOT RESTRAINED FROM MARRIAGE. 55 in the "former age of the church, albeit they lived a solitary life, Edgar. yet were they no other but laymen, differing from priests and also EcciesUu- from the other monks who succeeded them afterwards in the middle affai*. age of the church, and that in three points : First, they were tied 7 and bound to no prescribed form, either of diet or apparel, or any thepnmS thing else, as we may see testified by the words of St. Augustine. 1 Jj^Jj™ 6 And Sozomen, speaking of the monks of the same time, who in from cities had several mansions separate from others, saith, " Some live the se- 1 in cities, so behaving themselves, as seeming nothing worth, and they c 0 f[he ge differed nothing from the multitude, ,,2 &c. The second point wherein church, they were discrepant from the later monks was, that they remained in no other order but that of laymen, only being of a stricter life than the rest, and had nothing to do in matters and charges ecclesiastical ; which was afterward broken by Pope Boniface IV., as followeth (the Lord willing) to be seen and said. Thirdly, the aforesaid monks of some that age, albeit the most part of them lived sole and single from ried, and wives, yet some of them were married : certes, none of them were "tranS forbidden or restrained from marriage. Of such as were married from mar- t*i ri°~c, speaketh Athanasius, who says, " he knew both monks and bishops, as married men, and fathers of children." 3 The said monks of the old time, though they were better than Supersti- the others who followed them, yet, all that notwithstanding, super- m ° wl th Pt stition with them, and among them, began then to creep into the monkery- church through the crafty subtilty of Satan, and all for the ignorance of our free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Examples do declare the vain and prodigious superstition of these monastical sorts of men ; which examples do not lack, if leisure rather did not lack to igno- bring them in. But two or three shall suffice for many, which I pur- free justi- pose (the Lord willing) here to insert, to the intent the mind of ^ciSst, the godly reader may the better consider and understand, how JJ®^ 86 shortly after the time of Christ and his apostles, the doctrine of perstt christian justification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to tlon ' superstition, and the price of Christ's passion to be obscured through the vain opinion of men's merits, &c. A certain abbot, named Moses, thus testifieth of himself in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so afflicted himself with much fasting and watching, that sometimes, for two or three days together, not only he felt no appetite to eat, but also had no remembrance of any meat at all, and by reason thereof was driven also from sleep ; insomuch that he was caused to pray to God but for some portion of the night to be given him, for a little refreshing of sleep. 4 In the same author mention is made of est causa, alia clericorum ; clerici pascunt oves, ego pascor," &c. that is, " One thing pertaineth to monks, another thing unto them of the clergy ; they of the clergy feed their flock. I am fed," &c. Et ex Dionysio. The same appeareth likewise hy the fourth canon of the Council of Chalcedon, where it is provided, " Ne monachi se ecclesiasticis negotiis immisceant;" that is, " That monks should not intermeddle with matters of the church," &c. Et Leo, Epistola 62. vetat Monachos et Laicos, " etsi scientiae nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi et concionandi." (1) " Neque inter haec nemo urgetur in aspera, quae ferre non potest : nulli quod recusat imponitur; nec ideo contemnitur a Cceteris, qu6d in eis imitandis se fatetur invalidum. Meminerunt enim quantopere commendata sit in scripturis charitas. Meminerunt omnia munda mundis, &c. ' Non quod intrat in os coinquinat hominem, sed quod exit.' Itaque non rejiciendis generibus ciborum quasi pollutis, sed concupiscentias perdomandae, et dilectioni fratrum retinendas invigilat omnis in- lustria." — August, de Institutis Monachorum. (2) " Alii in turha civitatum conversabantur, sic seipsos gerentes, ut nullius momenti videren- tur et a multis nihil differrent," &c. — Lib. iii. cap. 16. (3) " Se novisse et monachos et episcopos conjuges ct liberorum patres," & c. — In Epistola ad Dracontium. (4) Cassian. Collat. 2 cap, 17. 56 MONKS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. tioi i i-tance. x ar. a certain old man, a hermit, who, because he had conceived in himself hcciesias such a purpose as never to eat meat without he had some guest or affairs, stranger Avith him, sometimes was constrained to abstain five days together until Sunday, when he went to the church, and thence brought some stranger or other home with him. Two other examples more will I add out of the said Cassianus, to declare how the subtilty of Satan, through superstition and false colour of holiness, blindeth the miserable eyes of those who rather attend men's traditions than the word of God. The said author relates that a certain abbot named Johannes, in the desert of Scythia, Blind sent two of his novices with figs unto one that was sick in the wilder- supersti- 1 ness, eighteen miles off from the church. It chanced that these two young novices, missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wilderness, unable to find the cell, that for emptiness and weariness they waxed faint and tired ; and yet rather would they die than taste the figs committed to them to carry, and so they did, for shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole by them. 1 Another story also Cassianus reciteth, of two monastical brethren, who making their progress in the desert of Thebes, purposed with themselves to take no sustenance but such as the Lord himself a -.other, should minister unto them. It happened, as they were wandering desolate in the desert, and fainting almost for penury, that certain Api^ndix. Mazises, a kind of people by nature fierce and cruel, notwithstanding being suddenly altered into a new nature of humanity, came forth, and of their own accord, offered bread unto them ; which bread, the one thankfully received as sent of God ; the other, accounting it sent of man, and not of God, refused it, and so for lack perished. 3 Hereunto might I also annex the story of Mucius, who, to declare his obedience, did not stick, at the commandment of his abbot, to cast his son into the Avater, not knowing whether any were appointed Another, there ready to rescue him from drowning ; so far were the monks in those days drowned in superstition. What is this, but for man's traditions and commandments to transgress the commandments of Monkery God, who saith, " Thou shalt do no murder " Thou shaft not tileVof tempt the Lord thy God ?" What man is so blind, that seeth not by tion e and these, an( i infinite examples more, what pernicious superstition had hypo- begun by reason of this monkery, almost from the beginning, to creep tnsy ' into the church ? whereat I cannot marvel enough, seeing that age of the church had in it so many learned and famous doctors, who not only did approve and allow these monastical sects of life, but also certain Avere themselves the authors and institutors of the same, yea, and of men's traditions made the service of God; in the number of Avhom may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, and Nazi- anzen, who, Avith immoderate austerity, did so pluck doAvn themselves, that Avhen they were called to the office of bishops, they Avere not able to sustain the labour thereof. Monk^s of After these aforesaid monks of that time, above-recited, followed die and other monks of the middle age of the church, Avho, as in multitude, afe"r so a ^ so hi superstition increasing, began, by little and little, from °] the . their desolate dens in the vast wilderness, to approach more near to (1) Cassian. [Instit. Ccenob. lib. v.] cap. 40, de Spiritu Gastrimarg.— Ed (2) See Appendix. (3) Cassian Collat. ii. cap. 6. — En. MONKS OF THE LATTER AGES OF THE CHURCH. 57 great towns, where they liad solemn monasteries founded by kings Ett s ar - and queens, and kings' daughters, and other rich consuls, as is partly Eceie&ias- before touched, and the causes also touched withal for the which they affairs. were first founded. 1 For all these impious and erroneous titles and Causes of causes we find alleged in stories, as in Malmesbury, Jornalensis, Hen- jfcefeund- ricus, 2 and other moe. In which histories I also note, that the most nasteries part of these foresaid monasteries were erected first upon some great J"| l ie n s M " murder, either by war in the field, or privately committed at home, as Jj'jjjj* shall well appear to them which read their books whom I have alleged, deroga- But, to return to our monks again, who, as is said, first began to Christ's creep from the cold fields into warm towns and cloisters, from towns gJ^Sris- then into cities, and at length from their close cells and cities, into tian faith, cathedral churches (as here appeareth by this story of King Edgar), pfsSJ] 1 ' 1 ' where, not only did they abound in wealth and riches (especially these monks of our later time), but much more did they swim in supersti- tion and pharisaical hypocrisy, being yoked and tied in all their doings to certain prescribed rules and formal observances ; in watch- ing, in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walking, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, every man apparelled not as the proper condition of others would require, nor as the season of the year did serve, but as the compulsory rules and order of every sect did enforce. The number of monkish sects was infinitely divers : some, after various St. Basil's rule, went in white ; some, after Beret's rule, in black ; some, Cluniacenses, first set up by Otho in the time of this King Al , p fZi lx Edgar, wore* after the rule of Benet's order ; some, after Hierome's rule, were leather-girdled, and coped above their white coat ; some Gregorians were copper-coloured ; some, ' De valle umbrosa,' were grey monks ; some, Grandimontenses, wore a coat of mail upon their bare bodies, with a black cloak thereupon : some, Cistercians, had white rochets on a black coat ; some, Celestines, all in blue, both cloak, cowl and cap ; some, Charter monks, wearing haircloth next their bodies ; some, Flagellants, going barefoot in long white linen a p ££mt shirts, with an open place in the back, where they beat themselves with scourges on the bare skin every day before the people's eyes, till the blood ran down, saying, that it was revealed to them by an angel, that in so scourging themselves, within thirty days and twelve hours they should be made as pure from sin as they were when they first received baptism ; some, Starred monks ; some, Jesuats, with a white girdle an da russet cowl. Briefly, who can reckon up the innumerable sects and disguised orders of their fraternities ? some holding of St. Benet, some of St. Hierome, some of St. Basil, some of St. Ber- nard, some of St. Bridget, some of St. Bruno, some of St. Lewis ; as though it were not enough for Christians to hold of Christ only. So subject were they to servile rules, that no part of christian liberty remained among them ; so drowned and sunk in superstition, that not only they had lost Christ's religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled (l) " Pro remedio animae meae," " pro remissione peccatorum meorum," " pro redemptione peccatorum meorum, et pro salute regnorum, quique meo subjacent regimini populorum," " in houorem gloriosae Yirginis." (2) i. e. Henry of Huntingdon.— Ed. 58 ENGLAND UNITED UNDER ONE MONARCHY. E < l 9«r- by the discreet government of reason in all outward doings wherein no Ecciesias- one rule can serve for all men, the circumstance of time, place, person affuL. an d business being so sundry and divers ; on the contrary, among Monks these, not reason, but only the knock of a bell ruled all their doings : [hew their ri . sin &' tlieir slee P m g> their praying, their eating, their coming Sf a beu* JBi their going out,_ their talking, their silence ; and altogether, like insensible people, either not having reason to rule themselves, or else as persons ungrateful to God, neither enjoying the benefit of reason created in them, nor yet using the grace of Christ's liberty, whereunto he redeemed them. Thus thou seest, gentle reader ! sufficiently declared, what the monks were in the primitive time of the church, and what were the monks of the middle age, and of these our latter days of the church ; whereunto join this withal, that whereas the monks of elder time, as is said, were mere laymen, and not spiritual ministers, afterwards a.t>. 606. Boniface IV. made a decree, that monks might use the offices of preaching, christening, and hearing confessions ; and also, that of absolving them from their sins : so that monks, who, in the beginning, Made were but laymen, and not spiritual ministers, forbidden by the general ministers council of Chalcedon, as is above related, to intermeddle with matters S the de- ecclesiastical, afterwards, in process of time, did so much encroach crees and upon the office of spiritual ministers, that at length the priests were of the™ discharged out of their cathedral churches, and monks put in their churciu p] aces . because that monks in those days, leading a stricter life, and professing chastity, had a greater countenance of holiness among the people than had the priests, who then, in the days of King Edgar, Priests had wives (at least so many as would), no law forbidding them till wives the time of Hildebrand, now called Gregory VII., whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) in the book next following. a. d. 967. And thus much, by the way, as touching the order and profession of monks. Now, to turn in again from whence we digressed, that is, to the matter of King Edgar, who, following the counsel and leading of Dunstan, and the aforesaid Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, was somewhat thereby inclined to superstition ; but, otherwise, of his own nature, well given to all virtues and princely acts worthy of much The wor- commendation and famous memory. So excellent was he in justice, o>: King and sharp in correction of vices, as well in his magistrates as other Kdgar. SUD jects, that never before his days was less felony by robbers, nor less extortion or bribery by false officers. Such provinces and lordships as were not yet come under the king's subjection, he united and England adjoined to his dominion ; and so made one perfect monarchy of the to d on C e ed whole realm of England, with all the islands and borders about the monar- same * Such as were wicked he kept under ; he repressed those that «»y. were rebels ; the godly he maintained ; he loved the modest ; he was devout to God, and beloved of his subjects, whom he governed in much peace and quietness. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did bless him with much abundance of peace and rest from all wars, so that, as the history recordeth of him, " he neither tasted of ar»y privy treason among his subjects, nor of any invasion of foreign enemies," for which he was called Pacificus. So studious he was of the public profit of his realm, and fruitful in his government, OLVES DRIVEN OUT OF ENGLAND. 59 that, as the said story saith of him, " no year passed in all the time Edgar. of his reign, wherein he did not some singular and necessary com- a.D. modity for the commonwealth. " 1 A great maintainer he was of 970. religion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of King Edgar Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely virtues this chiefly and is to be regarded, that whereas other princes in much peace and com 6 quietness are commonly wont to grow into a dissolute negligence pared * of life, or oblivion of their charge committed unto them ; this king, in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding), kept ever with him such a watch, and a vigilant severity joined with a seemly clemency, that I cannot but recite here what our historians witness, testifying of his diligent and great care over the commonwealth, " that he would suffer no man, of what degree of nobility soever he were, to evade his laws without condign punishment. ,, 2 And the same author adds, " in all his time there was neither any privy picker, nor open thief, but he that in stealing other men's goods would venture, and suffer, as he was sure to do, the loss of his own life:' 3 Moreover, as the studious industry of this prince was forward in wolves all other points, so his prudent provision did not lack in this also, Jenoutof in driving out the devouring and ravening wolves throughout all his En s land land, wherein he used this policy, in causing Llewellyn, prince or king of Wales, to yield him yearly, by way of tribute, 300 wolves ; by means whereof, within the space of four years after, in England and Wales, might scarcely be found one wolf alive. This Edgar, among other of his politic deeds, had in readiness The pro- 3600 ships of war to scour the seas in the summer-time, whereof 1200 King Ed- kept the east seas ; as many defended the west side ; and again, f^pfrfg as many were in the south seas to repulse the invasion of foreign the seas - enemies. Moreover, in the winter season, the use and manner of this virtuous king was this : during all the time of his life, to ride over the land in progress, searching and inquiring diligently (to use the words of mine author), " how the laws and statutes by him or- a notable dained were kept, and that the poor should suffer no prejudice, or fl?™\\ le be oppressed in any manner of way by the mightier," 4 &c. Briefly, p°i° n d cest0 as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so follow - this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him, like a phenix, to fly alone ; that of all his posterity so few there be that seek to keep him company. And although I have showed more already of this king than I think will well be followed, yet this more is to be added to the worthiness of his other acts, that whereas, by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in divers places of England, much excessive drinking was used, whereupon ensued drunkenness and The de- many other vices, to the evil example and hurt of his subjects ; King 0 Ed- he, therefore, to prevent that evil, ordained certain cups, with pins gj^ t or nails set in them, adding thereunto a law, that what person drank drunken- past the mark at one draught should forfeit a certain penny, whereof Ar> ^ dix (1) " Nullus fere annus in chronicis praeteriit, quo non magnum et necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit." (2) " Ut nullum cujuscunque dignitatis hominem leges eludere impune permitteret.". (3) " Nemo ejus tempore privatus latro, nemo popularis praedo, nisi qui mallet in fortunas alienas grassari propriae vitae dispendio," &c. Guliel. Malmesb. de Reg. (4) " Quomodo legum jura, et suorum statuta decretorum observarentur ; et ne pauperes a potentibua praejudiciuin passi opprtmerentur." 60 VICES NOTED IN EDGAR. Edgar, one half should tall to the accuser, and the other half to the ruler A.D. of the borough or town where the offence was done. 971. It is reported of this Edgar, by divers authors, that about the thirteenth year of his reign, he being at Chester, eight kings, called in histories Subreguli, to wit, petty-kings, or under-kings, came and Bight did homage to him ; of whom the first was the king of Scots, homage called Kenneth, Malcolm of Cumberland, Mackus, or Mascusinus, Edgar! 8 king of Monia, 1 and of divers other islands ; and all the kings of Wales, the names of whom were Dufual or Dunewald, Sifresh, Huwall, Jacob, and Vikyll or Juchel. . All these kings, after they had given their fidelity to Edgar, the day following, for a pomp or royalty, he entered with these aforesaid kings the river Dee ; where he, sitting in a boat, took the rule of the helm, and caused these eight kings, every person taking an oar in his hand, to row him up and down the river, to and from the church of St. John, unto his palace again, in token that he was master and lord of so many provinces, whereupon he is reported to have said in this manner : Tunc demiun posse successores suos gioriari, se Reges Anglise esse, cum tanta prterogativa honorum fruerentur." But in my mind this king had done much better, if he had rather said with St. Paul, " Absit mini gioriari, nisi in cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi." Edgar a And thus ye have heard hitherto, touching the commendation of tS' up- King Edgar, such, reports as the old monkish writers thought to monkery Destow upon him, as upon the great patron of their monkish religion, who had builded as many monasteries for them as there were Sundays in the year, as some say, or, but forty-eight, as Edmer reporteth. vices Now, on the other side, what vices in him were reigning, let us Edgar!" likewise consider, according as we find in the said authors described, who most wrote to his advancement. The first vice is noted to be cruelty as well towards others, as especially towards a certain earl, being of his secret council, called Ethelwold. The story is this : Ordgar, duke of Devonshire, had a certain daughter, named Elfrida, whose beautv bein£ hio'hlv commended to the king, and he beino- J O O J ©? © inflamed therewith, he sent this aforesaid Ethelwold (whom he especially trusted) to the party, to see and to bring him word again, and if her beauty were such as was reported, willing him also to make the match between them. Ethelwold well viewing the party, and seeing her beauty nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first to serve his own turn, told all things contrary unto the king. Whereupon the king, withdrawing his mind otherwise, in the end it came to pass that Ethelwold himself did marry her. Not long after, the king, understanding further by the complaints and rumours of certain, how he was prevented and beguiled, set a fair face upon the matter before Ethelwold, and merrily jesting with him, told him how he would come and see his wife ; and indeed appointed the day when he would be there. Ethelwold, the husband, perceiving this matter to go hardly with him, made haste to his wife, declaring to her the coming of the king, and also opening the whole order of the matter how he had done; desiring her of all love, as she would save his life, to disgrace and deform herself with garments and such attire as the king might take no delight in her. (1) That is, "the Isle of Man." See Hoffman vv. Mannia, ;mrt Monia. — Ed. HIS CRUELTY AND I NCOXTINENC Y. 61 Elfrida hearing this, what did she, but, contrary to the request of her Edgar. husband and promise of a wife, against the king's .coming trim ~ajd7 herself at the glass, and deck her in her best array ; whom, when 975. the king beheld, he was not so much enamoured with her as in hatred with her husband, who had so deceived him. Whereupon the king shortly after, making as though he would go to hunt in the forest of Harewood, sent for Ethelwold to come to him under His cru- the pretence of hunting, and there ran him through and slew him. elty - kft&r this the bastard son of Ethelwold coming to him, the king asked him how he liked that hunting ? who answered, " That which pleaseth the king ought not to displease me." For the death of this Ethelwold, Elfrida afterwards builded a monastery., of nuns, for i emission of sins. Another fault which Malmesbury noteth in him, was the coming Great de- m of strangers into this land, as Saxons, Flemings, and Danes, whom toTifS he with great familiarity retained, to the great detriment of the land, K?ng Ed- as the aforesaid story of Malmesbury recordeth, whose words be these: " whereby it happened that divers strangers, out of foreign countries, allured by his fame, came into the land, as Saxons, Flemings, and Danes also, ail whom he retained with great familiarity ; the coming of which strangers wrought great damage to the realm, and therefore is Edgar justly blamed in stories," 1 &c. With this reprehension all the Saxon stories also do agree. The third vice to him objected was his incontinency and his His i n - lasciviousness of life. He degraded a duke's daughter, being life, a nun, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilstrud, of which Wilfrida f was born Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also a certain other virgin in the town of Andover, who was privily conveyed into his chamber by this means : the lascivious king, coming to Andover, not far from Winchester, and thinking to have his desire of a cer- tain other duke's daughter, of whose beauty he heard much speaking, commanded the maid to be brought unto him. The mother of the virgin, grieving to have her daughter so wronged, secretly, by night, conveyed to the king's chamber, instead of her daughter, another maiden of beauty and favour not uncomely, who, in the morning rising to her work, and so being known by the king who she was, had granted unto her by the king such liberty and freedom, that of a servant she was made mistress both to her .master, and also to her mistress. 2 Among other concubines Edgar had Egelfleda, or Elfleda, called Edward Candida, the fair daughter of Duke Ordmer, 3 she being also a bastardy professed nun, of whom he had Edward ; for which he was en- ° f . Em £ d ,' joined by Dunstan seven years' penance, which being complete, he ward's took to him as his lawful wife, 4 Elfrida, the mother of Edmund and bine. u Ethelred, otherwise called Egelred, whereof more shall be said (the Lord willing) hereafter. Over and besides all these vices, noted and objected to King Edgar, in our monkish story- writers, I also observe another no less, or rather a greater vice than the other before-recited, which was blind yl) " Unde factum est, ut fama ejus per ora omnium volitante, alienigense, Saxones, Flandrita?, Ipsi etiam Dani hue frequenter annavigarent, Edgaro familiares effecti. Quorum adventus magnum provincialibus detrimentum peperit. Inde merito jureque rcprehendunt eum literae," &o 'SO Ex Matth. Paris, lib. de Regib. (3) Gulielm. Malmesb. (4) Idem. 62 EDGAR S BLIND SUPERSTITION. HIS DEATH. Kdgar. superstition, which brought idolatrous monkery into the church of A.d. Christ, with the wrongful expelling of lawful married priests out of 975. their houses. Whereupon, what inconveniences ensued in this realm, Ki^g~EdT- especially in the house of the Lord, I leave to the consideration of Seed b tnose wn0 nave near( i °f tne detestable enormities of those religious Du C nstaif ( votaries: the occasion whereof, first and chiefly, began in this Edgar, Ethel- through the instigation of Dunstan and his fellows ; who, after they shopo? ^ad mve igl e( i the king, and had brought him over to their purpose, winches- caused him to call a council of the clergy, where it was enacted and decreed that the canons of divers cathedral churches, collegiates, parsons, vicars, priests and deacons, with their wives and children, either should give over that kind of life, or else give room to monks, &c. For execution of which decree, two principal visitors were appointed ; Athelwold, or Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, and Oswald, bishop of Worcester, as is before mentioned. 1 And thus much concerning the history of King Edgar, and of such things as in his time happened in the church, which Edgar, after he had entered into the parts of Britany, to subdue the rebellion of the Welshmen, and there had spoiled the country of Glamorgan, and wasted that of Odo, within ten days after, when he had reigned the death s P ace of sixteen years, died, 0:1 d was buried at Glastonbury, leaving after him two bastards, to wit, Editha and Edward, and one son lawfully begotten, named Ethelred, or otherwise by corruption called Egelred : for Edmund, the elder son, died before his father. Ye heard before how King Edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liver. In consequence of his connexion with Elfled, Applndix. mother of Edward, he was stayed and kept back from his coronation by Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, the space of seven years : and so the said king, beginning his reign in the sixteenth year of his age, being a.d. 959, was crowned in the thirty-first year of his age, a.d. 973, as is by the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester Church to be proved. 2 For the more evident declaration of which matter, concerning the coronation of the king restrained, and the presumptuous behaviour of Dunstan against the king, and his penance by the said Dunstan Hp^vdix. enjoined, ye shall hear both Osberne, Malmesbury, and other authors speak in their own words, as followeth : " Perpetrato itaque in virgi- nem velatam peccato," &c. 3 After Dunstan had understanding of the king's offence perpetrated with the professed nun, and that the same was blazed amongst the people, with great ire and passion of mind he came to the king, who, seeing the archbishop coining, eftsoons of gentleness arose from his regal seat towards him, to take him by the Dunstan hand, and to give him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by take^he 10 the hand, and with stern countenance bending his brows, spake after tile hand *™ effect of words, as stories import, unto the king : " You that have not feared to corrupt a virgin made handfast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop ? You have defiled the spouse of your Maker, and think you by flattering service to pacify the friend of the bridegroom ? No, Sir, his friend will not I be, who hath Christ to his enemy." The king, terrified with these thundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward re- (1) Ex Osbemoin Vita Dunstani, fol. 27; Malmesbur. de Vit. Pontif. , Rog. Hoved. et aliis. (2) Ex Chronico Saxonico Ecclesiae Wigorniensis. (3) Ex Osberno in Vita Dnnstani. ERRORS COMMITTED BY HISTORIANS. pentance of his crime perpetrated, fell down with weeping at the feet Bdgar. of Dunstan, who, after he had raised him up from the ground again, "ajdT began to utter to him the horribleness of his fact ; and finding the 975. king ready to receive whatsoever satisfaction he would lay upon him, enjoined him this penance for seven years'* space, as followeth : — " That he should wear no crown all that space; that he should fast twice in Penance the week ; that he should distribute his treasure, left to him of his ancestors, t? Edgar liberally unto the poor ; that he should build a monastery of nuns, in order that See as he had robbed God of one virgin through his transgression, so he should restore Appendtx - to him many again in times to come. Moreover, he should expel clerks of evil Meaning life out of churches, and place covents of monks in their room : that he should p^ e b stg as enact just and godly laws ; and that he should write out portions of the holy had wives Scriptures, to be distributed among the people of his realm." and^chii- It followeth, tlien, in tbe story of Osberne, tbat when the seven years Edgar of the king's penance were expired, Dunstan, calling together all buf'three the peers of the realm, with bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastical JjJJJJ»ed degrees of the clergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, set the king, crown upon the king's head, at Bath, which was the one and thirtieth a&**** year of his age, and fourteenth of his reign ; so that he reigned only three years crowned king. All the other years besides, Dunstan, it is likely, ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching the son of the said Elfleda, Osberne writeth to this effect, " The child also which was born of Elfleda, he baptized in the holy fountain of regeneration, and so giving him the name of Edward, he did adopt him to be his son." 1 By this narration, agreeing also with the story JjjjjJ fa of the Saxon book abovementioned, there is evinced a double un- bury and truth or error, either negligently overseen, or of purpose dissembled, other8 ' in our later monkish story-writers, as in Maimesbury, Matthew Paris, Matthew of Westminster, and others ; who, to conceal the fault of King Edgar, or to square with Dunstan' s fact in setting up Edward for the maintenance of their monkish order, first do falsely affirm that Editha, the daughter of Wilfrida, was born after Edward, and that for her this penance was enjoined on King Edgar. This neither is, nor can be so, as in process hereafter (the Lord willing) shall appear. Secondly, they are deceived in this, that they affirm King Edgar to have two wives ; and that Elfleda, the mother of Edward, was not a professed nun indeed, but dissembled so to be, to avoid the violence of the king ; whereas, indeed, the truth of the story both giveth her to be a nun, and her son to be base, and she herself never to be married unto the king. Now, forasmuch as we have hitherto entered mention of Wilfrida and Editha, and also of Elfleda and Dunstan, 2 here should not be let pass to speak something of their lying miracles, falsely forged, to the great seduction of christian people, by super- stitious monks, who cared not what fables and lies they brought into the church, so that they might have the advantage of poor men's purses and oblations. And first, here come in the fabulous miracles wrought at the tomb of Elfleda, the king's concubine, which William of Maimesbury in certain verses expresseth ; 3 the English of (1) " Puerum quoque ex peccatrice quondam progenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lavavit, et aptato illi nomine Edwardo in filium sibi adoptavit." (2) See Appendix. — Ed. (S) " Nam nonnuUis passa annis morborum molestiam, Defascatam et excoctam Deo dedit animam. Functas ergo vitae fato beatas exuvias Tnfinitis clemens signis illustravit Deitas : Inor>es 64 FORGED MIRACLES OF DUNSTAN. Edgar, which it is needless here to recite. Briefly, the effect is this : — That A.D. both the blind, deaf, halt, and such as be mad, receive their health 975. again, if they worship the tomb of this Elfleda. The like feignings and Th e idle monstrous miracles we read also in chronicles of the doting Dunstan, fantasies drowned in all superstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer, forged First, how he,* being yet a boy, chased away the devil, set about with S ir Dun S a great company of dogs, and how the angels did open the church stan door for him to enter; then, how the lute or harp, hanging upon the wall, did sing or play without any finger these words : " The souls of the saints, who have followed the footsteps of Christ, and who have shed their blood for his love's sake, are rejoicing in heaven ; therefore they Dunstan shall reign with Christ for ever. 111 Item," where a certain great beam or setter*" master-post was loosed out of its place, he, by making the sign of a toedevii cross > set it m right frame again. Moreover, how the said Dunstan, n 7 ewith b em £ tempted upon a time by the devil, with impure cogitations, a hot pair caught the devil by the nose with a hot pair of tongs, and held him of tongs. £ as k Item, how heavenly spirits often appeared to him, and used to talk with him familiarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of King Edgar, of the death of King Egelred, of the death of Editha, and of Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester. Also, how our Lady, with her fellows, appeared visibly to him, singing this song : " Cantemus Domino, socise, can tenuis honorem ; Dulcis amor Christi person-et ore pio." 2 Again, how the angels appeared to him, singing the hymn called " Kyrie Rex splendens, 11 and yet these prodigious fantasies, with others, are written of him in chronicles, and have been believed in churches. a foul Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt miraciSn time of monkery, the fabulous, or rather filthy legend of Editha, were ofEditha. n °t t° be overpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be recited. But to cast the dirt of these pope-holy monks in their own face, who so impudently have abused the church of Christ, and the simplicity of the people, with their ungracious vanities, let us see what this miracle is, and how honestly it is told. Another Certain years after the death of Editha, saith William of Mal- DuiSa^ mesbury, which years Capgrave in his new legend reckoneth to be thir- teen, the said Editha, and also St. Dennis, holding her by the hand, appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requiring him that the body of Editha, in the church of Wilton, should be taken up and shrined, to the intent it might be honoured here on earth by her ser- vants, according as it is worshipped by her spouse in heaven. Dunstan, upon this, coming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was interred, commanded her body to be taken up with much honour and solemnity ; who, there, on opening her tomb (as both Malmesbury and Capgrave with shame enough record), found the whole body of this Editha consumed to earth, save only her thumb, and a few other lnopes visus et auditus si adorant tumulum, Sanitati restituti probant sanctas meritum* Rectum gressum refert domum. qui accessit loripes : Mente captus redit sanus, boni sensus locuples." V? " Gaudent in co?lis animae sanctorum, qui Christi vestigia sunt sequuti, et qui pro ejus amore *angv.inem suum fuderunt ; ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum." (2) What marvel, if certain books and epistles he falsely ascribed to the doctors, when the papsti shame no to ascribe other men's verses also to tiie Virgin Mary herself? CONTENTION AMONGST THE LORDS. 66 parts. Whereof the said Editha expounding the meaning declared Edward that her thumb remained sound for the much crossing she used with Martyr. the same, and that the other parts were uncorrupted for a testimony of a~dT her abstinence and integrity. 1 975. What Satan hath so envied the true sincerity of christian faith and doctrine, so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales, such filthy vanities, and such idolatrous fantasies as these ? Such monks, with their detestable houses, where Christ's people were so abomi- nably abused, and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women, whether they deserved not to be rased and plucked down to the ground, let all chaste readers judge. But of these matters enough and too much. Here folio weth the Epitaph written by Henry, archdeacon of 4pp s e » diz Huntingdon, upon the praise and commendation of King Edgar : — " Autor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum, An epi Sceptiger Edgarus regna superna petit. menda-" 1 " Hie alter Salomon, legum pater, orbita pacis, : tory of Qudd caruit bellis, claruit inde magis. j^ n f Templa Deo, templis monachos, monachis dedit agros, " gar " Nequitise lapsum, justitiasque locum. Novit enim regno verum perquirere falso, Immensum modico, perpetuumque brevi." Among his other laws, this king ordained that the Sunday should be solemnized from Saturday at nine o'clock till Monday morning. ,, EDWARD II., called the MARTYR. 2 After the death of King Edgar no small trouble arose among a.D the lords and bishops about the succession of the crown ; the principal 975. cause whereof arose on this occasion, as by the story of Simon of conten- Durham, and Roger Hoveden, is declared. Immediately after the amongst decease of the king, Alferus duke of Mercia, and many other jj^gj nobles who held with Egelred, or Ethelred, the only right heir and putting in lawful son of Edgar, disliking the placing and intruding of monks of '"""k^ into churches, and the thrusting of the secular priests, with their wives and children, out of their ancient possessions, expelled the abbots and monks, and brought in again the aforesaid priests, with their wives ; against whom, certain others there were on the contrary part that made resistance, as Ethelwin, duke of East Angles, Elfwold his brother, and the Earl Brithnoth, saying, in a council together assembled, " That they would never suffer the religious monks to be expelled and driven out of the realm, who held up all religion in the land ; " and, thereupon, immediately levied an army, wherewith to defend by force such monasteries as were within the precincts of East Anglia. In this hurly-burly amongst the lords, about the placing of monks, Also for and putting out of priests, rose also the contention about the crown, [JJkSJ who should be their king; the bishops and such lords as favoured the monks, seeking to advance such a king as they knew would incline (1) Ex Gulie]. Malmesb.. et Capgravo, in iegenda nova. (2) Edition 15(33, p. 11. Ed. 1583, p. 157. Ed. 1596, p. 142 Ed 1684, vol. i. p. 175 Ed. VOL. II. F EDWARD IHiK BASTARD MADE KING, Edward to their side ; so that the lords thus divided, ^oine of them would Maityv. have Edward, and some agreed upon Egelred, the lawful son. "XTdT Then Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, and Oswald, archbishop 975. of York, with other their fellow-bishops, abbots, and divers other ' lords and dukes, assembled together in a council ; into which council the^Bas- Dunstan coming with his cross in his hand, and bringing Edward Sng m and before the lords, so persuaded them, that, in the end, Edward, by heir^u? DunstaiTs means, was elected, consecrated, and anointed for their king, back. And thus hast thou, good reader, the very truth of this story, according to the writing of authors of most antiquity who lived nearest to that age, as Osberne and others ; 1 which Osberne, living in the days of William the Conqueror, wrote this story of Dunstan on the motion of Lanfranc, and allegeth, or rather translateth the same out of such Saxon stories as were written before his time. Besides this Osberne, we have also for witness hereof, Nicholas Trivet, in his English History, written in French, and also Johannes Paris, in his French History, written in the Latin tongue, where he plainly calleth Ed- ward, " non legitimum filmm," that is, " no lawful son. " Where- unto add, moreover, the testimony of Yincentius and Antoninus, who in plain terms likewise report the same. Editha Now, having laid the foundation for the truth and ground of this chLffor matter, let us come to examine how truly our later writers do say, whomEd- w ] 10 write that Editha, and not Edward, was the child for whom fnjoined Dunstan enjoined the king seven years' penance; and, also, how truly penance. t j ie y re p 0rt Edward to be the lawful heir, and Elfleda to be the lawful wife, to King Edgar. For first touching Editha, this is confessed by the said writers themselves, that she was of good years at the time Edgar, her father, was enjoined his penance ; after which seven years of his penance were expired, he lived, at the most, but three years and a half ; which seven years, and three years and a half, do make in all but ten years and a half. But now the said authors themselves do grant, that she was made abbess by her father, he being then alive. And how then can this stand with her legend, which saith, that she was not less than fifteen years of age ? By which account it must needs fall out, that she could not be so little as five years old before the birth of that child for whom the king did penance. And thus much touching Editha. The years Now, in like manner, to consider of the time of Edward. First, and^Ed- 21 ^ us by all writers is granted, that he was slain in the fifteenth year ward. of his age, which age doth well agree to that bastard child which King Edgar had, and for which he did penance ; for the more evidence whereof, let us come to the computation of the years in this sort : first, the penance of the king after the birth of this child lasted seven years ; then, the king, after the same, lived three years and a half ; after whose death Edward reigned other three years and a half, which in all make the full sum of fourteen years, about the count of which age, by their own reckoning, the said Edward, going on in his fifteenth year, was slain. Thus have ye, by manifest demonstration, proved by the right casting up of the years, after their own grant and reckoning, that tp^ndix Editha, daughter of Wilfrida, in no case can be the child that was (J) Ex Osnern . Nic. Trivet., Johan. Paris., Vineentio, Antonino. AMD THE RIGHT HEIR DEFEATED. 6"7 born after Edward, and for whom the king was enjoined penance ; E ' l »<" d but that Edward rather was born after Editha, and was the child for Martyr. whom the penance was enjoined, contrary to the opinion commonly A D received in the church, which, for ignorance of the story, hath hitherto 975. holden Edward to be a holy martyr, and right heir to the crown. How this error and opinion first sprang up, and by whom, albeit it pertain not to ray story to discuss, yet were it no hard matter to conjecture. First, after that Dunstan and Oswald, with other bishops, abbots, The cause and certain lords and dukes of that faction, for the maintenance of Jj-j^j monkery, had advanced Edward to be king, against Queen Elfrida, Edwardis mother of Ethelred, and Alferus, duke of Mercia, and certain other corrupted nobles who held with the contrary side of the priests against the ShiSs?' monks ; in process of time, the monks that came to write stories, tories - perceiving Dunstan to be reputed in the church of Rome for a holy saint, and the said King Edward for a holy martyr, and partly also to bolster up their own religion of monkery so much as they could, to the intent that they might save the credit rjoth of Dunstan and the king, and especially bearing favour to their own religion, and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be distained by opening the truth of this matter, either did not see, or would not confess herein what they knew, but rather thought best to blanch the story, and colourably to hide the simple truth thereof; making the people falsely believe that Elfleda, the mother of Edward, was wife to King Edgar, and that Edward was lawfully born, and also that Editha was born after Edward, and was the child for which the king was enjoined penance. All which is false, and contrary both to the order of time above declared, and also to the plain words of Mal- mesbury, who, speaking of King Edgar's last concubine, saith in plain words, " Dilexit unice,integram lecto uni deferens fidem, quoad legi- timam uxorem accepit Elfthridem, filiam Ordgari:" 1 that is, " He ) had a concubine whom he loved entirely, keeping true faith to her alone, until the time he married for his lawful wife Elfrida, the daughter of Duke Ordgar whereby we have to understand, that whatsoever woman this was of whom Malmesbury speaketh, certain it is, that Edgar lived incontinently till the time he married his lawful wife. Furthermore, and to conclude : beside these arguments and allegations above-recited, let this also be appended, how the said Dunstan Dunstan, with his accomplices, after the killing of King Edward, leaving the right heir of the crown, namely, Ethelred, went about (as tha to Capgrave 2 in their own legend confesseth) to set up Editha, the other crown e bastard, to possess the crown ; but that she, more wise than her brother J°JJ ^ Edward, refused the same. Whereby what is to be thought of the doings of Dunstan, and what could be the cause why he preferred both Edward and Editha to the crown, rather than the lawful heir, I leave to all indifferent readers thereof to judge. After Dunstan and his fellows had thus set up Edward for their king, they were now where they would be, supposing all to be sure on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of monkery for ever, through the help of the young king, and the duke of East (1) Guliel. Malmesb. in lib. de Regib. (2) Capgrav. in Vita Sanctae Edithae. F 2 GS CONTENTION ABOUT MONKS AND PRIESTS. £ in the history of the library of Jornalensis, I find it plainly ex- restored, pressed, with their wives. The very words of the author be these : — " Alferus, duke of Mercia, with other great men, drove out the monks from the great monasteries, whom King Edgar had there set in before, Bishops and restored again the priests with their wives. 111 Whereby it doth priests in evidently appear that priests in those days were married, and had *° s 8 e their lawful wives. The like before that, in King Ina's time, is plain, married, that bishops then had wives and children, as appeareth by the words of the law then set forth, and extant in the history of Jornalensis/ And thus much, by the way, for priests' wives and their children. Now to our purpose again, which is to declare how the duke and nobles of England expelled the monks out of the monasteries after the death of King Edgar ; whereof let us hear what the monkish G^at stir story of the abbey of Crowland recordeth : — " The monks being land expelled out of certain monasteries, the clerks again were brought placing in m > Wn0 distributed the manors or farms of the said monasteries to ancTdis dukes and lords of the land, that they being obliged to them, placing should defend them against the monks. And so were the monks pnests. o j> j] vesnani thrust out, and the secular clerks placed therein, and the lands of the church given to the lords ; with whom the queen, the king's stepmother, holding at the same time, took part also with the said clerks against the king. On the contrary side stood the king and the holy bishops, taking part with the monks. Howbeit the lords and peers of the realm, staying upon the favour and power of the queen, triumphed over the monks. 113 Priests' Thus, as there was much ado through all quarters of the realm noted for about the matter among the lords, so arose no less contention custornin between the priests and monks of England. The priests complaining England. { 0 th e ki n g and Dunstan, said for themselves that it was uncomely, uncharitable, yea, and unnatural, to put out an old known dweller, for a new unknown ; and that God was not pleased, that that should be taken from the ancient possessor, which by God was given him ; neither that it could be of any good man accepted, to suffer any such injury to be done, lest peradventure the same thing, wherein he was prejudicial to another, might afterwards revert and redound upon himself at last. 4 The monks on the other side said for their (1) "Alferus princeps Merciorum caeterique plures, ejectis monachis de magnis monasteriis, quos Rex Edgarus nuper instituerat, C'ericos cam uxoribus reduxerunt."— Historia Jornalensis, in Vita Edgari. — Idem. (2) " Si quis filiolum arteritis occidat vel patrinum, sit simile cognationi, et crescat emendatio secundum Weram ejus regi, sicut cognationi. Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum, tunc excedat emendatio patrini, sicut mandata Domini. Si episcopi flliolus sit, sit dimidium hoc," &c. — Idem (3) " Monachis de quibusdam monasteriis ejectis, clerici sunt introducti, qui statim monasteri- orum maneria ducibus terras distribuebant, ut sic in suas partes obligati, eos contra monachos defensarent. Tunc de Monasterio Eveshamensi monachis expulsis, clerici fuerunt introducti. Terrseque tyranni de terris ecclesiae prsemiati sunt, quibus regina novercali nequitia, stans cum ciericis in regis opprobrium, favebat. Cum monachis autem rex et sancti episcopi persistebant. Sed tyranni, fulti reginae favore et polentia, super monachos triumphabant. Multusinde tumultus !n omni angulo Angliae factus est."— F.x Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crowland. <4) Guliel. de B^ib. lib ii A COUNCIL AT CAINE. part, that Christ allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new com r, Ed**ra nor yet looked upon the person, but whoso would take the cross Martyr. of penance upon him, and follow Christ in virtuous living, should be his disciple. 978. These and such other were the allegations of the monks ; but whether a monk's cowl, or a wifeless life, make a sufficient title to enter into other men's possessions or no, I refer it to the judgment Married of the godly. The troublous cares in marriage, the necessary pro- J? e e n 8 ' 8 vision for housekeeping, the virtuous bringing up of children, the ^ pared daily helping of poverty, and bearing of public charges, with other those of manifold perturbations and cumbrances daily incident to the state mo " ks - of matrimony, might rather appear, to godly wise men, to come nearer to the right cross of penance, than the easy and loitering idleness of monkery. In the end, upon this controversy, was holden a council of bishops and others of the clergy. First, at Reading, or at Win- A J^, dir chester, as Malmesbury saith, where the greater part, both of the nobles and commons, judged the priests to be greatly wronged, and sought by all means possible to bring them again to their old pos- sessions and dignities. Jornalensis here maketh rehearsal of an image a.d. 97 c . of the crucifix, or a rood, standing upon the frater-wall, where the Appendix, council was holden. To this rood Dunstan required them all to a vain pray, being belike not ignorant of some spiritual provision before- Sduu- hand. In the midst of their prayer the rood (or else some blind S'that monk behind it in a trunk, through the wall) is reported to speak spake, these words, " Absit hoc ut fiat ; absit hoc ut fiat : judicastis bene, ^ked mutaretis non bene. 11 In remembrance whereof these verses were JJJjJJJg written under the rood's feet : to try out false jug- " Humano more crux praesens edidit ore, g' in g- Ccelitus affata, quae perspicis hie subarata; Absit ut hoc fiat, et caetera tunc memorata." Of this Dunstanical, or rather Satanical oracle, Henry maketh no mention, nor Ranulph, nor yet Hoveden, nor Fabian, in their histories. Malmesbury, in his book De Regibus, reporteth it, but by hearsay, in these words, saying, " Alise literse decent," &c. ; wherefore of the less credit it seemeth to be. Albeit if it were of credible truth, yet it proveth in this matter nothing else but Dunstan to be a sorcerer, as Polydore Virgil also himself seemeth to smell something in this matter. Notwithstanding all this the strife ceased not ; insomuch that a council a new assembly of the clergy and others was appointed afterwards at Calne at a place called the Street of Calne, where the council was kept in an upper loft. In this council many grievous complaints were made, as Malmesbury saith, against Dunstan ; but yet he kept his opinion, and would not remove from that which he had begun to maintain. And while they were in great contention and argument a sudden which way should be admitted and allowed (if that be true which in people a? the stories is written), suddenly the joists of the loft failed, and the Jjj people with the nobles fell down, so that certain were slain, and many hurt. 1 But Dunstan (they say) only, standing upon a post of the soler which remained unbroken, escaped without danger. Which (1) Henricus, lib. v. ; Malmesb., Ranulph, Jornalensis, Fabian. the coun- 70 MURDER OF KING EDWARD. EdaaM thing, whether it so happened to portend the ruin of the realm and Martyr, of the nobles, as Henry Huntingdon doth expound it, which after ~ A u ensued by the Danes, or whether it was so wrought by Dunstan's 978. sorcery, as was not impossible, or whether it were a thing but feigned of the monkish writers, and not true ; all this I leave to the readers to think therein what they like. The stories say further, that upon this, the matter ceased, and Dunstan had all his will. These things thus done at Caine, it happened not long after, that King Edward, whom writers describe to be a virtuous and a meek prince, very pitiful and beneficial to the poor, about the fourth year of his reign came upon a time from hunting in the forest alone, without a company of his servants, to the place in the west country, where Queen Elfrida his mother, with her son Egelred, did live. SbiV 101 When she was warned of his coming by her men, anon she calleth wicked- a servan t of hers, who was of her special trust, opening to him all her queen- a conceived counsel, and showing him all points, how, and what to do, mother. f or the accomplishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing done, she made towards the king, and received him with all courtesy, desiring him to tarry that night ; but he, in like courtesy, excused himself, and for speed desired to see his brother, and to take some drink upon his horse sitting, which was shortly brought. While the cup was at his mouth, the servant of the queen, being instigated, King Ed- struck him in the body with a long two-edged dagger ; after which terousiy* stroke, the king took the horse with the spurs, and ran toward the dered wa y wn ere he expected to meet with his company ; but he bled so a "''Si sore ' w ^ n ^ am ^ ness he fell from his horse, one foot remaining in the stirrup, by reason whereof he was drawn by his horse over fields and lands, till he came to a place named Corfegate, where he was found dead ; and because neither the manner of his death, nor Edward yet he himself, to be the king, was known, he was buried unhonourably not 1 ' at the town of Wareham, where the body remained the space of three be king !° y ears ; after which it was taken up by Duke Alferus beforementioned, redat 1 anc ^ P om P anc ^ honour accordingly, was removed to the minster shaftes- of Shaftesbury, and there bestowed in the place called Edwardstow. bury ' Many tales run, more perchance than be true, concerning the finding and taking up of his body, which our most common histories ascribe to miracles and great wonders wrought about the place where the king was buried. As first, how a poor woman, born blind, received her sight by the means of St. Edward, there where he did lie. Also, how a pillar of fire from heaven descended over the place of his burial. Then, how the aforesaid Queen Elfrida, taking her horse to go to the place, was stopped by the way, so that neither her horse could be driven by any means, nor she herself on foot was able to approach near to the place where the corpse of St. Edward was. Two nm - Furthermore, how the said queen, in repentance of her deed, afterward foTnded builded two nunneries, one at Amesbury by Salisbury, the other at upon murder. Werewell, where she kept herself in continual repentance all the days of her life. And thus, as ye have heard, was this virtuous young King Edward murdered, when he had reigned almost four years, leaving no issue behind him, whereby the rule of the land fell to Egelred, his brother. ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. 7 J But here by the way is to be noted, upon the name of this Edward, Ecciesi- that there were three Edwards before the conquest. The first was affair*. King Edward the Elder ; the second, King Edward the Martyr, who Edwards was this kin" 1 ; the third was King Edward, called the Confessor, before the AY hereof hereafter shall follow, Christ willing, to be declared. conques . In the order and course of the Roman bishops, mention was made continu- last of Agapetus II., after whom next succeeded Pope John XII., ^Ro- of whom Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, received his pall, as in ™ ish the story of King Edgar is before minded. This pope is noted to or popes, be very wicked and infamous, replete, from his first bringing up, with A ' D ^ 56 * abominable vices ; a whoremaster, an adulterer, incestuous, libidinous, Append,x - a gamester, an extortioner, perjured, a fighter, a murderer, cruel and tyrannous. Of his cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some he cut off their tongues, some their fingers, some their noses. In a general council before the Emperor Otho, the first of that name (who was the first emperor of the Germans), after the empire was translated out of France to Germany by Pope Agapetus, as is before historied, these objections were articulate against him :* — " That he never said his service ; that in saying his mass he did not communi- cate ; that he ordained deacons in a stable ; that he committed incest with two of his sisters ; that playing at dice he called for the devil to help; that for money he made boys bishops; that he turned the palace of the Lateran to the vilest of uses ; that he put out the eyes of t Bishop Benedict ; that he caused houses to be set on fire ; that he brake open houses ; that he drank to the devil ; that he never crossed himself, 11 &c. For these causes, and worthily, he was deposed by the a.d. 963. consent of the emperor with the prelates, and Pope Leo was substi- JXi tuted in his place; but after his departing, through the harlots of p 0 "' d de " Rome and their great promises the said Pope John was restored again and a'fter- to his place, and Leo, who had been set up by the emperor, was de- restored, posed. At length, about the tenth year of the popedom of this John, he being found without the city with another man's wife, was so wounded of her husband, that within eight days after he died. After him the Romans elected Pope Benedict V., without the consent of the Emperor Otho ; whereupon the said emperor, being not a little displeased for displacing of Leo, whom he had before promoted, and for the choosing also of Benedict, came with his army a.d. 964. and laid siege to Rome, and so set up Pope Leo again, the eighth of that name ; which Leo, to gratify his benefactor again, crowned Otho for emperor, and entitled him to be called Augustus. Also the power which Charlemagne had given before to the clergy and people The elec of Rome, this Leo, by a synodal decree, granted to the emperor and ^^f hop his successors ; that is, touching the election of the bishop of Rome. °[ v J°™ e The emperor again restored to the see of Rome all such donations the em- and possessions which either Constantine (as they falsely pretend), or peror which Charlemagne took from the Lombards, and gave to them. After Pope Leo had reigned a year and three months, succeeded Pope Pope John XIII., against whom, for holding with the emperor, xin. Petrus the head captain of the city, with two consuls, twelve aldermen, and divers other nobles, gathering their power together, laid hands (1) Luithprandus, lib. vi. 72 FIRST CHRISTENING OF BELLS. Ecclesi- a*tieai tffnirs. The Cruel revenge of the pope. Christen- ing of bells be- gun. Pope Benedict VI. slain in prison. A.D. 973. Two popes to- gether. See Appendix. Pope John XIV. slain. A.D. 976. Pope Boniface drawn through the streets of Rome. A.D. 975. A.D .CSJ. A.D.988. Gilbert, a necro- mancer made arch- bishop. Sie Appemli Two popes again in Rome. upon him in the church of Latcran, and clapped the pope in prison eleven months. The emperor hearing this, with all speed returned with his army again to Rome ; who, after execution done upon the authors and chief doers of that fact, among other committed the aforesaid Petrus to the pope's arbitrament, whom he caused first to be stripped naked ; then, his beard being shaven, to be hanged by the hair a whole day together ; after that to be set upon an ass with his face turned backward, and his hands bound under the ass's tail, and so to be led through the city, that all men might see him ; that done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the city. Thus ye see how the holy father followeth the injunction of the gospel, " Diligite inimicos vestros," "Love your enemies."' [Luke vi. 35.] From this pope proceeded first the christening of bells, a.d. 971. x\fter him, followed Pope Benedict VI., who in like manner was apprehended by Cinthius, 1 a captain of Rome, and cast into prison, where he was strangled, or, as some say, famished to death. Then came Pope Donus II.; after whom Boniface VII. was pope, who likewise seeing the citizens of Rome to conspire against him, was constrained to hide himself, and seeing no place there for him to tarry, took the treasure of St. Peter's church, and so privily stole to Constantinople, in whose stead the Romans set up Pope John XIV. Not long after, Boniface, returning again from Constantinople, by his money and treasure procured a garrison or company to take his part, by whose means Pope John was taken, his eyes being put out, and so thrown in prison, where he was, as some say, famished ; some say he was slain by Ferrucius ; neither did Boniface reign many days after, but suddenly died, a.d. 974, whose carcass, after his death, was drawn by the feet through the streets of Rome after the most despightful manner, the people shrieking and exclaiming against him. Next pope after him was Benedict VII., by the consent of the Emperor Otho II., and reigned nine years. After Benedict, suc- ceeded in the see of Rome Pope John XV., and died the eighth month of his papacy ; next to whom came John XVI. In 2 the time of this pope, Hugh Capet, the French king, took Charles, the right heir to the crown, by the treason of the bishop of Laon; and when he had imprisoned him, he also committed to prison Arnulph, archbishop of Rheims, and placed in his room Gilbert, a monk of Fleury, a necromancer, who was schoolmaster to Duke Robert, the king's son. But this Pope John XVI., calling a council at Rheims, restored the said Arnulph again, and displaced Gilbert, who after, by the help of Otho, was made archbishop of Ravenna, and at length was pope, as in process hereafter (Christ granting) shall be declared. After John XVI. came Gregory V., a.d. 996. This Gregory, called before Bruno, was a German born, and therefore the more maliced of the clergy and people of Rome. Whereupon Crescentius, with the people and clergy, conventing against the said Gregory, set up John XVII.; Gregory upon the same sped himself in all convenient haste to the Emperor Otho III. in Germany, who, hearing the complaint of Gregory, and understanding his wrongs, set forward with his army (1) Alias Crescentius. — Ed. (2) This paragraph in Foxe stands erroneously after Benedict VII. Henault " Abregfe Chron. -En. SEVEN ELECTORS Oil DAI NED. IS well-appointed to Italy, gat the city, and there took both Cres- Egeired. centius the consul, and John the pope ; which John first having his A rj eyes put out, was deprived after of his life. Crescentius, the consul, 978. was set upon a vile horse, having his nose and ears cut off, and so p^ pe was led through the city, his face being turned to the horse's Jjjj h , ad tail, and afterward, having his members cut off, Avas hanged upon a put out! p-ihhet and was 5 Iuuet * m . put to Pope Gregory, thus being restored to his former state, reigned death - four years in his papacy (although Marianus Scotus, and Martinus, say, that he sat but two years), during which time he assembled seven a council in Rome, where he, to establish the empire in his own country, by the consent and counsel of Otho, ordained seven princes JUjjjned of Germany to be electors of the emperor, which order yet to this in Get- day remaineth. 1 What be the names of these seven electors and many " what is their office, thus 1 find in the verses expressed below. 2 These seven he ordained to be electors : three bishops, three princes, to wit, the Palatine, the duke of Saxony, and the Marquis Brandenburgh ; to whom was added also the king of Bohemia, to give the odd voice, if the even voices could not agree. This constitution being first begun a.d. 997, was after established in Germany by Otho the emperor, a.d. 1002; and thus much by the way, or rather by digression, concerning the rages and tumults of the Romish church. Now to our matter again. EGELRED, or ETHELRED II. SURNAMED THE UNREADY. 3 King Edward thus being murdered, as is aforesaid, the crown fell A.D. next to Egeired, his younger brother, and son to King Edgar by the 978. aforesaid queen Elfrida, as we have declared. This Egeired had a App s e ^ di long reign given by God, which endured thirty and eight years, but was very unfortunate and full of great miseries ; and he himself, by the histories, seemeth to have been a prince not of the greatest courage to govern a commonwealth. Our English historians, writing of him, report of his reign, that it was ungracious in the beginning, wretched in the middle, and hateful in the latter end. Of this Egeired we read, that when Dunstan the aichbishop should christen him, as he did hold him over the font, something there happened that pleased not Dunstan, -whereupon he sware, " By the mother of Christ, he will be a prince untoward and cowardly."* I find in AVilliam of Malmesbury, 5 that this Egeired being of the age of ten years, when he heard that his brother Edward was slain, made such sorrow and weeping for him, that his mother, falling therewith in a rage, took wax candles, having nothing else at hand, wherewith she scourged him so sorely (well nigh till heswooned), (1 ) Ex Chronico Martini. (2) Moguntinensis, Treverensis, Coloniensis, . Quilibet imperii fit cancellaiius horum. ppkwi* Est Palatinus dapifex, dux portitor ensis, Marchio propositus cameras, pincerna Bohemus. — Ibid. [Appendix to Marianus Scotus, Ed. Bas. 1559, col. 147. — Ed.] (3) Edition 1563, p. 10. Ed. 1583, p. 163. Ed. 1596, p. 144. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 179.— Ed. :4) " Per sanctam Mariam. iste ignavus hoinoerit." — Chron. de Ciowland. (5) Lib. ii. de Regib 7 1 CORONATION OF EGELKED. RETURN' OF THE DANES. E ^ l,ed - that afterwards he could never abide any wax candles to burn before 98?" ^* m * Aflef this, about a.d. 978, the day of his coronation having — been appointed by the queen-mother and the nobles, Dunstan arch- 2at1on°of" bishop of Canterbury (who first refused so to do), and Oswald arch- sundav' msU0 P °f Y° r k, ^ere enforced to crown the king, which they did at April i4. Kingston. In doing whereof, the report of stories goeth that Dunstan The pro- said thus, prophesying unco the king, — " That forasmuch as he came Difnstan, to tne kingdom by trie death of his brother, and through the conspiracy as^monk- 0 f t] ie wicked conspirators, and other Englishmen, they should not be stones without blood-shedding and sword, till there came a people of an glAe1 ' unknown tongue, which should bring them into thraldom ; neither should that trespass be cleansed, without long vengeance.*''' 1 Not long after the coronation of this king, a cloud was seen through- out the land, which appeared the one naif like blood, and the other half like fire, and changed afterwards into sundry colours, and vanished at The last in the morning. Shortly after the appearance of this cloud, in the nin e t 0 re " third year of his reign, the Danes arriving in sundry places of the England. ] a nd, first spoiled Southampton, either slaying the inhabitants, or lead- ing them away captive. From thence they went to the Isle of Thanet; then they invaded Chester, 2 from whence they proceeded to Cornwall and Devonshire, and so to Sussex, where in those coasts they did much harm, and then withdrew to their ships. Roger Hoveden writing hereof, 3 saith that London at the same time, or, as Fabian saith, a London great part of London, was consumed with fire. About this time edwtth happened a variance between the aforesaid Egelred and the bishop £nV^S °f Rochester, insomuch that he made war against him, and besieged thehShop ^ e Clt ^ ; anc ^' notw ^ tns ^ ano ^ n c Dunstan required the king, sending him of Ro- ' admonishment, to give over for the sake of St. Andrew, yet continued ehester. ^ kjg s i e g e . t iU the bishop offered him an hundred pounds of gold, a.d. 990. which he received, and so departed. The Danes, seeing the discord that then was in the realm, and especially the hatred of the subjects against the king, rose again, and did great harm in divers places Oi England ; insomuch that the king was glad to grant them great sums of money, for peace to be had. For the assurance of this peace, Ana- laffe, captain of the Danes, became a christian man, and so returned home to his country, and did no more harm. Besides these miseries before-recited, a sore sickness of the bloody-flux and hot fevers fell among the people, whereof many died, with a like murrain, also, among the beasts. Moreover, for lack of justice, many thieves, rioters, and bribers, were in the land, with much misery and mischief. Death of About the eleventh year (some say the ninth) of this king's reign Dunstan. died Dunstan ; after whom succeeded Ethelgar, or, as Jornalensis tt writeth, Stilgar. After him Elfric, as affirmeth Malmesbury ; 4 but as %, T . Polvdore saith, Siric. After him Elfric came, but Siric according to Malmesbury, while Polydore saith, Aluric ; then Elphege. About the same time, a.d. 995, Aldunus, a bishop, translated the (1) In the Chronicles of Crowland I find these words r— " Quoniam ascendisti ad thronum tuum, per mortem fratris tui, quern occidit mater tua, propterea audi verhum Domini : hoc dicit Dominus, non denciet gladius de domo tua, saeviens in te omnibus diebus vitae tua?, et interficiens de semine tuo. et de gente tua. usque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum : cujus ritum e: linsruam sens tua non novit. nec expiabitur nisi longa vindicta. et multa sanguinis effusione poc- catum matris tuce, et peccatum virorum pessimorum. qui consenserunt consilio ejus nequam. nt mitterent manum in Christum Domini, ad effundendum sanguinem innocentem." 2i '• Caerleon." see p. 5. note [4).— En. (3) HoTeden. lib. Continuation!. m. (4] Lib. i. de Pontif. MISERABLE STATE OP ENGLAND. , 0 body of St. Cuthbert, which first had been in a northern island, and Egeired. then at Chester-le-street, from Chester to Dunhelm, or Durhara ; A . D. whereupon the bishop's see of Durham first began. 1 991. Not long after the death of Dunstan, the Danes again entered ThTsee~ England, in many and sundry places of the land, in such sort, that J^m be- the king had to seek to which coast he should go first, to withstand his gins, enemies ; and, in conclusion, for the avoiding of more harm, he was dppmm. compelled to appease them with great sums of money. But when that money was spent, they fell anew to robbing of the people, and to assailing the land in divers places, not only about the country of Northumberland, but they at last besieged the city of London. Being repulsed, however, by the manhood of the Londoners, they strayed to London other countries adjoining, as to Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, Jy S jh| ed burning and killing wheresoever they went, so that for lack of a good Danes, head or governor, many things in the land perished; for the king gave himself up to gross vices, and also to the polling of his subjects, and, disinheriting men of their possessions, caused them to redeem the same again with great sums of money ; for he paid great tribute to Great tn the Danes yearly, which was called Danegilt, which tribute so increased, ejoan*- that from the first tribute of 10,000/., it was brought at last, in f*j 991 five or six years, to 40,000/., which yearly, till the coming of St. App s ^ dix Edward, and after, was levied of the subjects of this land. To this sorrow, moreover, were joined hunger and penury among the commons, insomuch that every one of them was constrained to pluck and steal from others, so that, what through the pillage of the Danes, and what by inward thieves and bribers, this land was brought into great affliction. Albeit the greatest cause of this affliction, as to me appeareth, is not so much to be imputed to the king, as to the The sor- dissention among the lords themselves, who then did not agree one affliction with another ; but when they assembled in consultation together, of the na- either they drew divers ways, or if any thing was agreed, upon any matter of peace between the parties, it was soon brok en ; or else, if any -w^at &\ s . good thing were devised for the prejudice of the enemy, anon the cord doth Danes were warned thereof by some of the same counsel. Of these the no- the chief doers were Edric, duke of Mercia, and Alfrike, the admiral bles ' or captain of the ships, who betrayed the king's navy to the Danes ; wherefore the king apprehended Alfagar, son of the said Alfrike, and put out his eyes, as did he afterwards to the two sons of duke Edric. The Danes thus prevailing more and more over the English, grew Tne pride to such pride and presumption, that when they, by strength, caused Dar. e e s to- the husbandmen to ear and sow the land, and to do all other vile labour ^glish' 6 belonging to the house, they would sit at home holding the wife at their pleasure, with daughter and servant : and when the husbandman came home, he could scarcely have of his own, as his servants had ; so that the Dane had all at his will and fill, faring of the best, when the owner scantly had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being of them oppressed, were in such fear and dread, that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to please them, and called every one of them in the house where they had rule, Lord-Dane, which word, afterwards, in process of time, when urd- (1) On the 27th May, 1827, the tomb of St. Cuthbert, in Durham Cathedral, was opened, and Dan0 ' the coffin and skeleton found within. See Account of St. Cuthbert, p. 180. By James Raine, M.A. Durham. 1828.--Ed. 76 MASSACRE OF THE DANES EgcireJ. the Danes were voided, was, for despite of the Danes, turned by A. D. the Englishmen to a name of opprobrium, so that when one En- I0C4. glishman would rebuke another, he would for the more part call ihe first hi m " Lurdane." betwefn ^ nc ^ ^ ms hitherto, through the assistance of Christ, we have brought the xor- this history down to the year of our Lord 1000. 1 During the continu- Engiish an ce of these great miseries upon this English nation, the land was brought into great ruin by the grievous tributes of the Danes, and also by sustaining manifold viilanies and injuries, as well as other oppres- sions within the realm. In this year Egelred, through the counsel of certain his familiars about him, in the one and twentieth year of his reign, began a matter, which was the occasion, either given by the one, King or taken by the other, of a new plague to ensue upon the Saxons, who mlrried had formerly driven out the Britons ; which was, by joining with the dauSuer -Normans i n marriage. For the king, this year, for the more strength, of the as he thought, both of him and the realm, married Emma, the daughter Norman- °^ Richard, duke of Normandy, which Richard was the third duke d y- of the Normans, and the first of that name. By reason of this The marriage, King Egelred was not a little elated ; and, by presumption dainin thereof, sent secret and strict commissions to the rulers of every town townof m England, that upon St. Brice's day, at an hour appointed, the Danes England, should be suddenly slain; and so it was performed, which turned after Nov. 13th, , A.D.1002. to more trouble. As soon as tidings came into Denmark of the murder of those Danes, Swanus, king of Denmark, with a great host and navy, landed in Cornwall ; where, by treason of a Norman, named Hugh, who, by favour of Queen Emma, was made earl of Devonshire, the said Swanus took Exeter, and beat down the walls. From thence proceeding further into the land, they came to Wilton and Sherborne, where they cruelly spoiled the country, and slew the people. But, anon, Swanus hearing that the king was coming to him with the power of his land, took his ships and fetched his course about to Norfolk ; where, after much wasting of that country, and spoiling the city of Norwich, and burning the town of Thetford, and destroying the country there- about, at length duke Uskatel met him and beat him, and slew many of the Danes. Wherefore Swanus for that year returned to Denmark, and there made great provision to re-enter the land again the next year following ; and so he did, landing at Sandwich about the five and a.d.1003. twentieth year of the reign of King Egelred, and spoiled that country. And as soon as he heard of any host of Englishmen coming toward him, he took shipping again, so that when the king's army sought to meet him on one coast, he would suddenly land on another, and when the king provided to meet with him upon the sea, either they would feign to flee, or else they would with gifts blind the admiral of the king's Tnjute navy. And thus wearied they the Englishmen, and in conclusion the Danes brought them into extreme and unspeakable misery, insomuch that the of 30,000/. wag j» a j n to ma k e p eace ^th them, and to give to King Swanus 30,000£., after which peace thus made Swanus returned again to Denmark. Eari? ° r P eac e continued not long, for the year next following, King iiuke of Egelred made Edric, above mentioned, duke of Mercia, who was subtle Hernia. ° (1) Henry of Huntingdon, lib. vi. turn of Swanua F.T1£ liETURN OF THE DANES. 77 of wit, glosing and eloquent of speech, un trusty, and false to the king Egeind. and the realm ; and soon after this, one Turkil, a prince of the Danes, ~A~yy7 landing in Kent with much people, did such harm there that the 1013. Kentishmen were fain to make peace with great gifts, on which they ThT^T departed. But this persecution from the Danes, in one country or other Jf^gj in England, never ceased, nor did the king ever give them any notable Evil battle ; for when he was disposed to give them battle, this Edric would JJSJ'a always counsel him to the contrary, so that the Danes ever spoiled and kin s> robbed, and waxed rich, and the Englishmen ever poor and bare. it doth." r After this, Swanus being in Denmark, and hearing of the increase The re- of his people in England, brake his covenants before made, and with a great army and navy, in most defensible manner appointed, landing Jjjj 1 in Northumberland, proclaimed himself to be king of this land ; where, when after much vexation he had subdued the people, and caused the earl with the rulers of the country to swear to him fealty, he passed over the river Trent to Gainsborough and to North watling- street, and, subduing the people there, forced them to give him host- ages; these he committed with his navy unto Canute, his son, to keep, while he went further inland, and so, with a great host, came to Mercia, killing and slaying. He then took by strength Winchester and Oxford, and did there what he liked. This done, he came toward London, and hearing the king was there, passed by the river Thames, and came into Kent, and there besieged Canterbury, where he was canter- resisted, the space of twenty days. At length, by the treason of a ?ng y be be " deacon, called Almaric, whom the bishop had preserved from death tllenana before, he won it, took the goods of the people, fired the city, and burnt - tithed the monks of St . Augustine's abbey ; that is to say, they slew a cruel nine by cruel torment, and the tenth they kept alive as for their slave. J^jjf* They slew there of religious men to the number of 900 persons; of Danes, other men, with women and children, they slew above 8,000. And, finally, when they had kept the bishop Elphege in strait prison the space of seven months, because he would not condescend to give them 3,000Z., after many villanies done unto him, they brought him to Greenwich, and there stoned him to death. King Egelred, in the mean time, fearing the end of this persecu- tion, sent his wife Emma, with his two sons, Alfred and Edward, to the duke of Normandy, w r ith whom also he sent the bishop of London. The Danes proceeded still in their fury and rage, and when they had won a great part of West Saxony, they returned again to London, whereof the Londoners hearing, sent unto them certain great gifts and pledges. At last the king, about the five and thirtieth year of his a. d. 1013. reign, was chased unto the Isle of Wight, and, with a secret company, J r ^ e r ^ d t0 •spent there a great part of the winter ; and finally, without cattle or *? I ^ eof * comfort, sailed into Normandy, to his wife. Swanus being informed from r ' thereof, inflamed with pride, reared exceeding impositions upon the jjf^j. pcople, and, among others, required a great sum of money of St. mandy. Edmund's lands, which the people there, claiming to be free from king's tributes, refused to pay. For this, Swanus entered the territory of St. Edmund, and wasted and spoiled the country, despis- ing the holy martyr, and menacing also the place of his sepulture. The vir- Wherefore the men of that country, fearing his tyranny, fell to prayer christian and fasting, so that shortly after Swanus died suddenly, crying and ™" c s rs 78 CANUTE TAKETH WESSEX. Bjeired. yelling ainong his knights. Some say that he was stricken with A. D. the sword of St. Edmund, whereof he died the third day after; in 1016. fear whereof Canute, his son, who ruled 'as king after his father, Death of granted them the freedom of all their liberties, and, moreover, ditched PeoTi 8 " tne ^ an d °f tne martyr with a deep ditch, and granted to the inha- a.d.1014. bitants thereof great freedoms, quitting them from all tax or tribute. J*? of He afterwards builded a church over the place of his sepulture, and st. Ed- ordained there a house of monks, and endowed them with rich posses- SS? d ' s " sions. And after that time it was the usage of the kings of England, bunded. when they were crowned, to send their crowns for an offering to St. Edmund's shrine, and to redeem the same again, afterwards, with a suitable price. Egeired When King Egelred heard of the death of Swanus, he made pro- toKng- vision and returned to England, for whose sudden coming Canute, Canute being unprovided, fled to Sandwich, and there, cutting off the noses curteth and hands of the hostages whom his father had left with him, sailed noses and into Denmark, who the next year returned again with a great navy, hands of an( j } anc [ e d [ n sou th country : wherefore the eldest son of King podges. Egelred, called Edmund Ironside, made provision with the aid of A r ^ndix. Edric, duke of Mercia, to meet him. But Edric, feigning himself sick, came not, but deceived him ; for, as it was after proved, Edric witlx ^ a d promised his allegiance to Canute. By reason of this, Canute entered the country of the West Saxons, and forced the people to be a d.1016. sworn unto him, and to give him pledges. During this season, King Egelred being in London, was taken with great sickness, and there Api. 23d, died and was buried in the north side of Paul's church, behind the quire, A.DJI61G. a £ ter j ie ^ a( j re jg Qe( j uri p r osperouslv thirty-eight years ; leaving after Appendix. ga -^ gjjggj. S01 ^ Edmund Ironside, and Alfred and Edward , who were in Normandy, sent thither before, as is above-rehearsed. This Egelred, although he was miserably assailed and vexed of his enemies, yet he with his council gave forth wholesome laws, contain- ing good rules and lessons for all judges and justices to learn and follow.* a wicked Of this King Egelred I find noted in the book of Roger Hoveden, J posld by that he deposed and deprived of his possessions, a certain judge or justice the king, named Walgeatus, the son of one Leonet, for false judgment and other proud doings, whom, notwithstanding, he loved above all others. (1) Laics of King Egelred. — " Omnis judex justus niisericordiam et judicium libeiet in omnibus, ut inprimis per rectam scientiam dicat emendationem secundum culpam, et earn tamen admensunt propter indulgentiam. Quaedam culpae reputantur a bonis judicibus secundian rectum emen- dandae, quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonandae. Judicia debent esse sine omni haderunga, quod non parcatur diviti alicui vel enego, amieo vel inimico: jus publicum recitari. Nihil autem injustius est, quam susceptio munerum pro judicio subvertendo : quia munera excaecant corda sapientum, et subvertunt verba justorum. Dominus Jesus dixit : ' in quo judicio judicaveritis, judi- cabimini.' Timeat omnis judex ac diligat Deum judicem suum, ne in die judicii mutus fiat, et humiliatus ante oculos judicis cuncta videntis. Qui innocentem opprimit, et dimittit noxiuro pro pecunia, vel amicitia, vel odio, vel quacunque factione, opprimetur ab omnipotente judice. Et nullus dominus, nulla potestas, stultos aut improbos judices constituat, quia stultus per ignaviam, improbus per cupiditatem, vitat quam didicit, veritatem. Gravius enim lacerantur pauperes a pravis judicibus, quam a cruentis hostibus. Nullus hostis acerbior, nulla pestis erficacior quam familiaris inimicus. Potest aliquoties homo fuga vel defensione vitare pravos inimicos. Non ita possunt judices, quoties adversus subditos malis desideriis inflammantur. Saepe etiam boni judices habent malos vicarios et ministros nefandos, quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur, si non eos coerceant, et a rapacitate cohibeant. Quia Dominus et minister saeculorum ait, non solum male agentes, sed omnes consentientes digni sunt aeterna morte. Saepe etiam pravi judices judicium pervertunt, vel respectant, et non finiunt causam, donee voluntas eorum impleatur. Et quaiido judicant, non opera, sed munera considerant. Impii judices, juxta verbum sapientum, sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant usque mane, id est, de praesenti solum vita cogitant, de futura nihil considerant. Malorum praepositorum mos est, ut quicquid possuut auferant, et vix necessariuro pavum quid relinquant eustentationi. Iracundus judex non potest attendere n-ctara MURDER OF KING EDMUND. J'c'llll/H tl T ran si de- Can vtc. EDMUND IRONSIDE, A SAXON, and CANUTE, A DANE, KINGS TOGETHER IN ENGLAND. 1 f 016 ; After the death of Egelred, there was variance among the Eng- lishmen about the election of their king; for the citizens of London, with certain other lords, named Edmund, the eldest son of Egelred, a young man of lusty and valiant courage, in martial adventures both hardy and wise, and who could very well endure all pains ; wherefore he was sirnamed Ironside. But the more part of the lords favoured Canute, the son of Swanus, especially the abbots, bishops, and men of the spiritualty, who before had sworn to his father. By means of this, many great battles were fought between these two martial princes, first in Dorsetshire, where Canute was compelled to fly the field, and after that, they fought another battle in Worcestershire, so sore that Battles none could tell who had the better ; but either for weariness, or for lack j^mun"! of day, they departed one from the other, and on the morrow fought te again, but Canute was then compelled to forsake the field. After this they met in Mercia, and there fought again ; where Edmund, as stories say, by the treason of that false Edric, duke of Mercia, whom he before had received to favour, had the worse. Thus there were many great conflicts between these two princes, but upon one occasion, when the hosts were ready to join, and a certain time of truce had been taken before battle, a knight, of the party of Edmund, stood up upon a high place, and said these words : — " Daily we die, and none hath the victory : and when the knights a witty be dead on either part, then the dukes, compelled by need, shall "ay Wood accord, or else they must fight alone, and this kingdom is not sufficient Jj tween for two men, which sometimes sufficed seven. But if the covetousness armies, of lordship in these twain be so great, that neither can be content to take part and live by the other, nor the one under the other, then let them fight alone, that will be lords alone. If all men fight, still, at the last, all men shall be slain, and none left to be under their lordship, nor able to defend the king that shall be, against strange enemies and nations."" These words were so well approved of by both the hosts and the Two^ princes, that all were content to try the quarrel between those two fig/if only. Then the place and time were appointed, at which they should JaS2. t0 both meet in sight of the two hosts, and when either had attacked the other with sharp swords and strokes, on the motion of Canute, as some write, hastily they were both agreed, and kissed each other, to the comfort of both hosts ; and, shortly after, they agreed upon a partition of the land, and, after that, during their lives they loved as brethren. Soon after, a son of wicked Edric, by the instigation of his father, as ad.ioi?. appeared afterwards, espied when King Edmund was at the draught, murder of and with a spear, some say with a long knife, gave him a secret thrust, king E Timnd. judicii satisfaction em. Nam per furoris excsecationem, non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem. Justum judicium, ubi non persona consideratur. Scriptum est : non attendas personam hominis in iudicio, nec pro aliquo facies, ut a vero declines, et injuste judices. Susceptio muneris est dimissio veritatis."— Ex Historia Bibliothecae Jornalensis. (U Edition 1563, p. 1 J. Ed. 1583, p. 162. Ed. 1596, p. 146. Ed 1654, vol. i. p. 181.— Ed. so CANUTE; SOLE MONARCH OF ENGLAND. Canute, whereof the said Edmund shortly after died, after that he had reigned A.D. ^vo years. He left behind two sons, Edmund and Edward, whom 1017. Edric, the wicked duke, after the death of their father, took from their mother, not knowing yet of the death of Edmund her husband, and presented them to King Canute, saluting him in these words, " Ave rex solus." Thus Canute, after the death of Edmund Ironside, was king alone of the whole realm of England, and afterwards, by the a an d sent to Duke William of Normandy ; to whom he was mans, made to swear, that he in time following should marry his daughter, prormseth ^ e death 0 f King Edward, he should keep the land of to juany England to his behoof, according to the will and mind of Edward, daughter a ^ er some writers, and so to live in great honour and dignity, next and°to ' unto him in the realm. This promise faithfully made to the duke, reairnfor Harold returneth to England with his cousin 1 Hacus, the son of his hoof 6 brother Swanus, delivered unto him ; but Wilmot, brother of Harold, the duke keepeth still for performance of the covenants. Thus Harold, I say, returning home, sheweth the king all that he had done in the aforesaid matters, wherewith the king was well contented. Whereby it may be gathered that king Edward was right well willing that Duke William should reign after him, and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before. Eari Leo- Among all that were true and trusty to King Edward of the Eng- Sd faith- ^ sn nobility, none had like commendation as had Leofric, earl of Mercia and of Chester. This Leofric purchased many great liberties for the town of Coventry, and made it free of all manner of things, except only of horse. Which freedom there was obtained by means of his wife Godiva, by riding, as the fame goeth, after a strange manner through the town. This Leofric, with his wife Godiva, builded also the abbey of Coventry, and endowed the same with byLeofric. great lands and riches. You heard a little before of the coming over of ^ Edward, called the Outlaw, son of King Edmund Ironside, whom King Edward had purposed to have made king after him ; but soon after his coming over he deceased in London. This Edward had, by his (1) " Hacun his nevewe," says Fabian, correctly : but see p. 105, note (2).— Ed- ful to h prince. The ab- bey of Co ventry builded DEATH OF KING EDWARD. 8.9 wife Agatha, a son called Edgar Etheling, and a daughter Margaret, Edward who, being afterward married to the king of Scots, was the mother feasor. of Matilda, or Maud, queen of England, and of David, king of "XdT Scots. _ 1066- This virtuous and blessed King Edward, after he had reigned — three and twenty years and seven months, died, and was buried in death of the monastery of Westminster, which he had greatly augmented and ward, E repaired ; but afterwards it was more enlarged after the form which A a ^ fo66. it hath now, by Henry III., the son of King John. They that write the history of this king, here make mention of a dream or revelation that should be showed to him in time of his sickness ; l how that because the peers and bishops of the realm were servants, not of God, but of the devil, God would give this realm to the hand of others. And when the king desired utterance to be given him, that he might declare the same to the people, whereby they might repent, it was answered again, that they would not repent ; still, if they did, it should not be given to another people : but because it is a dream, I let it pass. Divers laws were before in divers countries of this realm used, as the law first of Dunuallo Molinucius, with the laws of Offa king of Appfndu. Mercia, called Mercenelega : then the laws of West Saxon kings, as of Ine, Alfred, &c, which were called West-Saxenelega : the third were the laws of Canute, and of the Danes, called Danelega. Of all these laws, which before were diversely in certain particular countries used and received, this Edward compiled one universal and common law for all people through the whole realm, called King Edward's laws ; which, being gathered out of the best and chiefest of the other laws, were so just, so equal, and so serving the public profit and weal of all estates, that mine authors say, " The people long after did rebel against their heads and rulers, to have the same laws again (being taken from them), and yet could not obtain them.'" Furthermore, I read and find in Matthew Paris, that when wiiiiam William the Conqueror, at his coming in, did swear to use and quero? 11 practise the same good laws of Edward, for the common laws of this JJjJ™^ realm ; afterwards being established in his kingdom, he forswore ward's himself, and placed his own laws in their room, much worse and weSfron. obscurer than the others were. them - Notwithstanding, among the said laws of Edward, and in the first chapter and beginning thereof, this I find among the ancient records of the Guildhall in London : — " The office of a king, with such other appurtenances as belong to the realm of Britain,"" set forth and described in the Latin style; which I thought here not unmeet to be expressed in the English tongue, for those who understand no Latin. The tenor and meaning whereof thus followeth. 3 " The king, because he is the vicar of the highest King, is appointed of God on earth. (1) Ex Malmesb. ; Jornalen. ; Historia Richardi II. jussis composita. (2) De jure et appendiis regni Britannia, et quod sit officium Regis. — " Rex autem, quia vicarius summi regis est, ad hoc est constitutus, ut regrmm terrenum et populum Domini, et super omnia sanctam ejus veneretur ecclesiam et regat, et ab injuriosis defendat, et maJeficos ab eo avellat et destruat, et penitus disperdat. Quod nisi fecerit, nomen regis non in eo constabit; verum, Papa Johanne testante, nomen regis perdit : cui Pipinus et Carolus Alius ejus (nec dum reges, sedprincipes sub rege Francorum stulto) scripserunt, quasrentes, si ita permanere deberent Francorum reges, solo regio nomine contenti. A quo responsum est, illos decet vocare reges, qui vigilanter defendunt et regunt ecclesiam Dei et populum ejus, " &c— Ex Libro Reg. Antiquorum in Preetorio Londinensi. 90 LIMITS OF THE KINGDOM OF ENGLAND. tiTcon ^ or P ur P 0Se ' to m ^ e ^ ne ear thly kingdom, and the Lord's people, /essor. and, above all things, to reverence his holy church, to govern it, and A D to defend it from injuries ; to pluck away wicked doers, and utterly 1066. to destroy them : which, unless he do. the name of a king agreeth not unto him, but he loseth the name of a king, as witnesseth Pope John; to the which pope, Pepin and Charles his son being not yet kings, but princes under the French king (not being very wise), did write, demanding this question, 4 Whether the kings of France ought so to continue, having but only the name of a king?' Unto whom Pope John answereth again, that it was convenient to call them kings, who vigilantly do defend and govern the church of God and his people, following the saying of King David, the Psalmo- graph, ' He shall not dwell in my house which worketh pride,"' &c. Moreover, the king, by right and by his office, ought to defend and conserve fully and wholly, in all ampleness, without diminution, all the lands, honours, dignities, rights, and liberties, of the crown of his kingdom : and, further, to reduce into their pristine state, all such things as have been dispersed, wasted, and lost, which appertain to his Limits of kingdom. Also the whole and universal land, with all islands about dom K 0 f g ~ the same m Norway and Denmark, be appertaining to the crown of England, his kingdom, and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the king, making one monarchy and one kingdom, which sometime was called the kingdom of the Britons, and now the kingdom of England ; such bounds and limits as are beforementioned be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom. 1 ' Moreover, in the aforesaid laws of this King Edward, it followeth in the same book, where the said Edward, describing the office The office of a king, addeth in these words : — " A king," saith he, " ought of a king aDOve a ]i things to fear God, to love and to observe his com- desenoed. o 1 i i -ii i i • i i mandments, and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom. He ought also to keep, cherish, maintain, and govern the holy church within his kingdom with all integrity and liberty, according to the constitutions of his ancestors and predecessors, and to defend the same against all enemies, so that God, above all things, be honoured, and ever be before his eyes. He ought also to set up good laws and customs, such as be wholesome and approved ; such as be otherwise, to repeal them, and thrust them out of his kingdom. Item, He ought to do judgment and justice in his kingdom, by the counsel of the nobles of his realm. All these things ought a king in his own person to do, taking his oath upon the evangelists, and the blessed relics of saints, swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realm, as well of the temporality as of the spirituality, before he Three be crowned of the archbishops and bishops. Three servants the "king ts king ought to have under him as vassals : fleshly lust, avarice, and haleun 0 8 Teeo 'y desire ; whom if he keep under as his servants and slaves, he der his shall reign well and honourably in his kingdom. All things are to tion. ec " be done with good advisement and premeditation; and that properly belongeth to a king. For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruin, according- to the saying of the gospel, 4 Every kingdom divided in itself shall be desolate.' " After the duty and office of princes have been thus described, followeth the institution of subjects, declared in many good and ANOTHER INVASION OF THE DANES. 91 necessary ordinances, very requisite and convenient for public Harold government ; of which laws, William the Conqueror was compelled, — through the clamour of the people, to take some, but the most part ^.D. he omitted, contrary to his own oath at his coronation, inserting and !_ placing the most of his own laws in his language, to serve his purpose, and which as yet, to this present day, in the Norman language do remain. Now, the Lord willing, let us proceed in the story as in order followeth. KING HAROLD II. 1 Harold, the second son of Earl Godwin, and last king of the A.D. Saxons, notwithstanding that divers of the nobles went with Edgar 1066 - A^deling, the next heir after Edmund Ironside, yet he, through force and might contemning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting also his promise made to Duke William, took upon him to be king of England, a.d. 1066. When Harold Harefager, son of Canute, king of Norway and Denmark, heard of the death of King Edward, he came into England with 300 ships or more, who then joining with Tostius, brother to the said Harold, king of England, entered into the north parts, and claimed the land after the death of Edward. But the lords of the country arose, and gave them battle ; notwith- standing the Danes had the victory. Therefore Harold, king of England, repaired towards them in all haste, and gave them another strong battle, and had the victory, where also Harold the Dane was k ing°of slain by the hand of Harold king of England ; and Tostius was also ^ ™JJ_ k slain in the battle. After this victory, Harold waxed proud and tius slain, covetous, and would not divide the prey with his knights who had deserved it, but kept it to himself, whereby he lost the favour of many of his knights and people. In the mean time, William, duke of Normandy, sent an ambas- sage to Harold, king of England, admonishing him of the covenant that was agreed between them ; which was, to have kept the land to his use after the death of Edward. But because the daughter of Duke William, who had been promised to Harold, was dead, Harold thought himself thereby discharged, and said, " That such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden concerning another's land, without the consent of the lords of the same ; and especially because he was thereunto, for need or for dread, com- pelled." Upon these answers received, Duke William, in the mean time, The P o P e while the messengers went and came, gathered his knights and banne?to prepared his navy, and had the assent of the lords of his land to aid ^f am and assist him in his journey. And besides that, sending unto Rome for a boon to Pope Alexander concerning his title and voyage into England, into Eng- the pope confirmed him as to the same, and sent unto him a banner, land " willing him to bear it in the ship wherein himself should sail. Thus Duke William, being purveyed of all things concerning his journey, (1) Edition 1563, p. 12. Ed. 1583, p. 166. Ed. 1596, p. 150. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 186 —En. 92 LANDING OF DUKE WILLIAM OF NORMANDY". Three Harold sped him to the sea-side, and took shipping at the haven of St. • — Valery, where he tarried a long time ere he might have a convenient 1066' wm d> 011 which account his soldiers murmured, saying, "It was a L woodness, 1 and a thing displeasing God, to desire to have another man's kingdom by strength ; and, namely, when God was against it wiiiiam by sending contrary wind." At last the wind shortly after came Hasting? aDout > and they took shipping with a great company, and landed at se*»t-29tti. Hastings, in Sussex. For three causes Duke William entered this land to subdue Harold. One was, for that it was to him given by King Edward, his nephew. The second was to take wreak for the cruel murder of his nephew Alfred, King Edward's brother, and of the Normans, which deed he ascribed chiefly to Harold. The third was, to revenge the wrong done to Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, who was exiled by the means and labour of Harold, in the time of King Edward. Thus, while Harold was in the north, Duke William made so great speed, that he came to London before the king ; out of which he was holden, till he made good surety that he and his people should pass through the city without tarrying; which promise he well observing, passed the bridge, and went over to Sussex, from whence he sent a monk unto Harold, and proffered him three manner of ways. First, either to render to him the possession of fered to ^ ne ^ an( ^' anc ^ so to take it again of him under tribute, reigning under Harold by him ; secondly, or else to abide and stand to the pope's arbitrement Wuham. betwixt them both ; or, thirdly, to defend this quarrel in his own person against the duke, and they two only to try the matter by dint of sword, without any other bloodshedding. But Harold refused all these offers, saying, " It should be tried by dint of swords, and not by one sword;" and so gathered his people and joined battle with the Normans, in the place where The fight afterward was builded the Abbey of Battle in Sussex. In the them Xt beginning of this fight, the Englishmen kept them in good array Oct. i4th. ijk e iy ^ 0 vanish the Normans ; wherefore Duke William caused his men to give back, as though they fled, whereupon the Englishmen followed fast, and broke their array. Then the Normans,, fiercely giving a charge upon them, in conclusion obtained the victory through the just providence of God. On which occasion King Harold, who before had so cruelly murdered Alfred, the true heir of the crown, with his company of Normans, was now wounded of the Normans in the left eye with an arrow, and thereof incontinent died; although Giraldus saith he fled away to Chester, and lived after that, a monk in the monastery of St. James. 2 This, however,. King Ha is not likely, but rather that he was there slain, after he had roid slain. re ig ne d nine months, and was buried at Waltham, which proveth that he died not at Chester ; and so was he the last that reigned in England of the blood of Saxons, which continued, to reckon from Hengist's first reign in Kent, by the space of 610 years ; and if it be reckoned from the years of the West Saxons, then it endured the space of 57 1 years. 3 This Duke William and King Edward were by the father s side 11) Madness.— Ejd. (2) See Appendix. (3) See vol. i. pp. 315, 316.— Er ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY. DECAY OF THE CHURCH. 93 cousin-germans removed 1 : for Richard, the first of that name, who Ec f^f- was the third duke of Normandy after Rollo, was father to Duke affairs. Richard, the second of that name and brother to Emma, mother to consan- - King Edward; which Duke Richard II. was father to Duke Robert, g*£* this Duke William's father. Si and" Albeit in this matter some others may gather otherwise and better wniiam perchance, yet, if I may say what I think, verily I suppose, that consanguinity is not so much the cause why God of his unknown App s ^ diXt judgments suffered the Normans here to prevail, as was rather the cruel murder of Alfred and of the innocent Normans, wrought by the cruel despight of Harold and the Englishmen, as is before Murder declared, which merciless murder God here justly in this conquest ™ recompensed. recom- nsed. Now it remaineth to these foreign affairs of kings and princes, to a.d.io!2 add something concerning the continuation of the archbishops of Archhi- Canterbury, beginning where we left off, that is, with Elphege, §2ter- f whom we declared a little before to have been stoned by the Danes hur y- at Greenwich. 2 After Elphege next succeeded Living, and after him Egelnoth, also abovementioned. Then Robert, a Norman, a great doer, as is declared, about King Edward, and a faithful counsellor unto him, but he abode not long. After whom Stigand invaded the A.D.1052. see, as they report, by simony, being both archbishop of Canterbury, bishop of Winchester, and also abbot in another place, wherein he continued a great space, gathering and heaping goods together ; till at length Duke William put him in prison, and there kept him, Aj).io7o. placing in his room Lanfranc, a Lombard, of whom more shall follow, Christ willing, hereafter to be declared. * Whereupon 3 cometh the latter age of the church. Here now be- Decay ginneth the fresh flowering blood of the church to faint, and strength °J* c e h to fail, oppressed with cold humours of worldly pomp, avarice, and tyranny ; here now cometh in blind superstition, with cloaked hypo- crisy, armed with rigorous laws, and cruel murdering of saints ; here cometh in the order and name of cardinals, whose name was not apjlZLiix heard of before the time 1030 years after Christ, growing up in such excess and riches, that some of them now have two, some three hun- dred benefices at once. Here cometh in four orders of friars ; here the supremacy of Rome raged in his ruff, which being once established in the consciences of men, the power of all other christian princes did quake and decay, for dread of the pope's interdict, suspense, and excommunication, which they feared no less than Christ's own sentence from heaven. Thus the Roman bishop, under the title of St. Peter, doing what he lusted, and princes not daring that which was right ; in the mean while the people of Christ were miserably governed and abused, especially here in England and Scotland, as in this history, Christ so permitting, shall appear. For here then came in tyranny without mercy, pomp and ambition without measure, error and blind- ness without knowledge, articles and canons without number, avarice without end, impropriations, abalienations, reservations, vowsons, or (1) First-cousins one remove. — Ed. (2) See page 77.— Ed. (3) This passage in single asterisks is an extract from the edition of Foxe of 1563, p. 10, and is entitled " The Third Age of the Church."— £d.. 94 ECC LES f ASTIC AL AFFAIRS. POPES. Ecdesins- expectations of benefices, translations of cathedral churches, contri- affairs. butions, annuities, Petershots (as in our old chronicles they are termed), preventions of patronage, bulls, indulgences, and cases proceed- papal; with innumerable other grievances and proud proceedings of the th? S R°o Romish prelates, wherewith they brought all realms, with their princes, Stes pre underneath their girdles ; insomuch that the emperors, at length, could not take their crown but by the pope's grace and license : and if any did otherwise, the pope's ban 1 was ready either to depose him, or to stir up civil war against him. Then began corruption to enter and increase ; then turned the gold and good metal into dross and filthiness ; then quenched the clear light of the gospel ; the book of God's word obscured in a dark tongue, which book King Athelstan before caused to be translated from Hebrew into English, a.d. 930 ; then shepherds and watchmen became wicked wolves, Christ's friends changed into enemies. To be short, then came in the time that the Revelation speaketh of, when Satan, the old serpent, being tied up for a thousand years, was loosed for a certain space, of the which space, here, in these books, by the help and supportation of Christ our .Lord, we intend something to entreat and speak of, though not of all things in general done in all places, yet that such things as be most principal may come to light, the knowledge whereof shall be necessary for all our countrymen to understand.* Although the church of Christ and the state of religion, first founded and grounded by Christ and his apostles, did not altogether and continually remain in its primitive perfection wherein it was first instituted, but in process of time began from better to worse, to coming decrease and decline into much superstition and inconvenience, partly homct Ma through the coming in of Mahomet, a.d. 612, partly through the increase of wealth and riches, and partly through the decrease of knowledge and diligence in such as should be the guides of Christ's flock ; yet the infection and corruption of that time, though it were great, did not so abound in such excessive measure as afterwards in the other later times now following, about the thousand years expired a.d.iooo. after Christ, whereof we have to treat, Christ so permitting ; about which time and year came Sylvester II. who next succeeded after Gregory V. already mentioned, and occupied the see of Rome about a.d. 1000, lacking one or two. Pope syi- This Sylvester was a sorcerer, who, after the manner of those who afouf IL work by familiars, as they call them, and by conjuration, compacted sorcerer. t ne devil to be made pope ; and so he was, through the operation of Satan, according to his request, which thing, some histories say, he did greatly repent before his death ; but for a more ample declaration hereof, I will bring in the words of Johannes Stella, a Venetian, translated from Latin into English, concerning the said Sylvester, to the intent that our enchanters and sorcerers now-a-days, of whom there be too many in England, may the better, through his example, be admonished. The words of Stella be these, agreeing also ad. 999. with the narration of Benno, Platina, and many others. 2 " Gibert, a Frenchman, called Sylvester II., being pope, sat in his papacy four (]) The pope's ban— a public proclamation : thus, " banns of marriage." It is used more com- monly in a bad sense, as in Shaksneare. and means to curse, proscribe, excommunicate. — Ed. Scr (2) Johannes Stella, Platina, Petrus Praemonstratensis, Nauclerus, Antoninus, Robertus Baraus. 4vwndix. Johannes Baleus. AN ADMONITION FOR SORCERERS. 95 years, one month, and eight days. He entered into his apacy Eec J^f" through wicked and unlawful means, who from his youth being a affairs. monk, and leaving his monastery, gave himself wholly to the devil, to obtain what he required. And first coming to Seville, a city in Spain, he there applied to his book, and profited therein so much that he was made doctor, having amongst his auditors, Otho the emperor's son, Robert the French king, Lotharius archbishop of Sens, with divers others ; by whose advancement he was promoted, first to be bishop of Rheims, thenarchbp. of Ravenna, and at last, through the operation of Satan, he was exalted to the papacy of Rome, upon this condition, that after his death he should give himself to the devil, by whose procurement he came to that promotion. Upon a certain time he demanded an answer of the devil, how long he should enjoy his popedom. To whom he answered again, 4 Until thou say mass in Jerusalem thou shalt live."' At length, in the fourth year of his popedom, saying mass at Lent-time in the temple of the Holy Cross ApplZax, of Jerusalem at Rome, he there knew the time was come when he should die. Whereupon, being struck with repentance, he confessed his fault openly before the people, desiring them to cut his body all in pieces (being so seduced by deceits of the devil) ; and thus, being hewn in pieces, that they would lay it upon a cart, and bury it wheresoever the horses would carry it of their accord. And so the saying is, that by the providence of God (whereby the wicked may learn, that there is yet hope of remission with God, so that they will repent them in their life), the horses of their own accord stayed at the church of Lateran, and there he was buried : where commonly, by A.D.1003. the rattling of his bones within the tomb, is portended the death of popes, as the common report goeth. ,n Thus much out of Johannes Stella concerning Sylvester, by whom our sorcerers and enchanters, ^JjJjJJ or magicians, may learn to beware of the deceitful operation of Satan, sorcerers, who in the end deceiveth and frustrateth all them that have to do with him, as the end of all such doth declare commonly, who use the like art or trade. The Lord and God of all mercy, through the Spirit of Jesus, our Redeemer, dissolve the works of Satan, and preserve the hearts of our nobles, and all other Englishmen, from such infection ! Amen. After Sylvester succeeded John XIX. by whom was brought in, The feast as Volateran saith, the feast of All Souls, a.d. 1004, through the souls means and instigation of one Odilo, abbot of Clugny, to be cele- **™f ht brated next after the feast of All Saints. This monk Odilo, thinking Pope that purgatory, as he heard, should be in the Mount Etna, dreamed x°ix. or upon a time, in the country of Sicily, that he, by his masses, had XVI1, delivered divers souls from thence : saying moreover, " That he did hear the voices and lamentations of devils, crying out for that the souls were taken from them by the masses and funeral dirges." 2 Not long after him, came John XX. and Sergius IV., after whom sue- A.D.1012. ceeded Benedict VIIL, and then John XXL, who being promoted ^.im. by art magic of Theophylact his nephew, Gratian, Brazutus, and other sorcerers, brought in first the fast of the even of John Baptist and St. Lawrence. After him followed Pope Benedict IX., also a.d.ios3. (1) Ex Johanne Stella. (2) Ex Bakenthorpo in prologo iv. lib. sententiaruia. 96 SIX POPES POISONED IN THIRTEEN YEARS. Ecc £ai as ' as pi" n g to his papacy by like magic, practising enchantments and affairs, conjuration in woods, after a horrible manner ; who resisted the Ap^ndix. Emperor Henry III. son to Conrad, and placed in his room Peter the king of Hungary, with this verse — " Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam."' A.IU044. Afterwards, for fear of Henry prevailing in battle, he was fain to sell his seat to his successor, Gratian, called Gregory VI., for 1500/. At which time there were three popes together in Rome, reigning and to°be° pe ra o^ n o one a g a i ns t another, Benedict IX., Sylvester III., and Gregory chosen VI. ; for which cause the said Henry, surnamed Niger, the emperor, confinna- coming to Rome, displaced these three monsters at one time, placing emperor 16 mstea d of them Clement II., and thereupon enacting that no bishop of Rome should henceforth be chosen, but by the consent and con- a.d.1046. firmation of the emperor. This constitution, though it was both agreeable, and also necessary for the public tranquillity of that city, the cardinals would not suffer long to stand, but did impugn it after- ward by subtle practice and open violence, as in process, the Lord permitting, shall appear in the time of Henry IV. and Henry V. In the time of this Clement, the Romans made an oath to the emperor concerning the election of the bishops, that they would themselves intermeddle no further therein, but as the assent of the emperor should go withal. Howbeit the emperor departing thence into Germany again, by and by they forgat their oath, and within nine months after poisoned the bishop, which deed some impute \ D.i 048. to Stephen, his successor, called Damasus II. Others impute it to Brazutus, who, as histories record, within thirteen years poisoned six popes ; that is, Clement II., Damasus II., Leo IX., Victor II., Stephen IX., and Nicholas II. Thus Clement being poisoned, after him succeeded Damasus II., elected neither by consent of the people, nor of the emperor, but by force and invasion ; who also within twenty-three days being poisoned, a.d.1049. a.d. 1049, much contention and striving began in Rome about the papal seat ; whereupon the Romans, through the counsel of the cardinals, sent to the aforesaid emperor, desiring him to give them a bishop : and so he did, whose name was Bruno, an Almain, and Apr^diz. bishop of Toul, afterward called Leo IX. This Bruno, being a simple man and easy to be led with evil counsel, coming from the emperor towards Rome in his pontifical apparel like a pope, there meeteth him by the way the abbot of Clugny, and Hildebrand a monk, who seeing him so in his pontificalibus began to rate him, laying to his charge, that he would so take his authority of the emperor, and not rather of the clergy of Rome and the people thereof, as other his predecessors were wont to do ; and so counselled him to lay down that apparel, and to enter in with his own habit, till he had his election by them. Bruno, following their counsel, and confessing his fault before the clergy of Rome, obtained their favour, and so was nominated Leo. IX., whereby Hildebrand was made a cardinal, and put in high room. Under this Pope Leo were two councils, one kept at Vercelli, where the doctrine of Berengarius against the real substance in the sacrament was first condemned, although Berengarius yet recanted not, which nevertheless was done THE EMPEROR ACCUSED OF HERESY. 97 after in the Council of Laterah, under Nicholas II. a.d. 1059 ; the Ecciesias- other was kept at Mentz, where, amongst many other decrees, it was affairs. enacted, That priests should be utterly excluded and debarred from Council of marriage: Item, that no layman might give benefice or bishopric, Mentz, . . i . | p A.D. 1051 or any spiritual promotion, &c. This Leo IX. being at Worms with the emperor on Christmas- day, did excommunicate the sub-deacon ; because in reading the epistle, he did it not in the Roman tune, he being there present. The archbishop, moved therewith, departed from the altar (being then at mass) saying, He would not proceed any further in his service unless his sub-deacon was restored, whereupon the pope commanded him to be released, and so they went forward in their service. After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poisoned the first year of a.d. 1055. his popedom, Theophylactus did strive to be pope : 2 but Hildebrand, to defeat him, went to the emperor«(partly also being sent by the Romans for fear of the emperors displeasure), who assigned anothei Ap * e e ' dix . bishop, a German, called Victor II. This Victor holding a council Council of at Florence, deposed divers bishops and priests for simony and Florence - fornication : for simony, in that they took of secular men their dignities for money ; for fornication, in that, contrary to their canon, they were married, &c. The second year of his papacy, and little more, this pope also followed his predecessors, being poisoned by the A.D.1057. aforesaid Brazutus, through the procurement of Hildebrand and his master. Here now began the church and clergy of Rome to wring out of the emperor's hand the election of the pope : electing Stephen IX. for pope, contrary to their oath, and to the emperor's assignment. The Here was the church of Milan first brought to obedience of the MiSn h ° f Romish church by this Stephen IX. bishop of Rome ; who also {J™„ ht shamed not to accuse the emperor Henry (of whom mention is made under the before) of heresy, for minishing the authority of the Roman see. So Rome, this was their heresy at that time, not to maintain the ambitious pro- ceedings of the Romish prelate ; and simony they called this, to take and enjoy any spiritual living at a secular man's hand. Wherefore Stephen hearing this simony to reign in divers places, namely, in the churches of Burgundy and Italy, sent forth the cardinal Hildebrand to reform the matter, who was no less earnest in that kind of com- mission to help the matter forward. In the mean time, Stephen the pope tasting of Brazutus's cup fell mide- sick. Hildebrand, hearing that, applieth home, with all speed. g[m"J t h e So being returned to Rome, he assembleth all the companies and ;os,,r - orders of the clergy together, making them to swear that they would admit none to be bishop, but who should be appointed by the public consent of them altogether. This being done, Hildebrand taketh his journey into Florence, to fetch the bishop of Florence, to install him bishop ; the clergy swearing unto him that no bishop should be ordained before his return again. But the people of Rome, not suffering the election to stand so long after the death of Stephen, a.d.ioss. elected one of their own city, called Benedict X. Hildebrand, (1) Nauclerus.Crantz. (2) Alb. Crantz. Saxo. lib. iv. cap. 45. VOL. II. H 98 TR AX SUBSTANTIATION I NTKODUCED. Eceiesias- hearing of this, was not a little offended ; wherefore, returning tc affairs. Rome with Gerhard, the bishop of Florence, he caused the clergv to proceed to a new election, saying, " That Benedict was not lawfully called, but came in b) r force and bribing/ 1 But the clergv, 4 P ^endix. not daring to attempt any new election at Rome, went to Sienna, and there elected this Gerhard, bishop of Florence, whom Hilde- Two brand brought with him. So were two popes in Rome together: but Together Gerhard, named Nicholas II., holding a council at Sutri, through at Rome. tbe help of Q^f^ duke of Tuscany, and Guibert, the chancellor, and many Italian bishops, caused the other pope to be deposed. Benedict Benedict, understanding them to be set against him through the himself, means of Hildebrand, unpoped himself, and went to Velitri ; living there more quietly than he would have done at Rome. J^gioss Here is to be touched by the way the error of the gloss upon the pope's three and twentieth distinction, which falsely allegeth out of the refuted, chronicles, that Benedict X., who succeeded Stephen, was deposed ; after whom came Johannes, bishop of Sabine, for money, and he again was deposed ; that Benedict was then restored, and afterwards Aj^dix. displaced again, and then Johannes, archpriest of the church of St. John 1 ad portam latinam,' was made pope, and he again deposed by the emperor ; and all in one year : which story neither is found in any chronicle, nor agreeth to any Benedict, save only that Bene- dict IX., who was deposed, and then reigned three popes together : Benedict IX., Sylvester III., and Gregory VI., who before was called " Johannes ad portam latina!!!," whom the emperor de- posed. But that Benedict neither was the tenth, neither did he suc- ceed Pope Stephen, as the gloss recordeth. Nicholas thus being set up without the mind both of the emperor and of the people of Rome, after his fellow-pope was driven away, brake up the synod of Sutri, and came to Rome, where he assembled another council, council of called Concilium Lateranum ; in which council first was promulgated adV/ow. the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees, and that beginneth, " In nomine Domini nostri,"' 1 &e. x The effect whereof is this : first, that he, after a subtle practice, as far and as plainly as he durst speak, undermineth the emperor's jurisdiction, and transferreth to a few cardinals and certain catholic persons the full authority of choosing the pope. Secondly, against all such as do creep into the seat of Peter by money or favour, without the full consent of the cardinals, he thundereth with terrible blasts of a terrible excommunication, accursing them and their children with devils, as NiSToiw. kicked persons, to the anger of Almighty God, giving also authority and power to cardinals, with the clergy and laity, to depose all such persons, and call a council-general, wheresoever they will, against them. Beren- Item, in the said Council of Lateran, under Pope Nicholas II., drh-en to Berengarius of Tours, archdeacon of Angers, was driven to the recantation of his doctrine, denying the real substance of Christ's holy body and blood to be in the sacrament, otherwise than sacra - mentally and in mystery. Transuo- I n the same council also was hatched and invented the new-found device and term of ' transubstantiation.' recanta- tion. Appendix stantia tion brought (1) Dist. 23 cap. " In nomine," &c. THE POPffs TREATMENT OF ALDKED. 99 It were too long here to declare the confederation betwixt this Ecciesias- Nicholas and Robert Guiscard, whom this pope (contrary to all right a /«?r#. and good law, displacing the right heir) made duke of Apulia, Ca- labria, Sicily, and captain-general of St. Peter's lands ; that through his force of arms and violence he might the better subdue all such as should rebel, to his obedience ; and so did. 1 Now let all men, who be godly wise, judge and understand how this standeth with the doctrine of Christ, the example of Peter, or the spirit of a christian bishop, by outward arms and violence to conquer christian men and countries, under the obedience of a bishop's see. 2 Thus Pope Nicholas II., well answering to his Greek name? by might and force continued three years and a half ■ but, at length, he met with Brazutus's cup, a.d.-.ogi. and so turned up his heels. At the beginning of this Nicholas, or somewhat before, about a.d. 105^, Henry IV., after the decease of Henry III., was made The em- emperor, being but a child, and reigned fifty years ; but not without Henry great molestation and much disquietness, and all through the ungra- IV - cious wickedness of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so permitting) shall be declared. Here, by the way, cometh to be noted an example, whereby all princes may learn and understand how the pope is to be handled, whosoever looketh to have any goodness at his hand. If a man stand in fear of his curse, he shall be made his slave ; but if he be despised of you, you shall have him as you list. For the pope's curse may The well be compared to Domitian's thunder : if a man give ear to the cms'e noise and crack, it seemeth a terrible thing ; but if you consider the JjJ^JJJj* causes and effect thereof, it is a most vain ridicule. tian's In the reign of this Nicholas, a.d. 1060, Aldred, bishop of Wor- thunder - cester, after the decease of Kinsius, his predecessor, was made archbishop of York ; who, coming to Rome with Tostius, earl of Northumberland, for his pall, as the manner was, could not obtain it, but was deprived of all his dignity, for some default (I cannot tell what) in his answer ; and furthermore, after his return home, was spoiled of all that he brought with him. Whereupon, he return- ing again to Rome with Tostius, the aforesaid earl, there made his complaint, but could not be heard, till Tostius, a man of stout Tostius courage, taking the matter in hand, told the pope to his face, " That etTthe" that curse of his was' not to be feared in far countries, which his own r°P e - neighbours, yea, and most vile vagabonds, derided and despised at home." Wherefore he required the pope either to restore Aldred again to his goods lost, or else that it should be known that they were lost through his means and subtilty. And, furthermore, it would come to pass that the king of England hearing this would debar him of St. Peter's tribute, taking it for a great shame to him and his realm, if Aldred should come from Rome both deprived of dignity, and spoiled also of his goods, &c. In fine, the pope thus persuaded by the argument of his purse, was content to send home Aldred with his pall, according to his request. (1) Nauclerus, Platina, iEneas Silvius. (2) " Potentia Papae coactiva" standeth not with the gospel. (3) NixoXaor, compounded of vUn and \ait, is equivalent to " Conqueror of the peo- ple. "—Ed. H 2 100 UNHOLY CONTENTION FOB ST. PETERS SEAL E whose alms the madness of the clerks doth abuse. My great great grandfather, as ye know, gave the tenth part of all his lands to churches and abbies. My great grandfather, Alfred, of holy memory, thought it not meet to spare his treasures, his goods, or costs, or rents, that he might enrich the church. My grandfather, the elder Edward, your fatherhood is not ignorant how great things he gave to the churches. It becometh you to remember with what gifts my father and his brothers did enrich Christ's altars. O father of fathers, Dunstan ! behold, I pray thee, the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that bright place of heaven ; hearken to his complaining words sounding in thine ears, thus pitifully lamenting : " O father Dunstan, thou, thou I say, gavest me counsel to build abbies and churches, thou wast my helper and fellow-worker in all things ; I chose thee as a shepherd and bishop of my soul, and a keeper of my manners. When did I not obey thee ? What treasures did I prefer in respect of thy counsels ? What possessions did I not despise, if thou badest me? If thou thoughtest meet to give any thing to the poor, I was ready. If thou thoughtest meet to give any thing to churches, I deferred not. If thou com- plainedst that monks or clerks wanted any thing, I supplied. Thou saidst that alms lasted for ever, and that there was none more fruitful than that which was given to abbies or churches ; for with that both God's servants are sustained, and that which remaineth is given to the poor. O worthy alms ! O worthy price of the soul ! O wholesome remedy for our sins, which now doth stink in the sweet furs of priests' lemans, 1 wherewith they adorn their ears and deck their fingers, apparelling their delicate bodies with silk and purple ! O father, is this the fruit of my alms, is this the effect of my desire, and of thy promise ?" What wilt thou answer to this complaint of my fathers ? I know, I know : when thou didst see a thief, thou runnest not with him, neither hast thou put thy portion with adulterers. Thou hast rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed them ; but words have been despised, now we must come to stripes of correction. Thou hast here with thee the worshipful father Ethelwold, bishop of Winches- ter. Thou hast the reverend prelate, Oswald, bishop of Worcester. I commit this business to you, that both by bishoply correction, and the king's authority, the filthy livers may be cast out of the churches, and they that live orderly may be brought in, &c. iguo- In this oration of King Edgar, above prefixed, three things are super~ aud chiefly to be noted and considered of them that have judgment to th^tirruf mar ^ and understand ; to wit, the religious zeal and devotion of kings, of King both in giving to the church, and also in correcting the manners of Bdgar churchmen. Secondly, the dissolute behaviour and wantonness of the clergy, in then abusing the great donations and patrimonies of princes bestowed upon them. Thirdly, the blind ignorance and superstition (1) " Lemans", paramours.— Ed. THE DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION. 103 of that time in both states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, in Ecefafou esteeming Christ's religion chiefly to consist in giving to churches, affTt!. and in maintaining of monkery ; falsely being persuaded that remis- The doc . sion of their sins, and remedy of their souls therein, did lie in build- }j™? fi ^ ing monasteries, erecting churches and cloisters, and in placing monks tion by in the same, and such other alms-deeds and works of devotion. Christ" Wherein appeareth how ignorant that time was of the true doctrine unknow »- of Christ's faith, and of the free grace of the gospel, which promiseth life, remedy, and justification, not by any devout merits of ours, nor by any works either of the law of God, or of the inventions of man, but only and freely by our faith in Christ Jesus, the Son of God, in whom only consist all the promises of God. 1 Amen. Now remaineth, as in the former Book before, so in this likewise, to prosecute the order and race of archbishops of Canterbury, as we have done the race of kings, beginning with Ethelred, who succeeded next after Celnocke, the seventeenth archbishop of that see, mentioned where we left before. 2 The Names and Order of the Archbishops of Canterbury, from the time of King Egbert to William the Conqueror. 18. Ethelred was archbishop of Canterbury for nineteen years. 19. Pleimund, who was schoolmaster to King Alfred, possessed the see of Canterbury for twenty-nine years. 20. Athelm was archbishop for twelve years. 21. Ulfelm for thirteen years. 22. Odo for twenty years. By the prayers of Odo, the monkish A,,pZa, x . stories say that the sword of King Athelstan was brought again into his scabbard, as is noted before in that king's time. 23. Elsius or Elsine, first 3 bishop of Winchester, came to the see of Canterbury, which he occupied one year, by the commandment of King Edgar, some say by bribes, contrary to the mind of Odo. Whereupon, on the first day of his consecration, he insulting the tomb of Odo with despite, shortly after went to Rome for his pall, where in his journey upon the Alps he died for cold, insomuch that though his horses were killed, and he put in their warm bellies, yet could he get no heat. 4 24. Dunstan, 5 who was archbishop for twenty years. Of Dunstan Append** many monkish miracles be feigned, as of the harp 6 upon the wall playing by itself, " Gaudent in ccelis," &c. 7 Of our Lady with her company appearing to him singing, " Cantemus Domino socise, cantemus honorem ; dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio." Also of the angels singing " Kyrie eleison." Item, of holding the devil by the nose with a pair of tongs, for tempting him with women. 8 Item, (1) The reader can hardly fail to observe the sound and scriptural principles of our author here expressed, and how admirably they harmonize with the received doctrines of the protestant church of England. Vid. Art XVIIL— Ed. (2) See the names and order of the archbishops of Canterbury at the close of Vol. I.— Ed. (3) "First," i. e. previously. (4) Malmesbury. (5^ Polydore maketh Dunstan to be the twenty-third archbishop. [See infra, p. 717.— Ed.] (6) " St. Dunstan's harp upon the wall Fast by a pin did hang a, Without man's help, with lie and all, And by itself did twang a." (7) See supra, page 64.— Ed. (8) Malmesbury. 104 THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY. Ecciesias- of seeing the Holy Ghost at his mass in likeness of a dove. Item, affairs, in delivering the soul of Edwin from the devil. Item, in foreseeing " the death of King Edred by the death and falling of his horse. Item, of his mother being great with Dunstan : when all the candles of others went out, her only candle remained a-light : and many other like fables. 25. Ethelgai sat for one year. 26. Siric was archbishop for five years, and was the counsellor to ippe l *M*. King Egelred, to redeem peace of the Danes with a great tribute. 27. Elfric 1 for eleven years. 28. Elphege for six years. Elphege, because he denied to pay to the Danes a tribute, was stoned to death at Greenwich, and of some is called a martyr. 29. Livingus for seven years. 30. Egelnoth for seventeen years. 31. Edsius for eleven years. 32. Robert, who sat for two years, caused Godwin and his sons to be banished, accusing them of treason ; but afterward they being restored, he went to Rome, and at his return died. 33. Stigand, being an Englishman, in the time of William the Conqueror, the Norman, after being archbishop for seventeen years, was, by the craft of the said William, conveyed into Normandy, where a while with great honour he was entertained. At length, the said William procured secretly the pope's letters to depose him, that he might place Lanfranc in his room. This Stigand died at length in prison. 34. Lanfranc held the see for nineteen years. 2 (1) At p. 717, infra, Foxe desires the reader to insert " Alured " after " Siricius ;" he should have said " Aluric," who is identical with " Elfric "or "iElfric," whom Foxe here places before " Siricius :" the transposition, therefore, which has been made of Elfric's name answers Foxe's object. — Ed. (2.) It appears that during the Anglo-Saxon period, or from a.d. 803 to a.d. 1070, nineteen arch- bishops occupied the chair of Canterbury, giving an average of fourteen years to each. The rapid succession of popes during nearly the same period presents a striking difference : from a.d. 795 to a.d. 1061 fifty-nine individuals occupied the papal chair. Of these, a few, either voluntarily or by constraint, had vacated it; but the short average of four years and a half, allotted to fifty-nine popes in succession, leads us reluctantly to conclude, that as our author records, it was not always the progress of disease, or the hand of old age, which caused the vacancy in that high and envied office. See page 96 of this volume. Subjoined is a table of the names and order of the archbishops of Canterbury, continued from that in vol i. p. 385, the dates of their accession being taken from Richardson's Godwin " De praesulibus," &c. 871 18 Ethelred. 891 19 Pleimund. 923 20 Athelm. 928 21 Ulfelm. 94J 22 Odo. 958 23 Elsine. 959 24 Dunstan. A.D. 996 27 Elfric. 1005 28 Alphage. 1013 29 Livingus. 1020 30 Egelnoth. 1038 31 Edsius. 1050 32 Robert. 1052 33 Stigand. 988 25 Ethelgar. 1070 34 Lanfranc. 989 26 Siric. —Ed. END OF BOOK THE THIRD. ACTS AND MONUMENTS. BOOK IV. CONTAINING OTHER THREE HUNDRED YEARS, FROM WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR TO THE TIME OF JOHN WICKLIFFE. WHEREIN IS DESCRIBED THE PROUD AND MISORDERED REIGN OF ANTICHRIST, BEGINNING TO STIR IN THE CHURCH OF CHRIST. 1 William, duke of Normandy, surnamed Conqueror, base son of Witn** Duke Robert, the sixth duke of Normandy, and nephew 2 unto King querZr" Edward, after the aforesaid victory against Harold and the English- ~ D men obtained, was received king over the realm of England, not so \oqq[ much by assent, as for fear and necessity of time ; for else the Lon- doners had promised their assistance to Edgar Ethel in g to the utter- most of their power. But being weakened and wasted so greatly in battles before, and the duke coming so fast upon them, fearing not to make their party good, they submitted themselves. Whereupon the said William (of a duke made a king) was crowned upon Christmas- day, a.d. 1066, by the hands of Aldred, archbishop of York ; foras- a.d.iogs much as at that time Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was absent, or else durst not, or would not come in the presence of the king.' A little before the coming in of this duke, a terrible blazing star was a blazing seen for the space of seven days, which was the same year ; in record 8tar ' whereof, as well of the conquest of the duke, as of the blazing star, these verses yet remain : — " Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus, Cum pereunt Angli Stella monstrante cometa. 3 Which king, thus being crowned, did reign over the realm of England the space of one and twenty years and ten 4 months, with great severity and cruelness toward the Englishmen, burdening them with great tributes and exactions ; which was to pay of every hide of ground containing twenty acres, six shillings ; by means whereof cer- ^ 0 e „ el " tain parts of the land rebelled, and especially the city of Exeter, but Earl Mar- at last William overcame them, and won the city, and punished them EarnS? grievously. But for that and for other stern deeds of this prince, ^'x^j divers of the lords departed to Scotland : wherefore he kept the other ing.with (1) Edition 1563, p. 14. Ed. 1583, p. 171. Ed. 1596, p. 154. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 192.— Ed. (2) "Nephew "was formerly used very indefinitely: see Nares : it here means "first cousin one remove." — Ed. (3) In the copy of these verses, p, 14, Ed. 1563, follows a third line : — " Dux Normanorum transit mare, vicit Heraldum." — F.o. (*) Foxc's text has " one month :" but see pp. 3, 134. — Ed. 10G TYRANNICAL ENACTMENTS OF WILLIAM. forsworn in abo- lishing jra/iam lords that tarried the straiter, and exalted the Normans, giving to them queror. the chief possessions of the land ; and forsomuch as he obtained the A D kingdom by force and dint of sword, he changed the whole state of 10Q7. the governance of this commonweal, and ordained new laws at his own his mo — pleasure, profitable to himself, but grievous and hurtful to the people, therand abolishing the laws of King Edward, whereunto notwithstanding he ters,Mar- was sworn before, to observe and maintain them. For the which great StetSw comrn otions and rebellions remained long after among the people, as fled into histories record, to have the said laws of King Edward revived again. New king, * Here, 1 by the way, speaking of laws, this is memorable, that newiaws. even in this king's time the authority of the temporal magistrate was wiifiam distinct fr° m that of the church ; but yet in such sort, that if need required, he should deal in causes ecclesiastical, and be assistant to the bishop, whose jurisdiction, what it was, and how qualified by idward's -^ m » William now holding the stern of government in his hand, the laws. words following do declare. 2 See ° Appendix. William, by the grace of God king of England, to all earls and sheriffs, and to all French-born and English, who in the bishopric of bishop Remigius have lands, greeting. Know you all, and the rest my faithful subjects, who abide in England, that the episcopal laws which have been not well, nor according to the precepts of the holy canons, even to my time, in the kingdom of England, by the common council and counsel of mine archbishops, bishops, and abbots, and all the princes of my kingdom, I have judged to be amended. Wherefore I command, and by my royal authority give in charge, that no bishop or arch- The juris- deacon do hold any more pleas of law by the episcopal laws in the Hundred, ecclesias- nor bring any cause which pertainefh to the cure of souls unto the judgment of tical qua- secular men : but whosoever shall be troubled about any suit or default under lined and the episcopal laws, shall come to the place which to this end the bishop shall scribed in choose and name, and there answer his cause, and not according to the Hun- King dred, but according to the canons and the episcopal laws, shall do right Williams un f- 0 q 0( j an( j to |ji s bishop. And if any, puffed up with pride, being called once, twice, and thrice to the bishop's court, refuseth to come, and will not so be drawn to amendment, let him be excommunicated. And to enforce this, if need be, let the power and authority of the king or the sheriff be used. And he who, being called to the bishop's court, will not come, for every such calling shall be put to his answer before the bishop, and make amends. And this I defend, and by mine authority forbid, that any sheriff or provost, or officer of the king, or any layman, interfere with the episcopal laws; nor that any layman bring or sue another out of the bishop's court of justice unto judgment. And as for judgment, let it be given in no place but in the bishop's see, or in that place which in this behalf the bishop shall appoint. By this evidence of record it is manifest, as you see, that Duke William (now king) having assumed unto himself the absolute authority royal, endeavoured to establish a form of government both in the church and commonwealth answerable to his own mind : how- beit this is to be noted, that he allowed unto the clergy a kind of jurisdiction of con venting persons before them, and likewise of exer- cising such ecclesiastical discipline as the quality of that age and time did use, whereon we will not stand to debate any thing at large, but proceed in the course of our story, as the Spirit of God shall vouchsafe to direct us.* (1) This passage in single asterisks is not in the Edition of 1583, but it appears in that of 1596.— Ed. (2) " Willielnius Gratia Dei Rex Anglorum, comitibus, vicecomitibus, et omnibus Francigenis et Anglis, qui in Episcopatu Remigii Episcopi terras habent, salute m. Sciatis," &c — Turris Londin. [Given in the New Edition of Rymer's Fcedera, whence some corrections are made above.— Ed.] FIVE CONQUESTS OF BRITAIN. 107 Over and besides this, the aforesaid William, as he was a zcarrior. wmsmm so he delighting in forts and bulwarks, 1 builded four strong castles. 'jLSr. two at York, one at Nottingham, and another at Lincoln, whi"h ~^ g garrisons he furnished with Normans. 10(39. About the third year of his reign, Harold and Canute, sons of Swanus, king of Denmark, entered into the north country. The Normans within York, fearing that the Englishmen would aid the Danes, fired the suburbs of the town ; whereof the flame was so York. ; bis:, and the wind so strong, that it reached the citv, and burnt a minster, great part thereof, with the minster of St. Peter, where no doubt manv worthy works and monuments of books were consumed, in the time whereof the Danes, by favour of some of the citizens, entered the city, and slew more than three thousand of the Normans. But not long after King William chased them out, and drove them to their The north ships, and took such displeasure with the inhabitants of that country, waSe? that he destroyed the land from York to Durham, so that nine years Sf^T" after the province lay waste and unmanured, except only St. John's mine - land of Beverly ; and the people thereof were so strictly kept in penury by the war of the king, that, as our English story saith, they eat rats, cats, and dogs, and other vermin. Also, in the fourth year of this king, Malcolm, king of Scots, A-D.ioro. entered into Northumberland, and destroyed the country, and slew iii^kSg there much of the people, both men, women, and children, after a j£5ued lamentable sort, and took some prisoners. But within two years after, King William made such war upon the Scots, that he forced Malcolm their king to do him homage. And thus much concerning the outward calamities of this realm Five con- under this foreign conqueror, which is now the fifth time that the JJS said land with the inhabitants thereof hath been scourged by the JjJJjJ^" hand of God. First, by the Romans in the time of Julius Caesar ; realm, then by the Scots and Picts, as hath been showed ; afterward by the Saxons. Again, the Saxons or Englishmen did not enjoy the posses- sion of Britain with long quiet, but were brought into as much subjection themselves under the Danes as they had brought the Britons before, and even much more, insomuch that through all England, if an Englishman had met a Dane upon a bridge, he might not stir one foot before the Lord Dane (otherwise Lurdane) were past. And then if the Englishman had not given low reverence to the Dane at his coming by, he was sure to be sharply punished, as above hath been declared. This subjection continued almost from the reign of King Ethelwolf till the reign of King Edward, for the space of two hundred and thirty years ; and yet the indignation of i w fTjf. God then ceased not, but stirred up the Normans against them, who conquered and altered the whole realm after their own purpose ; insomuch that besides the innovation of the laws, coins, and posses- sions, there was almost in no church in England any English bishop, but only Normans and foreigners placed through all their dioceses. 3 To such misery was this land then brought, that not only of all the English nobility not one house was standing, but also it was thought reproachful to be called an Englishman. This punishment of God Cll This passage in italic is not in the Edition of 1583, but is found in that of 1596. — Ed. ',2) Ex Henr. Huntingdon, lib. vi. 108 COUNCIL AT WINCHESTER. William the Con- queror. A.D. 1070. Virion of King Edward. English- men scourged for their unjust oppres- sion of the Britons. Cruelties against the Nor- mans. Three things in this con- quest to be noted. against the English nation, writers do assign diversely to divers causes, as partly before is touched ; of whom some assign this to be the cause as followeth in the words of the story : — " That whereas kings and oueens, dukes and prelates, in the primitive time of the English church, were ready, for religion, to forsake either liberty or country, and give themselves to a solitary life, in process of time they grew to such dissoluteness, that they left no other realm like unto them in iniquity,'' 1 1 &c. Again some, writing of the vision of King Edward, a little before the invasion of the Normans, testify how the king, reporting of his own vision, should hear that for the great enormity and misbehaviour of the head dukes, bishops, and abbots of the realm, the kingdom should be given to the hand of their enemies after the decease of him, for the space of one hundred years and one day ; which space was also seen by William the Conqueror, to be one hundred and fifty years, and that his progeny so long should continue. Again, some writers, treating of this so great wrath of God upon the English people, declare the cause thereof as followeth : — " Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons, whom God proposed for their deservings to exterminate, and them unjustly did dispossess of their land, so they should like- wise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution, first by the Danes, and after by the Normans," 2 &c. Moreover to these injuries and iniquities done and wrought by the Englishmen, hitherto recited, let us add also the cruel villany of this nation, in murdering and tithing the innocent Normans before, who coming as strangers with Alfred, the lawful heir of the crown, were despitefully put to death ; which seemeth to me no little cause why the Lord, whose doings be always just and right, did suffer the Normans so to prevail. By the coming in of these Normans, and by their quarrel unto the realm, three things we may note and learn. First, to consider and learn the righteous retribution and wrath of God from heaven upon all iniquity and unrighteous dealing of men. Secondly, we may thereby note, what it is for princes to leave no issue or sure succession behind them. Thirdly, what dangers often do chance to realms public by foreign marriage with other princes. A.D.1070 Council at Win- chester, Apl llth, See Appendix. Divers bishops, abbots, and priors, deposed. In the same fourth year of this king, between Easter and Whitsun- tide, was holden a solemn council at Winchester of the clergy of England, at the which were present Hermenfred, bishop of Sion, and two cardinals sent from Pope Alexander II., Peter and John. 3 In this council, the king being present, were deposed divers bishops, abbots, and priors, by the means of the king, without any evident cause ; to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the church, as he had preferred his knights before to the rule of the teniporalty, thereby to stand in more surety of the land ; amongst whom also Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was put down for three causes against him pretended. (1) " In primitiva Angliee eoclesia religio clarissime splenduit, ita ut reges et leginse, duces et episcopi, vel monachatum, vel exilium pro Dei amore appeterent: processu vero temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit, ut gentem nullam prodjtione et nequitia sibi parem esse permit- terent," &c— Ex Ilistor. Jornalens. <2) " Nam sicut AnglL Britones quos Deus disterminare proposuerat (peccatis suis exigentibus) humiliaverant, et a terra Anglise minus juste fugaverant : sic ipsi duplici per** cutione," &c. (.3) See Hoveden and Wilkins's Concilia, and the Appendix.— Ed. THE GIVING OF THE PALL. 109 The first was, for that he had unlawfully held the bishopric of wuuam Winchester together with the archbishopric. qLror' The second was, for that, while Robert the archbishop above ~ ~ mentioned was living, he sometimes used his pall which he had left 1070 at Canterbury when he was unjustly banished from England. — ^7- The third cause was, for that he had received a pall of Benedict X., A ^- ndiT - bishop of Rome, which Benedict for buying his popedom was de- posed, as is showed before. 1 Then Stigand well proved the benevolence of King William, for A.D.1070. whereas before, the king seemed in friendly countenance to make much of him, and did unto him great reverence, then he changed all his mildness into sternness, and excused himself by the bishop of Rome's authority, so that in the end Stigand was deprived of his dignity, and kept in Winchester as a prisoner during his life. This Stigand is noted for a man so covetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of hisoVn, and would swear that he had not a penny, yet by a key fastened about his neck was found great treasure of his under the ground. At the same time was preferred to the archbishopric of York, App s e ^ diXt Thomas, a Norman, and canon of Baieux. At the which time also Lanfranc, Lanfranc, abbot of St. Stephen's at Caen, a Lombard and Italian born, J^ 1 '™ 1 ' was sent for, and made archbishop of Canterbury, between which two JJJJg 0 * archbishops, about their consecration, first began a contention for bury, giving and taking the oath of obedience ; but that contention was, at that time, appeased by the king, and Thomas was contented to sub- scribe to the archbishop of Canterbury's obedience. After this, it followed within short space, that the said Lanfranc, Themiu- and Thomas, archbishop of York, who first builded the minster of York* York, and gave possessions thereunto, came to Rome with Remigius, rebuilt - bishop of Dorchester, for their palls, as the manner was ; without which no archbishop nor bishop could be confirmed, although their election were never so lawful. This pall must be asked nowhere The but of the pope or his assigns, and that within three months ; also it S^paif* must be asked not faintly, but mightily (Disc. 100, cap. " prisca") ; which, as it was a chargeable thing to other nations, especially such as were far from Rome, so it was no small gain to the Romish see, so as they did order it. For although at the beginning the pall was given without money, according to the decree Dist. 100, 2 or for little, as was the case in this time of Lanfranc ; yet, in process of years it grew to such excess, that whereas the bishop of Mentz was wont to give to Rome but ten thousand florins, afterwards it arose so, that he who asked his confirmation, could not obtain it without twenty thousand ; and from thence it exceeded to five and twenty thousand, and at length to seven and twenty thousand florins, which sum Jacob, archbishop of Mentz, was pressed to pay ; insomuch a.d.iso*. that the said Jacob at his departing, which was within four years after, said, that his death did not so much grieve him as to remember his ^neas poor subjects, who should be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for writeth the pope's pall. Now by this, what did arise to the pope in the whole 2^y ere of Germany, containing in it above fifty bishoprics, besides the abbeys, jj s )\°P ri may be easily conjectured. 3 Lanfranc thus coming to Rome, with the many (1) See pp. 97, 98 : also the Appendix. (2) Dist. 100, cap. " novit." (3) Ex lib. Gravaminum Nationis Germanics. [See Appendix.— Ed.] ncs no CONTENTION BETWEEN THE TWO METROPOLITANS. William other two bishops, lie, for the estimation of his learning, obtained of th qulr°or. Alexander two palls, one of honour, the other of love. Item, he ob- A jy tained for the other two bishops also their confirmation. At this time, 1070'. ^ e - v being there present before Alexander, the controversy began first to be moved, or rather renewed, for the primacy betwixt the two metropolitans, that is, betwixt the archbishop of Canterbury and the archbishop of York, whether of them should have pre-eminence above the other ; for Canterbury challenged to himself prerogative and the primacy over the whole of Britain and Ireland. The which con- tention continued a long season betwixt these two churches, and was often renewed in the days of divers kings after this ; as in the reign of Henry I., betwixt Thurstin of York and Radulph of Canterbury ; and A,JZh again, in the seven and twentieth year of the said king, at his second coronation, for Radulph would not suffer the first coronation to stand, because it was done by the bishop of York, without his assent. 1 Also, in the reign of Henry II., where Pope Alexander III. made a letter decretal betwixt these two metropolitans, for bearing the cross, a.d. 1159. Also, another time, in the reign of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canterbury and Roger of York. 2 Again, about a.d. 1170, when Thomas Becket, hearing the king to be crowned of Roger, bishop of York, complained thereof grievously to Pope Alexander III. Item, another time, a.d. 1176, betwixt Richard and the said Roger, whether of them should sit on the right hand of Cardinal Hugo in his council in London. Moreover, in the beginning of the reign of King Richard, a.d. 1190, betwixt Baldwin of Canterbury and Godfrid of York. Now to proceed in the story hereof : 3 after this question was brought, as is said, to the pope's presence, he, not disposed to decide the matter, sent them home to England, there to have their cause determined. Whereupon they, speeding themselves from Rome to England, a.d. 107S, and in the sixth year (as it is said) of this William, brought the AppfyUr. matter before the king and the clergy at Windsor. Where Lanfranc, first alleging for himself brought in, how that from the time of Austin to the time of Bede (which was about one hundred and forty years) the bishop of Canterbury had ever the primacy over the whole land of Britain and Ireland ; how he kept his councils divers times within the precincts of York ; how he did call and cite the bishops of York thereto, whereof some he did constitute, some he did excommunicate, and some he did remove : besides also he alleged divers privileges granted by princes and prelates to the primacy of that see. To this Thomas, archbishop of York, replieth again, and first be^innino- with the first original of the Britons 1 church declareth, in order of time, how the Britons, first possessioners of this kingdom of Britain, which endured from Brutus and Cadwallader two thousand and seventy-six years under a hundred and two kings, at length thelinlt received the christian faith a.d. 180, in the time of Lucius, 4 their Britain ^ v -8 » ^ hen Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, sent Faganus and Da- cbrfsten- mianus preachers unto them ; at which time, after their conver- Tiieorius, sl0Ti ) they assigned and ordained in the realm eight and twenty bSho^of" msno P s 5 w i tn two archbishops, Theonus, the archbishop of London, London, and Theodosius, archbishop of York. Under those bishops and (1) See Appendix. (2) See infra, p. 257. (3) This account is apparently taken from Brompto-i, Script, x. p. 970.— Ed. (4) See vol. i. 303. CONCERNING THE PRIMACY. archbishops the church of Britain was governed after their conversion, * almost three hundred years, till at length the Saxons, being then glerlr'. infidels, with Hengist their king, subdued the Britons by fraudulent A D murder, and invaded their land, which was about a.d. 440. 1 After this, 1072. the Britons being driven into Cambria, which we now call Wales, the Saxons overrunning the land, divided themselves into seven kingdoms ; and so, being infidels and pagans, continued till the time that Gregory, bishop of Rome, sent Augustine to preach unto them ; who, coming first to Dover, being then the chief city of Kent (called in Latin Dorobernia), and there planting himself, converted first the king of Kent, called Ethelbert, who had then subdued certain other kings as far as the Humber. By reason of this Augustine was made This waf archbishop of Dover, by the appointment of Gregory I., about JJjJjJ 150 a.d. 600, who sent him certain palls with his letter from Rome, as after the before is expressed, 2 which letter being recited, Thomas expounding ofTiIe 8 upon the same, beginneth to declare for himself, how the meaning of Saxons - Gregory in this letter was, to reduce the new church of Saxons or Englishmen to the order that was in the old time among the Britons ; that is, to be under two metropolitans, one of London, the other of York ; for so the church was ordered in the time of the Britons, as is before declared. Notwithstanding he giveth to Augustine this prerogative during his lifetime, to have authority and jurisdiction, not only over his twelve bishops, but upon all other bishops and priests in England ; and after his decease then these two metropolitans, London and York, to oversee the whole clergy, as in times past amongst the Britons, whom he joineth together after the death of Augustine, to constitute bishops, and to oversee the church. That he meaneth London to be equal in authority with York, it appeareth by four arguments : First, in that he willeth London to be consecrated by no bishop, but of his own synod : Secondly, in that he willeth no distinction of honour to be betwixt London and York, but only according to that as each one of them is elder in time Thirdly, in that he matcheth these two together in common counsel and with one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things as they shall consult upon, in the zeal of Christ Jesus ; and that, in such sort, that one should not dissent nor discord from the other ; what meaneth this, but that they should govern together, whom he would not to dissent together ? Fourthly, In that he writeth, that the bishop of York should not be subject to the bishop of London ; what meaneth this, but that the bishop of London should be equiva- lent with the metropolitan of York, or rather superior unto him ? And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory to be in the aforesaid letter. To whom Lanfranc again answereth, that he was not the bishop of London, and that the question pertained not to London. Thomas replieth, having on his part many favourers, that this privilege was granted by Gregory to Augustine alone, to have all other bishops subject to him ; but after his decease there should be equality of honour betwixt London and York, without any distinction of priority, save only that priority of time should make superiority between them. And although Augustine translated the see from London to Kent, yet Gregory, if his mind had been to give the 6ame (1) Ex Chron. Sigeberti [read 456 : see vol. i. p. 315.— Ed.] (2) See vol. i- p. 335.— Ed. 112 DIGNITY OF CANTERBURY CONFIRMED. wuiiam prerogative to tlie successors of Augustine, which he gave to him, th q l.?ror ~ would expressly have uttered it in the words of his epistle, writing £ D thus to Augustine : " That which I give to thee, Augustine, I give also 1072. an d grant to all thy successors after thee. 11 But in that he maketh here no mention of his successors, it appeareth thereby, that it was not his mind so to do. To this Lanfranc argueth again, " If this authority had been given to Augustine alone, and not to his successors, it had been but a small gift, proceeding from the apostolic see, to his special and familiar friend ; especially seeing also that Augustine in all his life did con- stitute no bishop of York, neither was there any such bishop to be Dignity subject to him. Again, we have privileges from the apostolic see, bj^mn- which confirm this dignity in the successors of Augustine, in the same firmed. see 0 f Dover. Moreover, all Englishmen think it both right and reason to fetch the direction of well living from that place, where first they took the sparkle of right believing. Further, whereas you say that Gregory might have confirmed with plain words the same thing to the successors of Augustine, which he gave unto him ; all that I grant : yet notwithstanding, this is nothing prejudicial to the see of weii re- Canterbury. For, if you know your logic, that which is true in the itllfan fan wn °l e is a l 30 true in the part ; and what is true in the more, is also true in the less. Now the church of Rome is as the whole, to whom all other churches be as parts thereof ; and as 'homo, 1 i. e. mankind, is 'genus, 1 i. e. the general in a certain respect to all his 'individua, 1 i. e. to all particular persons, yet in every particular person lieth the property of the general ; so in like manner the see of Rome in a certain respect is the general, and the whole to other churches, and yet in every particular church is contained the whole fulness of the whole christian faith. As the church of Rome is greater than all churches, that which is wrought in it ought to work in the less churches also, so that the authority of every chief head of the church ought to stand also in them that do succeed, unless there be any jfthis precise exception made by name. Wherefore like as the Lord said tilde iere ^° a ^ bishops °f R° me the same thing which he said to Peter, so formed Gregory in like manner said to all the successors of Augustine, that iyuo- which he said to Augustine. So thus I conclude — Likewise as the neither bishop °f Canterbury is subject to Rome, because he had his faith were the from thence, so York ought to be in subjection to Canterbury, which SuiTand sent the first preachers thither. Now, whereas you allege, that theminor Gregory would Augustine to be resident in London, that is utterly teriy u * uncer ^ n ^ f° r now * s to De thought that such a disciple would do false. contrary to the mind of such a master ? But grant, as you say, that Augustine removed to London, what is that to me, who am not bishop of London ? Notwithstanding all this controversy ceasing betwixt us, if it shall please you to come to some peaceable compo- sition with me, all contention set apart, you shall find me not out of the way, so far as reason and equity shall extend. 11 With these reasons of Lanfranc, Thomas gave over, condescend- ing that his province should begin at the Humber. Whereupon it was then decreed that York from that time should be subject to Canterbury in all matters appertaining to the rites and regiment of the catholic church ; so that wheresoever within Kngland Canter- bishops' sees translated. 113 bury should or would hold his council, the bishop of York should wuiiam resort thither with his bishops, and be obedient to his decrees canonical. Provided moreover that when the bishop of Canter- A ^ bury should decease, York should repair unto Dover, there to 1072 consecrate with others the bishop that should be elect. And if York should decease, his successor should resort to Canterbury, or else where the bishop of Canterbury should appoint, there to receive his consecration, making his profession there, with an oath of canonical obedience. Thomas being content withal, Lanfranc, the Italian, triumpheth with no small joy, and putteth the matter forthwith in writing, that the memory thereof might remain to the posterity of his successors. But yet that decree did not long stand ; for, shortly after, the same scar, so superficially cured, burst out again, insomuch that in the reign of King Henry I., a.d. 1121, Thurstin, archbishop of York, could not be compelled to swear to the archbishop of Canterbury ; and yet, notwithstanding, by the letters of Calixtus II., was consecrated without any profession made to the said bishop, with much more matter of contention, all which to recite it were too long. But this I thought to commit to history, to the intent men might see the lamentable decay of true Christianity amongst the christian bishops, who, inflamed with glorious ambition, so contended for honour, that without mere forcement of law, no modesty could take place. Of such like contentions among prelates of the clergy for superi- ority, we read of divers in old chronicles, as in the history entitled A PP %d,e Chronicon Hirsfeklense, where is declared a bloody conflict, which twice happened in the church of Goslar, between Hecelon, bishop of Hildesheim, and Wederatus, bishop of Fulda, and all for the superior place, who should sit next to the emperor ; the emperor himself being there present, and looking on, and yet not able to stay them. Thus I have described the troublous contention between Lan- franc and Thomas, metropolitan of York, in the days of Alexander, of which controversy, and of the whole discourse thereof, Lanfranc writeth to Pope Alexander. 1 In the story before of King Egelred, was declared, about a.d. 1016, Bister*' how the bishopric of Lindisfarne, otherwise named Holy-island, in the trans- flood of Tweed, was translated to Durham ; so likewise in the days of ] ^^, this Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, a.d. 1076, divers bishops' 1 sees were altered and removed from townships to greater cities ; as the bishopric of Selsey, to Chichester ; of Cornwall to Exeter ; of Wells to Bath ; of Sherborne to Salisbury ; of Dorchester to Lin- coln ; of Lichfield to Chester ; the bishopric of Chester, Robert being then bishop, being reduced from Chester to Coventry. Like- wise after that, in the reign of William Rufixs, a.d. 1095, Herbert, bishop of Thetford, from thence reduced the see to Norwich, &c. As concerning Dover and Canterbury, whether the see was like- wise translated from the town of Dover to the city of Canterbury in (1) The letter of Lanfranc sent to Pope Alexander begins thus : — " Domino totius Christianas religionis summo specnlatori Alex, papas Lancfrancus, sanctae Dorobernensis ecclesias antistes, debitam cum omni servitute obedientiam. In concilio quod Anglias per vestram authoritatem coactum est, uli querelae Thomoe Archiepiscopi prolatse et ventilatse sunt, allata est Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum Historia, quam Eboracensis ecclesias Presbyter, et Anglorum doctor Beda com- posuit:" and so forth, in a long process of words which follow ; among which, in the middle of the epistle, speaking of Dover and Canterbury, he hath these words : " Urbs namque, quae nunc Can- tuarberia nominatur, antiquis temporibus, ab ipsius terras incolis Dorobernia vocabatur," &c. With many other words in the said epistle, which for brevity I here over-pass. VOL. IT. i 114 DECREES OF A COUNCIL HOLD EN AT LONDON. 'he con t * me °^ Theodore, or whether Canterbury in old time had the qutror. name of Dorobernia, as the letter of Lanfranc to Pope Alexander ~ ~ abovementioned doth pretend, I find it not in histories expresslv io'72! denned ; save that I read in the words of William, being yet duke of Normandy, charging then Harold to make a well of water for the king's use in the castle of Dorobernia, that the said Dorobernia then was taken for that which we now call Dover ; but whether Dorobernia and the city of Canterbury be both one or divers, the matter is not ip^Zdir. great. Notwithstanding this I read in the epistle of Pope Boniface III. to King Ethelbert, as also in one of Boniface V. to Justus, the archbishop ; in one of Pope Honorius I. to archbp. Honorius ; in one of Pope Vitalian to Theodore ; in one of Pope Sergius I. to kings Ethelred, Alfred, and Adulphus, and to the bishops of England ; like- wise in one of Pope Gregory III. to the bishops of England ; of Pope Leo III. to Athelard, archbishop of Canterbury ; of Formosus to the bishops of England; and of Pope John XII. toDunstan ; that the names of Dorobernia and Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter. 1 council In this time, and by the procuring of this Lanfranc, the ninth year L^ndonf of this king a council was holden at London, where among the acts a.d.1075. thereof these were the principal things concluded : 2 — Appendix ^ For the order of sitting, that the archbishop of York should sit on the right hand and the bishop of London on the left hand, 4 and Winchester next to York ; or in the absence of York, London should have the right, and Winchester the left hand of the archbishop of Canterbury sitting in council. II. That bishops should translate their sees from villages into cities : where- upon the sees of Sherborn, Selsey, and Lichfield, were translated to Salisbury, Chichester, and Chester : some others were reserved for the king's decision on his return from France. 3 III. That monks should have nothing in proper; and if any so had, he dying unconfessed should not be rung for, nor buried in the churchyard, nor mass said for his soul. IV. That no clerk or monk of any other diocese should be retained as such, or admitted to orders, without letters commendatory or testimonial. V. That none should speak in the council except bishops and abbots, with- out leave of the metropolitan. VI. That none should marry within the seventh degree, with any either of his own kindred, or kindred of his wife's departed. VII. That none should either buy or sell holy orders, or any office within the church pertaining to the cure of souls. VIII. That no sorcery or any divination should be used or permitted. IX. That no bishop or abbot, or any of the clergy, should be at the judgment of any man's death or dismembering, neither should be any fautor of the judicants in such causes. Bishops Moreover in the days of this Lanfranc divers good bishops of the ffnd ns * realm began to take part with priests against the monks, in displacing monks^ tnese out °f their churches, and to restore the married priests again, and pia'ee insomuch that Walkelm, bishop of Winchester, had placed above thSr b 1D forty canons instead of monks for his part ; but this godly enter- stead. p r j ze wag gapped by. s tout Lanfranc, the Italian Lombard. This lusty prelate sat nineteen years, but at his latter end he was not so favoured of William Rul'us, and died for sorrow. Although this Italian Frank being archbishop had little leisure to write, yet some- thing he thought to do to set out his famous learning, and wrote a book against Berengarius, entitling it "Opus Scintillarum." The (1) Eadmer, W. Malmesb. de gestis Pont. — Ed. Set (2) See Malmesbury, also Wilkins's Cone. i. 363, 364 ; whence the text is revised.— E©. *PT*T>dtr. (31 See last pnge. — Ed. (1*, i.e. of the archbishop of Canterbury. — Ed. USURPATION OF THE POPES. ] (5 old church of Canterbury he plucked down, and builded up the wimam neW. queror. After A the death of Pope Alexander II., abovementioned, next unto him followed Hildebrand, surnamed Gregory VII. This Hil- 1073 debrand, as he was a sorcerer, so was he the first and principal cause — of all this perturbation that is now, and hath been since his time, Appendix - in the church ; by reason that through his example all this ambition, stoutness, and pride, entered first into the church of Rome, and hath ever since continued. For before Hildebrand came to Rome, mide- working there his feats, setting up and displacing what bishops he ^"ause listed, corrupting them with pernicious counsel, and setting them of ail the against emperors, under pretence of chastity destroying matrimony, and pride and under the title of liberty breaking peace, and resisting authority ; 5ates. e " before this, I say, the church of Rome was in some order, and bishops quietly governed under christian emperors, and also were Xhe obe . defended by the same ; as Marcellus, Miltiades, and Sylvester, were Jj^p S of subdued and under obedience to Constantine, a.d. 340 ; Siricius to m ancient Theodosius, a.d. 388 ; Hilary to Justinian, a.d. 528 ; Gregory to emperors. Mauritius, a.d. 600 ; Adrian and Leo to Charlemagne, a.d. 801 ; App % e dix . Paschal and Valentine to Ludovicus Pius, a.d. 8£0 : Sergius IT. unto Lothaire, a.d. 845 ; Benedict III. and John VIII. unto Louis, son of Lothaire, a.d. 856. Against this obedience and subjection Hildebrand was the first who began to spurn, and by his example taught all other bishops to do the like ; insomuch that at length they wrought and brought to pass that it should be lawful for a few courtesans and cardinals (contrary to ancient ordinance and statutes decretal) to choose what pope they list, without any consent of the emperor at all. And whereas before it stood in the emperors'' gift to give and to grant bishoprics, archbishoprics, benefices, and other ecclesiastical preferments within their own limits, to whom they list ; now the popes, through much wrestling, wars, and contention, have extorted all that into their own hands, and to their assigns, yea, have plucked in all the riches and Popes power of the whole world ; and not content with that, have usurped usurped and prevailed so much above emperors, that, as before, no pope "jjjjj might be chosen without the confirmation of the emperor, so now no princes, emperor may be elected without the confirmation of the pope, taking upon them more than princes to place or displace emperors at their pleasure for every light cause, and to put down or set up when and whom they listed ; as Frederic L, for holding the left stirrup of the Frederic pope's saddle, was persecuted almost to excommunication ; which holding cause moveth me to strain more diligence here, in setting out the Jeft^tS-'* history, acts, and doings of this Hildebrand, from whom, as the first nip, is patron and founder, sprang all this ambition and contention about cute! the liberties and dominion of the Roman church ; to the intent that such as cannot read the Latin histories may understand in English the original of evils : how and by what occasion they first began, and how long they have continued. And first, how this Hildebrand hitherto had behaved himself before he was pope, I have partly declared. For though he was not yet pope in name, yet he was then pope indeed, and ruled the popes and all their doings as him listed. Item, what ways and fetches he (1) See Appendix. — Ed. I 2 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF GREGORY VIT. n'n/inm bad attempted ever since his first coming to the court of Rome, to qteroT. magnify and maintain false liberty against true authority ; what A D practice he wrought by councils, what factions and conspiracies he 1073. made, in stirring up popes against emperors, striving for superiority; and what wars followed thereof, I have also expressed. Now let us see further (by the help of Christ) the worthy virtues of this princely prelate, after he came to be pope, as they remain in histories of divers and sundry writers described. The tragical history of Gregory VII., otherwise named Hildebrand. a.d.1073 Hitherto 1 the bishops of Rome have been elected by voices and suffrages of all sorts and degrees, as well of the priests and the clergy, as of the nobility, people, and senate, all con venting and .irJndu assembling together. And this election I find to stand in force, if so be it were ratified and confirmed by the consent of the Roman emperors, who had authority to call these, as well as other bishops, o^theo'd unt0 counc ^ s as case required. Moreover, all other prelates whatso- chm-ch in ever, and the masters of monasteries and religious houses — both in past? Germany, France, Italy, and throughout the whole Roman world — according to the ancient usage were appointed by the emperors, with the advice of their council, and by the suffrages of the chief estates assembled together, as is declared by Aventine in his account of Charlemagne. The holy and ancient fathers (like as Christ our Lord with his disciples and apostles both taught and did) honoured and esteemed their emperors as the supreme potestate next under God on earth, as above all other mortal men, and as set up, ordained, elected, and crowned of God, and called them their lords. To them Rever they yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies, and also prayed every obedien. e day for their life. Such as rebelled against them they took as rebels Snces C an d resisters against God's ordinance and christian piety. The name of the emperor then was of great majesty, and received as given from The man- God. Then these fathers of the church never intermeddled nor en- J "tug cf tangled themselves with politic affairs of the commonweal ; much the tore- less occupied they martial arms and matters of chivalry. Only in of the poverty and modesty was all their contention with other christians, ehureh. w jj Q s h 0 uld b e poorest and most modest among them, and the more humbleness appeared in any, the higher opinion they conceived of him. The sharp and two-edged sword they took, given to the church of Christ, to save, and not to kill ; to quicken, and not to destroy ; and called it the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, the life and light of men, and revoketh from death to life, making of men, gods ; of mortal, immortal. Far were they from that, to thrust .out any prince or king (though he were ever so far out of the way, yea an Arian) from his kingdom, or to curse him, to release his sub- jects from their oath and their allegiance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subvert empires, to pollute themselves with christian blood, or to war with their christian brethren for rule and principality. This was not their spirit and manner then, but rather they loved and obeyed their princes. Again, princes loved them also like fathers (1) The words of the Latin History be these :—" Hactenus Pontifices Rom. ccmitiis curia< > ralntis, a sacevdotibus, equitatu, plebe, senatu," &c— Ex Aventino. [See Appendix.— Ed.j PRIESTS' MARRIAGE MADE HERESY". 117 and fellow-princes with them over the souls of men.' Now this Gre- wuiiam gory VII., otherwise named Hildebrand, trusting to the Normans, ^lerZ'. who then ruffled about Apulia, Calabria, and Campania, trusting also to the power of Matilda, a stout woman there about Rome, and jq 74 ' partly again bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germans, T ^ first of all others (contrary to the manner of the elders) contemning bitious the authority of the emperor, invaded the cathedral see of Rome, tion'o'l'^ vaunting himself as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword H' lde - o a i brand. committed to him by Christ, and that fulness of power was in his hand, to bind and loose whatsoever he listed. Whereupon thus he presumed to occupy both the regiments, to challenge all the whole dominion of the West, yea, and to encroach all power to himself Ap^Zum. alone, abiding none to be equal, much less superior unto him ; dero- gating from others, and arrogating to himself their due right and honour, setting at light Cesars, kings, and emperors, as who thus reigned but by his own god-a-mercy. 1 Bishops and prelates as his underlings he kept in awe, suspending and cursing, and chopping off their heads, stirring up strife and wars, sowing of discord, making factions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due allegiance of subjects to their princes. Yea, and if he had offended or injured the emperor himself, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he himself glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not err, and had received of Christ our Saviour, and of Peter, authority to bind and unbind at his will and pleasure. Priests then in those days had priests' wives openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary), as Jjjjj appeareth by the deeds and writings of the donations, which were ^Jy- given to churches and monasteries, wherein their wives also be cited with them for witness, and are called Presbyterissse. 2 Also bishops, a pp ^x. prelates, parsons of churches, governors of the clergy, masters of mo- nasteries and religious houses — all these were, in those times, in the emperor's ordination, to assign by voice or consent to whom he would. Now these two things this Pope Gregory could not abide ; for which mide- two causes only was all his striving and driving from his first beginning mortal* to abolish the marriage of priests, and to translate the authority imperial JJJJJJ 10 to the clergy ; for to this scope only tended all his labour, practice, and mar- devices, as appeared before in the council of Lateran under Pope nages * Nicholas, and also in the council of Mantua under Alexander, making their marriage heresy, and the other to be simony. And that which A.D.1074. before he went about by others, now he practiseth by himself, to Priests' condemn ministers that were married for Nicolaitans, and to treat any madehe- spiritual regiment of secular persons as simony, directing forth his JJfJj^ letters upon the same to Henry the emperor; also to dukes, princes, regiment potestates, tetrarchs ; namely to Berchtold duke of Zeringhen, to Ro- persons*" dolph duke of Suabia, to Welph duke of Bavaria, Adalberon bishop of Jj^jj* Wurtzburg, and to their wives ; item, to bishops, archbishops, priests, and to all the people. In the which letters he denounceth them to be no priests, so many as were married, forbidding men to salute them, to talk, to eat, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey them, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other he directed special letters to Otho, bishop of Constance, concerning this matter ; but Otho, perceiving the ungodly and unreasonable pretence (1) " Ut precari6 regnantes." — Ed. (2) Ex Avcntino, qui invenit in instruments donatiocum. 118 hildkbrand's letter to otho. William of Hildebrand, would neither separate those who w r ere married from queror. their wives, nor yet forbid those to marry who were unmarried " A.D. 1074. The copy of the letter of Hildebrand sent to the bishop of Constance, against priests'* marriages. Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the clergy and laity, both more and less, within the diocese of Constance, salutation and benediction. We have directed to our brother Otho, your bishop, our letters exhortatory ; wherein we enjoined him, according to the necessity of our duty, by the authority apostolical, that he should utterly abolish out of his church the heresy of simony, and also should cause with all diligence to be preached the chastity of priests. But he, neither moved with reverence for St. Peter's precept, nor yet with the regard of his duty, neglected to do these things, whereunto we so fatherly have exhorted him ; incurring thereby a double offence, not only of disobe- dience, but also of rebellion, in that he hath gone and done clean contrary Otho, to our commandment, yea, rather the commandment of blessed St. Peter, so ofCon- that he hath permitted his clergy, not only such as had wives, not to put them stance, away, but also such as had none, to take unto them. Whereupon we being appear 0 tru ty i n f° rnie( l thereof, and grieved therewith, have directed to him another for ai- ' letter, declaring the motion of our displeasure and indignation. In which lowing letters also we have cited him up to our council at Rome, there to appear and their tS gi ye account of his disobedience in the audience of the whole synod. And lawful now therefore we thought it best to signify this to you (our dear children), wives, whereby in this behalf we might the better provide for your health and salvation ; for if your bishop shall continue so obstinately to repugn and resist against our commandment, he is not meet to sit over you, &c. Wherefore these shall be to command you, and all those that be obedient to God, and to The pope blessed St. Peter, by our apostolical authority, that if this your bishop shall ethfor S " persist in his obstinacy, you that be his subjects hereafter give to him no service disobedi- nor obedience ; for the which thing doing, we here discharge you before God ence - and your souls. For if your bishop shall seem contrary to the decreements and injunctions apostolical, we, through the apostolical authority of St. Peter, discharge and absolve you from the band of your allegiance to him. So that if you be sworn to him, so long as he is a rebel against God and the apostolic seat, Ave loose you from the peril of your oath, that you shall not need to fear therein any danger, &c. Otho, bishop of Constance, thus being cited, whether he did appear March, personally himself, I do not read. This I read and find, that in the a. u. 1074. sa ^ counc il holden at Rome, Hildebrand, with other bishops of Rome, did then enact, among many others, these three things most special: — First, that no priest, hereafter, should marry. Secondly, Here that all such as were married should be divorced. Thirdly, that none the vow of hereafter should be admitted to the order of priesthood, but should chastity. swear perpetual chastity, &c. This council of Rome being ended, forthwith the act of Hildebrand concerning the single life of priests was proclaimed and published in all places, and strict commandment given to bishops to execute the same. The copy of his Bull sent into Italy and Geimany. Gregory, the pope, otherwise Hildebrand, the servant of the servants of God, sendeth the apostle's blessing to all those within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, who show their true obedience to St. Peter. If there be any priests, deacons, and subdeacons, that still will remain in the sin of fornication, we forbid them the church's entrance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the authority of St. Peter, till in time they amend and repent. But, if they persevere in their sin, we charge that none of you presume to hear their service ; for their blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into sin, as the Lord doth testify to us by his prophets, " I will turn your blessing," &c. FRANCE AND GERMANY RESIST THE POPE'S DECREES. 119 The bishops of France being called upon daily with the pope\s j^*'™ letters, were compelled to obey the decree of the council ; but the quertn! residue of the clergy, manfully and stoutly withstanding the pope's A D decree and enforcement of their bishops, would not agree, but repined 1074". thereat, and said that the council did manifestly repugn against the word of God, and that the pope did take from priests that which both jjjjj^ of God and nature had given them ; and therefore that that person was jjj™ c ° h a heretic, and author of a wicked doctrine, who ruled and governed bull, not by the Spirit of God, but by Satan. That the decree and act set Appendix. forth tended directly against the word of God and the saying of Christ, — " Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc :" " All men have not the gift and capacity of this word." Also that it was against the sound doctrine of St. Paul, writing these words, — " As concerning virginity, I have no commandment of the Lord," &c. ; again ; " He that cannot otherwise live continent, let him marry." Also, that it was against the canons both of the apostles and of the Nicene Council. Moreover, that it was against the course of nature, which he required, namely, that men being sequestered from their natural wives and women, should be coacted to live as angels ; that is, to perform that which nature doth not give ; and, therefore, that the bishop therein did open a pernicious window to uncleanness and to fornication. In sum, giving up their answer, thus they concluded : that they had rather give up their benefices than forsake their natural and lawful wives, against the word of Christ; and, finally, if married priests could not please them, they should call down angels from heaven to serve the churches. But Hildebrand, nothing moved, neither with honest reason nor with the authority of holy Scripture, nor with the determination of the Nicene Council, nor any thing else, followeth up this matter, and calling upon the bishops still, with his letters and legates, doth solicit their minds, accusing them of negligence and dastardliness, and threatening them with excommunication, unless they cause their priests to obey his decree enjoined them. Where- upon a great number of bishops, for fear of the pope's tyranny, laboured the matter with their priests, by all means possible, to bereave them of their accustomed matrimony. Amongst others, the archbishop of Mentz, perceiving this act of Bishop oi taking away priests'* marriage might breed him no little trouble, z " talketh with his clergy gently, admonisheth them of the pope's mind and decree, and giveth them half a year's respite to deliberate upon the case ; 1 exhorting them diligently to show themselves obedient to the pope and to him, and to grant with good will that which at length, will they, nill they, they must needs be forced unto; and therefore of their own accord to stand content therewith, lest the pope should be compelled to attempt ways of sharper severity. The time of deli- beration expired, the archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erfurdt, in the month of October, and there willeth them, according to the The pontifical decree, either to abjure for ever all matrimony, or else to Germany renounce their benefices and ecclesiastical livings. The clergy again f^ st defend themselves against the pope's decree with the Scriptures, with the pope's reason, with the acts of general councils, with the examples of their proceed^ ings, (1) Ex Lamberto Scafnahurgensi, in Hist. Germanorum. 120 MARRIAGE OF PRIESTS DEFENDED. m/uam ancestors, by divers strong arguments declaring the pope's decree not qLrw. to be consonant nor one that ought to take effect. But the arch- v D bishop said he was compelled so of the pope, and could not otherwise 107.5! ( ^ Dut cxecute that was enjoined him. The clergy seeing that no reason nor prayer, nor disputation would serve, left the synod on pretence of consulting among themselves what was best to be done. Some gave counsel not to return again to the synod : some thought it good to return and to thrust out the arch- bishop from his see, and to give him due punishment of death for his deserving, that by the example of him other might be warned hereafter never to attempt that thing any more, to the prejudice of the church and the rightful liberty of ministers. After that it was signified to the archbishop by certain spies that were amongst them, what the clergy intended to do, the archbishop, to prevent and salve the matter, send- eth to the priests certain messengers, bidding them to compose their minds and to return again to the synod, and promising that on the first favourable opportunity he would send to Rome and do his endea- vour what he could to revoke and turn the mind of the bishop o\ Rome from the rigour of that sentence. So being persuaded, th'^ next day they came again to the synod. The next year following, in a D.1075 the month of October, the archbishop of Mentz assembled there a coun- cil, to the which Hildebrand, the soldier of Satan, sendeth his legate, the bishop of Coire, with letters, wherein the archbishop was directed, under pain of degradation, again to propose the matter, and com- mand all his clergy there to abrenounce for ever either their wives or their cure and ministry. The clergy defended their cause again with great constancy : but when no defension could take place, but all went by tyranny and mere extortion, it burst in the end to an uproar and tumult, where the legate and the archbishop, being in great danger, hardly escaped with their lives ; and so the council brake up. 1 By this schism and tumult it followed, that the churches after that, in choosing their priests, would not send them to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but did elect them within themselves, and so put them in their office without all leave or knowledge of bishops ; who then agreed and were determined to admit no priests, but such as should single take an oath of perpetual singleness, never to marry after : and thus hood^how first came up the oath and profession of single priesthood. Notwith- it began, standing, if other nations had followed the like constancy and concord of these German ministers, the devilish drift and decree of this Hilde- brand, or rather 4 Hellbrand,' 2 had been frustrate and avoided; but this greediness of livings in weak priests made them to yield up their Example godly liberty to wicked tyranny. Yet this remaineth in these amSng° rd Germans to be noted, what concord can do in repressing inordinate anSnini- reo j ues t s °f evu " bishops if they constantly stand to the truth, and ners. hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony. 3 Now let us proceed to the contentions between wicked Hildebrand and the godly emperor. But before, by the way of digression, it shall not be much wide from the purpose to touch a little of the properties of this pope, as we find them described in certain epistles of Benno, a cardinal, writing to other cardinals of Rome ; which (1) Lambert Schaffenlmrg. See Appendix.— Er>. (2) See Appendix. (3) Ibid. HILDEBRAND UNLAWFULLY CHOSEN POPE. 12] Benno lived in the same time of Hildebrand, and detectetli the wuuam prodigious acts and doings of this monstrous pope. First he declares qmror' that he was a sorcerer most notable, and a necromancer, an old com- ~ ~ panion of Sylvester, of Laurentius, and Theophylact, called other- 10 " 75 ' wise Benedict IX. Amongst others, Benno the cardinal writeth this history of him : l " Upon a certain time this Gregory, coming from Albano to Rome, had forgot behind him his familiar book of necromancy, which he was wont commonly to carry always with him. Whereupon remembering himself, on entering the port of Lateran, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to fetch the book, charging them on no account to look within it. But they being so restrained, were the more desirous to open it, and to peruse it, and so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the satanical book, suddenly there cLttie about them the messengers of Satan, the multitude and terror of whom made them almost out of their wits. At length, they coming to them- selves, the spirits were instant upon them to know wherefore they were called up, wherefore they were vexed ; ' quickly,' said they, ' tell us what ye would us to do, or else we will fall upon you, if ye retain us longer.' Then spake one of the young men to them, bidding them go and pluck down yonder walls, pointing unto certain high walls there nigh to Rome, which they did in a moment. The young men crossing themselves for fear of the spirits, and scarcely recovering themselves, at length came to their master." 2 Appendix We read, moreover, in the epistle of the said Benno to the car- dinals, as folio weth : 2 — " We have divers eminent persons and colleges of the church of Rome to Pope mention, which refused to communicate with him ; as Leo, then arch-priest of the ^nd for cardinals, Benno, Ugobald, John the cardinal, and Peter, chancellor and cardinal, S aken by who were all instituted before this Hildebrand. These three, who were conse- divers of crated by him, that is to say, Natro, Innocent, and Leo, forsook him, cursing the finals'" detestable errors which he held: in like case Theodinus, whom he constituted archdeacon, and other cardinal-deacons more, John the present archdeacon, and Crescentius, J olm the master of the singing school, 2 with all his company, and Peter Appendix the Oblationer, with all his company except one ; and certain others. And now, when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called unto him the laymen and made them privy of his design, that he intended to separate the bishops, that they should have no conference with the cardinals. After that he called together those bishops, and being guarded with bands of He com- laymen he enforced the bishops, partly for fear, and partly by his menacing words, pelleth to swear unto him, that they should never disagree unto that which he would shops and have done, that they should never defend the king's quarrel, and that they should priests of never favour or obey the pope that should in his stead be instituted. Which Rome t0 thing being done, he sent them, by means of the prince of Salerno, into Cam- tohhn"" pagna; and thus did he separate them from the company of the cardinals, and from the city of Rome. And not only the bishops, but also the priests of the city, and clerks of inferior orders, as also the laymen, he bound by their oaths, that at no time nor for any cause they should condescend unto the king. "As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, who died somewhat before night, the same day, contrary to the canons, he was chosen pope of the laymen ; but the cardinals subscribed not to his election, for the canons prescribe, under pain of Pope Hii- cursing, that none should be chosen pope before the third day after the burial debrand of his predecessor. But he, having thus by sinister means climbed to the see, made 61 y removed the cardinals of the sacred see from being his privy council. With what pope, persons, however, he consulted night and day, Rome well heard and saw. And he now, having put the cardinals from his counsels and person, his life, faith, and doctrine, no man could accuse or bear witness of; whereas in the canons is com- At which manded, s that wheresoever the pope is, there should be with him three cardinal- canonical priests and twodeacons,tobe his ecclesiastical witnesses, and for the honour of the ^"gen (1) " Benno, Germanus.eccl. Rom. archi-presbyter et cardinalis aClemente III. antipapa, in Gre- tie reader gorii VII. (sententia synodali depositi) locum a concilio Brixiensi anno 1080 subrogato, factus. osfore.5 Clementis partibus constantissime adhaesit, Gregorio VII. hostis infensissimus : quo nomine plenis conyiciorum ac calumniarum plaustris a Baronio aliisque scriptoribus pontiflciis obruitur." Cave. —Ed. (2) See Appendix. (3) Ed. 1570 refers to vol. i. p. 1 14 : add p. 193.— En. hildebrand' s attempt on the emperor's life. William truth. 1 He violently wrested the sacred Scriptures to cover his falsehood ; which the ton- kind of idolatry how great it is, manifestly throughout all the Scripture appeareth. queror. Contrary to the minds and counsel of the cardinals, and beside the order of p ro- A.D. nouncing judgment determined by the canons, be rashly did excommunicate 1075. the emperor, being in no synod canonically accused before, to the which excom- munication (saith Benno) none of the cardinals subscribed. 2 As soon as he arose peror" 1 " ou ^ °^ sea ^ P a P a ^ to excommunicate the emperor, the same seat, being made wrong- but a little before with the strongest timber, suddenly, by the appointment of fully ex- God, was rent and shivered in pieces ; that all men might plainly understand, nicated." how g rea -t an d terrible schisms that lubber was sowing against the church of The ( Christ, and against the seat of St. Peter, by that his so perilous and presumptuous chalr S excommunication, and how cruelly he was breaking in pieces the chair of Christ, breaks in trampling on the laws of the church, and ruling by might and austerity, under « J n the body of the said excommunication he inserted those very things rises to ™ wherein he himself erred from the catholic faith, viz. how he cut off the emperor excom- by an unjust excommunication, and the bishops also communicating with him, "he^m- 16 an ^ those who communicated with them ; and thus rending the unity of the peror. church, did as much as in him lay to make two churches. The pope " Also the same bold merchant commanded that the cardinals should fast, to thTunity the intent that God might reveal whose opinion was better, whether that of the of the church of Rome, or of Berengarius, touching the controversy of the Lord's body church. m t h e sacrament And hereby he proved himself to be a manifest infidel, for that in the Nicene Council it is written, 'He that doubteth in the faith is an infidel.' Of this " Further he sought for the sign to establish his faith concerning the article miracle 0 f the Lord's body, which was vouchsafed to Gregory to confirm a woman's Tnno%- faith) when the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the form of a proved finger. He also sent two cardinals, Atto and Cuno, to St. Anastasie's, that with history. Suppo the arch-priest of the same church they should begin a fast of three days' space, and that every one of them, every day during those three days, should say over the Psalter, and sing masses, that Christ might show unto them the aforesaid sign of his body ; which thing they could not obtain. " The emperor was wont oftentimes to go to St. Mary's church, in the mount Aventine, to pray. Hildebrand, when he had by his espials searched out and knew all the doings of the emperor, caused the place to be marked where the emperor was accustomed, either standing or prostrate on his face, to pray, and The pope for money he hired a naughty pack like himself, to gather and lay together a tosia h the nea P °^ g reat stones on the beams in the vaulted roof of the church, directly emperor. 6 over the place where the emperor would stand, that in throwing the same down upon his head, he might slay the emperor. About which purpose as the hire- ling hasted and was busy removing to the place a stone of great hugeness and weight, it broke the plank whereon it lay, and, the hireling standing thereupon, both together fell down from the roof to the pavement of the church, and with the same was dashed all in pieces. After the Romans had understanding of the handling of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feet of this hire- ling, and caused him to be drawn through the streets of the city three days together for an example to others. The emperor, notwithstanding, according to his wonted clemency, caused him to be buried. Hi.de- " John, bishop of Porto, being one of the secret council of Hildebrand, came casteth U ? * nto ^ e pulpit of St. Peter, and amongst other things, in the hearing both the sacra- °t the clergy and people, said, ' Hildebrand and we have committed such a deed, ment of ^ and so horrible, for the which we are all worthy to be burned alive,' meaning body into S °^ tne sacrame nt of the body of Christ ; which sacrament Hildebrand, when he the fire, thereof required a divine answer against the emperor, and it would not speak, iTwoufd ^ nrew * n * ;o ^ ne ^ re anc ^ hurned it, contrary to the persuasion of the cardinals give°him wn o were there present, and would have resisted the same. " On the Monday in the Easter-week, when the clergy and the people were assembled at St. Peter's church to hear mass, after the gospel he went up into the pulpit, arrayed in his pontifical attire, and, in the presence of divers bishops and cardinals, and of a great company of the clergy, and of the senate and people of Rome, openly preached, among many other words of divination, that (1) See Appendix. (2) The sentence of which excommunication, after rehearsal of these presents, shrill also be Appendix manifested (Christ willing). no an- swer. CRUELTIES OF POPE HILDEBRAND. 123 king Henry should die, without all peradventure, before the feast of St. Peter William next ensuing; or else, at leastwise, that he should be so dejected from his theCon- kingdom, that he should not be able to muster above the number of six knights. queror - He also declared from the pulpit with a loud voice to the bishops and cardinals, A. D. and to all that were present, 4 Never accept me for pope any more, but pluck 1075. me from the altar, if this prophecy be not fulfilled by the day appointed.' About the same time he went about, by help of privy murderers, to kill the see kerh >e emperor, but God preserved him. And many there were, even at the time, again to who thought Pope Hildebrand to have been privy to, nay, the deviser of, the ^eem'e treason, because that just before the attempt was made he presumed on the r or. empC death of the king, being by him falsely prophesied of before ; which words of his struck many men's hearts. And so it came to pass that Hildebrand was openly condemned by his own mouth in the congregation, because, as we have said, he had adjudged himself to be no pope, neither that he ought be counted for pope any longer, but a traitor and liar, unless that before the feast of St. Peter, next coming, the emperor should die, or else should be deprived of all kingly honour, insomuch that he should not be able to muster above six knights on The pope his part. And thus by the appointment of God it came to pass, that by his b y his own mouth he was condemned for a heretic. mouth " Tims saith the Lord, The prophet who of arrogancy will prophesy in my condem- name those things which I have not commanded him, or else will prophesy in heretic * the name of other gods, let him be slain. And if thou shalt say with thyself, How shall I know what thing it is that the Lord hath not commanded to be spoken ? this token shalt thou have to know it by : whatsoever thing the pro- phet shall prophesy in the name of the Lord, and the same come not to pass, that mayest thou be sure the Lord hath not spoken, but the prophet hath imagined through the haughtiness of his own mind, and therefore thou shalt not be afraid of him.' « i "When the time was expired which Hildebrand in his divination had set, The em- and yet neither the king was dead, nor the number of his troops impaired ; fear- P eror P re_ ing, lest by the words of his own mouth he should be entrapped and condemned, thrower subtilely he turned his tale, saying, and persuading the ignorant people, that he of God, meant not of the body of the king, but of his soul ; as though the soul of the and the ** ° D0D6 3< king had lost all, saving six, of his knights, or else had been dead during false pro- that space ; and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against P het - such prophets St. Gregory on Ezekiel saith, 1 Between true prophets and false this difference there is, that true prophets, if they speak any thing of their own mind, they be soon rebuked ; but the false prophets both tell lies, and, not having the spirit of truth, persevere in their falsity.' " Over and besides, the said Hildebrand sentenced to death three men, before Three they were convicted, or had confessed their crime, without the sentence of any persons secular judge, and caused them to be hanged upon a pair of gallows, over against death by the church of St. Peter, in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or Hilde- advisement, contrary to the laws which command, that even notorious criminals brand should have thirty days' space before they be put to execution ; which thing a n i aw . even amongst the pagans is in use and observed, as teacheth the authority of St. Ambrose, and the martyrdom of holy Marcellinus and Marcus. " He cast Centius the son of Stephen, the prsefect, into prison, being before Centius his trusty friend ; and, in a vessel thick set with sharp nails, he put him to tor- tortured tures worse than a thousand deaths ; who, after he was escaped, apprehended pop^. 6 the said Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was set at liberty, he openly forgave all the conspirators ; which thing afterwards, contrary to good faith, he revoked, and in revenge persecuted Centius, to whom he had forgiven all offences, and nine of his men he hanged upon the gallows before St. Peter's porch. "There was, at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widow's son, to whom, and to others more, for their penance, he enjoined a year's banish- ment; which time being run out, the widow, in token of more ample satisfac- tion, thinking thereby to have appeased the mind of Hildebrand, put a halter about her son's neck, and drawing him by the rope to the feet of Hildebrand said, ' My lord pope, at your hands will I receive again my son, who one whole year hath endured banishment, and other penance, by your holiness enjoined.' Then the said Hildebrand, dissembling his wrath for that instant because of 124 EPISTLE OF BENNO TO THE CARDINALS. William those who were with him in company, delivered her her son very churlishly, the Con- sa ying, * Get thee hence, woman, I bid thee, and let me be at rest.' After this queror ' } ie sent his officers, and apprehended the widow's son, and gave commandment A. D. to tne judges to put him to death ; who with one consent answered and said, 1075. ' That they could no more condemn or meddle with him, for that he had — — — appealed once to the pope, and abidden the banishment, and done the penance lany of" by him enjoined for his crime committed.' Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand, the pope displeased with the judges, caused the foot of the widow's son to be cut off, aw^dow'f ma k in g neither repentance, nor the laws and ordinances, to he of any estima- son. tion with him ; and thus, his foot being cut off, he died within three days after with the pain thereof. Many other wicked deeds did this Hildebrand, upon whom the blood of the church crieth vengeance, shed by the sword of his tongue, with miserable treachery; for which things, and that justly, the church refused to communicate with him." 1 Another Epistle of Benno to the Cardinals. To the venerable fathers of the church of Rome, and to his beloved and ever to be beloved brethren in Christ, Benno, cardinal of the church of Rome, wisheth faithful service, and health, in the communion of the catholic church : of the communion, and discipline, or power whereof, he vainly braggeth, who- ever, presuming on his authority, shall unjustly bind or loose any maimer of person. And he doth unjustly bind, whoever curseth any man who is willing to make satisfaction, and implores a hearing, being unconvicted, and not con- fessing the crime ; nay rather, by cursing that party in vain he curseth and condemneth himself, turning his weapon upon his own person to his destruc- tion. O strange and new-found treachery, proceeding from the sanctuaiy, nay, rather from him who, as high-priest, seemed to rule the church, and to be a judge over the judges ! Hiide- Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the emperor, that he should deprive brand those bishops who came in by simony. The emperor, thinking, as a zealous the tII § prince, that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God, without delay bishops obeyed the same, and, forthwith, without any consideration, or judicial order, against deprived certain bishops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand peror™" he offered an acceptable sacrifice to God ; not knowing as yet the crafty hand- ling of the man. But Hildebrand then again replaced those whom the emperor for simony at his commandment had before deposed, and those whom by that means he had caused to bear a hateful heart to the emperor he attached to him- self in great familiarity ; and securing their fidelity by many and solemn oaths taken of them, he promoted them above all the rest. And, by these pranks, the imperial house being shortly after troubled and almost destitute of friends, he, craftily purchasing the friendship and favour of the greatest princes, the better to bring his matters to pass, suddenly, without any lawful accusation, without any canonical citation, without any judicial order, excommunicated the emperor (always so obedient to him), and set the princes of the empire all against him. And notwithstanding, as the apostle saith, that no man ought to circumvent his brother in any matter, as much as in him lay he rather mortally wounded him, than brotherly corrected him. Thus the emperor being many ways circum- The em- vented, and excommunicated against all canonical order, and by the consent peror and counsel of Hildebrand spoiled of the greatest part of his imperial honour, Hilde- by anc * overcharged with wars and immense slaughter of his faithful adherents, in brand to vain desired and sued to have a canonical hearing, but was forced against his accuse w jji at Canossa, in the presence of Hildebrand, to accuse himself by an extorted himself. „ . 7 * ' confession. Say you now, I pray you, all such as love justice, and know not to lean either to the right hand or to the left in favour of any person, say your minds, whether such a confession, so extorted, ought to be prejudicial to never so poor a man, much less to an emperor ? and whether he who extorted the same confession The great is not amenable to the canons, rather than he who, being so perversely judged, of the ° e three days to g et h er suffered the injury and violence of his perverse judge, podly patiently and publicly, and with lamentable affliction, being barefoot, and emperor, clothed in linsey wolsey, 2 in an unusually sharp winter, being made .i spectacle (1) Haec Benno Rom. Cardinal. (2) An olri penance see Appendix. Ed. THE POPE'S DESIGNS AGAINST HENRY THE FOURTH. 125 at Canossa both to angels and men, and a mocking-stock to that proud William Hildebrand? Never trust me, if thirteen of the more wise and pious car- the Con- dinals, the archdeacon himself, and the master of the singing school, besides Q ueror - many others of the clerks of Lateran (to whose judgment by the privilege of A.D. the holy see the whole world is obedient), weighing and considering his intoie- 1075. rable apostasy, did not depart from participating and refuse to communicate — ; with him. This glorious Hildebrand, and his familiar, Turbanus, by their new authority, Urban II. breaking the decrees of the Chalcedon Council not only in words but also in App s e e r e diT public writings, have agreed, that it is allowable both to baptize and communi- cate out of the church of God : and how blind these men were, and also what heretics they were, their own writings do declare. What a mischief is this (saith Benno) that they presume to judge in the church, who swarm themselves in all errors : who also convert the truth itself into a lie ; for lest the poisoned errors both of their words and writings should appear, they have, like sorcerers, the better to deceive, mixed the honey of truth therewithal : but a lie, saith what a St. Augustine, is every thing pronounced with the intent of deceiving others, lie is. It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable Pope Hi! doings, and diabolical practices of conjurings, charms, and filthy ^SSkat sorceries, exercised between him, and Laurentius, and Theophylact, ^ e c r 0 y n . otherwise named Pope Benedict IX., whereof a long narration juring. followeth in the aforesaid epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen, to which the reader may repair, whoso hath either leisure to read or mind to understand more of the abominable parts and devilish acts of this Hildebrand. Thus having sufficiently alleged the words and testimonies of Benno and Aventinus, concerning the acts and facts of this pope ; now let us proceed, in the order as followeth in his story, to set forth the miserable vexation which the virtuous and godly emperor sus- tained by that ungodly person. About what time Hildebrand was made pope, Henry IV., the Henryiv. emperor, was encumbered and much vexed with civil dissention in emperor - Germany, by reason of certain grievances of the Saxons against him and his father, Henry III. ; whereupon the matter growing to sedi- tion, sides were taken, and great wars ensued betwixt Otho, duke of Saxony, and Henry, the emperor. This busy time seemed to Hildebrand very opportune to work his feats, whose study and drift was ever from the beginning to advance the dominion of the Romish seat above all other bishops, and also to press down the authority of the temporal rulers under the spiritual men of the church. And although he went about the same long before by subtle trains and acts set forth concerning simony, yet now he thought more effec- tuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted thither where he would be. And therefore now bearing himself the bolder, by the authority of St. Peter's throne, 1 first he began to pursue the act set out by his predecessor, as touching simony, cursing and excommunicating, whosoever they were, that received any spiritual living or promotion at laymen's hands, as also all such as were the givers thereof. For this he then called simony, that under that colour he might defeat the temporal potentates of their right, and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome. And forasmuch as the emperor was the head, thinking first to begin 1) " Much boast is made of Peter's throne, But his life they let alone." SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF WORMS. wuiiam with him, he sendeth for him, by letters and legates, to appear in the queror' council of Lateran at Rome. But the emperor, busied in his wars J jy against the Saxons, had no leisure to attend to councils. Notwith- 1076. standing Gregory, the pope, proceedeth in his council, rendering there the cause and reason before the bishops, why he had excom- iierman municated divers of the clergy, as Herman, bishop of Bamberg, nmnka- counsellor to the emperor, and other priests more, for simony. And Sude there, moreover, in the said council he threateneth to excommunicate brand, likewise the emperor himself, and to depose him from his regal Appendix. km2f dom, unless he would renounce the heresy of simony, and do penance. The council being ended, Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, persuaded one Centius, the Roman prefect's son, whom the pope had excommunicated, to take the emperor's part against the pope, who, watching his time in the temple of St. Mary, upon Christmas- Hiide- day in the morning, taketh the pope and putteth him fast in a strong casUn a tower. The next day the people of Rome, hearing this, harness Sec* 25th themselves with all expedition to help the bishop, whom when they a.d.1075. loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and plucked it down to the ground ; his family having their noses cut off were cast out of the city. Centius himself escaping, fled to the emperor. Guibert, the archbishop, pretending good-will to the pope, departed from Rome ; who, likewise, had wrought with Hugo Candidus, cardinal, and with Theobald, archbishop of Milan, also with divers other bishops about Italy, to forsake the pope and take the emperor's part. Gregory the pope, called Hildebrand, hearing of the conspiracy, layeth the sentence of excommunication upon them all, and depriveth them of their dignity. The emperor, being moved not unworthily, with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, council called together a council at Worms, in which all the bishops not only £ V0 23d. s ' °f Saxony, but of all the whole empire of the Germans, agree and A D ^ 07e " conc l u d e upon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience Appendix, hereafter should be given to him. This being determined in the council, Rowland, a priest of Parma, was sent to Rome with the sentence, who, in the name of the council, should command Gregory to yield up his seat, and also charge the cardinals to resort to the emperor, for a new election of another pope. The tenor of the sentence sent up by Rowland was this : — a.d.io/6. The sentence of the Council of Worms against Hildebrand. Forasmuch as thy first ingress and coming in hath been so spotted with so many perjuries, and also the church of God brought into no little danger through thine abuse and new-fangleness : moreover, because thou hast defamed thine own life and conversation with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no little peril or slander to arise thereof; therefore the obedience, which yet we never promised thee, hereafter we utterly renounce, and never intend to give thee. And as thou hast never taken us yet for bishops (as thou hast openly reported of us), so neither will we hereafter take thee to be apostolic. Vale. The Rome, Gregory the pope, tickled with this sentence, first condemneth against' ' it in his council of Lateran, with excommunication ; secondly, de- cii e of° un " priveth Sigifrid, archbishop of Mentz, of his dignities and eccle- worms. siastical livings, with all other bishops, abbots, and priests, as many SENTENCE OF EXCOMMUNICATION AGAINST HENRY. as took the emperor's part ; thirdly, he accurseth Henry the emperor wuuam himself, depriveth him of his kingdom and regal possessions, and girSJ" releaseth all his subjects of their oath of allegiance given unto him, a.D. after this form and manner. 1076. The tenor of the sentence excommunicatory against Henry the emperor, by Pope Hildebrand. O blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles ! bow down thine ears I beseech thee, and hear me thy servant, whom thou hast brought up even from mine in- fancy, and hast delivered me unto this day from the hands of the wicked, who hate and persecute me, because of my faith in thee. Thou art my witness, and Mark this also the blessed mother of Jesus Christ, and thy brother St. Paul, fellow-partner y j s [ s a ~ that of thy martyrdom, how that I entered this function not willingly, but enforced sa y, the* against my will ; not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascend into this P°pe can- seat, but because that I had rather pass over my life like a pilgrim or private not err * person, than for any fame or glory to climb up to it. I do acknowledge, and that worthily, all this to come of thy grace, and not of my merits, that this charge over christian people, and this power of binding and loosing, are com- mitted to me. Wherefore, trusting upon this assurance for the dignity and tuition of holy church in the name of God Omnipotent, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, I do here depose Henry, the son of Henry, once the emperor, from his imperial seat and princely government, who hath so boldly and. pre- sumptuously laid hands upon thy church. And, furthermore, all such as here- tofore have sworn to be his subjects, I release them of their oath, whereby all subjects are bound to the allegiance of their princes; for it is meet and convenient, that he should be void of dignity, who seeketh to diminish the ma- jesty of thy church. Moreover, for that he hath contemned my monitions, tending to his health and to the wealth of his people, and hath separated himself from the fellowship of the church, which he, through his seditions, 1 studieth to destroy, therefore I bind him by virtue of excommunication, trusting and knowing most certainly, that thou art Peter, on the rock of whom, as on the true foundation, Christ, our king, hath built his church. 2 The emperor, thus assaulted with the pope's censure, sendeth The sax- abroad his letters through all nations to purge himself, declaring how thlpope's wrongfully, and against all right, he was condemned. The princes of J^- nst Almany, partly fearing the crack of the pope's thunder-clap, partly the em again rejoicing that occasion was renewed to rebel against the ™ emperor, assembled a commencement, 3 where they did consult and so conclude; to elect another emperor, and so fall from Henry, unless the pope would come to Aosta, 4 and he would there be content to submit himself and obtain his pardon. Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germans in those days, so to forsake such a valiant emperor, and so much to repute a vile bishop : but this was the rudeness of the world then, for lack of better knowledge. The emperor, seeing the chief princes ready to forsake him, promiseth them with an oath, that if the pope would repair to Aosta, in Lombardy, 4 he would there ask forgiveness of him. Upon this the bishop of Treves was sent up in commission to Rome, to entreat the pope to come to Aosta. 4 The pope, at the instance of the legate and the princes, was content. He entered into Lombardy, 4 thinking to come to Aosta. After he was come to Vercelli, the bishop of that city (being the chancellor of Italy, and desirous to disturb peace for the old grudge he had to the emperor) (1) Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes ?— Juven. (2) Ex Platina. (3) "Colloquium maximum apudOppenheim faciunt," Nauclerus. Sep.l5th, 1076, Lambert.— Ed. (4) Foxe eays " Germany," following Platina : hut See Appendix.— Er>. peror. Se Appendix. 128 SERVILE SUBMISSION OF THE EMPEROR. wuiiam falsely persuaded the pope, that he was certain the emperor was querlr. coming with a mighty great army against him, counselling him therefore to provide betimes for his own safeguard in some stronger 1077. place; whereby the pope's mind being altered, he retired back to Canusium, or Canossa, a city being subject to Matilda, a countess of Italy, where he should not need to fear the emperor. Henry, understanding the false fear of the pope, and of his retiring to Canossa, incontinent (coming out of Spires with his wife and his young son, in the deep and sharp of winter) resorteth to Canossa. All his peers and nobles had left him for fear of the pope's curse, neither did any accompany him. Wherefore the emperor, being not a little troubled, and laying apart his regal ornaments, came bare- Awon- footed with his wife and child to the gate of Canossa, where he submis- from morning to night (all the day fasting) most humbly desireth valiant a absolution, craving to be let in, to the speech of the bishop : but no emperor ingress might be given him once within the orates. Thus, he con- to a vile © o . <# o t » popp. turning three days together m his petition and suit, at length answer came, that the pope's majesty had yet no leisure to talk with him. The emperor, nothing moved therewith, that he was not let into the city, patient and with an humble mind, abideth without the walls, with no little grievance and painful labour ; for it was a sharp winter, and all frozen with cold. Notwithstanding, yet through his importunate suit, at length it was granted, through the entreating of Applndix Matilda, the pope's paramour, and of Adelaide, countess of Savoy, and of the abbot of Clugny, that he should be admitted to the pope's speech. On the fourth day 2 being let in, for a token of his true repentance, he yieldeth to the pope's hands his crown, with all other ornaments imperial, and confessed himself unworthy of the empire, if ever he do against the pope hereafter, as he hath done before, desiring for that time to be absolved and forgiven. The pope condf answereth, he will neither forgive him, nor release the bond of his tions of excommunication, but upon conditions. First, to promise that he the pope, k e con t en t ^ 0 stand to his arbitrement in the council, and to take such penance as he shall enjoin him ; also that he shall be prest and ready to appear, in what place or time the pope shall appoint him. Moreover, that he, being content to take the pope as judge of his cause, shall answer in the said council to all objections and accusations laid against him, and that he shall never seek any revengement herein. Item, that he, though he be quit and cleared therein, shall stand to the pope's mind and pleasure, whether to have his kingdom restored, or to lose it. Finally, that before the trial of Here the his cause, he shall use neither his kingly ornaments, sceptres, nor the 3 Apo- crown, nor usurp the authority to govern, nor exact any oath of appeareth aue ©i ance u P on his subjects, &c. These things being promised to in Ms the bishop by an oath, and put in writing, the emperor is only colours. re ] easec [ 0 f excommunication. The form and tenor of the oath, which Henry made to the pope. I Henry, king, after peace and agreement made to the mind and sentence of our lord Gregory the Seventh, promise to keep all covenants and bonds betwixt us, and to provide that the pope go safely wheresoever he will, without any danger either to him, or to his retinue ; especially in all such places as he (1) See Appendix.— Ed. <2) Jnn. 25tl., a.d. 1077, says Avcntine.— Ed. CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE EMPEROR. 129 subject to our empire. And that I shall not at any time stay or hinder him, but William that the Con- See Appendi. he may do what belongeth to his function, where and whensoever his plea- shall be. And these things I bind myself with an oath to keep. " 1 A.D. Thus, the matter being decided between them after the pope's 1077- own prescribement, the emperor taketh his journey to Pa via. The pope, with his cardinals, did vaunt and triumph with no little pride, that they had so quailed the emperor, and brought him on his knees to ask them forgiveness. Yet, notwithstanding, mistrusting them- The craf- selves, and misdoubting time, what might befall them hereafter if Hcy^S p, ~ fortune should turn, and God give the emperor to enjoy a more J^j s cardi * quiet kingdom ; therefore, to prevent such dangers betimes, they against study and consult privily with themselves how to displace Henry perorT" clean from his kingdom, and how that device might safely be con- veyed. They conclude and determine to derive the empire unto Rodolph, a man of great nobility amongst the chiefest states of Germany ; and also to incite and stir up all other princes and Great subjects, being yet free and discharged from their oaths, against Sirred up Henry, and so, by force of arms, to expel the emperor out of his ^ p " ie kingdom. To bring this purpose the better to pass, legates were sent down from the pope, Sigehard patriarch of Aquileia, and Altman bishop of Passau, who should persuade through all App s e " dir . France, that Henry the emperor was rightfully excommunicated, and that they should give to the bishop of Rome their consents in choosing Rodolph to be emperor. This being done, there was sent to the said Rodolph, duke of Suabia, a crown from the pope with this verse : — " Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rodulpho." " The Rock gave the crown to Peter, Peter giveth it to Rodolph." Here, by the way of digression, to make a little gloss upon this barbarous verse, two notable lies are to be noted. One, where he lieth about Christ, the other, where he lieth about St. Peter. First, that Christ gave any temporal diadem to Peter, it is a most manifest lie, and against the Scriptures, whereas he would not take it, being given to himself, saying, " My kingdom is not of this world. 11 Again, where he saith that Peter giveth it to Rodolph, here he playeth the The pope poet ; for neither had Peter any such thing to give ; and if he JJJJSf a had, yet he would not have given it to Rodolph from the right liai heir ; neither is it true that Peter did give it, because Hildebrand gave it. For it is no good argument — Hildebrand did give it, ergo, Peter did give it ; except ye will say — Hildebrand stirred up great wars and bloodshed in Germany, ergo, Peter stirred up great wars in Germany. So Peter neither could, nor would, nor did, give it to Rodolph, but only Hildebrand, the pope ; who, after he had so done, gave commandment to the archbishops of Mentz and of Cologne to elect this Rodolph for emperor, and to anoint him king, and also to defend him with all the force and strength they might. 2 While this conspiracy was in hand, Henry the emperor was (1) Actum Canos. v. Calend. Februarii, Indie, xv. [Pagi observes that this date is spurious, as Henry was absolved Jan. 25.— En.] (2) Rodolph \ras elected at the diet of Forcheim, March 15th, 1077, consecrated March 26th .—Ed, VOL. II. K 180 WARS EXCITED BY THE POPE. wiiuam absent, and the pope's ambassadors with him also. In the mean queroU space Rodolph was elected emperor, unknown to Henry. Upon ~ ~ this cometh the bishop of Strasburg to the emperor, certifying him 1080* wnat Avas done. He, suspecting and seeing the stomach and doings — of the Saxons so bent against him, mustereth his men with expedition, and marcheth forward to defend his right ; but first sendeth to Rome, trusting to the league betwixt him and his pope, and requireth the bishop to proceed with his sentence against Rodolph for the rebellious The pope invasion of his empire. But the bishop, minding nothing less, thelm- 10 sendeth word again, that it was not right to condemn any person, peror. n - g cause being not heard ; thus, under pretence of the law, colouring his unlawful treachery. Henry, thus disappointed, and forsaken on every side, with his men about him, attempteth battle against Rodolph ; in which battle there was a marvellous great slaughter on both sides, but the victory on neither part was certain, so that both the captains still challenged the empire. After the battle, and great murder on both sides, they both sent to Rome to know of the pope's determination, to whether of them two he judged the right title of the empire to appertain. The bishop commanded them both to break up their armies, and depart the field, promising that he shortly would call a council, where this matter should be disputed : in the mean time they should cease from war. But before the messengers Aug. 7th, returned, their armies being refreshed, they had another conflict A ' D s'if 78 ' together, but no victory got on either part. Thus both the captains Appear. k e j n g wear i e d i n W ars, the Romish beast, the bishop, who was the cause thereof, perceiving whither these cruel wars would tend, to the great calamity not only of the Germans, but also of other nations, and trusting to find another way to help Rodolph and his adherents, sendeth down a commission by Udo, archbishop of Treves, Bernard a deacon, and Bernard, abbot of Marseilles, to whom he gave in charge that they should call together a council or sitting in Almany, and that there it should be defined to which party the empire should pertain, by most right and public consideration ; promising that what they should therein determine, he (looking upon the matter through the authority of God omnipotent, and of St. Peter and St. Paul) would ratify the same. Moreover, for that no let nor impeachment should happen to the legates by the way, he giveth them letters to the princes and nations of Germany, whereof the contents be declared briefly in Platina, if any list to read them. But the emperor would not permit the legates to have any council within Germany, except they would first deprive Rodolph of his kingdom. The legates, considering that to be against the drift and intention of the pope, returned again from whence they came. The pope hearing this, and seeing his purpose was thus disappointed by Jan. 25th, the emperor, [the emperor moreover being worsted in a third battle A.D.ioao. w it n n j s adversary, pdraweth out another excommunication against him, and again bereaveth him of his kingdom ; sending about his letters excommunicatory throughout all places, thinking thereby to further the part of Rodolph the better. Platina hath in his book the whole effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort. (I) See Appendix. THE EM FEB 03 AGAIN EXCOMMUNICATED. J 31 William the Con- queror. A.D. 1080. The copy of the second excommunication of Hildebrand against the Emperor. Blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, and thou St. Paul also, the teacher of the Gentiles, give ear unto me, I beseech you, a little, and gently hear me, for you are the disciples and lovers of truth ! The things that I shall say o pesti- are true. This matter I take in hand for truth's sake, that my brethren, whose salvation I seek, may the more obsequiously obey me, and better under- crite ! stand, how that I, trusting upon your defence, next to Christ, and his mother, The pnpe the immaculate Virgin, resist the wicked, and am ready to help the faithful. g^pgjg,, I did not enter this seat of mine own accord, but much against my will and to dis- with tears, for that I accounted myself unworthy to occupy so high a throne. £? n £F And this I say, not that I have chosen you, but you have chosen me, and ^nd stf' have laid this great burden upon our shoulders. And now, whereas by this Peter your assignment I have ascended up this hill, crying to the people, and showing ^" de ^ h e them their faults, and to the children of the church their iniquities, the to honour members of Satan have risen up against me, and have laid hands together his king, to seek my blood. For the kings of the earth have risen up against me, 1 and Crocodili the princes of this world, with whom also have conspired certain of the clergy, J^ ry ~ subjects against the Lord, and against us his anointed, saying, " Let us break scripture asunder their bands, and cast off from us their yoke." This have they done well ap- against me, to bring me either to death or to banishment ; in the number of r h ^ d - whom is Henry, whom they call king, the son of Henry the emperor, who p a pi S ts hath lift up so proudly his horns and heel against the church of God, making mark conspiracy with divers other bishops, both Italians, French, and Germans ; ^(Thalf 1 against the pride of whom, hitherto, your authority hath resisted ; who, rather ness of being broken than amended, coming to me in Cisalpina, made humble suit their holy to me for pardon and absolution. I, thinking nothing else but true repentance fathen in him, received him again to favour, and did restore him to the communion only, from which he was excommunicate ; but to his kingdom, from which in the synod of Rome he was worthily expelled, I did not restore him, nor to the rents and fruits thereof, that he might return to the faith again; that I granted not to him. And that I did, for this purpose, that if he should defer to fall to agreement with certain of his neighbours whom he hath always vexed, and to restore again the goods both of the church and otherwise, then he might be compelled by the censures of the church and force of arms thereunto : whereby divers and sundry bishops and princes of Germany (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this opportunity, elected Rodolph, their duke, to be king in the place of Henry, whom they for his transgressions had removed and despatched from his empire. But Rodolph, first in this matter using a princely modesty and integrity, sent up his messengers to me, declaring how he is coastrained (wild he, nild he) to take that regal government upon him, albeit he was not so desirous thereof, but that he would rather show himself obedient to us, than to the other that offered him the kingdom ; and, whatsoever our arbitrement should be therein, he would be under obedience both of God and of us. And, for more assurance of his obedience, he hath sent his own As if he children hither for pledges. Upon this Henry began to snuff, and first entreated ^upto us to restrain and inhibit Rodolph, through the pain of our curse, from the you, usurpation of his kingdom. I answered again, 1 would see whether of them [j^er had more right and title thereunto, and so send our legates thither upon the th g m . y same, to know the whole state of the matter ; and thereupon I would decide betwixt them, whether of them had the truer part. But Henry would not suffer our legates to come to take up the matter, and slew divers, both secular men, and of the clergy, spoiling and profaning churches ; and so by this means hath endangered himself in the bonds of excommunication. I, therefore, trusting in the judgment and mercy of God, and in the supportation of the blessed Virgin, also bold upon your authority do lay the sentence of curse upon the said Henry and all his adherents ; and here again I take his regal government from him, charging and forbidding all christian men that have been sworn unto him, whom \ discharge here of their oath, that hereafter they obey him in (U A figure called uvrifxem^oXli, cujus contrarium verum est. Vim faciunt scripluris, v.t plsnitudinem accipiant potestatis. K 2 182 SENTENCE AGAINST THE POPE. William nothing, but that they take Rodolph to their king, who is elected by many the Con- princes of the province. For so right it is and convenient, that as Henry, for his pride and stubbornness, is deprived of his dignity and possession, so Rodolph, A. D. being grateful to all men, for his virtue and devotion be exalted to the imperial 1080. throne and dominion. Tl e Therefore, O you blessed princes of the apostles ! grant to this, and confirm 10 blame 6 w * tn your authority what I have said, so that all men may understand, if you emperors have power to bind and loose in heaven, you have also power in earth to give you^be anc ^ ta ^ e awa J T empires, kingdoms, principalities, and whatsoever here in earth "so saucy belongeth to mortal men. For if you have power to judge in such matters as them appertain to God, what then should we think you have, of these inferior and Nego'ar- P roI>ane things? And if it be in your power to judge the angels, ruling over gumen- proud princes, what then shall it beseem you to do upon their servants? There- Confer e ^ et tne kings understand by this example, and all other princes of the this world, what you be able to do in heaven, and what you are with God ; that clause thereby they may fear to contemn the commandment of holy church. And history uf now ^° Y cu exercise this judgment quickly upon Henry, whereby all men may the story see this son of iniquity to fall from his kingdom, not by any chance, but by cfcUmble" '" our P rov i s i° n an d °nlv work. Notwithstanding, this I would crave of you, hypocrite! that he, being brought to repentance through your intercession, still in the day Mar. 7th, of judgment may find favour and grace with the Lord. — Actum Romae, nonis A.D.ioso. Martii, Indictione iii. Furthermore, Hildebrand, not yet content with this, interdicteth and deposeth also Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, for taking the emperor's part, commanding all priests to give no manner of obedi- ence to him, and sendeth thither to Ravenna another archbishop with full authority. council at The emperor, on his part, calleth together a council or assembly the Tyro" of divers bishops of Italy, Lombardy, and Germany, at Brixen, a.d. a.imoso. iog0 5 where he purged himself, and accused the bishop Hildebrand Appendix. Q £ divers crimes, to be an usurper, perjured, a necromancer and sorcerer, a sower of discord ; complaining, moreover, of wrongs and injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church of Rome preferred the bishop before him, when that his father, being emperor before him, had enthronized and set in divers and sundry pontiffs there by his assignment, without all others' election. And now this pontiff, contrary to his oath and promise made, thrust in himself without the will and knowledge of him, being their king and magistrate. For, in the time of his father Henry III., this Hildebrand, No Mshop with others, bound themselves with a corporal oath, that so long as cLfbe 116 the emperor and his son, then king of the Romans, should live, they without snou ld neither themselves presume, nor suffer any other, to aspire to consent the papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the aforesaid emperor, emperors ; which now this Hildebrand, contrary to his corporal oath, had done. Wherefore the aforesaid council, with one agreement, condemned this Gregory, that he should be deposed ; the tenor of which condemnation is thus expressed in the abbot Urspergensis. The sentence of the council of Brixen against Hildebrand. 1 Because it is not unknown that this bishop was not elected of God, but intruded himself by fraud and money, and hath subverted all ecclesiastical order, and hath disturbed the government of the christian empire, menacing death of body and soul against our catholic and peaceable king, and hath set up and maintained a perjured king, sowing discord where concord was, causing debate amongst friends, slanders and offences amongst brethren, divorcement (1) Ecifion 1563, p. 29. DEATH OF RODOLPH. J 33 and separation amongst the married, 1 and finally disquieting the peaceable state William of all quiet life : Therefore we, here in the name and authority of God congre- the Con ~ gated together, with the letters and sign-manual of nineteen bishops assembled queror - on the day of Pentecost at Mentz, do proceed in canonical judgment against A. D. Hildebrand, a man most wicked, preaching sacrilege and burning, maintaining 1084. perjury and murders, calling in question the catholic faith of the body and blood : — of the Lord, a follower of divination and dreams, a manifest necromancer, a j^dged Pe sorcerer, and infected with a Pythonical spirit, and therefore departed from the and de- true faith ; and we judge him to be deposed and expelled, and, unless he hearing ® * this shall yield and depart the seat, to be perpetually condemned. — Enacted ^0. vii. Calend. Julii, feria v., Indictione iii. [i.e. Thursday, June 25th, a. d. 1080.] This being enacted and sent to Rome, they elected Guibert, arch- bishop of Ravenna, in the place of Hildebrand, to govern the church of Rome, named Clement III. After and upon this, Henry and Rodolph, to try the matter by Fourth the sword, coped together in battle, not without bloodshed, where betwixt Henry, by the favour of God, against the judgment of Hildebrand, ^ e d n g o had the victory. Rodolph there greatly wounded in the conflict, doipn, was had out of the army, and carried to Merseburg, where he com- a?d.i?8o. manded the bishops and chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought Rodolph before him. When they came, he lifted up his right hand in which at his he had taken his deadly wound, and said, " This is the hand which Jenteth 6 gave the oath and sacrament unto Henry my prince, and which, Thepope through your instigation, so oft hath fought against him in vain i now war. go and perform your first oath and allegiance to your king, for I must ^ d v ? iv * to my fathers and so died. Thus the pope gave battle, but God tory. gave the victory. Ap£Zax. Henry, after his enemy had been thus subdued, and wars had ceased in Germany, forgat not the old injuries received of Hildebrand, by whom he was twice excommunicated, and expelled from his king- dom, and to whom he was three days making humble suit, yea, and that in sharp winter, but could find no favour with him. Besides that, he incited moreover, and aided his enemy against him. Where- fore when Hildebrand neither would give over his hold, nor give place to Clement, the emperor, gathering an army to send to Italy, came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand, sending to Matilda, the countess before mentioned, The required her, in remission of all her sins, to withstand Henry the emperor; and so she did. Notwithstanding, Henry prevailing came ofhis P*- to Rome on Whitsun-eve, where he besieged the city two years, and The firJt got it June 2d, a.d. 1083, 2 the Romans being compelled to open the to X fight e gates unto him ; so he coming to the temple of St. Peter, there placeth ^ n re 0 f is Clement in his papacy. Hildebrand straight flieth into Adrian's tower sins be- with his adherents, where he, being beset round about, at length send- mid™ etli for Robert Guiscard, his friend, a Norman. In the mean time, bra "?; while Robert collecteth his power, the abbot of Clugny, conferring $>™qm. with Gregory, exhorteth him to crown Henry emperor in Lateran ; which if he would do, the other promiseth to bring about, that Henry should depart with his army into Germany ; whereunto the people of Rome also did likewise move him. To whom Gregory answered, " That he was content so to do, but upon condition that the emperor w ould submit himself to ask pardon, to amend his fault, and to promise (1) For he took away the marriage of priests, as Ulric Mutius witnesseth. [See Appendix.] (2) See Appendix. pope seeketh 134 DEATH OF WILLIAM THE COXQUEROrt. Wtiiiam obedience. 11 The emperor not agreeing to those conditions, went to quer™~ Sienna, taking Clement, the newly stalled pope, with him. A D After the return of the emperor, the aforesaid Robert Guiscard, 1087. approaching with his soldiers, burst in at one of the gates, and May 2oth s P°^ etu tne city, and not long after delivereth Hildebrand out of a.d.iosd! his enemies' hands, and carried him away to Campagna, where he not Append*, long continuing, afterwards died in exile. 1 Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dying, called to him one of his chief cardinals, bewailing to him his fault and misorder of his spiritual ministry, in stirring up discord, war, and dissension ; whereupon he desired the cardinal to go to the emperor, and desire of him forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers, both quick and dead. SancTthe Thus hast thou, gentle reader, the full history of Pope Gregory author VII., called Hildebrand, which I have laid out more at large, and tn>nof~aii desire thee to mark, because that from this pope, if thou mark w r ell, misrule, springeth all the occasions of mischief, of pomp, pride, stoutness, presumption, and tyranny, which since that time have reigned in his successors hitherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy. For here came first the subjection of the temporal regiment under the spiritual jurisdiction ; and emperors, which before were their masters, now are made their underlings. Also here came in the suppression of priests 1 marriage, as is sufficiently declared. Here came in, moreover, the authority of both the swords spiritual and secular into spiritual men's hands ; so that christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in giving bishoprics or benefices, in calling councils, in hearing and correcting the excesses of the clergy, but only the pope must do all. Yea, moreover, no bishop or pastor in his own parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline among his flock, but only the pope challenged that prerogative to himself. Finally, here came in the first example to persecute emperors and kings with rebellion and excommunication, as the clergy themselves hereafter do testify and witness in proceeding against Paschal. Thus, these notes being well observed, let us, by the grace of Christ, now repair again to our country history of England. Thedeath About the death of Pope Hildebrand, or not long after, followed fhTcST the deatl1 of Kin & William the Conqueror, a.d. 1087, after he had sept°9th re ^e ned m England the space of one and twenty years and ten atuoW. months. The cause of his sickness and death is said to be this : A P p S en e dix. for that Philip, the French king, upon a time jesting said, that " King William lay in childbed, and nourished his fat belly. 11 To this the aforesaid William, hearing thereof, answered again and said, " When he should be churched, he would offer a thousand candles to him in France, wherewithal the king should have little joy. 11 Whereupon King William, in the month of July, when the corn, fruit, and grapes, were most flourishing, entered into France, and set on fire many cities and towns in the west side of France. And i PP \ e 'd,x. lastly, coming to the city of Mantes, 2 where he, burning a woman being as a recluse in a wall enclosed (or as some say, two men anchorites (1) Platina, Nauclerus, Sabellicus, Crantzius, Eenno, &c. (2) Foxe erroneously says Meaux, following Fabian and Grafton, who add " he fired it, and brent apart thereof, with the churche of our Lady, wherein he brente a woman, being closed in the walla of the said churche, as a recluse." Malmesbury says she would not, for devotion, quit " spplaeum suum," her cell.— Ed.* CHARACTER OF WILLIAM THE Cc XQU E JIO R. enclosed) was so fervent and furious about the fire, that with the wuimm heat partly of the fire, partly of the time of year, he fell sick and died, jj^" By the life and acts of this king it may appear true, as stories — g- of him report, that he was wise, but guileful ; rich, but covetous ; a 1037' fair speaker, but a great dissembler ; glorious in victory, and strong — in arms, but rigorous in oppressing those whom he overcame, and in levying of tasks passing all others ; insomuch that he caused to be enrolled and numbered in his treasury every hide of land and jj^gjj,, owner thereof, what fruit and revenues surmounted of every lord- ship, of every township, castle, village, field, river, and wood, within the realm of England. Moreover, how many parish churches, how many living cattle there were, what and how much every baron in the realm could dispend, what fees were belonging, what wages were taken, &c. : the tenor and contents of which taskment yet remaineth in rolls. After this tasking or numbering, p e6 ti- which was in the vear before his death, followed an exceeding murrain E^gfand of cattle and barrenness of the ground, with much pestilence and hot ^^ ir " fevers among the people, so that such as escaped the fever were con- beasts, sumed with famine. Moreover, at the same season, among certain London other cities, a great part of the city of London, with the church chircfof of St. Paul's, was wasted with fire, a.d. 1085. LS" 11 ' 8 In hunting and in parks the aforesaid king had such pleasure, that in the county of Southampton, for the space of thirty miles, he cast down churches and townships, and there made the New Forest ; loving his deer so dearly, as though he had been to them a father, making sharp laws for the increasing thereof, under pain of losing both the eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so favourable to his own country, that as there was no English bishop remaining, but only Wolstan of Worcester, he, being commanded of the king and Lan- Woistan, franc to resign his staff, partly for inability, partly for lack of the wor°es- f French tongue, refused to resign it, except to him. that gave it, ter> and so went to the tomb of King Edward, where he thought to resign it, but was permitted to enjoy it still ; so likewise in his days there was almost no Englishman that bare office of honour or rule in the land, insomuch that it was half a shame at that time to be called an Englishman. Notwithstanding he a good deal favoured the city of London, and granted unto the citizens the first charter that ever they had, written in the Saxon, sealed with green wax, and contained in few lines. Among his other conditions, this in him is noted, that so given Engianu he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or ST able silver, might pass through the whole realm without harm or resistance. thieves - This William in his time builded two monasteries, one in England, ™e ab- at Battle in Sussex, where he wan the field against Harold, called the Battle abbey of Battle; another beside, named the abbey of Oaen, in f" d N o r ae " his country of Normandy. mandy After the life and story of King William, thus briefly described, 4»» with the acts and order of battle between him and King Harold (although much more might have been written of that matter, if the book had come sooner to my hands, which afterwards I saw), now remaineth in the end of this story to describe the names of such barons and nobles of Normandv, as entered with him into See 136 LIST OF THE NORMANS AT William the Con- queror. A.D. 1087. this land, as well of them who were embarked with him ; and also the slain, as appeareth, in the battle ; as also of those who were planted ' and advanced, by the said conqueror, in the lands and possessions of English lords, whom he either expelled, or else beheaded : the names of which Normans here follow underwritten. Out of the Annals of Normandy, in French, whereof one very ancient book in parchment remaineth in the custody of the writer. The day after the battle, very early in the morning, Odo, bishop of Bayeux, sung mass for those that were departed. The duke, after that, desirous to know the state of his battle, and what people he had therein lost and were slain, he caused to come unto him a clerk who had written their names when they were embarked at St. Valeries, and commanded him to call them all by their names, who called them that had been at the battle, and had passed the seas with Duke William. And hereafter follow their names. THE NAMES OF THOSE THAT WERE AT THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND. Odo, bishop of Bayeux. Robert, conte de Mor- taign. These two were brethren unto Duke William by their mo- ther. Baudwin de Buillon, Roger, conte de Beau- mont, surnamed ' With the Beard,' of whom descended the line of Meullent. Guillaume Malet, Le sire de Monfort sur Rffle, Guillaume de Viexpont, Neel de S. Sauveur le vi- conte, Le sire de Fougiers, Henry seigneur de Fe- rieres, Le sire Daubemare, Guillaume, sire de Rom- mare, Le sire de Lithehare, Le sire de Touque, Le sire de la Mare, Le sire de Neauhou, Le sire de Pirou, Robert, sire de Beaufou, Le sire Danou, Le sire de Soteuiile, Le sire de Margneville, Le sire de Tancarville, Eustace Dambleville, Le sire de Marngneville, Le sire de Grantmesnil, Guillaume Crespin, Le sire de S. Martin, Guillaume de Moulins, Le sire de Puis, GeofTray, sire de Mayenne, Auffroy de Bohon, Auffroy et Maugier de Cartrait, Guillaume de Garrennes, Hue de Gournay, sire de Bray, Le conte Hue de Gournay Euguemont de l'aigle, Le viconte de Touars, Richard Dauverenchin, Le sire de Biars, Le sire de Solligny, Le bouteiller Daubigny, Le sire de Maire, Le sire de Vitry, Le sire de Lacy, Le sire du val Dary, Le sire de Tracy, Hue, sire de Montfort, Le sire de Piquegny, Hamon de Kayeu, Le sire de Despinay, Le sire de Port, Le sire de Torcy, Le sire de Jort, Le sire de Riviers, Guillaume Moyonne, Raoul Tesson de Tingue- leiz, Roger Marmion, Raoul de Guel, Avenel des Byars, Paennel du Monstier Hu- bert, Robert, Bertran le Tort, Le sire de Seulle, Le sire de Dorival, Le sire de Breval, Le sire de S. Jehan, Le sire de Bris, Le sire du Homme, Le sire de Sauchoy, Le sire de Cailly, Le sire de Semilly, Le sire de Tilly, Le sire de Romelli, Marq. de Basqueville, Le sire de Preaulx, Le sire de Gonis, Le sire de Sanceaulx, Le sire de Moulloy, Le sire de Monceaulx. The Archers du val du Ruel, and of Bretheul, and of many other places. Le sire de S. Saen, i. de S. Sydonio, Le sire de la Kiviere, Le sire de Salnarville, Le sire de Rony, Eude de Beaugieu, Le sire de Oblie, Le sire de Sacie, Le sire de Nassie, Le Visquaius de Chaymes, Le sire du Sap, Le sire de Glos, Le sire de Mine, Le sire de Glanville, Le sire de Breenj on, Le Vidam de Partay, Raoul de Morimont, Pierre de Bailleul, sire de Fiscamp, Le sire de Beausault, Le sire de Tillieres, Le sire de Pacy, Le seneschal de Torcy, Le sire de Gacy, Le sire de Doully, Le sire de Sacy, Le sire de Vacy, Le sire de Tourneeur, Le sire de Praeres, Guil. de Coulombieres, Hue, sire de Bollebec, Richard sire Dorbeck, Le sire de Bonneboz, Le sire de Tresgoz, Le sire de Montfiquet, Hue le Bigot de Maletot, Le sire de la Haye, Le sire de Mombray, THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND. 137 Le sire de Saye, Le sire de la Ferte, Boute villain, Troussebout, Guillaume Pa trie de la Laund, Hue de Mortemer, Le sire Danvillers, Le sire Donnebaut, Le sire de S. Cler. Rob. le filz Herneys, due d' Orleans, Le sire de Harecourt, Le sire de Crevecosur, Le sire de Deyncourt, Le sire de Brimetot, Le sire Combray, Le sire Daunay, Le sire de Fontenay, Le conte Deureux, Le sire de Rebelchil, Alain Fergant, conte de Bretaigne, Le sire de S. Vallery, Le conte Deu, Gualtier Gifford, conte de Longeville, Le sire Destouteville, Le conte Thomas Daub- malle, Guill., conte de Hoymes et Darques, Le sire de Bereville, Le sire de Breante, Le sire de Freanville, Le sire de Pavilly, Le sire de Clere, Toustan du Bee, Le sire Maugny, Roger de Montgomery, Amaury de Touars : — William the Con- queror. A.D. 1 087. Over and besides the great number of knights and esquires that were under them; in the same battle between the said William the Bastard, duke of Nor- mandy, on the one part, and King Harold, on the other part, there were slain on King Harold's side, of Englishmen, 66,654 ; and on Duke William's side, there were slain 6,013 men, as is to be found in the Chronicle of St. Peter of Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the river Thames. When the abovenamed and many other great lords were so called, some of them appeared, and others did not, for some of them were slain there in the field, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to show them- selves. Then gave the duke commandment that the dead should be buried, and those that were sick comforted, and eased the best that might. Out of the ancient Chronicles of England, touching the names of other Normans who seemed to remain alive after the battle, and who were advanced to the seigniories of this land. John de Maundevile, Adam Undevile, Bernard de Frevile, Richard de Rochvile, Gilbard de Frank vile, Hugo de Dovile, Symond de Rotevile y R. de Evyle, B. de Knevuile, Hugo de Morvile, R. de Colevile, A. de Warvile, C. de Karvile, R. de Rote vile, S. de Stotevile, H. Bonum, J. Monum, W. de Vignoum, K. de Vispount, W. Bailbeof, S. de Baleyne, H. de Marreys, J. Aguleyne, G. Agilon, R. Chamburlayne, N. de Vendres, H. de Verdon, H. de Verto, C. de Vernon y H. Hardul, C. Cappan, W. de Camvile, T. de Cameyes, R. de Rotes, R. de Boys, W. de Waren, T. de Wardboys, R. de Boys, W. de Audeley, K. Dynham, R. de Vaures, G. Vargenteyn, I. de Hastings, G. de Hastank, L. de Burgee, R. de Butuileyn, H. de Malebranche, S. de Malemain, G. de Hautevile, H. Hauteyn, R. de Morteyn, R. de Mortimere, G. de Kanovile, E. de Columb, W. Paynel, C. Panner, H. Pontrel, I. de Rivers, T. Revile, W. de Beauchamp, R. de Beaupale, E. de Ou, F. Lovel, S. de Troys, I. de Artel, John de Montebrugg, H. de Mounteserel, W. Trussebut, W. Trussel, H. Byset, R. Basset, R. Molet, H. Malovile, G. Bonet, P. de Bonvile, S. de Rovile, N. de Norbec, I. de Corneux, P. de Corbet, W. de Mountague, S. de Mountfychet, I. de Genevyle, H. Gyffard, I. de Say, T. Gilbard, R. de Chalons, S. de Chauward, H. Feret, Hugo Pepard, J. de Harecourt, H. de Haunsard, J. de Lamare, P. de Mautrevers, G. de Ferron, R. de Ferrers, I. de Desty, W. de Werders, H. de Bonievyie, J. de Saintenys, 138 HIRMAN, FIRST BISHOP OF SALISBURY. William the Con- queror. A.D. 10S7. S. de Seucler, R. de Gorges, E. de Gemere, W. de Feus, S. de Filberd, H. de Turbervyle, R. Troblenuer, R. de Angon, T. de Mover, T. de Rotelet, H. de Spencer, E. de Saintquinten, I. de Saint Martin, G. de Custan, Saint Constantin, Saint Leger et Saint Med. M. de Cronu et de St. Viger, S. de Crayel, R. de Crenker, N. Meyuell, I. de Berners, S. de Chumli, E. de Charers, J. de Grey, W. de Grangers, S. de Grangers, S. Baubenyn, H. Vamgers, E. Bertram, R. Bygot, S. Treoly, I. Trig os, G. de Feues, H. Filiot, R. Taperyn, S. Talbot, H. Santsaver, T. de Samford, G. de Vandien, C. de Vautort, G. de Mountague, Thomas de Chambernon, S. de Montfort, R. de Fernevaux, W. de Valence, T. Clarel, S. de Clervaus, P. de Aubemarle, H. de Saint Arvant, E. de Auganuteys, S. de Gant, G. de Malearbe, H. Mandut, W. Chesun, L. de Chandut, B. Filzurs, B. vicount de Low, G. de Cantemere, T. de Cantlow, R. Breaunce, T. de Broxeboof, S. de Bolebec, B. Mol de Boef, J. de Muelis, R. de Brus, S. de Br ewes, J. de Lylle, T. de Bellyle, I. de Watervile, G. de Nevyle, R. de Neuburgh, H. de Burgoyne, G. de Bourgh, S. de Lymoges, L. de Lyben, W. de Helyoun, H. de Hildrebron, R. de Loges, S. de Seintlow, I. de Maubank, P. de Saint Malow, R. de Leoferne, J. de Lovotot, G. de Dabbevyle, H. de Appetot, W. de Percy, H. de Lacy, C. de Quincy, E. Tracy, R. de la Souclie, V. de Somery, I. de Saint John, T. de Saint Gory, P. de Boyly, Richard de Saint Valery, P. de Pinkeni, S. de Pavely, G. de Monthaut, T. de Mountchesy, R. de Lymozy, G. de Lucy, J. de Artoys, N. de Arty, P. de Grenvyle, I. de Greys, V. de Cresty, F. de Courcy, T. de Lamar, H. de Lymastz, J. de Monbray, C. de Morley, S. de Gomey, R. de Courtenay, P. de Gourney, R. de Cony, I. de la Huse, R. de la Huse, V. de Longevyle, P. Longespye, J. Pouchardon, R. de la Pomercy, J. de Pountz, R. de Pontlarge, R. Estraunge, Thomas Savage. iiirman A little above, mention was made of the bishop's see of Sher- bisiiopof Dorne ? translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of b!ry" Salisbury was Hirman, a Norman, who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury. After him succeeded Osmund, who finished the work, and replenished the house with great living, and much good singing. This Osmund first began the ordinary, Thouse which was called 4 Secundum usum Sarum.' an. 1076, the occasion of swum* whereof was this, as I find in an old story-book, entitled 4 Eulogium.' ' how and when de- vued. Appendix A great contention chanced at Glastonbury between Thurstan the abbot, and his convent, in the days of William the Conqueror. This Thurstan the said William had brought out of Normandy from the abbey of Caen, and placed him abbot of Glastonbury. The cause of this contentious battle was, for that Thurstan, contemning their choir-service, then called 1 The use of St. Gregory, 1 compelled his monks to ' The use of William,'' a monk of Fescam, in Normandy. Whereupon came strife and contentions amongst them, first in (l) " Ordinate eoclcsia>tki officii secundum usum Sarum." Ex Eulogio Histor. lib. iii. WILLIAM RUFUS BEGINS HIS REIGN. 139 words, then from words to blows, after blows then to armour. wm*m The abbot, with his guard of harnessed men, fell upon the monks, - — L and drave them to the steps of the high altar, where two were slain, A.D. and eight were wounded with shafts, swords, and pikes. The monks, — then driven to such a strait and narrow shift, were compelled to defend themselves with forms and candlesticks, wherewith they did wound certain of the soldiers. One monk there was, an aged man, who instead of his shield took an image of the crucifix in his arms for his defence, which image was wounded in the breast by one of the bowmen, whereby the monk was saved. My story addeth more, that the striker, incontinent upon the same, fell mad, which savoureth of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being brought before the king, the abbot was sent again to Caen, and the monks, by the commandment of the king, were scattered in far countries. Thus, by the occasion hereof, Osmund, bishop of Salis- bury, devised that ordinary, which is called, 4 The use of Sarum, 1 and was afterward received in a manner through all England, Ireland, and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of this King William. This William, after his death, by his wife Matilda, or Maud, left three sons, Robert Courtsey, to whom he gave the duchy of Nor- mandy ; William Rufus, his second son, to whom he gave the kingdom of England ; and Henry, the third son, to whom he left and gave treasure, and warned William to be to his people loving and liberal, Robert to be to his people stern and sturdy. In the history called ' Jornalensis,*' it is reported of a certain Example great man, who about this time of King William was compassed Judgment about with mice and rats, and flying to the midst of a river, yet JgJJ * when that would not serve, came to the land again, and was of them y^o t>e- devoured. The Germans say that this was a bishop, who dwelling merciful between Cologne and Mentz, in time of famine and dearth, having poo?was store of corn and grain, would not help the poverty crying to him for relief, but rather wished his corn to be eaten up of mice and mice, rats. Wherefore, being compassed with mice and rats, by the just judgment of God, to avoid the annoyance of them, he built a tower in the midst of the river Rhine, which yet to this day the Dutchmen call 4 Rat's Tower; 1 but all that would not help, for the rats and mice swam over to him in as great abundance as they did before, of whom at length he was devoured. WILLIAM RUFUS. 1 William Rufus, the second son of William the Conqueror, a.D began his reign a.d. 1087, and reigned thirteen years, being crowned 1087. at Westminster by Lanfranc ; who, after his coronation, released out of prison, by the request of his father, divers English lords, who before had been in custody. It chanced that, at the death of William the Conqueror, Robert Courtsey, his eldest son, was absent in Almany, who, hearing of the death of his father, and how William, his younger brother, had taken upon him the kingdom, was therewith (1) Edition 1583, p. 184. Ed. 1596, p. 166. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 207.— Er>. 140 DEATH OF LANFRANC. W Rufu'" £ reat ty movea ; insomuch that he laid his dukedom to pledge unto — his brother Henry, and with that good gathered unto him an army, ^• D - and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to have expelled his brother * from the kingdom. But William Rufus, hearing thereof, sent to him fair and gentle words, promising him dedition and subjection, as to the more worthy and elder brother ; this thing only requiring, that seeing he was now in place and possession, he might enjoy it during his life, paying to him yearly three thousand marks, on condition that which of them overlived the other should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of this variance between these brethren wrought a great dissension between the Norman lords and bishops, both in England and in Normandy, insomuch that all the Norman bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king, taking part with Duke Robert, except only Lanfranc, and Wolstan, bishop of Worcester, above-mentioned, an Englishman ; who, for his virtue and constancy, was so well liked and favoured of his citizens, that emboldened with his presence and prayer, they stoutly maintained the city of worces- Worcester against the siege of their enemies, and at last vanquished ter^stout- |.| lem w -^| 1 u ^ er rum< g u t D u i- e Robert, at length, by the advice fended. 0 f j^s councn (hearing the words sent unto him, and wagging his head thereat, as one conceiving some matter of doubt or doubleness), was yet content to assent to all that was desired, and so returned shortly after into Normandy, leaving the bishops, and such others, in the briars, who were in England, taking his part against the kin r &' ... This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normans, that between him and his lords was oft dissension ; wherefore well near all the Normans took part against him, so that he was forced of necessity to draw to him the Englishmen. Again, so covetous he was, and so immea- surable in his tasks and takings, in selling benefices, abbies, and bishoprics, that he was hated of all Englishmen. De?th°of' ^ n ^ e vear °f this king died Lanfranc, archbishop of Can- Lanfranc, terbury, from whose commendation and worthiness, as I list not to shop b J"f detract any thing (being so greatly magnified of Polydore, his bury"" countryman) so neither do I see any great cause why to add any thing thereunto. This I think, unless that man had brought with him less superstition, and more sincere science into Christ's church, he might have kept him in his own country still, and have confuted Berengarius at home. After the decease of Lanfranc, the see of ' Canterbury stood empty four years. After the council of Lanfranc above mentioned, wherein was concluded for translating of bishops' sees from villages into head cities, Remigius, bishop of Dorchester, who, as ye heard, accom- panied Lanfranc to Rome, removed his bishop's see from Dorchester lamster to Lincoln, where he builded the minster, situated upon a hill buiided. w itbin the said city of Lincoln. The dedication of that church Robert, archbishop of York, did resist, saying, that it was builded within the ground of his precinct ; but afterwards it had his Romish dedication by Robert Bleuet, next bishop that followed. By the abbev i same Remigius, also, was founded the cloister or monastery of Stow, &c. In the fourth year of this king great tempests fell in sundry StOvV abbe; builded A.O.lOd. COMPARISON BETWEEN H II. DE jilt AND AND JEROBOAM. 141 places in England, specially at Winchcombe, where the steeple was 'Jjjjjj" burned with lightning, the church wall burst through, the head and — right leg of the crucifix, with the image of our Lady on the right side A - D - of the crucifix, thrown down, and such a stench left in the church that none might abide it. In London the force of the weather and ^J d hun " tempest overturned six hundred houses. In the same tempest the houses roof of Bow church was hurled up in the wind, and by the vehe- & mency thereof was pitched down a great deepness into the ground. Jj* King William, as ye have heard, an exceeding pillager, or ravener The root rather, of church goods, after he had given the bishopric of Lincoln chSch to his chancellor, Robert Bleuet, above mentioned, began to cavil ; ^ r e 0 r ^ n avouching the see of Lincoln to belong to the see of York, till the Robert bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great sum of money, of Bievet five thousand marks, &c. thousand As nothing could come in those days without money from ™J*J the king, so Herbert Losinga, paying to the king a piece of money, bishopric, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be abbot of Ramsey ; who, likewise, at the same time, removing his see from Thetford to the city of Norwich, there erected the cathedral Norwich church, with the cloister, in the said city of Norwich, where he JJJ55S furnished the monks with sufficient living and rents of his own ^ rt H ^ o _ charges, besides the bishop's lands. Afterward, repenting of his singa. open and manifest simony, he went to Rome, where he resigned into the pope's hands his bishopric, but so that immediately he received it again. This Herbert was the son of an abbot called Robert, for whom he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester, whereof run these verses : " Filius est preesul, pater abba, Simon uterque : Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus ? Omnia nummus habet, quod vult facit, addit, et aufert. Res nimis injusta, nummis fit prsesul et abba." Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrand, after the time of which Hildebrand the German emperors began to lose their authority and right in the pope's election, and in giving of benefices. For next after this Hildebrand came Pope Victor III., by the setting up of Matilda and the duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand, who likewise showed himself stout Pope against the emperor. But God gave the shrewd cow short horns, victor — 1 - poisoned in his chalice. A com- between Hilde- brand, pope of ome, and Jero- for Victor being poisoned, as some say, in his chalice, sat but one year and a half. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in them that followed after. And, like p^ s ™ as the kings of Israel followed for the most part the steps of Jeroboam, till the time of their desolation ; so, for the greatest part, all popes followed the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand, their spiritual * Jeroboam* in maintaining false worship, and chiefly in upholding the boam, dignity of the see, against all rightful authority, and the lawful king- Israel dom of Sion. In the time of this Victor began the order of the monks The ordei of Charterhouse, 1 through the means of one Hugh, bishop of Grenoble. J^SST* 1 and of Bruno of Cologne, canon of Rheims. 2 be £™- Next to Victor sat Urban II., by whom the acts of Hildebrand were W^>. confirmed, and also new decrees enacted against Henry the emperor. (I) Chartreuse.— Ed. (2) See Cave's Hist. Litt. v. Bruno Carthusianus.- -Ed. 142 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CRUSADES. wiiuam In this time were two popes at Rome, Urban and Clement III., Rufus \ whom the emperor set up. Under Pope Urban came in the white A. 1). monks of the Cistercian order, by one Stephen Harding, a monk of 1Q9j - Sherborne, an Englishman, by whom this order had its beginning in the Two wilderness of Citeaux, within the province of Burgoin, as witnesseth Rome* Cestrensis. Others write that this Harding was the second abbot of The order that place, and that it was first founded by the means of one Robert, ciano? r abbot of Molesme, in Citeaux, a forest in Burgundy, a.d. 1098, per- monks sua ded perchance by Harding; and afterwards, a.d. 1135, it was began, brought into England by a certain man called Espek, who builded an Appendix, abbey of the same order called Rievale. 1 In this order the monks did live by the labour of their hands; they paid no tithes nor offerings ; they wore no fur nor lining ; they wore red shoes, their cowls white, and coats black ; they were all shorn save a little circle ; they ate no flesh but only on their journey. Of this order was Bernard, council of This Urban held divers councils ; one at Rome, where he excom- municated all such lay persons as gave investure of any ecclesiastical benefice, also all such of the clergy as subjected themselves to be underlings or servants to lay persons for ecclesiastical benefices, &c. council 95 " Another council he held at Clermont 2 in France, a.d. 1095, where of cier- among other things, the bishop made an oration to the lords there mont. present, concerning the voyage and recovery of the Holy Land from the Turks and Saxacens. The cause of this voyage first arose through one Peter, a monk or hermit, who, being in Jerusalem, and seeing The voy- the great misery of the Christians under the pagans, made thereof the Holy 'declaration to Pope Urban, and was therein a great solicitor to all Land. christian princes. By reason of this, after the aforesaid oration of Pope Urban, thirty thousand men, taking on them the sign of the cross for their cognizance, made preparation for that voyage, whose captains were Godfrey duke of Lorrain, with his two brethren, Eustace and Baldwin, the bishop of le Puy, Bohemund duke of Apulia, and his nephew Tancred, Raymund earl of St. Gilles, Robert earl of Flan- ders, and Hugh le Grand, brother of Philip the French king; 3 (1) See Appendix. —Ed. (2) The first crusade aruse out of the deliberations of a council held at Placentia, in March, a. n. 1095, and from the one here mentioned held in November following, at Clermont, at which Pope Urban presided. The origin of these destructive and chimerical undertakings appears to be this: The infidels in a few years had obtained possessi )n of above one half of the empire of the East; churches and monasteries had been plundered, and priests, monks, and christian laity, cruelly massacred ; while unoffending pilgrims, who from feelings of real piety, or superstition, were accustomed to visit the holy city, suffered the most cruel oppression, slavery, and death — [See William, Archb. of Tyre's Hist, of the Holy Wars, book i. c. 9. a. d. 1095.] Three hundred thou- sand men from France, Italy, and Germany, commenced their march to the East; hut as the object of their undertaking was to extirpate the enemies of the christian faith, Jews as well as infidels fell a sacrifice to their fury. At Verdun, Spires, Worms, Cologne, and Mentz, the most horrible atrocitie^ were committed against those unhappy outcasts, whose only chance of safety consisted in professing themselves Christians, and renouncing their religion. — [Bertold. in Chron. ad ann. 1096.] Such unholy conduct, however, on the part of the crusaders, induced the inhabitants of the countries through which they passed, who were continually the victims of their plunder, to resent the inju- ries which they suffered. So effectual was the opposition which they offered, that by the 1st of August in the same year, on the arrival of the last division of the army under Peter the Hermit at Constantinople, he was scarcely able to add twenty thousand men to the two divisions which had already arrived in an equally enfeebled condition. This army, after committing the most unjustifiable excesses upon their friends the Greeks, crossed the Hellespont, and in two divisions were defeated and cut to pieces by the Turks. In a.d. 1099, another better disciplined army assembled at Constantinople, which, after crossing the Hellespont, amounted to about five hundred thousand foot, and one hundred thousand horse. After a most severe, although victorious campaign, with a very reduced force, Jerusalem was taken by scalade, on Friday, the 15th July, 1099. Twenty thousand Turks were massacred, and after eight days devoted to processions and religious ceremonies, Godfrey of Bouillon, who was the second to scale the wall, was unanimously elected king of Jerusalem. Pope Urban II., however, did not live to hear of these successes ; he died on the 29th day of July in the same year, and the news of the victory had consequently not reached R^me; this was communicated to Paschal II. who succeeded him in the papal chair — En (3) See Appendix. — Ed. siege and Capture of Jerusalem. 143 to whom also was joined Robert Courthoyse, duke of Normandy, wuuam with divers other noblemen, with the aforesaid Peter the Hermit, R ^ fu ^ who was the chief cause of that voyage. \qqq. At that time many of the said noblemen put their lands and — lordships to mortgage, to provide for the aforenamed voyage ; as Godfrey, duke of Lorrain, who sold the dukedom of Bouillon to the bishop of Liege for a great sum of money. 1 Also Robert Court- Appendix. hoyse, duke of Normandy, laid his dukedom to pledge to his brother William, king of England, for ten thousand pounds, &c. Thus, the Christians, who passed first over the Bosphorus, having a.d.io96. for their captain Peter the Hermit, a man perchance more devout than expert to guide an army, being trapped of their enemies, were slain and murdered in great numbers among the Bulgarians, and near to the town called Civita. Apt endix. When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constan- The acts tinople, where Alexius was emperor, passing over by the Hellespont, chSs- going to Jerusalem, they took the cities of Nice, Heraclea, Tarsus, *JjJJ ^ and subdued the country of Cilicia, appointing the possession thereof age to to certain of their captains. Sem!" 1 Antioch was besieged, and in the ninth month of the siege it was Antioch yielded to the Christians, by one Phirouz, about which season were S?chrL fought many strong battles, to the great slaughter and desolation of tians g ee the Saracens, and not without loss of many christian men. The Appendix, governance of this city was committed to Bohemund, duke of Apulia, ivhose martial knighthood was often proved in time of the siege thereof. And not long after Kerboga, master of the Persian chivalry, a.d.kos. was vanquished and slain, with a hundred thousand infidels. In Jjjjgjite- that discomfiture were taken fifteen thousand camels. p f ?^an Jerusalem, on the nine and thirtieth day of the siege, was con- infidels, quered by the Christians, and Robert, duke of Normandy, w r as elect J™^, to be king thereof. 2 Howbeit, he refused it, hearing of the death of quered by King William Rufus of England ; wherefore he never sped well in tians/ 18 all his affairs after the same. Then Godfrey, captain of the christian Apr s e e * dix army, was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem. At the taking of the city there was such a murder of men that blood was congealed in the streets the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey reigned Baldwin, his brother ; after him Baldwin the second, his nephew. Then Gaufrid, duke of Gaunt ; and after him Gaufrid, his son, by whom many great battles were fought there against the Saracens, and all the country thereabout subdued, save Ascalon, &c. And thus much hitherto touching the voyage to the Holy Land ■ now to our own land again. About this time, as Matthew Paris writeth, the king of England The kins favoured not much the see of Rome, because of the impudent and \m&s insatiable exactions which they required ; neither would he suffer JSEJ* any of his subjects to go to Rome, alleging these w r ords, " Because the pope they follow not the steps of Peter, hunting for rewards ; neither have they the power and authority of him, whose holiness they declare themselves not to follow." 3 U) See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ex Hen. lib. vii. (3) "Quod fetn nou inherent vestigus, prtemiis inhiantes, non ejus potestatem retment, cuius *anctitatem probantur non imitari."— Ex Matt. Paris. 144 DECREES OF POPE URBAN. wiiuam By the same Urban, the seven hours, which we call ' septem horas Rufus ' canonicas,' were first instituted in the church. A. D. Item, By this pope it was decreed, that no bishop should be made 1Q98 - but under the name and title of some certain place. Decrees Item, That matins and hours of the day should every day be said. 1 Urbalfl 6 Item, That every Saturday should be said the mass of our Lady, A,,vendix an d that all the Jews 1 Sabbath should be turned to the service of our Lady, as in the council of Tours, to the which service was appointed the anthem, " Ora pro populo, interveni pro clero, intercede pro devoto fsemineo sexu. r ' 2 Item, That all such of the clergy as had wives should be deprived of their order. 3 Item, That it should be lawful for subjects to break their oath of allegiance, with all such as were by the pope excommunicated. App^dir l tem * That it should not be lawful for husband and wife to stand sponsors in baptism to the same child both together ; with many more matters. 4 Example In the sixth year of this king's reign, Mai col m king of Scots, who righteous four times before had made great slaughter of old and young in the In puSS nortn parts, as is before showed, burst into Northumberland, with !ie? mur " a ^ ^ e P ower ne cou ld make ; and there, by the right judgment of God, was slain with his son Edward, and also Margaret his wife, sister to Edgar Etheling, above minded, a virtuous and devout lady , within three days after. The same year he gave the archbishopric of Canterbury, after that he had detained the same in his own hands four years, to Anseln., abbot of Bee, in Normandy. A Pl lZj ir . This Anselm was an Italian, born in the city of Aosta, and brought up in the abbey of Bee, in Normandy ; where he was so strict a follower of virtue, that, as the story recordeth, he wished rather to be without sin in hell, than in heaven with sin. Which saying and wish of his, if it were his, may seem to proceed out of a mind, neither speaking orderly according to the phrase and under- standing of the Scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the justification of a christian man? Further, they report him to be so far from singularity, 6 that he should say, it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heaven, and man out of paradise. Of this Anselm it is, moreover, reported, that he was so illwilling to take the archbishopric, that the king had much ado to thrust it upon him ; and he was so desirous to have him take it, that the city of Canterbury, which before Lanfranc did hold but at the king's good will and pleasure, he gave now to Anselm wholly, which was about a.d. 1093. But as desirous as the king was then to place the said comen a - nd Anselm, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all manner tweenthe means to c ^ e ^ ea ^ nnn ^ ne might : such strife and contention arose king and between them two for certain matters, the ground and occasion ich! 1 " 1 ' whereof first was this. SiS ° f After that Anselm had been thus elected to the see of Canterbury, bury. before he was fully consecrated, the king communed with him, (1) Vid. John Stella. (2) Vid. Nauclerus. (3) Dist. 31. Eos qui. 15. q. 6. Juratos (4) By the same pope thus many chapters stand written in the canon law, dist. 70. Sanctorum, dist. 32. Eos qui, 1. q. 1. Si qui. dist. 56. Presbyterorum. 1 1. q. 3. quibus. 15. q. 6. Juratos. 16. q. 2. Congrpgato. 19. 2. Stfituimus. 23. q. 8. Tributum. 30. q. 4. quod autem. 32. q. 2. de neptis, &c. (5) See Appendix.— Ed. (6) " Peculiaritatis vitium." Mamiesb.— Ed. See Ap FIERCE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE KING AND ANSELM. 145 assaying by all gentle manner of words to entreat him, that such wuuam lands and possessions of the church of Canterbury as the king had vfm ' given and granted to his friends since the death of Lan franc, they A.D. might still enjoy as their own lawful possessions through his grant t09> ^ and permission. But to this Anselm in no case would agree Whereupon the king, conceiving great displeasure against him, did stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long process of time the king, enforced by the daily complaints and desires of his people and subjects, for lack of an archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit and authorize him unto them. Thus Anselm, with much ado, taking his consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to his see of Canterbury ; and not long after the king sailed over to Normandy. About this time there were two striving in Rome for the popedom, urban as is afore-noticed, Urban and Guibert, — divers realms diversely ^f 16 " consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England, taking grivmg with their king, was rather inclined to Guibert, called Clemens III. ; papacy, but Anselm did fully go with Urban, making so his exception with the king on entering his bishopric. After the king was returned again from Normandy, the archbishop cometh to him, and asketh leave to go to Rome to fetch his pall of Pope Urban ; which when he could not at first obtain, he maketh his appeal from the king to the pope. Whereat the king, being justly displeased, chargeth the Anselm archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his promise made ; f^ ged that is, if he, without his license, should appeal either to Urban or to traitor, any other pope. Anselm answereth again, that it was to be referred Ap fendi» unto some greater council, where it should be disputed whether this be to break a man's allegiance to a terrene prince, if he appeal to the vicar of St. Peter. And here much arguing and contending was on both sides. The king's reason proceedeth thus : " The custom," custom saith he, " from my fathers time hath been in England, that no 5and"ffom person {should appeal to the pope without the king's license. He William that breaketh the customs of the realm, violateth the power and. queror's crown of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my {J^ppeS crown, is a traitor and enemy against me," &c. To this Anselm t0 the rcplieth again, " The Lord," saith he, " easily discusseth this Anselm question, briefly teaching what fidelity and allegiance we ought to give ignorant- unto the vicar of St. Peter, where he saith, 'Thou art Peter, and upon }£/p 0 p* b this rock will I build my church,' &c. : and, ' To thee I will give the the vicar keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind in t er , ' e earth, it shall be bound in heaven ; and, whatsoever thou loosest in Je^Son earth, shall be loosed in heaven,' &c. Again, to them all in general he saith, ' He that heareth you, heareth me ; and whoso despiseth but the you, despiseth me.' And in another place, ' He that toucheth you, p c e e t s e s ° r toucheth the apple of mine eye.' On the other side, what duty we owe to the king, he showeth also: 'Give,' saith he, 'to the emperor, what belongeth to the emperor, and to God, that which to God belongeth.' Wherefore, in such things as belong to God I will yield, and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of St. Peter, and in such things as belong again to terrene dignity of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithful help and counsel, so far as they can extend." VOL. II. L 146 THE BISHOPS SIDE WITH THE KING. Wiuiam Thus have ye the grounded arguments of this prelate to stand so stiffly against his prince, whereunto peradventure was joined ah Anselm. A.D. some piece of a stubborn heart. But in this conclusion none of his 1C96, fellow-bishops durst take his part, but were all against him ; namely, Mshopsof WiHi am > bishop of Durham, to whom Anselm thus protesteth, the realm saying, " Whosoever he were that would presume to prove it any king's 6 breach of allegiance or fealty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the against vlC3iY °f St. P eter > ne was ready to answer at all times to the con- trary." The bishop of Durham answereth again, " That he who would not be ruled by reason, must with force be constrained," &c. The king, having on his part the agreement of the bishops, thought both to deprive the archbishop of his pastoral see, and to expel him out of the realm. But he could not perform his purpose; for Anselm, as he was ready to depart the realm, said, wheresoever he went, he would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing else ; whereupon that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the mean season the king had sent privily two messengers to Pope Urban, to entreat him to send his pall to the king, for him to give it where he would : which messengers by this time were returned again, waiter bringing with them from Rome Walter, bishop of Albano, the pope's pope's legate, with the pall to be given unto Anselm. This legate, first cSth to ^ anc ^ n o at Dover, from thence came privily (unknown to Anselm) England, to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urban was received pope in England, whatsoever the king required to be obtained, he, by his privilege from the apostolical see, would ratify and confirm the same, save only, that when the king required of the legate that Anselm might be removed, the legate thereunto would not agree, The pope saying, " that it was impossible to be obtained, that such a man as thifas no he, being lawfully called, should be expelled without manifest cause." fault for j n conclusion, so it followed, that although he could not obtain his a subject ' & • i i -i • to resist request of the legate, yet the legate so wrought with the king, that ins, king, jjrban was proclaimed lawful pope throughout all the realm. Then were sent to Anselm certain bishops to move and prove his mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his behalf, to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise wTmld have stood him in a great expense, and that all this the king had done for his sake, wherefore it were good reason and convenient, that he, to gratify the king, should somewhat condescend to his request again. But with all this Anselm, the stout archbishop, would not be moved. Wherefore the king, seeing no other remedy, was compelled to grant unto him the full right of his archbishopric. The man- And so on the day appointed, 1 when the pall should be brought to bringing Canterbury, it being carried with all solemnity in a thing of silver, the JSnSto a rchbishop, with a great concourse of people, came forth barefoot canter- w ith his priestly vestments, after a most goodly manner, to meet the bur> ' same; and so being brought in, it was laid upon the altar, while Anselm, spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments, proceeded unto his popish mass. Thus agreement being made between the king and the bishop, so long as it would hold, it happened, in the year following, that the king with his army entered into Wales, to subdue such as there Appendix, rebelled against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned (1) " Dies Dominica, 4 Idus Junii" (Eadmer and Malmesbury), i.e June 10th, a.d. 1095.— Ed. ANSELM APPEALS TO ROME. 147 home again with triumph ; to whom Anselm thought to have come wuvnm to congratulate him on his prosperous success. But the king pre- Ru f us vented him by messengers, laying to the bishop's charge both the A.D. small number and the evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his 1096 - need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselm was dashed, Ano her who at the same present had thought to have obtained and done the king* many great matters with the king touching the state of the church ; JgjfjjJJ; but here all turned contrary to his expectation, insomuch that he was wh ° a P- charged, against the next court of parliament, to make his answer, Em e h t0 which he avoided by appealing to Rome ; wherefore he made his suit and friends to the king for license to go to the pope. To that suit the king answered, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do ; for that both he knew him to be of so sound a life, that he had done no such offence, whereof he needed to crave absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science and knowledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there: "insomuch,'" saith the king, " that I dare say Pope Urban hath rather to give place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Anselm to have need of Urban. Wherefore, as he hath no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubbornness still, I will assuredly seize upon his possessions, and convert his archbishopric unto my coffers, for that he transgresseth and breaketh his fidelity and obeisance, having solemnly promised before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither is it the fashion in this realm, that any of my nobles should go to No pre . Rome without my sending. And therefore let him swear unto me lat ® 01 1 T. -li *t» • tip n r> nobleman that he will never tor any grievance appeal hereafter to the see of Rome, to go to or else let him void my realm. 1 ' without Against these words of the king, Anselm thinking not best to the king's o > o # ■ t sending. reply again by any message, but by word of mouth, coming himself personally to the king, placeth himself, after his order, on the right hand of the prince, where he made his reply unto the message sent to him by the king. " Whereas you say, I ought not to go to Rome, either in regard of any Anselm's trespass, or for any lack of counsel and knowledge in me, albeit I grant ^^j 0 to neither of them as true, yet what the truth is therein, I refer it to the s. e ' judgment of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe A P' e ' kdtx - your customs ; that I grant, but with a condition, so far to keep them, and such of them to observe, as were consonant to the laws of God, and ruled with right and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and Note the allegiance, for thai contrary to your customs I appeal to the see apostolic, (my high rea- reverence and duty to your sovereignty reserved) if another would say it, that Anselm. is untrue. For the fidelity and obeisance that I owe to thee, O king, I have it of the faith and fidelity of God, whose vicar St. Peter is, to whose seat I do appeal. Further, whereas, as ye require me to swear that I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome, I pronounce openly that a christian prince requireth such an oath of his archbishop unjustly, for if I should forswear St. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to the satisfaction of my transgres- sion to you, for asking license to go to Rome. And peradventure, when I am gone, God will so order, that the goods of the church shall not long serve your temporal desires and commodities as ye ween for." At these words of the bishop, the king and his nobles were not a little incensed, they defending again, that in his promise of observing the king's customs, there was neither condition nor any clause put t 2 148 ANSELM QUITS ENGLAND FOR ROME. W Rujiu * n ' e ^ er °^ or right. " I'here was not !" said Anselm. " If so — be that in your customs was neither mention made of God nor of right, A.D. 0 f w hat was there mention then ? For God forbid that any Christian ' should be bound to any customs which go contrary to God and to Appendix, right."" Thus on both sides passed much altercation between them. The At length the king, after many threatening words, told him he leave 1 * should carry nothing out of the realm with him. " Well," said the Anselm bishop, " if I may neither have my horse nor garments with me, zee then will I walk on foot ;" and so addressed him toward his journey, Appe? ix. ^ e other bishops forsaking him, whereof none would take his part ; but if he came to them for counsel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their counsel, as who for his prudence knew best what was to be done, as also for his holiness was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor would stand against the king, their lord, whose favour they could not lack, for the peril that might happen both to Anseim themselves and their kindred ; but for him, because he was both a outof stranger, and void of such worldly corruption in him, they willed him England, ^ Q f orwarc [ as ne h ac [ begun ; their secret consent he should have, Anseim but their open voice they would not give him. Thus Anselm, re- by the maining at Dover fifteen days, tarrying for wind, . at last sped him office* &r toward his passage ; but his packing being secretly known in the court, and™ king's officer, William Warlwast, prevented his purpose, search- money, ing, by the king's commandment, all his trusses, coffers, satchels, Appendix, sleeves, purse, napkin, and bosom, for letters and for money ; and so let him pass. Anselm, sailing into France, first rested a while at Appendix. Lyons, and from thence came to Rome to complain to Pope Urban, 1 according to the tenor and form of a certain epistle of his, wherein, among many other things in the same epistle contained, these words he writeth to Pope Paschal, the third year after his banishment, after the death of Urban, and a little before the death of the king. To the Lord and Reverend Father Paschal, high bishop, Anselm, servant of the church of Canterbury, offereth due subjection from his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any stead, &c. &c. 2 A frag- I saw in England many evils, whose correction belongeth to me, and which I portion 1 of C0lU d neither amend, nor suffer without mine own fault. The king desired of a letter, me, that under the name of right, I should consent to his pleasures, which were against the law and will of God. For he would not have the pope received nor appealed unto in England without his commandment ; neither that I should send a letter unto him, or receive any from him, or that I should obey his decrees. He suffered not a council to be kept in his realm now these thirteen years since he was king. In all these things, and such like, if I asked any counsel, all my suffragan bishops of his realm denied to give me any counsel, but according to the king's pleasure. After that I saw these and such other tilings that are done against the will and law of God, I asked license of him to go to Rome, unto the see apostolical, that I might there take counsel for my soul, and would not tne °fh ce committed unto me. The king said, that I offended against him for have the the only asking of license ; and propounded to me, that either I should make ceived 6 " mm amenc ^ ™ r tne same as a trespass, (assuring him never to ask his license norap- an y more to appeal to the pope at any time hereafter,) or else that I shoidd pealed quickly depart out of his land. Wherefore, choosing rather to go out of the unto in England. (1) Ex Legenda Anselmi, autore Eadmero. (2) Ex Epist. Anselm. 36, paulo post initium. COUNCIL OF BARI. 149 land than agree to so wicked a thing, I came to Rome, as you know, and William declared the whole matter to the lord pope. The king, by and by, as soon as I Ru f u s - went out of England, invaded the whole archbishopric, and turned it to his own ^ ^ use, giving the monks only bare meat, drink, and clothing. The king being \qq^ warned and desired of the lord pope to amend this, contemned the same, and yet continueth in his purpose still. And now is the third year since I came Anselm thus out of England, and more. Some men, not understanding, demand why gt^f^^g I do not excommunicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as have king and understanding, counsel me that I do not this thing ; because it belongeth not of his unto me both to complain and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by ^s^ops my friends that are under the king, that my excommunication (if it should be The king done) would be laughed to scorn and despised," &c. er^the"* pope's By these here above prefixed, appeareth how Anselm the arch- Wdim " s - bishop, coming unto Rome, made his complaint to Pope Urban of the king ; and how the pope writing unto the king in behalf of Anselm, his letters and commandments were despised. And now to our story. In the mean time, while the pope's letters were sent to the king, Anselm was bid to wait about the pope to look for answer back, who perceiving, at length, how little the king reputed the pope's letters, began to be weary of his office, desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof ; but the pope in no case would thereto consent, charging him upon his obedience, that wheresoever he went, he should bear with him the name and honour of the archbishop of Canterbury. Whereunto Anselm again said, his obedience he neither durst nor would refuse, as who for God's cause was ready to suffer whatsoever should happen, yea, though it were death itself, as he thought no less would follow thereof. " But what should we think," saith he, " is there to be done, where justice not only taketh no place, but is utterly oppressed ? And whereas my suffragans do not only not help, for dread, the righteous cause, but also for favour do impugn the same?" " Well," saith the pope, " as touching these matters, we shall sufficiently provide at the next council to be holden at Bari, council whereat I will you the same time and place to be present." Oct.Yst. When the time of the council was come, Anselm, amongst others, was Anselm called for, who, first sitting on an outer side of the bishops, afterwards & ^cel* was placed at the right foot of the pope, with these words, " Inclu- ^2 damus hunc in orbe nostro, tanquam alterius orbis papain." Where- bury, upon the same place after him was appointed to the successors of the Sebright see of Canterbury, in every general council, by the decree of Pope p 0 ^ e °i* he Urban, to sit at the right foot of the pope. In this said council his gene- great stir and much reasoning there was against the Grecians, con- dis. cou cerning the matter and order of proceeding of the Holy Ghost. Here is to be noted, that the Greek 1 church hath of long time dis- sented from the Latin church in many and sundry points, to the number of twenty, or almost twenty-nine articles, as I have them De pro- collected out of the register of the church of Hereford ; whereof, as JJJJJJb occasion hereafter may serve (God willing) for a further and more san(Jti - ample tractation to be made ; so here, by the way, partly I mean to touch some. The first (1) This dispute commenced in the seventh century ; suspended for a time, it was revived in 1053. Gregory IX., in 1232, endeavoured to effect a reconciliation, nor was this attempt abandoned till the death of Urban IV., in 1264. The subject was revived in the fifteenth century at the council of Basil. Again, in the eighteenth century, the church of Rome attempted to make proselytes from tfie Greek church, but without success, and they remain, to this day, separate communions. — Ed, 150 ARTICLES IN WHICH THE GREEK CHURCH Latin churches iiufus! Articles and Opinions wherein the Greek Church differeth from the A Y> Latin. 1° 98 - The articles wherein the Greek church altereth from the Latin or Romish church, are these: 1 — The dif- I. They are not under the obedience of the church of Rome, because the between c ^ urc h °f Constantinople is not subject, but equal, to the same, the Greek II- They hold that the bishop of the apostolic see of Rome hath not greater and the power than the four patriarchs ; and whatsoever the pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no validity. III. Also, they say whatsoever hath been done or concluded, since the second general council, it is of no full authority ; because from that time they recount the Latins to be in error, and to be excluded out of the holy church. IV. Item, " Dicunt eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam ecclesiam non esse verum corpus Christi." That is, they hold the eucharist consecrated by the church of Rome not to be the very body of Christ. Also, where the Romish church doth consecrate in unleavened bread, they consecrate in bread leavened. V. Further, they say that the Romish church doth err in . the words of bap- tism, for saying, " I baptize thee ;" when they should say, " Let this creature of God be baptized," &c. VI. They hold moreover that there is no purgatory, and that the suffrages of the church do not avail the dead, either to lessen the pain of them that be destined to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation. VII. Also, they hold that the souls out of the bodies departed (whether they have done good or evil) have not their perfect pain or glory, but are reserved in a certain place till the day of judgment. VIII. Also, they condemn the church of Rome for mixing cold water in their sacrifice. IX. Also, they condemn the church of Rome, for that as well women as priests anoint children (when they baptize them) on both shoulders. X. Item, " Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam." That is, they call our bread panagia. XL Further, they blame the church of Rome for celebrating their mass on other days beside Sundays and certain other feasts appointed. XII. Also, in this the Greek church varieth from the Latin ; for they have neither cream nor oil, nor sacrament of confirmation. XIII. Neither do they use extreme unction, or annoiling after the manner of the Roman church, expounding the place of St. James of the spiritual infir- mity, and not corporal. XIV. Also, they enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they show themselves to the priests, anointing them with simple oil in token of remission of sins. XV. Also, only on Maunday Thursday they consecrate for the sick, keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy upon that day conse- crated than upon any other : neither do they fast any Saturday through the whole year, but only on Easter-even. XVI. Also, they give but only five orders, as of clerks, subdeacons, deacons, priests, and bishops ; whereas the Roman church giveth nine orders, after the nine orders of angels. XVII. Moreover, the Grecians in their orders make no vow of chastity, alleging for them the fifth canon, 2 " Ego, presbyter vel diaconus, uxorem causa honestatis non rejiciam," &c. ; that is, " I, N. priest or deacon, will not forsake my wife for honesty' sake." XVIII. Also, every year the Grecians use, on certain days, to excommuni- cate the church of Rome, and all the Latins as heretics. XIX. Also further, among the said Grecians they are excommunicated that beat or strike a priest; neither do their religious men live in such priestly chastity as the Roman priests do. (1) " Quod sunt extra obedientiam Romanae ecclesiae, pro eo quod ecclesia Constantinopolitana non est subjecta, sed ei sequalis. Dicunt dominum apostolicum non habere majorem potesfatem, quam quatuor patriarchae. Et quicquid fit praeter scientiam eorum per papam, vel sine forum approbatione, nullius est valoris," &c— Ex Registro Eccles. Herefordiensis. (2) My copy here seemeth to want somewhat. [See Appendix.— Ed.] DIFFERS FROM THE LATIN. 15] XX. Also, their emperor amongst them doth ordain patriarchs, bishops, and William others of the clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure ; also, he giveth Rufus. benefices to whom he isteth, and retaineth the fruits of the same benefices, as D. pleaseth him. 1098. XXI. Item, they blame the Latin church because they eat no flesh, eggs, — and cheese on Fridays, and do eat flesh on Saturdays. 1 XXII. Item, they hold against the Latin men for celebrating without the consecrated church, either in the house or in the field, and for fasting on the Sabbath-day ; also for permitting menstruous women to enter into the church before their purifying ; and for suffering dogs and other beasts to enter into the church. XXIII. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devotions, not even to the body of Christ, (as the register termeth it,) but one day in the wh^le year ; saying and affirming that the Latins be goats and beasts, for they are always pro- strating themselves upon the ground in their prayers. XXIV. The Grecians, moreover, permit not the Latins to celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance that any Latin priest do celebrate upon their altar, by and by they wash their altar, in token of abomination and false sacrifice , and diligently they observe, that, whensoever they do celebrate, they do but one liturgy or mass upon one altar or table that day. XXV. Further, they dissent from the church of Rome touching the order and manner of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost. These articles, wherein is declared the difference between the east and west church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articu- lated and collected in an ancient and authentic register of the church of Hereford, so I thought here to insert them, and leave them to the consideration of the reader. Other four articles more in the same register be there expressed concerning simony and usury, not with them forbidden ; and touching also their emperor ; and how they teach their children to hurt or damnify, by any manner of way, the Latin priests, &c. ; which articles, for that either they seem not truly collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of religion, I overpass them. To the purpose now of our story again. When certain of these above prefixed were moved in the aforesaid Anseim council to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of the pro- champion ceeding of the Holy Ghost, and concerning leavened bread in the theGre- ministration of the Lord's supper, Anseim, as is above said, was called cians - for, who, in the tractation of the same articles, so bestirred him in that council, that he well liked the pope and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Whereupon, touching the matter of unleavened bread, how indifferently he seemed there to reason, and what he writeth to Waltram, or Valerame, bishop of Naumburg, thereof ye shall hear by a piece of his letter sent to the said bishop, the copy whereof here ensueth. Anseim, servant to the church of Canterbury, to Waltram, bishop of Naumburg. 2 As concerning the sacrifice in which the Grecians think not as we do, it seemeth to many reasonable Catholic men, that which they do not to be against the christian faith ; for both he that sacrificeth unleavened and leavened, sacri- ficeth bread. And where it is read of our Lord (when he made his body of bread) that he took bread and blessed, it is not added unleavened or leavened. Yet it is certain that he blessed unleavened bread, peradventure not because the (1) This article seemeth not to be rightly collected out of the Grecians. (2) Ex Et)ist Anseim. 325, post initium. [See note in Appendix on p. 155.— Ed.] 152 THE GRECIANS EXCOMMUNICATED. wuiiam thing that was done required that, but because the supper in which this was Ru f us - done did give that. And where in another place he calleth himself and his ^ jy fl esn bread, because that as man liveth temporally with this bread, so with that 1098 bread he liveth for ever — he saith not unleavened nor leavened, because both — alike are bread ; for unleavened and leavened differ not in substance, as some think: like as a new man before sin, and an old man rooted in the leaven of sin, differ not in substance. For this cause only, therefore, he might be thought to call himself and his flesh bread, and to have made his body of bread, because Bread in ^ iat tn * s bread, unleavened or leavened, giveth a transitory life ; and his body the com- giveth everlasting life, not for that it is either leavened or unleavened. Although munion it be a commandment in the law to eat unleavened bread in the Passover, where leavened aU things are done in a figure, that it might be declared that Christ, whom they is not ne- looked for, was pure and clean ; and we that should eat his body were admo- cessary. n i s hed to be likewise pure from all leaven of malice and wickedness : yet now after we are come from the old figure to the new truth, and eat the unleavened flesh of Christ, that old figure in bread, of which we make that flesh, is not necessary for us. But manifest it is, to be better sacrificed of unleavened than of leavened, &c. To this letter I have also adjoined another epistle of his to the said Waltram, appertaining to matters not much unlike ; wherein the variety and divers usages of the sacraments in the church are treated of ; whereby such as call and cry so much for uniformity in the church, may note, peradventure, in the same something for their better under- standing. Part of another Letter of Anselm to the said Waltram, Bishop of Naumburg. 1 To the reverend father and his friend Waltram, by the grace of God, the worshipful bishop of Naumburg, Anselm, the servant of the church of Canterbury, greeting, &c. Your worship complaineth of the sacraments of the church, that they are not made every where after one sort, but are handled in divers places after divers sorts. And truly if they were ministered after one sort, and agreeing through Diversity the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet, notwithstanding, because of usages there be many diversities which differ not in the sum of the sacrament, in the church to strength of it, or in the faith, or else can be gathered into one custom, I think be borne that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace, than to be con- with demned with offence : for we have this from the holy fathers, that if the unity iher than of charity be kept in the catholic faith, the diversity of customs hurteth nothing, condemn- g u t if it be demanded whereof this diversity of customs doth spring, I perceive offence! no other cause thereof but the diversity of men's wits, which, although they differ not in strength and truth of the thing, yet they agree not in the fitness and comeliness of the ministering : for that which one judgeth to be meeter, oftentimes another thinketh less meet ; wherefore, not to agree in such diversities, I think it not to swerve from the truth of the thing, &c. Excom- Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing tToTdT °f these matters in the council, when they had given forth their nounced determination upon the same, and the pope had blasted out his theGre- thundering excommunications against the Grecians, and all that took also 8 ; their part, at length were brought in the complaints and accusa- edaSnst ^ 011S a g amst the king of England, upon the hearing whereof, Pope Kinpwii- Urban, with his adherents, was ready to proceed in excommunication against the king; but Anselm, kneeling before the pope, after be (1) Ex Epist. Anselm. 327. VACILLATING CONDUCT OF THE POPE. 153 had first accused his king, then afterwards obtained for him longer wuua time to be given upon further trial Thus the council breaking up, the pope returned again to Rome, A - D - directing down his letters to the king, and commanding him that 1 Anselm, with all his partakers, in speedy wise should be revested Fj™^ ^ again in his archbishopric, and all other possessions thereunto apper- head, and taining. To this the king sendeth answer again by messengers, who, Sm a glve coming to the pope, declared in the king's behalf on this wise, That P ]aster - the king, their master, did not a little marvel what came into his mind to command Anselm to be revested and reseized again into App S endix. his former archbishopric ; seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leave, he would so do unto him. a Well," saith the pope, " have ye no other matter against Anselm but only this V " No," quoth they. "And have ye taken all this travail," saith the pope, "to come hither so far to tell me this, that the primate of your country is therefore disseized and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the see and judgment apostolical ? Therefore, a loud if thou lovest thy lord, speed thee home and tell him, if he will not Sunder, be excommunicated, that he quickly revest Anselm again in all that Jjjjj ™ ith - he had before. And lest I make thee to be hanged for thy labour, thunder- look to thy term, and see that thou bring me answer again from him bolt ' into this city against the next council, the third week after Easter." AppZiix, The messenger, or speaker, being somewhat astonied at the hearing of this so tragical answer, thinking yet to work something for his king and master, came secretly to the pope, saying, that he would confer a certain mystery from his king privately with his holiness, a bribing between them two. What mystery that was, or what there passed j^gj from the king to the pope and the court of Rome, mine author does at Rome, not show ; but so cunningly that mystery was handled, that, with a full consent, both of the pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was given, from Easter to Michaelmas ; and the pope's choleric heat so assuaged, that when the council came, which then w r as holden optimus at St. Peter's church in Rome, albeit great complaints were then cuTnlm- denounced against the king, yet such favour was found, that he took JJ u t 8 ^ cts no harm ; only the sentence of excommunication was there pro- council of nounced against such lay persons as gave investiture of churches, and ° me them that were so invested ; also, against them that consecrated such, or which gave themselves in subjection to laymen for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched. This council being finished, the archbishop, seeing the unstedfastness of the pope, which pleased him but little, took his journey to Lyons, where he continued his abode a long time, till the death, first of Pope Urban, and then of the king. Of this King William many things be diversely recorded, some to his commendation, and some to his discommendation ; whereof this is one which some will ascribe to hardiness, but I rather to rash- The hard- ness in him. As this king upon a time was in his disport of hunting, iather° r suddenly word came to him that Le Mans, a city in Normandy, JJjjw 8 * was besieged. The king, without longer tarrying or advisement, wniiam. took the straight way toward the sea-side, sending to his lords that they should follow after. They, being come to his presence, advised him to stay till the time his people were assembled ; but he would ]54 DEATH OF WILLIAM RL'LLS. William not be staved, saying, that such as him loved, he knew, would follow Rufus ' him shortly; and so went to take ship. The shipmaster, seeing the A. D. weather so dark and cloudy, was afraid, and counselled the king to 11QQ - tarry till the wind did turn about, and the weather was more favourable. a saying But the king, persisting in his journey, commanded him to make all wiSam. the speed he might for his life ; saying, that he never heard that any Icing yet was ever drowned; and so passed the sea in safetv, and came to Normandy. The thirteenth year of his reign, the said King William, having the same time in his hand three bishoprics — Canterbury, Winchester, and Saram, also twelve abbies in farm, as he was in his disport of The death hunting in the New Forest, by glancing of an arrow shot by a knight uLmRu- named Walter Tyrrell, was wounded to death, and so, speechless, was fus - earned to Westminster, and there was buried. Here also is to be noted, that Richard, the cousin-german of King William, and son to Duke Robert his brother, was likewise slain in the aforesaid forest. See the just hand of God upon kings usurping wrongfullv upon other men^s grounds, as did William the Conqueror, their father, in making this new forest, plucking down divers churches and oft™? 1 * townships for the compass of thirty miles about. Here therefore ap- !n Ve tne peareth, that although men cannot revenge, yet God revengeth, either faults of in them or in their posterity. This king, as he always used con- thSFpos- cubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such, terity. fa^t j t j s narc [ f or a s t 0 ry that should tell the truth to say whether he was more to be commended or reproved. Among other vices in him, especially is to be rebuked in him immeasurable and unreasonable covetous- co vetousness ; insomuch that he coveted, if he might, to be everv KngWii- man,s heir- This one example of a liberal and princely nature I Ham. find in him, that upon a time when a certain abbot of a place was dead, there came to his court two monks of the same house, who before had gathered much money, and made their friends to the king, and offered large offers, both of them to be promoted to that dignitv. There was also a third monk of the same place, who of meekness and humility followed the other two, to the intent that upon him whom the king had admitted for abbot, he should give attendance, and as his chaplain with him return. The king called before him the two monks severally, of whom the one outproffered the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied the third monk standing by, su]>- posing that his coming had been also for the like cause. Then the king, calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more than his brethren had offered to be abbot. He answered the king, and said, that he neither had, nor would (if he might) offer any penny for it by any such unlawful means. When the king had weil pondered this third monk's answer, he said that he was best worthy to be abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge : and so gave unto him that benefice without taking any penny. Urban, bishop of Rome, w T ho, as is said, succeeded after Victor, ruled the church of Rome about the space of eleven years ; and amongst his other acts he excommunicated the emperor, Henry IV., as a man not much devout to that see of Rome. But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was, in whom, albeit some vice perchance might be noted, yet none such wherefore any prelate or minister of EPISTLE OF BISHOP WALTRAM. 155 Christ ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public authority wuiiam of God appointed. This emperor Henry IV. was by four popes severally excommunicate — by Hildebrand, Victor, Urban, and Paschal ; A. D. which excommunication wrought so in the ignorant and blind hearts 1 1QQ - of the people, that many, as well of the nobles as of the multitude, Henryiv. contrary to their sworn allegiance, rebelliously conspired against their ™" king and emperor; in the number of whom among the rest was one ^ dby certain earl, named Louis, to whom Waltram, bishop of the church popes, of Naumburg (a godly and faithful man, as appeareth) doth write Louis letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing him in the ^„ st office of obedience; unto the which letters he likewise doth answer theem- again by cavilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather dis- per °^ posed to discord, than seeking sincerity of truth. And forasmuch Appen as in these two letters the argument of christian obedience on both sides is so debated by proofs and reasons as may be profitable for the reader to peruse and understand, I thought therefore not to defraud the English reader of the same, whereof peradventure some utility might be taken. The tenor of the bishop's letter to the earl here followeth. The Epistle of Waltram, bishop of Naumburg, to Earl Louis, Land- grave of Thuringia, exhorting to concord and obedience. 1 Waltram, by the grace of God being that he is, to the most serene prince, Louis, together with his earnest prayers offereth himself in all things his most devoted servant. To every realm concord is advantageous, and justice desirable ; for this virtue is the mother of goodness and the preservation of all honesty. But whoever goeth about sowing civil dissension, and inciteth others to the shedding of men's blood, he is, in fact, himself a bloody man, and a partaker with him who, thirsting for our blood, continually " walketh about seeking whom he may devour." Do thou, therefore, most glorious concord prince, considering how that God is a God of peace and not of dissension, " as and just much as in you lieth, live peaceably with all men." " God is iove ;" the devil obedience is hatred. On love " hangeth all the law, and the prophets:" but he that in a^om^ hateth his brother is a murderer, a^d hath no part in the kingdom of Christ and mon " of God." These are the sayings, partly of the Truth himself and partly of him wealth - who was the Truth's disciple; who from the breast of his Lord having drunk deeply of Gospel truth, the more abundantly " gladdeneth the city of God with the streams of that river." [Psalm xlvi. 4.] But that " chosen vessel," who, being " caught up to the third heaven, not by man, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ," learned his Gospel, he saith, " Let every soul be subject to the higher powers ; for there is no power but of God. But he that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God " [Rom. xiii. 1, 2] : as some of our friends are doing, who dream and teach among seely women 2 and the simple mul- titude, that we are not bound to be subject to kingly power, and that therefore it is false to assert, that " every soul ought to be subject to the higher power." But can the Truth itself lie? or do we seek a proof of him who spake in the apostle, even Christ? Do we provoke the Lord to jealousy? Be we stronger than he? Yet what else doth he, but think himself stronger than the Lord, who resisteth his ordinance? for " there is no power but of God." But what saith the prophet? — " Confounded be all that fight against thee, O Lord, and Disobe- the men shall perish who strive with thee." [Is. xli. 11.] Rodolph, Hildebrand, d i en .c e Egbert, with innumerable other princes, resisted the ordinance of God in the byGod^ person of Henry the emperor,; and lo ! they are now perished as though they had never been : and as their end was very evil, so their beginning could not Apre " dt1 ' have been good. Now, therefore, forsomuch as they who are opposed to us have hitherto only fenced with us at a distance with their reasonings, let us meet your (1) Waltramus, Dei gratia id quod est, Ludovico, serenissimo principi, cum instantia orationura semetipsum ad omnia devotissimum. Omni regno utilis est concordia, desiderabilis est justiiia," &c. — Ex [Dodechini] Appendice ad Marianum Scotum. [See the Appendix. — Ed.] (2) " Mulierculas."— Ed. 156 THE RAILING ANSWER OF EARL LOUIS. William judgment in close encounter, wherever (even in your own judgment) it may be Rufus. proper, only let it not be " in their own hired lodging " [Acts xxviii. 30], but ^ Yy let us use the testimony of Christ and the ancient fathers. And that it be not 1 1 00* re ^ use< ^» ^ tms De tne ^ aw °^ our contest > either that I shall adopt the popular '— opinion, or by my victory gain you to our lord the emperor. Also let that saying be attended to, " If any man preach any other gospel than that which is preached unto you, let him be accursed." [Gal. i. 8.] This curse doth not proceed from the " hired lodging" of profane novelty, but is thundered from the third heaven. But of them who, " being ignorant of God's righteousness and going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God" [Rom. x. 3], of such I may confidently say, " Let them curse, but bless thou ; when they arise let them be ashamed; but let thy servant rejoice" [Psalm cix. 28] : for (as thou sayest, O Lord) " Without me ye can do nothing " [John xv. 5] : nor wilt thou condemn the just when he is judged ; " Who then art thou that judgest another man's servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth." [Rom. xiv. 4.] Agenda. The railing Answer of Earl Louis to the former Letter of Bishop Waltram. The Earl Louis to the Lord Waltram, whatever is due to such a name. " As a good man out of the good treasure of his heart bringeth forth good, so doth an evil man out of the evil treasure bring forth evil." Whence hath such excessive arrogancy possessed you, to provoke my indignation with such injurious con- tumelies? For my lords and spiritual fathers, who strengthen me in the way of righteousness, you obliquely call bloody men, like unto Satan ; and the whole- some lessons which they teach, you call dreams for seely women and the rude vulgar. Hath God any need of your judgment, that you should speak leasings for him ? Iniquity hath taught your mouth, and you imitate the tongue of blasphemers ; so that the prophet rightly saith of you, " He hath left off to be wise and to do good ; he deviseth mischief upon his bed." [Psalm xxxvi. 3, 4.] Although, therefore, being froward thou didst speak froward things, yet we determined " to set a watch upon our mouth, while the ungodly was before Well said: us." But the word of God exciteth us, saying, " Answer a fool according to when you his folly, lest he be wise in his own conceit." [Prov. xxvi. 5.] Shall folly cry ableTo out ' an ^ wisdom hold her peace ? Shall falsehood speak, and truth keep withstand silence? Shall "darkness cover the earth, and the Lord not arise and shine?" donT'call ^ ea ' ratner » " the light shineth in darkness, but the darkness comprehendeth it himafooi. not." W 7 hile I was considering hereof " my heart grew hot within me; and Note how while I was musing the fire kindled." [Psalm xxxix. 3.] We therefore now henfcall- s P ea k, yea cry, and (as much as in us lieth) will drive away " the little foxes eth light which are destroying the Lord's vines" [Cant. ii. 15]; fearing that threatening anddark' P ro P nec y — " ^ e nave not withstood our adversaries, neither have ye made a nesslight. bulwark for the defence of the house of Israel, to stand in the battle in the day of the Lord." [Ezek. xiii. 5.] Hear me, then — not thou " who hast ears He hath an d hearest not, eyes and seest not ; who hast made the very light that is in thee uttered darkness ;" but — such as are wise, and " have ears to hear" withal ; let such. I southern sa y' near now P r0i0una, ly ig norant thou art, or pretendest to be, what ye say you are and whereof ye affirm! Thou invitest us to be subject to the Lord Henry, ahle ever w hom they call the emperor, and (as far as we can understand thee) thou to a s wouldst lay a necessity upon us of being subject to him in all things, and that by an argument seemingly drawn from the apostle, saying, " Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers ; for there is no power but of God ; he therefore that resisteth, resisteth the ordinance of God." W 7 hich sentence of the apostle, we assert that, you do ill understand, and still worse interpret. For if every Whether power be of God, as you understand it, what meaneth this that the Lord every speaketh of certain by the prophet, "They reigned, but not by me; they were ^"tobe ma ^ e princes, and I knew them not." [Hos. viii. 4.] If every power be of obeyed God, as you understand it, what meaneth this that the Lord saith, " If thine or no. e y e 0 ff en{ i thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee?" For what is a power, if the eye be not ? Certainly Augustine, in his exposition of this passage of the apostle — "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers," saith ? "But if the power should command any thing which is contrary to God, there hold the power in contempt ; yet continuing to fear the power in other respects." 1 (1) See Appendix. — Ed. THE RAILING ANSWER OF EARL LOUIS is there iniquity with God? Is Christ the minister of sin? God forbid. William What do we sav, then? Doth the apostle preach contrary to the prophet 2 Augustine saith, " By no mean?. One breath filleth many pipes of divers ^ p tones." Therefore let us hear the apostle reconciling and expounding himself, j{qq and destroying the enemy and avenger. "There is no power,'' he saith. " but — of God." "What followeth ? Thou sayest — " He therefore that doth resist the If eTer y power," &c. No such thing — that doth not follow: but what doth follow ? ^^x\t- " But the powers which be, are ordained of God." Truly, t.i.t is the very fendeth thing we want. O crafty tongue ! O heart imagining mischief! O breath thatjj^™*"^ goeth forth, but shall not return ! Why hast thou lied to the Holy Ghost ? Let be cast thine own conscience accuse thee. Behold, the wicked fleeth when none ^^ the . n pursueth ! Why would you suppress the truth, on purpose to deceive ? Why earl made have you stolen away the marrow and soul of this passage? For if these last- afairar- cited words be taken out of the middle of the apostle's sentence, it will lie & umem incoherent and lifeless. The word of the Lord is herein fulfilled, " He that diggeth a pit for his neighbour, shall fall therein himself." [Prov. xxvi. 2 7. J Verily, thou canst not avoid either the guilt or the punishment of theft. What, O unhappy man, what wilt thou answer the Judge when he cometh to take account of his servants whom he put in trust, seeing thou shalt then be arraigned and proved a peculator of thy Lord's property? Why didst thou not fear the Howiive- judgment and execution of a traitor, and lest like guilt should be followed by ] ? t -'-f * e like punishment ? The apostle, through the Holy Ghost, did foresee that \ou, describe and such heretics as vou are. should arise in the church, who should call them- good evil and evil good, and put darkness for light and light for darkness, and fheirm should take occasion by sentences of truth to bring in error : and therefore, colours! having premised " There is no power but of God," on purpose to prevent any ?^ t cr ^? al wrong-headed inference therefrom he addeth, But the powers which be, are tne'empe- ordained of God." Give us then an ordained power, and we will not resist rorto be the same, nay, we will forthwith do homage. Jy J»5l«" But I marvel, that, if there be but a single drop of blood in thee, thou dost When be not blush to call the Lord Henry "king," or allow him to have order in his ^ , ^ m ed favour. Doth it seem to thee order, to give place to wickedness, and to con- fmnd good and evil, God's laws and man's devices? Doth it seem to thee order, for a man to sin against his own body, as for example, (O atrocious This is wickedness !) to make a harlot of his own wife — a villany never before heard of since the world began ? Doth it seem to thee order, when the Lord saith. emperor " Defend the widow," then to go and prostitute widows to shameful defilement, *ozid even when appea'ing for equity of justice ? Orestes, 1 in his madness even, ^^Tfe protesteth that he must be out of his senses who would assert such thin°rs to a harlot! be orderly or well done. L'ntil these most wretched times, nature hath always loved secrecy ; but your king, given up to a reprobate mind, hath thrown aside the veil and exposed to public gaze that which natural shame would conceal. To say nothing of innumerable atrocities, such as burning of churches, spoil- ing, murders, burnings, mutilations, and the like, the number whereof he knoweth, not we — let us point out those things chiefly wherein the church of God is aggrieved. Hear, then, things true and not coloured; hear what are serious matters, and no jest. Every one that selleth spiritual dignities is a heretic. Evil will But the Lord Henry, whom they call "king," selleth both bishoprics and ^d"eIL abbacies ; for assuredly he sold for money the bishoprics of Constance, Bam- s t berg, Mentz, and many others; the bishoprics of Ratisbon, Augsburgh, and Jprend,x - Strasburgh, he sold for a sword ; the abbacy of Fulda, for adulterous inter- course; the bishopric of Munster (shocking both to tell and to hear!) forSodomitic indulgence. Which things if you will impudently deny in the face of heaven and earth, even the poor silly idiots, taken from the smithy, will conclude, " The Lord Henry then is a heretic." For the winch atrocious crimes being excom- municated by the apostolic see, he cannot now govern his kingdom nor exercise any power over us who be catholics. And whereas thou chargest us with hatred of our brethren, understand, that we intend not to hate any from mere dislike, but from considerations of piety. God forbid, that we should aUow Henry worthy to be accounted a christian brother, who, by so often refusing to hear the reproofs of the church, is become to us as " a heathen man and a publican:" (I ) The writer seems to refer to Orestes, who. having coxamitted the most fearful mordeis. is •aid to have been tormented to madness, by the Furies. .Eschyl. in Eumen. Agam. — Ed. 158 THE RAILING ANSWER OF EARL LOUIS. William the hatred of whom we offer unto God as a great sacrifice, saying with the Rufus. Psalmist, " Do not I hate them that hate thee, O Lord ? and am not I grieved ^ q with thine enemies? I hate them with perfect hatred, I count them mine 1100 enem i es -" [Psalm cxxxix. 21, 22.] The Truth himself, commending the 1_ worthiness of this hatred, doth say, " If any man hate not father and mother, Azeal.but and brethren and sisters, yea, and his own life also, for my sake, he cannot be know 0 " 1 m 3 r disciple." [Luke xiv. 28.] We are not, therefore, justly upbraided with ledge. hatred, seeing we are commanded to hate even our own life if we wander from Andwhen God's way, and to hate father and mother, and every natural affection, whicli slay you, hindereth us from walking in God's way. Thence is it, that we use our study and they shall endeavour to guard against the enemies of the church as our own enemies doGod 67 a ^ s0? anc * ' iate tnem ' 3 ret > not as being our enemies, but as being God's enemies, greatser- Further, whereas you urge us "to maintain peace with all men," you should vice. remember that the apostle premiseth, " If it be possible :" but it is impossible Yea true, that we should maintain peace with those that are contrary to God. But who if he had j s ignorant, that the Lord our Saviour not only commendeth peace, when he you?ofor- saith, " My peace 1 give unto you, peace I leave with you ;" but also that he sake the himself is that peace, as saith the apostle, " He is our peace, who hath made Christ° f k° tn one." What then doth our Peace himself say, while speaking in com- which'he mendation of peace? " Think not," saith he, " that I came to send peace on neverdid. the earth ; I came not to send peace, but a sword." What meaneth this? Why doth Peace threaten a sword? or why doth Peace proclaim war? — to destroy, forsooth, the peace of the devil; for the devil also hath his peace, whereof the Oh, how Lord saith, " When a strong man, armed, keepeth his palace, his goods are in doth lly P eace -" [Luke xi. 21.] Oh how strongly doth the devil keep his palace at this Satas moment by you his guards ! who, protected by the shield of falsehood and the here helmet of perfidy, so defend him, that you will not allow the arrows of truth hinfseif to or tne darts of faith to pierce him. Nevertheless, our Lord being the " stronger an angel man armed, coming upon your strong man, is able to overcome him and take of light! f rom n i m a r] arm our, wherein he trusteth." [ibid.] We are not, there- fore, rightly blamed, if we protest against that peace, more cruel than any war, which the Truth himself condemneth, weeping over Jerusalem and saying, " Truly in this day the things which belong to thy peace" [Luke xix. 42] ; and which the Psalmist envied in the wicked, when he saw the peace of sinneis. Whereas you condemn Pope Gregory, king Rodolph, and the Marquis Egbert, as men who have died wretched deaths, and count your lord blessed because he doth outlive them, it plainly appeareth that you are void of all spiritual consideration. Is it not more blessed to die well, than to live ill ? for " blessed are they who suffer persecution for righteousness' sake." You might as well esteem Nero, Herod, and Pontius Pilate blessed, for that they severally outlived Peter and Paul, and James the apostle, and the Lord Jesus Christ — an opinion, than which nothing can be more foolish and absurd. Wherefore refrain thy babbling tongue from this blasphemy ; unless thou wouldst place thyself among the number of those, who, beholding the end of the righteous to be glorious, and themselves too late and in vain "repenting, and groaning for anguish of spirit, shall say, These be they whom we had some- times in derision, and a proverb of reproach. We fools accounted their life madness, and their end to be without honour. How are they numbered among the children of God, and their lot is among the saints. Therefore have we erred from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness hath not shined unto us, and the Sun of righteousness rose not upon us. What hath pride profited us, or what good hath riches, with our vaunting, brought us? All those things are passed away like a shadow." [Wisdom v. 3 — 9.] Which words we registering in imperishable remembrance, despise every imagination that shall exalt itself against the truth of God ; and, glorying as we do in tribu- lations, we may be falsely accused, accursed, banished, yea, and finally slain, but we cannot yield or be conquered. Moreover (as thou thyself wouldst have felt once, when a beardless boy and a gay youth, and not yet a tough-hearted old man) we do rejoice with great exultation in the memory of our fathers, who, despising the commandments of princes, merited everlasting rewards. There is a certain chronicle in old English metre, which, among other matters speaking of William Rufus, declareth him to be so HENRY SU R NAMED BEAUCLERK. 159 sumptuous and excessive in pompous apparel, that he not being con- Hgnr y l - tented with a pair of hose 1 at a low price, which was three shillings, a. I), caused a pair to be bought at a mark, whereupon his chamberlain, 1100. procuring a pair much worse than the other before, said, u That they costen'd a mark, and unneth he them so bought : Yea, Belamy (quoth the king) these are well bought !" Whereby is to be noted what difference is to be seen between the hose of princes then, and the hose of serving-men now. Appendix Historice. After the time of this Kino; William, the name of Kino; ceased in Kin ^ . _ o 1 o ceased, in the country of Wales among the Britons, since King Ris, in the Wales, reign of this king, a. d. 1098, was slain in Wales. 2 Appendix. HENRY THE FIRST. 3 Henry I., the third son of William the Conqueror, succeeding his A.D. brother Rufus, began his reign in England a. d. 1100, who, for his 110 °- knowledge and science in the Seven Liberal Arts, was surnamed Henry Clerk, or Beauclerk. In this prince may well appear how knowledge ^S', and learning do greatly conduce to the government and admini- ^Jiand stration of any realm or country. At the beginning he reformed the t see !• ■ Pil l II' Appendix. state and condition ot the clergy, released the grievous payments, and reduced again King Edward's laws, with emendation thereof; he reformed the old and untrue measures, and made a measure after the The n * ea * sure oi length of his arm ; he greatly abhorred excess of meats and drinks ; England many things misused before his time he reformed, and used to after 5 vanquish more by counsel than by sword. Such persons as were nice of e ^"| th and wanton he secluded from his court. This man, as appeareth, Henry's little favoured the usurped power of the bishop of Rome. Soon after he was king, he married Matilda, or Maud, daughter of Malcolm, king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife, daughter of Edward the Outlaw, as is before specified, being a professed nun at Winchester, whom, notwithstanding, and without the pope's dispensation, he married by the consent of Anselm, by the which Maud he re- ApP e e ndix. ceived two sons, William and Richard, and two daughters, Matilda and Mary, which Matilda afterwards was married to the emperor, Henry V. 4 In the second year of his reign, Robert, his elder brother, duke of a.d.iio;. Normandy, being occupied in the christian wars against the Turks, and being elected, as you heard, king of Jerusalem, hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom thereof ; for the which, a.s is thought, he never sped well after. Thus the said Robert, leaving Example, off the Lord's business, and returning into Normandy, made there twelve 1S his preparations, and came over into England with a great host to °^ rd h s e challenge the crown ; but, by mediation of the lords, it was agreed business. See Appendh (1) This anecdote is told with great life and spirit by Malmesbury. " One morning," says he, " as he was putting on a pair of new boots, he asked his gentleman of the bedchamber, in waiting, what they cost ? he was answered ' three shillings.' ' Away, base fellow,' said the king, ' did you ever hear of a king wearing such pitiful boots as those ? go, bring a pair of a mark of silver.' The bedchamber-man went and brought a pair much worse, but told his master they cost what he had ordered. ' Ay,' replied William, ' these are boots fit for a king to wear ;' and so put them on." — Ed. (2) Ex continuatione Roger Hoved. (3) Edition 1563, p. 30. Ed. 1583, p. 191. Ed 1596, p. 173. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 210.— Ed. (4) Ex Mat. Paris. Flor. Hist. 160 THE HOSPITAL OF BARTHOLOMEW FOUNDED. fienryi^ that Robert should have yearly, during his life, three thousand A. D. marks, as were likewise promised him before by King Rufus, his 1102- brother ; and that whether of them outlived the other, should be the other 1 s heir. On this Robert departed again into Normandy, to the great discontent of his lords there ; but, in a few years after, the aforenamed tribute of three thousand marks, through the means of Duke Queen Matilda, was released to the king his brother. In process of SSn* time > variance happening between King Henry and the said Robert prisoner, his brother, at length Robert in his wars was taken prisoner, and brought over into England, and was put into the castle of Cardiff in Wales, where he continued as a prisoner while he lived. Jteiof 8 " In tllis time ' as about tlle tllird vear of tnis kin & tlie hospital of Bartho- St. Bartholomew in Smithfield was founded, by means of a minstrel teed, belonging unto the king, named Rayer, and it was afterwards finished by Richard Whittington, alderman and mayor of London. This place of Smithfield was at that day a laystall of all ordure or filth, and the place where the felons and other transgressors of the king's laws were put to execution. Appendix. Divers strict laws were by this king provided, especially — Against thieves and felons, That whoso should be taken in that fault, no money should save him from hanging. Item, That whoso should counterfeit false money, should have both his eyes put out, and the nether parts of his body cut off. Item, In the same council was decreed an order for priests to be sequestered from their wives, which before were not forbidden. 1 Item, It was then decreed that monks and priests should bear no rule over lay persons. Item, It was decreed concerning broidering of hair, and wearing of gar- ments. Item, That a secret contract of marriage between a young lad and a young maid should not stand : with other things concerning the excommunication of those guilty of sodomy. Append,* In the story of William Rufus before was declared how Anselm, the archbishop of Canterbury, departing out of the realm, went to the pope, who, after the death of King William, was sent for again Appendix, by the aforesaid King Henry, and so returned again, and was at the The king council of the king at Westminster ; where the king, in the presence and a lS- of the lord's, as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested two wshops bishops, Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Roger bishop of Hereford, without^ During that parliament or council of the king, Anselm in his convo- epope * cation deposed and displaced divers abbots and other prelates from their rooms and dignities, either for that they lawfully came not by them, or uprightly did not administer the same. After this council and the other before set forth by Anselm, Herbert, bishop of Norwich, had much ado with the priests of his diocese, for they would neither leave their wives, nor yet give over Anseim their benefices. On this he wrote to Anselm, the archbishop, for nSce and counsel what was to be done therein, who required him, as he did msSried °^ iers ^ the same time by writing, to persuade the people, of Norfolk priests, and Suffolk, that as they professed Christianity, they should subdue them as rebels against the church, and utterly drive both them and (1) The words of mine author are these-: " Anselmus prohibuit uxores sacerdotibus Anglorivm ante non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum, ne dum mundicias viribus majores appeterent, in immundicias borribiles ad Christiani nominis summura dedecus inciderent," &c. — Ex Hen. Hunt. lib. vii Anselm. KING HENRY JUSTLY OFFENDED WITH ANSELM. 161 their wives out of the country, placing monks in their room, as by Henry i. the epistles of the said Anselm doth appear; 1 whereof certain parcels ^ jj shall hereafter, by the grace of Christ, ensue, for the better evidence 1102 of this and his other acts above recited. The like business also had Gerard, the archbishop of York, in depriving the priests of his province of their wives ; which thing, with all his excommunications and thunderings, he could hardly bring about. Upon this ruffling of Anselm with married priests, were rhyming verses made to help the matter withal, when reason could not serve, which verses, for the folly thereof, I thought here to annex. 2 About the end of the second year of this king, which was by com- A.D.1102, putation a.d. 1102, a variance happened between King Henry and between Anselm, the occasion whereof was this : — Ye heard a little before how 5*"^ Henry, the aforesaid king, had, of his own authority, invested two g" mi An ~ bishops, one Roger, who was chancellor, bishop of Salisbury, and arch-' another, bishop of Hereford. Besides them divers also he invested, canter-° f and divers other like things took he upon him in the ecclesiastical hmy g Pe state, which he might laAvfully do, God's word allowing well the J ?> :e " div - same ; but because he was restrained by the bishop of Rome, and forbidden so to do, this Anselm swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he would neither consent to it, nor yet confirm them, nor com- municate nor talk friendly with those whom the king had instituted and invested ; but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of destruction, disdainfully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of religion, and polluter of their holy ceremonies ; as witnesseth Poly- dore. With this uncomely outrage the king was much displeased, as he might full well, and required Gerard, the archbishop of York, as he owed him allegiance, to consecrate them ; who, without delay, did jjjjjj-^ so, well performing the same, saving that one William GifFord, to win- whom the king had given the bishopric of Winchester, refused to take refused' to his consecration by the hands of the archbishop of York, for which Jj a ™dby cause the king, worthily with him offended, deprived him both of the arch- bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm. York? ° f Moreover, the king required of Anselm, the archbishop of Canter- bury, to do unto him homage, after the manner of his ancestors, as witnesseth Malmesbury. 3 Also it was asked of the said Anselm, whether he would be with the king in giving investitures, as Lanfranc, his predecessor, was with his father. To whom Anselm said, that he promised not at any time that he would enter into this order to keep the law or custom of his father, as Lanfranc did. Moreover, as Acts concerning homage to be done to the king, that he refused ; alleging Roman the censures of the pope's excommunication, who, in his council of Gainst Rome a little before, 4 had given forth open sentence of excommunica- laymen tion upon all such lay persons, whatsoever they were, that should any spiri- from henceforth confer or give any spiritual promotions, and also motions" (1) Ex Epist. Ansel. 176. Apprwtix (2) " O male viventes, versus audite sequentes. Uxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas, Linquite propter eum, tenuit qui morte trophaeum. Quod si non facitis, inferna claustra petetis. Christi sponsa jubet, ne Presbyter ille ministret, Qui tenet uxorem, Domini quia perdit amorem : Contradicentem fore dicinms insipientem : Haec non ex rancore loquor, potius sed amore." Versus male feriati, ex Bibliis Ramsay. 1.1) Ex Guliel. Malmesb. lib. i. de Gestis Pontif. Anglo. (4) See p. 153.— Ed. VOE. J I. M 162 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN KING HENRY, Henry i. upon them that received them at their hands, either yet should A.d. consecrate any such receivers. Moreover, he accursed all them that 1102. for benefices or other ecclesiastical promotions should subject them selves under the homage or service of any great man, king, prince. No spin- duke, or earl of the laity. For it was unseemly, said the pope, and son toTe a thing very execrable, that the hands which were converted into so subjec- m £ n a working 1 as was granted to no angel (that is, to create him lay" er a ^ ie "" crosses, who created all, and to offer up the same before sonage. the sight of the Father for the salvation of the whole world), should be brought to such a slavery as to be subject to those filthy hands, which both day and night are polluted with shameful touchings, Anseim robberies, and bloodshed, &c/ This decree of Pope Urban Anselm to*do eth alleging for himself, denied to subject himself to the king's homage, toh£ ge faring, as he said, the pope's excommunication. Upon this, king. messengers were sent to Rome on both parts unto the pope, then Appendix. Po pe Paschal, who, stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urban, his predecessor, woidd in no case yield to the king's investing. 2 In the mean time, while there was long disputation on both sides for investing, the nobles of the realm contended, that investings did belong to the king's dignity : wherefore the king, calling for Anselm again, required him either to do homage to him, or else to void his kingdom. To whom Anselm replying again, required the pope's letters to be brought forth, and, according to the tenor thereof, so the matter to be decided; for now the messengers were returned from Rome, with the pope's answer, altogether siding with Anselm. The king Then said the king, " What have I to do with the pope's letters ? I twng'to will not forego the liberties of my kingdom for any pope." Thus the do with contention continued between them. Anselm saith, he would not tiie pope s letters, out of the realm, but depart home to his church, and there see who would offer him any violence : and so he did. Not long after, message came from the king to Anselm, requesting him, after a gentle sort, to repair to the king's presence again, to put an end to the Messen- controversy, whereunto Anselm yielded and came. Then were new fgainto* ambassadors sent again to the pope, that he would something qualify Rome. anc [ moderate, or rather abolish, the strictness of the Roman decree Appendix beforementioned. On the part of Anselm went two monks, Baldwin of Bee and Alexander of Canterbury. On the king's behalf were sent two bishops, Robert, bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert, bishop of Norwich, With the king's letters written unto the pope, containing in form as followeth. 3 Lettei To the reverend father Paschal, the chief bishop, Henry, by the grace of God of King king of England, greeting. For this your promotion unto the see of the holy See App> ndir. ( i ) Ex Jornalensis Bibliothecae Historia. (2) Ex Matthaeo Paris. Ex Guliel. Malmesb. lib. i. de Gestis Pont. Ang. (3) " Patri venerabili Paschali, summo pontifici, Henricus,Dei gratia rex Anglorura, salutem. Promotioni vestrae in sedem sanctas Romanae ecclesiae plurimum congaudeo, petens ut amicitia quae patri meo cum antecessoribus vestris fuit, inter nos quoque illibata permaneat. Unde, ut dilectio et benignitas a me videatur sumere initium, beneficium quod ab antecessoribus meis beatus Petrus habuit, vobis mitto : eosque honores et earn obedientiarn quam tempore patris mei antecessores vestri in regno Angliae hahuerunt, tempore meo ut habeatis volo, eo videlicet tenore, ut dignitatis usus et consuetudines, quas pater meus tempore antecessorum vestrorum in regno Angliae habuit, ego tempore vestro in eodem regno meo integre obtineam. Notumque habeat sanctitas vestra. quod me vivente (Deo auxiliante) dignitates et usus regni Angliae non minuentur. Et si ego (quod absit) in tanta me dejectione ponerem, optimates mei (imo totius Angliae populus) id nullo modo paterentur. Habita igitur (charissime pater) utiliori deliberatione, ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra, ne quid invitus faciam, et a vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia.'' AND THE POPE OF ROME. 163 church of Rome, as I am heartily glad, so my request is to you, that the friend- Henry l. ship and amity, which hath been heretofore between my father and your predecessors in times past, may now also between us in like manner continue A. D. undiminished ; and, that love and gentleness may first begin on my part, here \ jjffi; I send to you that gift that St. Peter had in former time of my predecessors. And likewise the same honours and obediene; which your predecessors have had in the realm of England before in the time of my father, I will you to have the same in my time also : on the understanding, however, that the preroga- tives, usages, and customs, which my father hath had in this realm of England in the time of your ancestors, I in like ample manner also now, in your time, may fully enjoy the same in this the said realm of England. Thus, therefore, Spoken be it known to your holiness, that during this life of mine (God Almighty {^ g a abling me to the same} these above-named prerogatives, usages, and customs of this realm of England, shall in no part be lessened. Yea, and if that I (as God forbid I should) would so much deject myself unto such coward- ness, yet my nobles, yea, the whole people of England, in no case would suffer it. Wherefore, dear father, using with yourself a better deliberation in this The king matter, let your gentleness so moderate itself toward us, lest ye compel' me, is 0 f* t a t0 which I shall do against my will, to recede and depart utterly from your leave the obedience. pope's obedi - At the same time, also, he sent another letter or epistle to the ence ' said pope, craving of him the pall for Gerard, archbishop of York, the form whereof here also followeth : 1 — To the reverend and well-beloved father universal, Pope Paschal, Henry, by Another the grace of God king of England, greeting. The great love which I bear to ^! ter of you, and the no less gentleness in you, which not a little beautifieth your Henry I doings, ministereth to me boldness to write. And whereas I thought to have to the retained still this Gerard with me, and to have craved your pall for him by pope ' letters ; yet, notwithstanding, when his desire could not otherwise be satisfied, but he would needs present himself before your presence, by his own heart to crave of you the same, I have sent him up unto you, desiring your benign fatherhood in this behalf, that he, obtaining the pall at your hands, may be sent home again to me. And thus, requiring the assistance of your prayers, I pray the Lord long to preserve your apostleship. This second letter of the king in sending for the pall was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author saith) procured such favour to Gerard, archbishop of York, and bringer thereof, that no complaint of his adversaries afterwards could hurt him with the pope. Notwithstanding, he was accused grievously for divers things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselm, arch- bishop of Canterbury. Polydore, in his eleventh book of his English history, afflrmeth, a place that Anselm also went up to Rome with Gerard about the same dorevlrgii cause. But both the premises and sequel of the story argue that to ^ n t d v be untrue, for what need the two monks to be sent up on Anselrns side, if he had gone up himself ? 2 Again, how could the pope write down by the said messengers to Anselm, if he had been present there himself? for so proceedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others. After the ambassadors, thus on both sides sent up to Rome, had laboured their cause with instant suit one against the other, the loanvto 1 pope, glad to gratify the king, yet loath to grant his request, being jj, 8 *^"* against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselm's side, profit. (1) " Reverendo et diligendo patri universali papa? Pasohali Henricus, Dei gratia rex Anglorum, salutem. Amor quern plurimum erga vos habeo, et benignitas quae multum vestros actus exornat," &c. 12) Ex Guliel. Malmesb. lib. viii. de Pont. Ang. M 2 164 AN ENGLISH AMBASSADOR SENT TO ROME. Appendix. Henry i. sendeth down his letters to the said Anselm, signifying that he would ' not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man's pleasure ; 1 103. charging him, moreover, not only not to yield in the cause, of in vest- 's^ — ing, but constantly to adhere to the aforesaid decreement of Pope Urban, his predecessor, &c. Besides this letter to Anselm, he directed also another to the king himself, which, mine author saith, the king suppressed and did not show, only declaring, by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had said unto him from the pope, which was, that he permitted unto him the license of investing, upon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good Hemean- prince, &c. To this, also, the testimony of the three bishops above the two minded did accord, which made the matter more probable. But Ge?a°rd! the two monks on the other side replied, bringing forth the letter of who made Anselm to the contrary, &c. To them it was answered, that more the third. ' . p i -i • 1 AprJndix crec "t was to be given to the degree and testimony 01 the bishops, than to theirs ; and that as for monks, they had no suffrage nor testimony in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their peace. " But this is no secular matter," said Baldwin, the monk App^iix of Bee. Whereunto, again, the nobles of the king's part answered, saying, that he was a good man, and of such demeanour, that they had nothing to say against him, neither so would, if they might ; but that both human and divine reason taught them to yield more credit and confidence to the ' testimony of three bishops, than to that of two monks : whereby may well appear, that Anselm at that time went ApSdn. n °t "vritli them. Then Anselm, seeing how the king and his peers were bent, and hearing also the testimony of the three bishops, against whom he saw he could not prevail, and also having the pope's seal, which he saw to be so evident on the contrary side, made his answer again, that he would send to Rome for more certainty of truth : adding, moreover, that he neither would, nor durst give over his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceed against the determination of the church of Rome, unless he had a perfect Appendix, warrant of absolution from thence for his discharge. Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himself to Rome, and much entreaty was made that he would take that journey himself, in his own person, to present himself to the pope for the peace of the church and of his country. And so, at A PP S mdix length, by persuasion, he was content to go to Rome and speak with the pope. In a short time after folio weth also the king's ambassador, The ora- William Warlwast, the newly elected bishop of Exeter, who there wuiiam pleading on the king's side for the ancient customs of the realm, and at* a the ast or tne k ni cf s right of investing, &c, first declared, how England, of pope's a long continuance, had ever been a province peculiar to the church of Rome, and how it payed duly its yearly tribute unto the same ; inferring, moreover, how the king, as he was of nature very liberal, so also of courage he was a prince stout and valiant. Then what a shame would he think it to be to him, as it would indeed be, if he, who in might and dignity far exceeded all his progenitors, should not defend and maintain the liberties and customs by them procured. Wherefore he desired the pope to see to the matter, so that it might stand both with the king's honour, and also with his own profit and advantage, who, otherwise, no doubt should lose a great piece of HAUGHTY DEMEANOUR OF THE POPE. 165 money out of the realm, unless he did remit something of the severity Henry i. of his canons and laws decretal. A.D. With these and such other like persuasions to the same effect, the 1103. court of Rome was well contented, agreeing that the king's request — ought with all favour to be granted. But the pope and Anselm sat still marking their doings. The ambassador, supposing their silence to be half a yielding unto him, added moreover and said ; that the king, no not for the crown of his realm, would lose the authority of investing or admitting his prelates within his dominion. 1 Where- unto the proud pope answering again, burst out in these words : a proud " Nor I, 11 said he, " for the price of his head, as thou say est, will the pope° f lose the giving of spiritual promotions in England ;" and, confirming it with an oath, " before God," saith he, " I speak it ; know it for a certainty, * for the whole price of his head, I will not permit it unto him, neither shall he have it.* 2 Then it followeth in the story of Malmesbury, that with this word of the pope the minds of the rest were changed, saying, " Benedicta sit cordis tui constantia, bene- dicta oris tui loquela." The king's attorney also was therewith dashed, who, notwithstanding, brought it to pass, that certain of the king's customs, used before of his father, were released unto him. At that time, in the same court, it was decreed, — the king only, who had invested them, being excepted, — that the others who were invested Excom- by the king should be excommunicated ; the absolution and satis- XT 10 *" faction of whom were left to Anselm, the archbishop. abused. Thus Anselm, being dismissed from Rome, took his journey towards England: but the ambassador, pretending to go to St. Nicholas, remained behind, to see whether he could win the pope's mind to the king's purpose ; but when he saw it would not be, he overtaketh Anselm by the way, at Placentia, and openeth to him Appendix, the king's pleasure. " The king," saith he, " giveth to you in charge and commandment, that if you will come to England, and there behave yourself to him, as your predecessors did to his father, you should be received and retained in the realm accordingly ; if not, you are wise enough to know what I mean, and what will follow." 3 And so, with these words parting from him, he returned again to the king. Anselm remained at Lyons a year and a half, A JeZiix. writing divers letters to the king, after this effect, and in words as followeth : — To his reverend Lord, Henry, king of England, Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, faithful service with prayers. 4 Although ye understand by William Warlwast what we have done at Rome, yet I shall shortly show you that which belongeth to me. When I came to Rome, I declared the cause wherefore I came to the lord pope. He answered that he would not swerve from the statutes of his predecessors. Furthermore, he commanded me that I should have no fellowship with those who received investings of churches at your hands, after the knowledge of this prohibition, unless they would do penance, and forsake that which they had received, without hope of recovery ; and that I should not communicate with the other bishops who had consecrated such men, except they would present themselves to the judg- ment of the apostolic see. The aforesaid William can be a witness of all these (1) Ex Guliel. Malmesb. de Gestis Pont. lib. i. Ex. Matth. Paris, lib. iii. (2) These words are inserted from Edition 1563, p. 31. — Ed. (3\ Ex Radulph. Londinensi. (4) Epist. 224 See Appendix 166 RECONCILIATION OF THE KING AND ANSELM. late in wrong cause. Hoiry I. tilings if he will. This William, when we departed asunder, reckoning ip in — — — — your behalf the love and liberality which you have had always towards ine, A.D. warned me as your archbishop, that I should show myself such an one, that i! 1106. I would come into England, I might be with you as my predecessor was with your father, and ye might treat me with the same honour and liberty that your T r he father treated my predecessor. By which words I understand, that except 1 stoutness should show myself such an one, you would not have me come into England, of a pre- For your love and liberality I thank you ; but that I should be with you as my predecessor was with your father, I cannot do it, for I dare not do homage to you, nor do I dare communicate with those who take investings of churches at your hands, because of the aforesaid inhibition made, I myself hearing it. Wherefore, I desire you to send me your pleasure herein, if it please you, whether I may return into England, as I said, with your peace and the power of mine office. In the mean while, great business there was, and much posting went to and fro between the king, the archbishop, and the pope, but nothing was done ; for neither would the pope agree to the king, nor would the king condescend to the archbishop. At last the archbishop, seeing that by no means he could prevail against the king, thought to revenge himself by excommunication, and so went about the same. The king, having word thereof by the Countess Adela, his sister, desireth her to come to him into Normandy, and bring Anselm with her : whereupon, by the means of the countess, Apifndx reconc ^ emen ^ was made, and the archbishop was restored to his Recon- ' former possessions ; only his return into England w r as deferred, made be- because he would not communicate with those whom the king had the Sng e mves ted. So the king took his passage over into England, and ?eim An Anselm made his abode at the abbey of Bee. ™« Then were ambassadors again directed unto Rome, namely, Wil- Appendix. j- am Warlwast, and Baldwin, above named, the monk of Bee ; who, at length, concluded the long controversy between the king and the pope upon this agreement : that the king should take homage of the bishops elect, but should not deal with investing them by staff and ring. While the ambassadors were thus in their suit at Rome, divers complaints were daily brought from England to Anselm against Appendix tne P r i es ts and canons, who, in his absence, contrary to the late Priests council holden at London, received their wives into their houses again, !heir Ve and so were permitted by the king, paying him certain money for the Sain in same. 1 Anselm, the sore enemy against lawful marriage, grieved senceof therewith, addresseth his letters unto the king, requiring him to Anseim. refrain from any more taking of such exactions, declaring, moreover, i and affirming', that the offences of all such ecclesiastical ministers faults of o > ecciesi- must be corrected at the instance ot bishops, and not ol laymen, ministers To this the king answereth gently again by letters, tempering himself , rone but now ne purposed shortly to come over into Normandy, and if he had to bishops (lone any thing amiss, either in these or other things, he would reform quoth ' it by his obedience. Anseim. wag no ^ j 0 a ft er? the messengers being now returned from Rome, Appendix. ^ e kjjjg^ as ne ] )ac i promised, sped him into Normandy, where The king ne ? warring against his brother Robert, brought both him and the SnSPthe coun ^ r y °f Normandy at last under his subjection. But first, meet- arch- ' ing with Anselm at the abbey of Bee, he convented and agreed with bishop. See Appendia (1) Guliel. Malmesb. lib. i. de Gestis Poritif. SYNODAL DECREES OF ANSELM . 167 him in all such points as the archbishop required. As first, that all Henry i. his churches, which before were made tributary unto King William, A D his brother, now should remain free from all tribute. Item, that he ]io7„ should take none of the revenues of any of the churches, in the time of their being vacant. 1 Moreover, concerning such priests and Lawful ministers as had given money to the king for their company with JJony their wives, it was agreed that they should surcease from all ecclesias- P unjsh ed. tical function for the space of three years, and that the king should take no more after such manner. Item, that all such goods, fruits, and possessions, as had been taken away before from the archbishopric, should be restored at his coming again into England, &c. This Anselm, the stout champion of popery and superstition, after priests this victory gotten upon the king, for the which he so long fought, with joy and triumph saileth into England, having all his popish from then requests obtained ; where first he flieth like a lion upon the married see priests, contrary to the word of God, divorcing and punishing that by Appendlx - man's authority, which the eternal and almighty God had coupled. Next, he looketh to them who did hold any church by farm under the king. Against simony likewise, and against them that married within the seventh degree, he proceedeth with his full pontifical authority. Shortly after, as King Henry had finished his war in Normandy, A.D.noy and with victory had returned again into England, in the seventh See year of his reign, Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, by the permis- Aprendix - sion of the king, assembled a great council at Westminster, in Lon- Aug. ist don, of the clergy and prelates of England, in the which, by the bishop of Rome's authority, he so wrought with the king, that at length, albeit, as the story saith, not without great difficulty, it was newly confirmed and enacted, that no temporal man after that day should make investiture with cross or with ring, or with pastoral hook. In another council, sundry and divers injunctions were given forth A J e ' n e diT . to priests and deacons, as divers other synodal acts also by the same Anselm had been concluded in other councils before. And because here falleth in mention of the acts synodal concluded in the time of this Anselm, I thought good to pack them all in one general heap together, as I find them in Malmesbury, and in other sundry authors scatteringly recited. 2 The first thing decreed by this Anselm in his synodal councils, was touching the fault of simony, for which divers, both bishops and abbots (as is aforesaid) were at the same time deposed. Laymen, also, were forbidden to confer any ecclesiastical promotion. Also, it was decreed, that bishops should not officiate (officium suscipiant) A.D.1102. in secular pleas, and that such should not go apparelled as the laymen did, but should have their vestures decent, and meet for religious persons, and that in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conver- sation. 3 Item, That no archdeaconries should be let out to farm. Item, That no archdeacon should be under the degree of a deacon. Item, That no archdeacon, priest, deacon, or canon, should from thenceforth marry a wife, nor yet keep her, if he had been married to one before : Item, That every subdeacon, who is not a canon, after the profession of chastity marrying a wife, should be subject to the same rule. They ordained also, that a priest keeping company with a woman, should r l) The foregoing sentence is corrected from Malmesbury. — En. Appendix. v 2) Ex lib. Guliel. Malmesb. de Gestis Pontif. lib. i. [Script, post Bedam, p. 228.] Ex [Ead- mero,] Jornalensi er aliis. [When t the above translation is revised.— EdJ (3) See vol. i. p. 193.--ED. 16S SYNODAL DECREES OF AX S ELM. Henry I not be reputed priest, and that he should say no mass, and if he said mass, he should not be heart 1 A. D. They charged that nore should be admitted to orders from that time forward, j front the degree of a subdeacon and upwards, unless he did profess chastity. That priest's sons should not claim by heritage the benefices of their fathers. How then Item, That no spiritual person should sit in any secular office; or be pro- *hen S Gar curato,s or judges °f blood. diner lord Item. That priests should not resort to taverns or banquets, nor sit drinking chancel- by the fire-side. 1 Queen That the garments of priests should be of one colour, and that their shoes .Man's should, be decent (ordinate). Item. That monks, or any others of the clergy, if they forsook their order, either should come back again, or be excommunicated. Item, That the clergy should wear their crowns broad-shaved (patentes). Jtem, That no tithes should be given but to the churches Item, That no churches or prebends should be bought. That no new chapels should be made without consent of the bishop. That no church should be hallowed, before the necessary provision were made for the priest and for the church to be maintained. s« . That abbots should make no knights (milites), and that they must both sleep Jrpendir. an( j ^ e game ] louse j^ith their monks, unless some great necessity do let. Item, That monks do enjoin no penance to any man without the consent of the abbot; and that their abbots give no license therein, but only touching such persons toward whom they have a cure of souls. That no monks should be godfathers, or nuns godmothers. That monks should have no lordships to farm. Item. That monks should take no churches but by the bishop, neither should so spoil of their fruits the churches given unto them, that sufficient be not left for maintaining the churches and the officiating ministers of the same. That privy contracts of marriage between man and woman without witness should not stand, but be frustrated, if either part}- do go from the contract. See Item, That such persons as did wear long hair should be so rounded, that Appendix. ^ their ears appear, and that their eyes be not covered. Item, That there be no marriage between parties akin to the seventh gene- ration, and that it do not continue if they be married, but that the marriage be broken. And that if any one privy to that incest do not detect the same, he to be held guilty of the same crime. Item, That no corpses be carried forth to burial out of their own parish, so that the priest thereof do lose that which to him is due. Item, That no man, upon any rash desire of novelty, do attribute any opinion of holiness or pay reverence to dead men's bodies, to fountains, or to any other thinsr, as the use hath been in time past, without authority of the bishop. Item, That the infamous traffic of buying and selling of men like brute anunals. be no longer used in England. Also, after the restraint of priests' marriage, when unnatural crimes began to come in consequence thereof, they were forced to make another act. which was this, passed in this council. " With a grievous curse we condemn both those that occupy unnatural vice, and those also that willingly assist them or be wicked doers with them in the same ; till such time as they may deserve absolution by penance and con- fession. " But whosoever shall be noised or proved to be of this wickedness, if he be of a religious order, he shall from thenceforth be promoted to no degree of honour, and he shall be deposed from any which he hath. " If he be a lay person, he shall be deprived of his quality within the land, and be no better than a foreigner. C| And if he be a secular, let none but the bishop presume to absolve him. " Be it also enacted, that the said curse be published on every Sunday, in every parish church of England." (?) " Ut presbyteri non eant ad potationes, nec ad pinnas bibant." See Appendix.— E» ' See Api endix. PENALTIES AGAINST MARRIED PRIESTS. 169 But mark in this great matter what followed; for, as Ranulplius Henry i. Cestrensis witnesseth, this grievous general curse was soon called back again by the suit of certain who persuaded Anselm, that the U08. publication, or opening of that vice, gave kindlings to the same in the hearts of lewd persons, ministering occasion of more boldness to them to do the like i 1 and so, to stop the occasion of this vice, the publication thereof was taken away ; but the forbidding and restrain- ment of priests"' lawful marriage, which chiefly was the cause thereof, remained still. And thus, ever since, this horrible crime remained t among the clergy, both for lack of marriage being more used, and for lack of publication less punished. Besides all these synodal acts above comprehended, and given out by Anselm in his councils before, at another council, held in London at Whitsuntide in the eighth year of this king [May 24th, a.d. 1 1 08], he also directed other new injunctions to the priests. First, That the priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should live chastely, and Penalties retain no woman in their house, unless they were of their next kin. feif s f ° r ~ Item, That they who had retained their wives, or taken new ones, against the against council of London, 2 should never more meet them in one house, nor should priests their wives dwell in the church territory. theh- keeP Item, That such as had dissevered themselves from the society of their wives, wives, and yet, for some honest cause, had to communicate with them, might do so if it were without door, and with at least two lawful witnesses. Item, If any one of them should be accused by two or three witnesses of rn the breaking this statute, and could not purge himself again by six able men of his latter own order, if he be a priest, or if he be a deacon by four, or if he be a subdeacon comV * by two, then he should be judged a transgressor of the statute, deprived of his false office and benefice, and not be admitted into the quire, but be treated as infamous, f^bld 1 Item, He that rebelled, and in contempt of this nei/ statute held still his ding mar- wife, and presumed to say mass, upon the eighth day after, if he made not due ria ? e and satisfaction, should be solemnly excommunicated. meats ° Item, All archdeacons and deacons to be strictly sworn not to wink or &c dissemble at their meetings, or to bear with them for money. And if they would not be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without recovery. Item, Such priests, as forsaking their wives were willing to serve still, and Purifi- remain in their holy order, first must cease forty days from their ministration, ca t ion of setting vicars for them in the mean time to serve, and taking such penance upon thsft had them, as by their bishop should be enjoined them. beenmar- > ried. Thus have ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselm, how superstitious in his religion, how stubborn against his prince he was, what occasion of war and discord he would have ministered by his complaints, if they had been taken, what zeal with- out right knowledge, what fervency without cause he pretended, what pains without profit he took ; who, if he had bestowed that time and travel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in gadding to Rome, to complain of his country, in my mind, he had been better occupied. Moreover, what violent and tyrannical in- junctions he set forth of investing and other things, ye have heard ; but especially against the lawful and godly marriage of priests. What a vehement adversary he was, in that respect, may appear by these minutes or extracts of letters, which we have here annexed ; in form and effect as folio weth : — 1) Ranulph. Cestrensis, lib. vii. (2) See supra, pp. 160, 166. ( 170 LETTERS OF PASCHAL AND ARCHBISHOP ANSELM. /fenrgi. A Letter of Anselm. A.D. Anselm, archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sons, the lord prior and 1108- others at Canterbury. 1 Kin » As concerning priests, of whom the king commanded that they should have permitted ootn ^ e ^ r churches and their women as they had in the time of his father, and priests to of Lanfranc, archbishop : both because the king hath revested and reseized the churches* 1 wn °l e archbishopric, and because so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a aiid r ° eS council in the time of his father and of the said archbishop : boldly I command, wives. by the authority which I have jy my archbishopric, not only within my arch- bishopric, but also throughout England, that all priests, who keep wives, shall be deprived of their churches and ecclesiastical benefices. A Letter of Pope Paschal to Anselm. Pascal, bishop, servant of God's servants, to his reverend brother Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, greeting and apostolical blessing. 2 Pope We believe your brotherhood is not ignorant what is decreed in the Romish hath so church concerning priests' children. But because there is so great a multitude decreed it of such within the realm of England, that almost the greater and better part of at Rome. j-] ie de^g are reckoned to be on this side, therefore we commit this dispensation priests to your care ; for we grant these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the must need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life vdves" 0 s h an " commend among you), so that, yet notwithstanding, the prejudice of the If profit ecclesiastical decree be taken heed to hereafter, &c. of the • church may come Another Letter of Anselm for Investing. by priests ° whathurt To the Reverend Lord and loving Father Paschal, high bishop, Anselm, then were servant of Canterbury church, due subjection and continual prayers, church After I returned to my bishopric in England I showed the apostolical decree, ^ r pri e e sts which I being present heard in the Romish council. 1. That no man should wives? receive investing of churches at the king's hand, or any lay person's, or should King become his man for it, and that no man should presume to consecrate him that Henry did offend herein. When the king and his nobles, and the bishops themselves, and nobles S others of the lower degree, heard these things, they took them so grievously, that ready to they said, they would in no case agree to the thing, and that they would drive IheRo me out °^ kingdom, and forsake the Romish church, rather than keep this mish ° thing. Wherefore, reverend father, I desire your coimsel by your letter, &c. church. Another Letter of Anselm. Anselm, archbishop, to the Reverend Gudulph, bishop, and to Arnulph, prior, and to William, archdeacon of Canterbury, and to all in his diocese, greeting. 3 Against William, our archdeacon, hath written to me, that some priests that be under priests re } us cus t 0 dy (taking again their women that were forbidden) have fallen unto the again 18 uncleanness from the which they were drawn by wholesome counsel and com- their mandment. When the archdeacon would amend this thing, they utterly Priests despised, with wicked pride, his warning and worthy commandment to be excom received. Then he, calling together many religious men and obedient priests, """d'f excommunicated worthily the proud and disobedient, who beastly despised the receiving ciuse, and were not afraid to defile the holy ministry, as much as lay in again ° them, &c. iheir Unto these letters above prefixed, I have also adjoined another of the said Anselm, touching a great case of conscience, of a monk's whipping himself. Wherein may appear both the blind and lament- able superstition of those religious men, and the judgment of this Anselm in the same matter. (1) Ex epist. Ansel. 7 ct ",77. r.2> Ex opist. 33. (3; Ex epist. 37 TREATMENT 01- TWO ARCHBISHOPS OF MENTZ. 171 Another Letter of Anselm. Anselm, archbishop, to Bernard, monk of the abbey of St. Warburg, greet- A. D. ing and prayer. 1 1108. I heard it said of your lord abbot, that thou judgest it to be of greater merit, Whether when a monk either beats himself, or desire th himself to be beaten of another than ^™j° r | or when he is beaten (not of his own will) in the chapter, by the commandment of the a monk t > prelacy. But it is not as you think, for that judgment which any man commandeth cause to himself, is kingly ; but that which he suffereth by obedience in the chapter, is ^chap^ monkish. The one is of his own will ; the other is of obedience, and not of his ter to be own will. That which I call kingly, kings and rich proud men commanded to ^f 1 ^^.' be done to themselves ; but that which I call monkish, they take not command- f er obe- ing, but obeying. The kingly is so much easier, by how much it agreeth to the diently will of the sufferer ; but the monkish is so much the more grievous, by how p^g^f p much it differeth from the will of the sufferer. In the kingly judgment, the his abbot sufferer is judged to be his own ; in monkish he is proved not to be his own : for although the king, or rich man, when he is beaten, willingly showeth himself humbly to be a sinner ; yet he would not submit himself to this humble- ness at any other's commandment, but would withstand the commander with all his strength. But when a monk submitteth himself to the whip humbly in the chapter at the will of the prelate, the truth judgeth him to be of so much greater merit, by how much he humbleth himself more and more, and more truly than the other. For he humbleth himself to God only, because he knoweth his sins, but this man humbleth himself to man for obedience. But he is more lowly that humbleth himself both to God and man for God's cause, than he which humbleth himself to God only, and not to God's commandment. Therefore, if he that humbleth himself shall be extolled, ergo, he that more humbleth himself, shall be more exalted. And where I said, that when a monk is whipped, it differeth from his will, you must not so understand it, as though he would not patiently bear it with an obedient will, but because by a natural appetite he would not suffer the sorrow. But if ye say, I do not so much fly the open beating for the pains (which I feel also secretly), as for the shame ; know then that he is stronger that rejoiceth to bear this for obedience' sake. Therefore be thou sure, that one whipping of a monk by obedience is of The judg more merit than innumerable whippings taken by his own mind. But m ent ° f whereas he is such that he always ought to have his heart ready without mur- ^"the" muring obediently to be whipped, we ought to judge him then to be of a great case, merit, whether he be whipped privily or openly, &c. And thus much concerning Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, whose stout example gave no little courage to Thurstin and Becket, his successors, and others that followed after, to do the like against their kings and princes, as in process hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear. About this time, two famous archbishops of Mentz, being right virtuous and well-disposed prelates, were cruelly and tyrannously dealt withal, and treated by the bishop of Rome. Their names were Henry and Christian. This Henry, having intelligence that he Append**. was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man, a special friend of his, to excuse him, named Arnold ; one for whom he had done much, and whom he had promoted to great livings and promotions. But this honest man Arnold, instead of an excuser, became an accuser, bribing the two chiefest cardinals with good gold ; by which judges means he obtained of the pope, those two cardinals to be sent ™p t ., (] . as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. They, coming to Germany, summoned the said Henry, and deposed him from his archbishopric in spite of all he could do either by law or justice, substituting in his place the aforesaid Arnold, in hope, truly, of the (1) Ex epist. 255. 172 INVESTITURE OF A POPE. Henry i. ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that virtuous and honourable Henry, A j3 as the story telleth, spake unto those his perverse judges on this wise* 1101. " If I should appeal unto the apostolic see for this your unjust pro- cess had against me, perhaps the pope would attempt nothing more therein than ye have, neither should I win any thing by it, but only toil of body, loss of goods, affliction of mind, care of heart, and missing of his favour. Wherefore I do appeal unto the Lord Jesus Christ, as the most high and just judge, and cite you before his judgment, there to answer me before the high Judge ; for neither justly nor godly, but by corruption as it pleaseth you, you have judged." Whereunto they scoffingly answered : " Go you first, and will follow." Not long after, as the story goes, the said Henry we ie imple cor- upt ' le died, whereof the said two cardinals having intelligence, said one to the other jestingly : " Behold, he is gone before, and we must judges to follow according to our promise." And verily, they said truer than beware. t | ie y were aware 0 f . f or w ithin a while they died both in one day. For the one, sitting upon a jakes to ease himself, voided out all his entrails into the draught, and miserably ended his life ; the other gnaw- ing off the fingers of his hands, and spitting them out of his mouth, all deformed in devouring himself, died. And in like wise, not long after the end of these men, the aforesaid Arnold most horribly in a sedition was slain ; and three days, lying stinking above the ground unburied, was open to the spoil of every rascal and harlot. The historiographer 1 in declaring hereof crieth upon the cardinals in this manner : " O ye cardinals, ye are the beginning and authors hereof. Come hither, draw out now, and bear unto your master the devil, and together with that money which you have gulped down, offer him yourselves also." A.D.noo. About the same time and year in which King Henry began his reign, Pope Paschal entered his papacy, succeeding Urban, about a.d. 1100, nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand, his superior. This Paschal, being elected by the cardinals, after the people had cried thrice, " St. Peter hath chosen good Rainerus ;" he then putting on a purple vesture, and a tiara upon his head, was brought upon a white palfrey into Lateran, where a sceptre was given him, and a girdle put about him having seven keys, with seven seals hanging Svenfoid thereupon for a recognisance or token of his sevenfold power, accord- power of ing to the sevenfold grace of the Holy Ghost, of binding, loosing, the pope, getting, opening, sealing, resigning, and judging. After this Paschal was elected pope, Henry IV., the aforesaid emperor (of courage most valiant, if the time had served thereto,) thought to come up to Italy to salute the new pope ; but, understanding the pope's mind bent against him, he changed his purpose. In the mean time, Paschal, to show himself inferior to Hildebrand in no point, began first to depose all such abbots and bishops as the emperor had set up. Also he banished Albert, Theodoric, and Maginulph, striving at the same time for the papacy. I spake before of Guibert, vhom Henry, the emperor, had made pope against Hildebrand. Paschal made out an army against this Guibert, who, being put to fknti- not long after departed. About the same time, a.d. 1101, the bishop of Florence began to :ach and to preach of antichrist then to be born and to be manifest, The pope's attire. born tud m unite (1) Conradi Chron. Moguntiacum. See Appendix.— Ed. (2) See vol. iii. p. 105.— Ed. WAR BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND HIS SON. 173 as Sa'oellicus testifieth; whereupon Paschal assembling a council at Flo- Henry i. rence put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In his A D council at Troyes, priests that were married were condemned for Nico- noe. laitans : Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, all such of what The degree or estate soever they were (being laymen) who gave any ecclesi- bishop of astical dignities, were condemned of simony : Furthermore, the statute of priests' tithes he there renewed, counting the selling away thereof as against the Holy Ghost. Concerning the excommunication A Florence a martyr. A council at Troyes, D.1107. .VP and other troubles, that Hildebrand wrought against Henry IV. the Appendix. emperor, it is declared sufficiently before. 1 This excommunication a tragical Paschal, the pope, renewed afresh against the said Henry ; and not popePas- only that, but also conventing the princes of Germany unto a general jJJtJ!?" assembly, he set up his own son against him, causing the bishops of *™ inst Mentz, Cologne, and Worms, to deprive him of his imperial crown, and the fa- to place his son Henry V. in his father's kingdom ; and so they did. 2 th< \ e Coming to the palace at Ingelheim, first they required from him his A ^ eud,x - diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crown. The emperor demanded the cause, being then excommuni- cated and void of friends. They pretended again, I cannot tell what, — the selling of bishoprics, abbacies, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money ; also alleging the pope's pleasure and that of other princes. Then required he first of the bishop of Mentz, and likewise of the other two, whom he had preferred to their bishoprics before, asking them in order, if he had received of them any penny for his promoting them to their dignities. This when they could not deny to be so, " Well," saith he, " and do you requite me again with this?" with divers other words of exhortation, admonishing them to remem- ber their oath and allegiance to their prince. But the perjured The pre- prelates, neither reverencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, the son nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for all this, but first plucked JgJ*j£* from him, sitting on his throne, his crown imperial, and then dis- ther. vestured him, taking from him his purple and his sceptre. The good emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, saitli to them : " Vi- deat Deus et judicet that is, " Let God see and judge." Thus leaving him, they went to his son to confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive his father out ; who then being chased of his son, and having but nine persons about him, did flee by way of the dukedom of Limburgh, where the duke being then hunting, and per- ceiving and hearing of him, made after to follow him. The emperor fearing no other than present death, for he had displaced the same duke before out of his dukedom, submitted himself, craving of him pardon, and not revenge. The duke, full of compassion, and pitying ^ m |^ ul his estate, not only remitted all his displeasure, but also received him of a good to his castle. Moreover, collecting his soldiers and men of war, he f^nkfui brought him to Cologne, and there he was well received. His son duke - hearing this, besieged that city. But the father, by night escaping, came to Liege, where resorted to him all such as were men of com- passion and constant heart, insomuch that his power, being strong enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his enemies, and so he did, desiring his friends, that if he had the victory, they would spare his son. In fine, the battle joined, the father had the victory, (1) See pp. 125-134.— Ed. (2) Ex Historia HelmoJdi. 174 THE POPE TAKEN PRISONER. Henrt J 1 the son being put to flight, and many slain on both sides. But A D shortly after, the battle being renewed again, the son prevailed, and 1112. the father was overcome and taken; who then, being utterly dis- un possessed of Ins kingdom, was brought to that exigency, that coining kindness to Spires, he was feign to crave of the bishop there, whom he had done prelate?" 1 much for before, to have a prebend in the church : and for that he had some skill in his book, he desired to serve in our Lady's quire ; yet could he not obtain so much at his hand, who swore by our Lady, he should have nothing there. 1 Thus the woeful emperor, most unkindly handled, and repulsed on every side, came to Liege, and Appendix, there for sorrow died, after he had reigned forty years ; whose body The em- Paschal, after his funeral, caused to be taken up again, and to be ?ears bve brought to Spires, where it remained five years unburied. 2 budai ut After the decease of this emperor Henry IV., his son Henry V. a S endi X re ^o nec ^ the space of twenty years. This prince coming to Rome to be crowned of the pope, could not obtain it, before he would fully Henry 07 ' ^ ssent ^° ^ ave ^ s ratified, that no emperor should have any thing to emperor, do with the election of the Roman bishop, or with other bishoprics. 3 Besides that, about the same time, such a stir was made in Rome by the said bishop, that if the emperor had not defended himself with his own hands, he had been slain. But as it happened, the emperor having victory, amongst many other Romans slain or taken in the The pope same skirmish, taketh also the pope and leadeth him out of the city ; prisoner, where he indenteth with him upon divers conditions, both of his Appendix, coronation, and of recovering again his right and title in the election of the pope and of other bishops : whereunto the pope assenting agreed to all. So the emperor, being crowned of Paschal, returned again with the pope of Rome. All the conditions between the emperor and the pope, so long as the emperor remained- at Rome, stood firm and ratified ; but as soon as the emperor was returned again to Germany, forthwith the pope, calling a synod, not only revoked all that he had agreed to before, but also excommunicated Henry, the emperor, as he had done his father before, reproving the former ' privilegium 1 for ' pravilegium."' the pope The emperor, returning from Rome to France, there married p"p i:s h / s s Matilda, daughter to King Henry ; who then hearing what the pope had done, (grieved not a little,) with all expedition marched to Rome, and putteth the pope to flight, and finally placeth another in his stead. In the mean time the bishops of Germany, the pope's good friends, slacked not their business, incensing the Saxons all that they might against their Caesar ; insomuch that a great commotion was stirred up, and it grew at length to a pitched field, which was fought in the month of February, by the wood called Sylva Catularia. Peace The emperor seeing no end of these conflicts, unless he would b°tweer« ed vield to the pope, was fain to give over, and forego his privilege, fall- tile em- | n g to a composition, not to meddle with matters pertaining to the the^op". pope's election, nor -with investing, nor such other things belonging to the church and churchmen ; and thus was the peace between them concluded, and proclaimed to the no small rejoicing of both the armies, then lying by Worms, near the river Rhine. Se- A/pei.t War raised by (1) Ex Helmoldo, et Gotfrido Viterbionsi. i3) Ex Chronico Carionis. lib. iii. (2) Ex Helrr.oldo, EXCOMMUNICATION OF THE EMPEEOK. 175 In the time of this Paschal lived Bernard, called Abbot of Clair- flaws t. vaux, a.d. 110S, of whom sprang the Bernardine monk?. "aTdT About this time the eity of Worcester was almost consumed with 1119. fire. Bernar- All this while Henrv the emperor had no issue, having to wife dine r Matilda, the daughter of Henry L, king of England, and that by the comeL just judgment of God, as it may appear ; for as he, having a father, ^-JJ ty persecuted him by the pope's setting on, contrary to the part of a cester si- natural son ; so God's providence did not suffer him to be the father Snsumed of anv child, naturally to love him, or to succeed him. jjj fire. After the death of Paschal, a.d. 1118, succeeded Pope Gelasius, Lord's chosen by the cardinals, but without the consent of the emperor, button " whereupon rose no little variance in Rome ; and at length another ^ e n J t udg ~ pope was set up by the emperor, called Gregory VIII., and Gelasius Two was driven away into France, and there died. After him came striving Calixtus II., chosen likewise by a few cardinals, without the voice of to s ether - the emperor, who, coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his Thepo pfe legate into Germany to excommunicate the emperor Henry ; who 3!at- then, having divers conflicts with his fellow pope Gregory, at length, eth , the drave him out of Rome. At this time, by this occasion, great dis- putation and controversy arose between the emperor and the pope's court, whether of them in dignity should excel the other ; whereof reasons and arguments on both sides were alleged, which in the verses below are comprehended. Allegatio imperatoris contra papain. Caesar lex viva stat regibus imperativa, Legeque sub viva sunt omnia jura dativa : Lex ea castigat, solvit, et ipsa ligat. Conditor est legis, neque debet lege teneri, Sed sibi complacuit sub lege libenter haberi : Quicquid ei placuit, juris adinstar erat. Qui ligat ac solvit Deus ipsum protulit orbi, Divisit regnum divina potentia secum, Astra dedit superis, castera cuncta sibi. Responsio Romance curiae contra imperatorem. Pars quoque papalis sic obviat imperiali. Sic regnare damns, quod Petro subjiciaris : Jus etenim nobis Christus utrumque parit. Spiritus et corpus mihi sunt subjecta potenter, Corpora terrena teneo, coelestia mente, Unde, tenendo polum, solvo ligoque solum. .Ethera pandere, ccelica tangere, papa videtur. Nam dare, tollere, nectere, solvere cuncta meretur, Cui dedit omne decus lex nova, lexque vetus : Annulus et bacillus, quamvis terrena putentur, Smit de jure poli; quae significare videntur, Respice jura Dei: mens tua cedat ei. &c. In conclusion, the emperor being overcome so much with the vain reasons of the pope's side, and fearing the dangerous thunderbolt of his curse, (talking with princes, and persuaded with his friends,) was 176 ONE POPE'S TREATMENT OF ANOTHER. Henry i. fain to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the pope : fiist, ^ D to ratify his election, notwithstanding the other pope (whom the said 1109. emperor had set up) was yet alive, secondly, that he should resign his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the pope, and investure of bishops. This being done and granted, and the writings thereof set up in the church of Lateran, for a triumph over the emperor thus subdued, the pope maketh out after Gregory, his fellow-pope, being then in a Gregory town called Sutrium ; which being besieged and taken, Gregory also brought was taken; 1 whom, Calixtus the pope, setting him upon a camel, Rome by with his face to the camel's tail, brought him thus through the streets his face of Rome, holding the tail in his hand instead of a bridle ; and after- camd's war( l, being shorn, he was thrust into a monastery, tail. Amongst many acts done by this glorious pope, first he established The Em- the decrees of the papal see against this emperor. He brought in by\vhom the four quarter fasts, called Ember days. 2 Sought 16 3y the same Calixtus the order of monks, called Prsemonstratenses, »^ and was brought in. The oi-der Further, by him it was decreed to be judged for adultery, if any ofmonks, person, during his lifetime, had put from him either bishopric or etraten" benefice ; grounding upon this scripture of St. Paul to the Romans, scripture " ^ ne W1 ^ e ^ s b oun ol to the law of her husband, so long as the hus- cierkiy band liveth ; after he is dead she is loosed from the law of her the pope 7 husband," &c. Prksts Item, the same Calixtus, holding a general council at Rheims, ministers decreed that priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should put away their peiied concubines and wives ; and that whosoever w tion of the holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of PP( " '* Canterbury should be impaired, nor again that the church of York should suffer any prejudice, but that the same constitution, which 1) Jornalensis. (2) Gisburn. (3) Jornalensis. (4) Gisburn. (5) Gisburn. (6) Rog. Hoved, Gisburn, &c. (7) Rog. Hoved. (8) " Audivimus electum Eboracencis ecclesiae, virum sapientem et strenuum, sine judicio ab Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia, quod nimirum divinae justitiae et sanct. patrum institutionibus adversatur. Nos quidem neque Cant, ecclesiam minui, neque Eboracensem volumus praejudicium pati, sed earn constitutionem quae a beato Gregorio, Anglicae gentis Apostolo, inter easdem eccle- sias constituta est, firmam censemus illibatamque servari. Idem ergo electus, ut justitia exigit, ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis revocetur. Si quid autem quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias nascitur, presentibus utrisque partibus in vestra prasentia pertractetur," &c- -Ex Gualtero Gis- burnensi.exGuliel Malmesb. de Pontif. lib. iv. Ex Roger. Hoved. Fabian. &c. VOL. II. N 178 ACTS OF THE COUNCIL OF RHEIMS. Henry i. was by blessed Gregory, the apostle of the English nation, set and A y) decreed between those two churches, should remain still in force and 1119. effect inviolate. Wherefore, as touching the aforesaid elect, let him be received again by any means, as right and meet it is, into his church. And if there be any question between the aforesaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties being there present."" a.d.1116. Upon occasion of this letter there was a solemn assembly appointed Assembly &fc g^g^y^ aD out the hearing of this controversy. The variance Salisbury ^ween these two prelates still increased more and more. Rodulph, see ' archbishop of Canterbury, in no case would yield or condescend to Appendix. imposition of hands unto him, unless he would make his profes- Thurstm sion of obedience. Thurstin again said, he would willingly receive to f prof e h ss an d embrace his benediction ; but as touching the profession of his subjec- subjection, that he would not agree to. Then the king, declaring the arch- his mind therein, signified unto Thurstin, that, without his subjection cant°er- of an d obedience professed to the archbishop of Canterbury, he should Sndto no ^ en j°y n * s consecra tion to be archbishop of York. Whereunto renounce Thurstin, nothing replying again, renounced his archbishopric, pro- ins see. m j gm g ? moreover, to make no more claim unto it, nor to molest those who should enjoy it. a.d.1118. Shortly after* this, it happened that Pope Paschal died; after whom, as is above-rehearsed, succeeded Pope Gelasius, who lived not a year, and died in France. Whereupon the cardinals, who then followed the said Pope Gelasius unto Clugny, created another pope of their own choosing, whom they called Calixtus II. The other cardinals who were at Rome did choose another pope, called Gregory, of whom mention before is made : about which two popes much stir there was in Christian realms. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and there calling a general council at Rheims, as ye heard Seep.i76. before, Thurstin, the archbishop of York, desired license of the king to go to the council, purposing there to open the cause of his church ; which eftsoons he obtained : first promising the king that he would there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the Thurstin church of Canterbury. In the mean time the king had sent secret crS word unto the pope by Rodulph and other procurators, that in no case shop b of ne wou ld consecrate Thurstin. Yet, notwithstanding the faithful York by promise of the pope made to the king, so it fell out, that the said a-lamst 6 pope, through the suit of his cardinals, whom Thurstin had won to mind!" g ' B nmi 5 was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the pall. For this deed the king was sorely discontented with Thurstin, and warned him the entry of this land, council j n this council at Rheims, abovementioned, where were gathered itheims. 434 prelates, these five principal acts were concluded : 1. That no man should either buy or sell any bishopric, abbotship, deanery, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebendship, altar, or any ecclesiastical promotion or benefice, orders, consecration, church-hallowing, seat or stall within the quire, or any office ecclesiastical, under danger of excommunication if he did persist. 2. That no layperson should give investiture of any ecclesiastical possession; and that no spiritual man should receive any such at any layman's hand, under pain of deprivation. 3. That no man should invade, take away, or detain the goods or possessions HENRY THE EMPEROR EXCOMMUNICATED. 179 of the church ; but that they should remain firm and perpetual, under pain of Henry I. perpetual curse. ~a~7~ — 4. That no bishop or priest should leave any ecclesiastical dignity or benefice r.\ to any by way of inheritance. Adding, moreover, that for baptism, chrism, _ annoiling, or burial, no money should be exacted. 5. That all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be utterly debarred and sequestered from company of their wives and concubines, under pain of exclusion from all christian communion. The acts thus determined were sent at once to Henry, the empe- The acts ror, to see and try, before the breaking up of the council, whether tSfem- he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and P eror - investing of spiritual persons, and to other acts of the council. The The em- emperor maketh answer again, that he would lose nothing of that agreeih ancient custom which his progenitors had given him. Notwithstand- not \° the i r»i i • - *» i i -ii pope s in- mg, because oi the authority ot the general council, he was content vesting, to consent to the residue, save only the investing of ecclesiastical function to be taken from him, to which he would never agree. 1 Upon this, at the next return of the pope to the council, the emperor was appointed to be excommunicated ; which thing, when divers of the council did not well like, and therefore did separate themselves from the rest, the pope applying against them the similitude of the seventy disciples who were offended at the Lord, when he taught them of eating of his flesh and blood, and therefore divided themselves from him, declaring, moreover, to them, how they who gathered not with him scattered, and they that were not with him were against him : by these, and such like persuasions, reduced them again to his side ; and so, by that council, Henry the emperor was excommunicated. Henry It was not long after that the pope came to Gisors, where P er 0 Tex- Henry, king of England, resorted to him, desiring, and also obtaining of him, that he would send henceforth no legate, nor permit any to England be sent from Rome to England, unless the king himself should so no legate require, by reason of some occasion of strife, which else could not be g°™ e otherwise decided by his own bishops at home. The cause why the but the king required this of the pope was, for that certain Roman legates shop of had been in England a little before ; to wit, one Guido, and another j^ 161 ' Roman, named Anselm, and another also called Peter, who had f n o ^^ spoiled the realm of great treasure, as the accustomed manner of the there's proud pope's legates is wont to be. 2 Also he required of the pope le s ates - that he might use and retain all the customs used before by his fore- fathers in England and in Normandy. To these petitions the pope did easily consent, requiring again of f^J^ the king that he would license Thurstin, the archbishop above-named, of the to return with favour into his realm. But that the king utterly g ran? e d denied, unless he would profess subjection to the church of Canter- bury, as his predecessors had done before ; and excused himself by his oath which he before had made. To this the pope answered again, that he, by his authority apostolical, both might, and would also, easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said that he would talk with his council thereof, and so send him an answer of his mind ; which answer was this, That for the love and request of the pope, he was content that Thurstin should re-enter his realm, and quietly enjoy his prelateship, upon this condition, that he would (as (1) Ex Roger. Hoved. (2) Guliel. Malmesb. de Pont. lib. i. N 2 180 THURSTIN REINSTATED IN THE SEE OF YORK. Henry i. his predecessors did) profess his subjection to the church of Canter- A jy bury. Otherwise, said he, so long as he was king, he should never 1120. sit archbishop of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting — between the king of England and the pope for that time. a.d.1120. The year following, which was a.d. 1120, the aforesaid pope, Calixtus, directeth his letters for Thurstin to the king, and to Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury; in which epistles, by his full power apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Canterbury and the church of York, with all the parish churches within the same cities, from all divine service, from the burial also of the dead, except only the baptizing of children, and the absolution of those who lie dying; unless, within a month after the receipt of the same, Thurstin, without any exaction of subjection made, were received and admitted The king to the see of York, and that the king likewise should doubtless be peued to excommunicated, except he would consent unto the same. Where- Thurstin ll P on Thurstin, for fear of the pope's curse, was immediately sent for for fear of and reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his archiepis- cu e rs P e° pe ' s copal see of York. a.d.1122. It followed not long after, within two years, that Rodulph, areh- Friar? rey bishop of Canterbury, departed ; in whose see succeeded after him into e™- Gulielmus de Turbine. About this time, in the seven and twentieth land. ° year of the king's reign, the Grey Friars, by the procuring of the king, a.d. U25. came £ rs j. m | 0 England, and had their house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the king called a council at London, where the spiritualty of England, not knowing to what purpose it was required, condescended to the king to have the punishment of married priests : by reason of which grant, whereof the paiSor s pi r ^ ua ^y afterwards much repented, the priests, paying a certain their fine to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby The es ' the king gathered no small sum of money. 1 At this time began the SSm ^ rs ^ f° un dation of the monastery called Gisburn, in Cleveland, buiided. It was above touched, how Matilda, or Maud, daughter to King Appendix. Henry, was married to Henry V. the emperor; who, after the decease of the said emperor, her husband, returned about this time with the imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with James's ^ ier nanc ^ °^ James ; for joy whereof the king buiided hand. the abbey of Reading, where the said hand was reposed. This SSy mg Matilda was received by the said council to be next heir to the founded, king, her father, in possession of the English crown, for lack of bornof 11 ' issue male ; and soon after she was sent over to Normandy, to the'em-' man 7 Geoffrey Plantagenet, earl of Anjou, of whom came Henry II., press who, after Stephen, was king of England. About this time also was The 113 founded the priory of Norton, in the province of Chester, by one Ct r on° f William Fitz-Nigelle. founded. I n the stories of Polycln'onicon, Jornalensis, and Polydore, is ribie 6 r " declared, how King Henry was troubled greatly with three sundry thekin^ visions appearing unto him by night. The first was of a great mul- titude of husbandmen of the country, who appeared to fly upon him with their mattocks and instruments, requiring of him his debt which he did owe unto them. In the second, he saw a great number of soldiers and harnessed men coming fiercely upon him. In the third, (1) Ex Roger. Hoved. 7 ; et Malinesb. Gisburnens. Hunting, lib. vii. DREADFUL CONFLAGRATION IN LONDON. 181 he saw a company of prelates and churchmen, threatening him with Henry i. their bishops 1 staves, and fiercely approaching upon him ; whereupon ^ D being dismayed, in all haste he ran and took his sword to defend 1125. himself, finding there none to strike. Who afterward asking counsel " concerning these visions, was monished by one of his physicians named Grimbald, by repentance, alms, and amendment of life, to make some amends to God and to his country, whom he offended. Which three vows thus being made, the next year after he went to Three England ; where he, being upon the seas in a great tempest with his daughter Matilda, remembered there his three vows ; and so coming A.D.1131. to the land, for performance of the same, first released unto the commons the Dane-gilt which his father and brother before had Dane-giit renewed. Secondly, he went to St. Edmundsbury, where he showed released - great benefits to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured justice to be administered more rightly throughout his realm, &c. Also he ordained and erected a new bishopric at Carlisle. In the three and thirtieth year of this king's reign (as witnesseth The city a certain author) a great part of the city of London, with the church SaSh 1 !! of St. Paul, was burned with fire in Whitsun week. London After Calixtus (whose story and time is before discoursed) sue- Honorius ceeded Pope Honorius II. ; notwithstanding that the cardinals had ll - elected another, yet he, by the means of certain citizens, obtained the papacy, a.d. 1124. About the second year of his induction, as Antn came to Rome, which Arnulph, in his preaching, rebuked see, the dissolute and lascivious looseness, incontinency, avarice, and im- moderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his apostles in their poverty rather, and in pureness of life. By reason whereof this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility of Rome for a true disciple of Christ ; but of the cardinals and the clergy he was no less hated than favoured of the other, insomuch that privily, in the night season, they took him and destroyed him. This his martyrdom, saith he, was revealed to him before from God by an angel, he being in the desert, when he was sent forth to preach at Arpendi*. Rome ; whereupon he said to them publicly with these words : " I know, 11 saith he, " ye seek my life, and know you will shortly make me away privily : but why ? Because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your unmea- surable greediness in getting and heaping up riches, therefore be you displeased with me. I take here heaven and earth to witness, that I have preached to you that I was commanded of the Lord. But you contemn me and your Creator, who by his only-begotten Son hath redeemed you. And no marvel if you seek my death, being a sinful person, preaching unto you the truth, when as if St. Peter were here this day and rebuked your vices, which do so multiply above all mea- sure, you would not spare him neither." And having expressed this with a loud voice, he said moreover : " For my part I am not afraid to suffer death for the truth's sake ; but this I say to you, that God will look upon your impurities, and will be revenged ; for you, being full of all impurity, play the blind guides to the people committed to you, leading them the way to hell ; but God is a God of vengeance." Thus the hatred of the clergy being incensed against him for preach- ing truth, they conspired against him, and so laying privy wait for Amuiph, him, took him and drowned him. 2 Sabellicus and Platina say they hanged him. See l?pe7iriix. A^book"' In the second tome of the General Councils, printed at Cologne, parStum," is mentioned a certain book called " Opusculum Tripartitum," written, Jao"ears as tne co ^ ector °f the councils supposeth, above four hundred years ago- ago, either of this Arnulph, or just about the same time. In this Appendix, book, the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the church. First, of the number of holy days, declaring what occasions of vice grew thereby, according unto the common saying of naughty women, who say, they vantage more in one holy day than in fifty other days besides. Item, he complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches, whereby many be occasioned to bestow much good time, yea, many years, about the same, which otherwise they might give to the learning of better sciences. Appendix. (lj This and the next page are translated from Illyricns, cols. 1432, 1448. See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ex Trithemio. [Chron. Hirsaug. Ed. Francof 1601, p. 121, an. 1128 : t' e text has been col' rdted, and some slight corrections introduced. — Ed.] THE REALM OF FRANCE INTERDICTED. 183 Likewise he complaineth of the rabble and the multitude of Henry i. begging friars, and religious men and professed women, showing ~XdT" what great occasion of idle and uncomely life cometh thereof. 1130. Also of the inconsiderate promotion of evil prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reforming the evil demeanour of the people. Item, of the great wantonness and lasciviousness in their servants and families, concerning their excessive wearing of apparel. Item, he complaineth also of the outrageous and excessive gains that prelates and others under them take for their seal, especially of officials, scribes, and such like ; who give out the seal they care not how, nor wherefore, so they may gain money. He complaineth in like manner, that prelates be so slack and negligent in looking to the residents in their benefices. Further, he lamenteth the rash giving of benefices to parsons, vicars, and curates, not for any godliness or learning in them, but for favour or friendship, or intercession, or else for hope of some gain, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the church. After this, he noteth in prelates, how they waste and expend the goods of the church in superfluities ; or upon their kinsfolks, or other worse ways, which should rather be spent on the poor. Next, in the tenth chapter he complaineth, that through the negligence of men of the church, especially of the church of Rome, the books and monuments of the old councils, and also of the new, are not to be found, which should be reserved and kept in all cathedral churches. Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties. Also he reproacheth the unchaste and voluptuous demeanour of ecclesiastical persons by the example of storks, whose nature is, saith he, that if any of their company, leaving his own mate, joineth with any other, all the rest fly upon him, whether it be he or she, beat him, and pluck his feathers off : 44 What then," saith he, 44 ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose filthiness and corrupt life both defile so many, and stinketh in the whole church ?" Again, forasmuch as we read in the first book of Esdras (chap, ix.), Amend- that he, purging Israel of strange women, began first with the priests ; iffefii-st. so now likewise in the purging and correcting of all sorts of men, JjjJJtiw first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is priests, written by the prophet Ezekiel, 44 Begin first with my sanctuary."" Moreover, seeing that in the time of Philip, king of France, the The whole realm was interdicted, for that the king had a woman for his ^S^f wife, who could not be his wife by law ; and again, seeing in these j?*"- our days the king of Portugal hath been sequestered from his dominion King of by the authority of the church, being thought not sufficient to govern ; depS! — what then ought to be said to the prelate who abuseth other men's App s e ™ diIi wives, and virgins and nuns, who also is found unhable and insufficient to take upon him the charge of souls ? About a.d. 1128, the order of the knights of the Rhodes, called Johannites, also the order of Templars, rose up. oVthe ts After Honorius, next in the same usurpation succeeded Pope J^em. Innocent II., a.d. 1130. But as it was with his predecessors before piars. 184 DEATH OF KING HENRY, SU11NAMED BEAUCLERK. Henry i. him, that at every mutation of new popes, came new perturbations, ~A/dT an d commonly never a pope was elected but some other was set 1135. up against him, sometimes two, sometimes three popes together, so likewise it happened with this Innocent ; for after he was chosen, the Huriv Romans elected another pope, named Anacletus. Betwixt these burly" be- two popes there was much ado, and great conflicts, through the pipes" partaking of Roger, duke of Sicily, taking Anacletus's part against Innocent until Lothaire the emperor came ; who, rescuing Inno- cent, drove Roger out of Italy. Our stories record, that King Henry was one of the great helps in setting up and maintaining this Pope Innocent against Anacletus. 1 Amongst many other things, this pope decreed that whosoever did strike a priest or clerk, being shaven, he should be excommunicated, and not be absolved but only by the pope himself. Death of About the time of doing these things, a.d. 1135, King Henry, He'Syi. being in Normandy, as some say, by taking there a fall from his a.d.1135. horse, or, as others say, by taking a surfeit in eating lampreys, fell sick and died, after he had reigned over the realm of England five and thirty years and odd months, leaving for his heirs Matilda, tht: empress, his daughter, with her young son Henry to succeed him, to whom all the prelates and nobility of the realm were sworn. But, contrary to their oath made to Matilda, in the presence of her father before, William, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the nobles of the realm, crowned Stephen, earl of Boulogne, and sister's son to King Appendix. Henry, upon St. Stephen's day, in Christmas week ; which archbishop the next year after died, being, as it was thought, justly punished for his perjury. And many other lords, who did accordingly, went not quit without punishment. In the like justice of punishment is numbered also Roger, bishop of Salisbury ; who, contrary unto his oath, being a great doer in the coronation of Stephen, was appre- hended of the same king, and miserably, but justly, extermined. A certain written English story 2 I have, which addeth more, and saith, that King Stephen, having many foes in divers quarters keeping their holds and castles against him, went to Oxford, and took the The bishop of Salisbury, and put a rope about his neck, and so led him oTs^rum to the castle of Vies, that was his, and commanded them to render ?o 1 in Lin " U P tne castle, or he would slay and hang their bishop. Which castle taken being given up, the king took the spoil thereof. The like also he prisoner;,. ^.^ ^ e bishop of Lincoln, named Alexander ; whom in like Appendix. manner ^ e i e( j j n a r0 p e t 0 a castle of that bishop's, that was upon Trent, and bade them deliver up the castle, or else he would lian£ their lord before their gate. Long it was before the castle was given up ; yet at length the king obtaining it, there entered and took all the treasure of the bishop, &c. Roger Hoveden 3 and Fabian alleging a certain old author, whom I cannot find, refer a great cause of this perjury unto one Hugh Bigot, sometime steward with Kino Henry ; who, immediately after the death of the said Henry, came into England, and before the said archbishop, and other lords of the land, took wilfully an oath, and swore, that he was present a little before the king's death, when King Henry admitted for his heir, to (1) Gisbum. (2) Ex Chron. Angli. incerti autoris. (3) Roger Hoved. in Vit. Steph. Ex Fab. in Vit. Steph. CONTENTIONS FOR THE CROWN. 155 be king after him, Stephen his nephew, forasmuch as Matilda his stephm. daughter had discontented him. Whereunto the archbishop, with a. D. the other lords, gave too hasty credence. But this Hugh, saith 1135. he, scaped not unpunished, for he died miserably in a short time after. 1 ' Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wrought not without the practice of Henry, bishop of Winchester, and other prelates by his setting on, which Henry was brother to King Stephen. STEPHEN. 2 Thus, when King Stephen, contrary unto his oath made before a. d. to Matilda, the empress, had taken upon him the crown, as is above 1135. said, he swore before the lords at Oxford, that he would not hold the benefices that were voided, and that he would remit the Dane- gilt, with many other things, which afterwards he little performed. Moreover, because he dreaded the coming of the empress, he gave license to his lords, every one to build upon his own ground strong Building castles or fortresses, as they liked. All the time of his reign he was m Eng- vexed with wars, but especially with David, king of the Scots, with land - whom he was at length accorded : but yet the Scottish king did him no homage, because he was sworn to Matilda, the empress. Notwith- standing this, Henry, the eldest son to King David, did homage to King Stephen. But he, after repenting thereof, entered into North- The umberland with a great host, and burnt and slew the people in most JftSF cruel wise, neither sparing man, woman, nor child. Such as were Jj^da^ with child they ripped up ; the children they tossed upon their Engiish- spears 1 points ; and laying the priests upon the altars, they mangled men " and cut them all to pieces, after a most terrible manner. But by the manhood of the English lords and soldiers, and through the means of Thurstin, archbishop of York, they were met withal, and a great number of them slain, David their king being constrained to give up Henry, his son, as hostage for surety of peace. In the mean time, King Stephen was occupied in the south countries, besieging divers castles of divers bishops and other lords, and took them by force, and fortified them with his knights and servants, with intent to withstand the empress, whose coming he ever feared. About the sixth year of his reign, Matilda, the empress, came into AD England out of Normandy, and by the aid of Robert, earl of 1140. Maud, the empress, Gloucester, and Ranulph, of Chester, made strong war upon King g™f a jj° Stephen. In the end the king's party was chased, and himself taken against prisoner, and sent to Bristol, there to be kept in sure hold. The Stephen' same day when King Stephen should join his battle, it is said in a gone?. pri " certain old chronicle before mentioned, that he being at the mass (which then the bishop of Lincoln said before the king), as he went to offer up his taper, it brake in two ; and when the mass was done, (at what time the king should have been houseled) the rope whereby the pix 3 did hang did break, and the pix fell down upon the altar. (1) Ex Fabian. (2) Edition 1563, p. 34. Ed. 1583, p. 200. Ed. 1596, p. 182. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 226.— Ed. (3) The pix is a small box containing the consecrated wafer, which the papists call the host, to which they may be seen paying their adorations — Ed. 186 DUKE HENRY INVADES ENGLAND. Stephen After this battle, the queen, King Stephen's wife, lying then in Kent, A. D. m ade great labour to the empress and her council, to have the king 1143. delivered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtain ~~ it. Also the Londoners made great suit to the said empress, to have and to use again St. Edward's laws, and not the laws of her father, which were more strict and strange unto them than the others. When they could not obtain this of her and her council, the citizens of London, being therewith discontented, would have taken the empress; but she having knowledge thereof, fled privily from London to Ox- ford. But the Kentish-men and Londoners, taking the king's part, joined battle against the empress ; when the aforesaid Robert, earl of Stephen, Gloucester, and base brother to the empress, was taken, and so, by bert, earl exchange, both the king and earl Robert were delivered out of prison. SesSr.de- Then Stephen, without delay gathering to him a strong army, straitly nvered by pursued the aforesaid Matilda, or Maud, with her friends, besieging 1 ' them in the castle of Oxford, in the siege whereof fell a great snow and frost, so hard, that a man well laden might pass over the water ; upon which occasion, the empress bethinking herself, appointed with her friends and retinue, clothed in white sheets, and issuing out by a postern gate, went upon the ice over Thames, and so escaped to Wallingford. 1 After this, the king (the castle being gotten), when he found not the empress, was much displeased, and molested the country round about divers ways. In conclusion, he pursued the empress and her company so hard, that he caused them to fly the realm, which was in the sixth year of his reign. a.d.1143. The second year after this, which was the eighth year of his reign, there was a parliament held in London, to which all the bishops of the realm resorted, and there denounced the king accursed, and all those with him, who did any hurt to the church, or to any minister thereof. Whereupon the king began somewhat to amend his conditions for a certain space, but afterward, as my story saith, was as ill as he was before ; but what the causes were, my author maketh no mention, -me de- To return again to the story : the empress, compelled, as is said, to GToffen- % tne realm, returned again into Normandy, to Geoffery Plantagenet pianta- her husband, who, after he had valiantly won and defended the duchy of genet ' Normandy, against the puissance of King Stephen a long time, ended his life, leaving Henry, his son, to succeed him in that dukedom. In the mean while, Robert, earl of Gloucester, and the earl of Chester, who were strong of people, had divers conflicts with the king, inso- much that at a battle at Wilton, between them, the king was well nigh taken, but yet escaped with much difficulty. Henry, It was not long before Eustace, son to King Stephen, who had Norman- married the French king's sister, made war on Duke Henry of Nor- En-ianT mandy, but prevailed not. Soon after, the said Henry, duke of Nor- mandy, in the quarrel of his mother Matilda, with a great puissance entered England, and at the first won the castle of Malmesbury, then the Tower of London, and afterward the town of Nottingham, with other holds and castles, as of Wallingford, and other places. Thus, between him and the king were fought manv battles, to the great annoyance of the realm. During that time, fiustace, the king's son, departed ; upon which occasion the king caused Theobald, arch- (1) Ex incerti authoris Chronico. DEATH OF KING STEPHEN. 187 bishop of Canterbury, who succeeded next after William, above men- Stephen. tioned, to make overtures to the duke for peace, which was concluded A D between them upon this condition, — that Stephen, during his lifetime, should hold the kingdom, and Henry, in the mean time, be proclaimed heir apparent, in the chief cities throughout the realm. These things Peace done, Duke Henry taketh his journey into Normandy, King Stephen K*n g een and his son William bringing him on his way, where William, the ^ P Duke king's son, taking up his horse before his father, had a fall, and brake Henry, his leg, and so was had to Canterbury. The same year, about Death of October, King Stephen, as some say for sorrow, ended his life, after ^Lii. he had reigned nineteen years perjuredly. As Theobald succeeded William, archbishop of Canterbury, so in York, after Thurstin, succeeded William, who was called St. William of York, and was poisoned in his chalice by his chaplains. In the time of this king, in the sixteenth year of his reign, Theo- bald, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate to the pope, did hold a council in London. In this council first began new-found appella- tions from councils to the pope, found out by Henry, bishop of Winchester ; for, as the words of mine author do record, " In Anglia nam que appellationes in usu non erant, donee eas Henricus Winton- iensis episcopus, dum legatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In eodem nanrque concilio ad Romani pontificis audientiam ter appella- tum est," &c. That is, " for appellations before were not in use in England, till Henry, bishop of Winchester, being then the pope's legate, brought them cruelly in, to his own hurt. For in that council appeal was thrice made to the bishop of Rome." a. d. 1151, In the time of King Stephen died Gratian, a monk of Bologna, Gratian, who compiled a book of papal decrees, called ' Decretum ; ' also his o?The ler brother, Peter Lombard, bishop of Paris, who is called ' the Master of Sentences,' compiled his four books of the ' Sentences. 1 These p e ter two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and establishing maTtS this blind opinion of the sacrament, that only the similitude of bread £° c s p e s n ~ and wine remained, but not the substance of them ; and this they call ^ the spiritual understanding of the mystery, and therefore no marvel if the sun in those days were seen black and dim. Some also affirm, that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholastical History, was the third brother to these above-named. At the same time, and in the reign of the said King Stephen, was also Hugo, surnamed " De Sancto Victore f 1 about the which time, as Polychronicon reciteth, lived and died Bernard of Clairvaux. The author of the history called ' Jornalensis,' maketh also mention of Hildegard, the nun and prophetess, in Almain, as having lived in the same age ; concerning whose prophecy against the friars, hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shall be said, when we come to recite the order and number of friars and religious men crept into the church of Christ. We read, moreover, of one named Johannes de Temponbus, who, by the affirmance of most of our old histories, lived three hundred and sixty-one years, servant once to Charlemagne, and in the reign Ap £% diXt of Stephen king of England died. 1 In the days also of this king, and by him, was builded the abbey (1) Polychron. lib. vii. Continuator Henr. Hunt. Jornalensis in Vita Steph. Nichol. Trivet, Sen. 188 CIVIL COMMOTIONS AT ROME. st( v hen - of Fevershain, where his son and he were buried. He builded the A. D. monastery of Furness, and that of Fountains; also the castle of Wallingford, with a number of other castles more. Appendix. During the time of the said King Stephen, a.d. 1144, the mise- crudfied S raD ^ e Jews crucified a child in the city of Norwich. 1 a cMid at Much about the same time came up the order of the Gilbertines, by TheVrder one Gilbert, son to Jacoline de Sempringham, a knight of Lincolnshire. Giiber- Mention hath been made before of certain English councils holden tines. in the time of this king, where, in one of them, under Theobald the Appendix, archbishop of Canterbury, it was decreed that bishops should live more discreetly ; should teach their flock more diligently ; that reading of Scriptures should be more usual in abbeys ; that priests should not The ( be rulers of worldly matters ; and that they should learn and teach ^ayer the Lord's Prayer and Creed in English. 2 creecMn Matthew Paris 3 writeth, how Stephen, king of England, in these English, days reserved to himself the right and authority of bestowing spiritual livings, and investing prelates. At that time, also, Lothaire, the emperor, began to do the like, in recovering again the right and pri- vilege taken away from Henry, his predecessor, had not Bernard given him contrary counsel, a.d. 1138. cursing Here came into the church the manner of cursing with book, bell, book, bell, and candle, devised in the council of London, holden by William, d? e d ° an bishop of Winchester, under Pope Celestine, who succeeded after Innocent, a.d. 1144. Also to Lothaire, succeeded in the imperial crown, Conrad III., 4 the nephew of Henry V. beforementioned, who alone, of many emperors, is not found to receive the crown at the pope's hand, a.d. 1138. In the days of this emperor, who reigned fifteen years, w r ere divers popes, as Celestine II., Lucius II., Eugene III., at which time the Komans went about to recover their former old manner of choosing their consuls and senators. But the popes, then being in their ruff, in no case would abide it ; whereupon arose many commotions, with Jiu P s e n u mncn civil war amongst them, insomuch that Pope Lucius, sending warring for aid to the emperor, who otherwise hindered at that time could not theTena- come, armed his soldiers, thinking to invade them, or else to destroy tors - them in their senate-house. But this coming to their knowledge beforehand, the people were all in array, and much ado was among them ; Pope Lucius being also among them in the fight, and well pelted with stones and blows, lived not long after. Likewise Pope spiritual Eugene after him, pursuing the Romans for the same matter, first mimka- did curse them with excommunication ; and afterwards, when he Ssedin saw that would not serve, he came with his host, and so compelled temporal them at length to seek peace, and to take his conditions, which were causes. J \ (1) Nichol. Trivet, et alii. (2) Malmesb. (3) Matth. Paris, lib. Chron. iv. (4) In the reign of Conrad, in consequence of some advantages obtained by the Saracens in the East, Bernard of Clairvaux, a learned and eloquent man, whose lecture to the pope may be seen in Dupin's Eccles. Hist. cent, xii., began to rouse the minds of the western nations, and directed their thoughts to the second crusade, a.d. 1146. Conrad III., the emperor of Germany, set forward with a numerous army to the East ; but in November, in the same year, he was unexpectedly attacked by the sultan of Iconium, and his army destroyed. We are told that his force consisted of 70,000 coats of mail, besides infantry and light-horse. The emperor escaped, and joined the French king, Louis VII., at Ephesus. Nor was the latter, who appeared at the head of a second arma- ment, more fortunate ; in January, the following year, he too, through an error in the movements of his troops, was surprised and defeated, in an impetuous attack of the Saracens ; the army was destroyed, and the king and the emperor retired to Jerusalem. Eugene III. was pope at that time. — Ed. HENRY II. ASCENDS THE THRONE. 189 these : — That they should abolish their consuls, and take such H enry n. senators as he, by his papal authority, should assign them. a.D. Then followed Anastasius IV., and after him Adrian IV., an 1154. Englishman, by name called Breakspear, belonging once to St. Alban's pope This Adrian kept great stir, in like manner, with the citizens of Rome, |^ish- n for abolishing their consuls and senate, cursing, excommunicating, man. and warring against them with all the power he could make, till in time he removed the consuls out of their office, and brought them all under his subjection. The like business and rage he also stirred up against Apulia, and especially against the empire, blustering and thundering against Frederic, the emperor, as (the Lord granting) you shall hear anon, after we have prosecuted such matter as necessarily appertaineth first to the continuation of our English story. HENRY THE SECOND. 1 Henry II., the son of Geoffery Plantagenet, and of Matilda, the A. D. empress, and daughter of King Henry I., began his reign after King 1154. Stephen, and continued five and thirty years. The first year of his App s e e ' dix _ reign he subdued Ireland ; and not long after, Thomas Becket was Thomas made by him lord chancellor of England. This king cast down f^nSi divers castles erected in the time of King Stephen. He went into E n °f and the north parts, where he subdued William, king of Scotland, who at that time held a great part of Northumberland, as far as Newcastle- upon-Tyne, and joined Scotland to his own kingdom, from the south ocean to the north isles of Orcades. Also he put under his dominion the kingdom of Wales, and there felled many great woods, and made the ways plain, so that by his great manhood and policy the seigniory of England was much augmented with the addition of Scotland, Ire- land, the Orcades isles, Britanny, Poitou, and Guienne. Also he had in his rule Normandy, Gascony, Anjou, and Chinon ; also Auvergne and the city of Tholouse he won, and were to him subject. Over and besides, by the title of his wife Eleanor, daughter to the earl of Poic- tou, he obtained the mount Pyreneein Spain ; so that we read of none of his progenitors who had so many countries under his dominion. In England were seen in the firmament two suns, or (as it is in Chro- nica Chronicorum) in Italy appeared three suns by the space of three hours, in the west; the year following, a. d. 1158, appeared three moons, whereof the middle moon had a red cross athwart the face, whereby was betokened, in the judgment of some, the great schism which afterwards happened among the cardinals, for the election of the bishop of Rome ; or else rather the business between Frederic, the Gerhar- emperor, and the popes, whereof partly now incidently occasion giveth Suidnus, us to discourse after that I have first written of Gerhardus and Dul- P r ^ t ers cinus of No vara ; against whom it was alleged chiefly, that they did Anti- earnestly labour and preach against the church of Rome, defending chr "^ and maintaining that prayer was not more holy in one place than A *>p en(lt * in another ; that the pope was Antichrist ; that the clergy and prelates of Rome were reject, and the very whore of Babylon prefigured in the Apocalypse. Perad venture these had received some light of knowledge of the Waldenses : who, at length, with a great number of il) Edition 15G3, p. 35. Ed. 15S3. p. 202. Ed. 1596, p. 183. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 228 — Ed. 190 WARS STIRRED UP BY THE POPE. right stiriup. gewr& /r ; tiieir followers, were oppressed and slain by the pope. 1 And although A.D. some inconvenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assem- 1155 - blies be against them alleged by some, yet these times of ours do teach us sufficiently what credit is to be given to such popish slanders, forged rather through hatred of true religion, than upon any judgment of truth. Illyricus, in his book " De testibus," referreth the time of these two to a.d. 1280 ; but, as I find in the story of Robert Gis- burne, these two, about a. d. 1158, brought thirty with them into England, who by the king and the prelates were all burnt in the forehead, and so driven out of the realm, and afterwards, as Illyricus writeth, were slain by the pope. Frederic And now, according to my promise premised, the time requireth rossaf" to Proceed to the history of Frederic L, called Barbarossa, successor emperor to Conrad in the empire, who marched up to Italy, to subdue there Appendix, certain rebels. The pope, hearing that, came with his clergy to meet him by the way, in a town called Sutrium, thinking by him to find The pope aid against his enemies. The emperor, seeing the bishop, lighteth tha P t 1 tii S e ed ^ rom norse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the prelate on Sd P n X ° r ^ e ^ s ^ e ' wnen ne sno u±cl have held it on the right, whereat the hold his pope showed himself somewhat aggrieved. The emperor, smiling, excused himself, by saying, that he was never accustomed to hold stirrups ; and seeing it was done only of good will, and of no design, it was the less matter what side of the horse he held. The next day, to make amends to the bishop, the emperor sending for him, received him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, and so all the matter was made whole, and he the pope's own white son again. The After this, as they were come in and sat together, Adrian, the pope, practice 1 * 1 beginneth to declare to him how his ancestors before him, such as in setting sought to the see of Rome for the crown, were wont always to leave princes V together behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence eJrs h , e for the obtaining thereof, as Charlemagne, in subduing the Lom- Applndix. bards ; Otho, the Berengarians ; Lothaire, the Normans, &c. ; where- fore he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring again the country of Apulia to the church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he, for his part, again would do that which appertained unto him to do ; meaning in giving him the crown, for at that time the popes had brought the emperors to fetch their crown at their hands, a. d. 1155. Frederic, with his princes, perceiving that unless he would of his own proper costs and charges get back Apulia out of Duke William's hands, he could not speed of the crown, was fain to promise ail that Appendix, the pope required, and so the next day after he was crowned. This done, the emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subduing of Apulia. In the mean while Adrian, not thinking to be idle, first giveth forth censures of excom- munication against William, duke of Apulia ; and, not content with War stir- this, he sendeth also to Emmanuel, emperor of Constantinople, in- thepopef censing him to war against the aforesaid William. The duke per- more ceiving this, sendeth to the pope for peace, promising to restore to gainful him whatsoever he would. But the pope, through the malignant pea? e . counsel of his cardinals, would grant no peace, thinking to get more See Appendix. (1) Ex Hifct. Gisburnonsis. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. 191 by war. The duke seeing nothing but war, prepareth himself with Henry u all expedition to the same. To be brief, collecting an army out of A D all Sicily, he arriveth at Apulia, and there putteth the emperor 1155. Emmanuel to flight. This done, he proceedeth to the city of Bene- vento, where the pope and his cardinals were looking for victory. He The pope planting there his siege, so straitly pressed the city, that the pope treatf 0 r° and his cardinals were glad to entreat for peace, which they refused peac ^ before. The duke granted to their peace upon certain conditions, that A PP endi *- is, that neither he should invade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the pope should make him king of both Sicilies. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop, coming to Rome, was no less troubled there about their consuls and senators, insomuch that when his curses and excommunications could not prevail nor serve, he was fain to leave Rome, and removed to Rimini. a^m* The emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to con- sider with himself, how the pope had given Apulia, which of right Ap peZi X belonged to the empire, to duke William, and had extorted from the emperors, his predecessors, the investing and endowing of prelates ; how he had pilled and polled all nations by his legates, and also had been the sower of seditions through all his empery : he began therefore to require of all the bishops of Germany homage, and oath of their allegiance ; commanding also the pope's legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be received ; charging, The god moreover, all his subjects that none of them should appeal to Rome. jLdhigs Besides this, in his letters he set and prefixed his name before the Jj.^ 6 " pope's name ; whereupon the pope being not a little offended, di- emperor rected his letters to the aforesaid Frederic the emperor, after this the pope, tenor and form as following. Copies of the Letters between Adrian, the pope, and Frederic, the emperor. 1 Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Frederic, Roman emperor, health and apostolical benediction. The law of God, as it promiseth to them that honour father and mother long life, so it threateneth the sentence of death to them that cv**e father and mother. We are taught by the word of truth, that every one that exalteth himself shall be brought low. Wherefore, my well- beloved son in the Lord, we marvel not a little at your wisdom, in that you seem not to show that reverence to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to show. For why ? In your letters sent to us, you The em prefer your own name before ours, wherein you incur the note of insolency, peror's yea rather, to speak it, of arrogancy. What! should I here recite unto you f 0 a r ™ti!e the oath of your fidelity, which you sware to blessed St. Peter, and to us, and pope's, how you observe and keep the same ? Seeing you so require homage and alle- giance of them that be gods, and all the sons of the High God, and presume io join their holy hands with yours, working contrary to us ; seeing also you ex- clude, not only out of your churches, but also out of your cities, our cardinals, whom we direct as legates from our side ; what shall I say then unto you ? Amend therefore, I advise you, amend ; for while you go about to obtain of us your consecration and crown, and to get those things you have not, I fear much your honour will lose the things you have. Thus fare ye well. The Answer of Frederic the Emperor to the Pope.* Fitdieric, by the grace of God, Roman emperor, ever Augustus, unto Adrian, bishop of the catholic church, wisheth that he may be found to cleave unto (1) Adrianus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Frederico imperatori salutem et apostolicarc henediptionem, &c. [Given by Illyricus, cols. 1369, 1370, from Nauclerus, Gen Kxxix — Ed.] (2) Collated with, and corrected from, the original in Nauclerus.— Ed. 192 EXCOMMUNICATION OF FREDERIC. A. D. 1155. Appendix. Henry II. those things which Jesus began to do and to teach. The law of justice giveth to every person that which is his. Accordingly we do not derogate from our parents, of whom, according as we have received this our dignity of the im- perial crown and governance, so in the same kingdom of ours we do render their due and true honour to them again. And forasmuch as the like duty is to be required in all sorts of men, let us see first in the time of Constantine, what patrimony or regality Silvester, then bishop of Rome, had of his own, due to him, that he might claim. Did not Constantine, of his liberal benignity, give liberty, and restore peace unto the church? and whatsoever regality or patrimony the see of your papacy hath, was it not by the donation of princes given unto them? When we write to the Roman pontiff, therefore, we prefix our name, and allow him to do the same in writing to us. Revolve and turn over the ancient chronicles ; if either you have not read, or neglected, that we do affirm, there it is to be found. Of those who be gods by adoption, and hold lordships of us, why may we not justly require their homage, and their sworn allegiance? when as He who is both your Master and ours, who holds nothing of any superior lord, but giveth all good things to all men, paid toll and tribute for himself and Peter unto Caesar ; giving you therein an example to do the like : who saith to you and all men, " Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of heart." Wherefore either render again your lordships and patrimonies which ye hold of us, or else if ye find them so sweet unto you, then give that which is due to God, unto God ; and that which is due to Caesar, unto Caesar. As for your cardinals, we shut them out both of churches and cities, for that we see them not preachers, but prowlers ; not repairers of peace, but rakers for money; not pillars and upholders of the church, but pollers insatiable of the world, and moilers for money and gold. What time we shall see them to be other men, such as the church requireth them to be, makers of peace, shining forth like lights to the people, assisting poor and weak men's causes in the way of equity, then shall they find us prest and ready to relieve them with stipends, and all things necessary. And whereas you put such questions as these, little conducing to religion, before secular men, you incur thereby no little blemish of your humility, which is keeper of all virtues, and of your mansuetude. Therefore let your fatherhood beware and take heed, lest in moving such matters as seem to us unseemly for you, ye lay a stumbling-block before such as depend on your word, giving ear to your mouth, as it were to an evening shower ; for we cannot but reply to that we hear, seeing how the detestable beast of pride doth creep into the seat of Peter. Fare ye well, so long as ye provide as much as in you lieth for the peace of the church. Upon this Adrian the pope directetli out a bull against Frederic, excommunicating him with public and solemn ceremonies. Moreover conspiring with William, duke of Apulia, he sought all manner of ways to infest the emperor, and to set all men against him, especially the clergy. Amongst many others writing to Hillinus, bishop- of Treves, to Arnulph, bishop of Mentz, and to Frederic, bishop of Cologne, he seeketh first to make them of his side. His epistle to them soundeth to this effect. The empire of Rome was transferred from the Greeks to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called emperor, before he were crowned of the bishop apostolical. Before his consecration he is a king, afterwards emperor. Whence hath he his empire then, but of us? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king ; by our consecration he hath the name of the emperor, of Augustus, or of Caesar; ergo, by us he reigneth as emperor. Search ancient authorities. Pope Zacharias promoted Charlemagne and made him a great name, that he was made and called emperor; and after that, the king of Almains was ever named emperor, and advocate to the see apostolical, so that Apulia, conquered by him, was subdued to the bishop of Rome ; which Apulia, with the city of Rome, is ours, and not the emperor's. Our seat is at Rome ; the seat of the emperor is at Aix la Chapelle, in Ardenne, which is a forest in France. Well The emperor, whatsoever he hath, he hath it of us : as Zacharias did translate brag-ed, the empire from the Greeks to the Almains, so we may translate it again from apope ke the Almains to the Greeks. Behold it lieth in our power to give it to whom we A sedi- tious and proud letter of the pope to the bishops of Germany. PRESUMPTUOUS CONDUCT OF ADRIAN. 193 wifi, being therefore set up of God above Gentiles and nations, to destroy and Henry II. pluck up, to build and to plant," &C. 1 ~ ^ And yet further to understand the ambitious presumption of this 1157. proud see of Rome, it so chanced, that this emperor Frederic, at scripture" his first coming up to Rome, did behold there, in the palace of tested. Lateran, a certain picture brought forth unto him, how Lothaire II., the emperor, was crowned of the pope, with the inscription of certain verses in Latin, declaring how the aforesaid emperor, coming to Rome, first did swear to the city, after was made the pope's man, and so of him received the crown. Frederic, offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, that it should be no cause of any dissension hereafter. The pope understanding the intent of the emperor, how loth he was to come under subjection to his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass ; and first taking his A j£ dix occasion by the archbishop of Lundens being then detained in custody (I cannot tell by whom) sent divers and sharp letters unto him, and yet not so sharp, as proud and disdainful ; wherein the first salutation by his legates was this : " Our most blessed father, the pope, greeteth you, and the universal company of the cardinals ; he, as your father ; they, as your brethren." 2 Meaning thereby that he see the should understand himself to be subject and underling to the pope, pSsimp- no less than the cardinals were. Moreover, in his letters, objecting p\° 0 n u Jj f a divers things against him, he reciteth how many and great benefits priest, he had received of the church of Rome, by the which church he had obtained the fulness of his honour and dignity, &c. The emperor, with his princes, perceiving whereunto the pope by his legates did shoot, being a prince of courage, could not abide such intolerable presumption of a proud message, whereupon much contention fell between the legates and the princes. "And of whom then," say the legates, " receiveth Csesar the empiry, if he take it not of the pope ?" With that word the German princes were so much offended, that, had not the emperor stayed them with much ado, they would have used violence against the legates. But the emperor, not permitting that, commanded the legates away, straightly charging them to make no turn by the way to any person or persons, but straight to depart home. And he, to certify the whole state of the empire, of the truth of the matter, directeth forth these letters that follow. The tenor of the Emperor's letter sent through all his empire. 3 Forasmuch as the Providence of God, whereon dependeth all power both in heaven and earth, hath committed to us, his anointed, this our regiment and empire to be governed, and the peace of his churches by our imperial arms to be protected; we cannot but lament and complain to you, with great sorrow of heart, seeing such causes of dissension, the root and fountain of evils, and the infection of pestiferous corruption thus to arise from the holy church, imprinted with the seal of peace and love of Christ. By reason whereof (except God turn it away), we fear the whole body of the church is like to be polluted, the unity thereof to be broken, and schism and division to be betwixt the spiritual and temporal regiment. For we being alate at Besan^on, and there treating busily of matters pertaining as well to the (1) The Latin copy of this letter appears in the edition of 1563, p. 37. — E >. (2) " Salutat vcs beatissimus pater noster papa, et universitas cardinalium, iile ut pater, hi ut See tratres." lix Radevico, in appendice [ad Othonem] Frisingensem. [See Appendix.— Ed.] Appendix (3) The Latin copy of this letter is also in the edition of 1563, p. 38.— Ed. VOL. II. O 194 FIRMNESS OF THE EMPEROR. Henry II honour of our empire, as to the wealth of the churches, there came ambassadors of the see apostolical, declaring that they brought a legacy to our majesty of A.D. great importance, redounding to the no small commodity of our honour and 1158 . empire. Who then, the first day of their coming, being brought to our presence, and received of us (as the manner is) with honour accordingly, audience was given them to hear what they had to say. They forthwith bursting out of the mammon of iniquity, haughty pride, stoutness, and arrogancy, out of the execrable presumption of their swelling heart, did their message with letters apostolical, whereof the tenor was this: That we should always have before our eyes, how that our sovereign lord, the pope, gave vis the imperial crown, and that it doth not repent him, if so be we have received greater benefits at his hand. And this was the effect of that so sweet and fatherly legation, which should nourish peace both of the church and of the empire, to unite them fast together in the band of love. At the hearing of this so false, untrue, and most vain-glorious presumption of so proud a message, not only the emperor's majesty conceived indignation, but also all the princes there present were moved with such anger and rage thereat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they would not have held their hands from these wicked priests, or else would have proceeded with sentence of death against them. Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (partly written already, partly with seals ready signed, for letters to be written according, as they should think good, to the churches of Germany) were found about them, whereby to work their conceived intent of iniquity here in our churches, to spoil the altars, to carry away the jewels of the church, and to flay off the limbs and plates of Note here golden crosses, &c. : to the intent their avaricious meaning should have no a coura- further power to reign, we gave them commandment to depart the same way heart in a ^ ie ^ came * And now > seeing our reign and empire standeth upon the election valiant of princes, from God alone, who in the passion of his Son, subdued the world to emperor: be governed with two swords necessary ; and, again, seeing Peter, the apostle, pie foTall natn so informed the world with this doctrine, " Deum timete, regem honorin- princes to cate:" that is, " Fear God, honour your king :" therefore, who-so saith that we follow. have and possess our imperial kingdom by the benefit of the lord pope, is contrary both to the ordinance of God, and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shall be reproved for a liar. Therefore as our endeavour hath been heretofore to help and to deliver the servile captivity of churches out of the hand, and from the yoke, of the Egyp- tians, and to maintain the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you all with your compassion to lament with us this slanderous ignominy inferred to us and our kingdom, trusting that your faithful good-will, which hath been ever trusty to the honour of this empire (never yet blemished from the first beginning of this city, and of religion,) will provide, that it shall have no hurt through the strange novelty and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing rather than it should come to pass, know you this for certain, I had rather incur the danger of death, than suffer such confusion to happen in our days. This letter of Csesar fretted the pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and willing them to work against him what they could. They answer again with all obedience to the pope, submitting themselves, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather, and exhorted him henceforth to temper his letters and legacies with more gentleness and modesty ; which counsel he also followed, perceiving otherwise that he could not prevail. Much trouble had good Frederic with this pope, but much more with the other that followed. For this pope continued not very u he order long, the space only of four years and odd months. About his time Sits"" rose up the order of the hermits, by one William, once duke of Aquitaine, and afterwards a friar. This Adrian, walking with his THE POPE CURSES THE EMPEROR. 195 cardinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia, or Arignanum, as Vola- Henry 1 1 teran calleth it, chanced to be choked with a fly getting into his A 1} throat, and so was strangled ; who, in the latter time of his papacy, 1159. was wont to say, that there is no more miserable kind of life in the The j Ud ~ earth than to be pope, and to come to the papacy by blood ; that is, JJJJf said he, not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who, to reign nan. alone, did slay his brother. J 0 h p e es ra _ Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, ther suc ~ © o ' J 1 cessors tc one Alexander III., who yet was not elected alone ; for beside him the Romulus emperor, with nine cardinals, (albeit Sabellicus saith but with three,) p e ter.° did set up another pope, named Victor IV. Between these two popes arose a foul schism and great discord, and long continued, insomuch that the emperor being required to take up the matter, sent for them both to appear before him, that in hearing them both he might judge their cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander, disdaining that his matter should come in controversy, refused to appear. Hereupon the emperor, with a full consent of his bishops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the city, there to be received and placed. Alexander flying Aiexan- into France, accurst them both, sending his letters to all Christendom JgJ c ^*' against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all christian emperor, company. Also, to get him friends at Rome, by flattery and money he got on his side the greatest part of the city, both to the favouring of him, and to the setting up of such consuls as were for his purpose. After this, Alexander, coming from France to Sicily, and from thence to Rome, was there received with much favour, through the help of Philip the French king. The emperor, hearing this rebellion and conspiracy in Rome, ad.iigi. removed with great power into Italy, where he had destroyed divers great cities. Coming at length to Rome, he required the citizens that the cause betwixt the two popes might be decided, and that he who had the best right might be taken. If they would so do, he would restore again that which he took from them before. Alexander, mistrusting his part, and doubting the wills of the citizens, and having ships ready prepared for him, from William, duke of Apulia, fetched a course about to Venice. To declare here the difference in histories, between Blondus, Sabellicus, and the Venetian chroniclers, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will overpass. In this most do agree, that the pope being at Venice, and required to be sent by the Venetians to the emperor, they would not send him. Whereupon Frederic the emperor sent thither his son Otho, with men and ships well appointed, charging him not to attempt any thing before his coming. The young man, more hardy than circumspect, joining with the Venetians, was overcome, and so taken, was brought into the city. Hereby the pope took no small occasion to work his feats. The father, to help the captivity and misery of his son, was compelled to submit himself to the pope, and to entreat for peace : so the emperor coming to Venice, (at St. Mark's church, where the bishop was, there to take his absolution,) was bid to kneel down at the pope's feet. The proud pope, setting his foot upon the emperor's neck, said. Ap ^' iu o 2 ■ 196 THE LIFE AND HISTORY OF THOMAS UECKET, Henry ii. the verse of the psalm, " Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis, et A P3 conculcabis leonem et draconem that is, " Thou shalt walk upon 1164. the adder and on the basilisk, and shalt tread down the lion and the dragon." To whom the emperor answering again, said, " Non tibi abuSd* se( * P etro : " tnat ^ " Not to tnee ' ^ ut to P eter -" The pope again, The pope " Et mihi et Petro ; w " Both to me and to Peter." The emperor, on e the" g f earm g to give any occasion of further quarrelling, held his peace, emperor's and so was absolved, and peace made between them. The conditions whereof were these. First, that he should receive Alexander for the true pope. Secondly, that he should restore again to the church of Rome all that he had taken away before. And thus the emperor, obtaining again his son, departed. Here as I note in divers writers a great diversity and variety touching the order of this matter, of whom some say that the emperor encamped in Palestine, before he came to Venice, some say, after ; so I marvel to see in Volateran, so great a favourer of the pope, such a contradiction, who in his two and twentieth book saith, that Otho, the emperor's son, was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of the peace between his father and the pope. And in his three and twentieth book again saith, that the emperor himself was taken prisoner in the same battle : and so afterwards, peace concluded, took his journey to Asia and Palestine. This pope, in the time of Appendix, his papacy, which continued two and twenty years, kept sundry council of councils both at Tours and at Lateran, where he confirmed the wicked xhe eran ' proceedings of Hildebrand and others his predecessors, as to bind all clergy orders of the clergy to the vow of chastity ; which were not greatly th^vow 0 to be reprehended, if they would define chastity aright. " For whoso tity haS nve th not a chaste life," saith he, " is not fit to be a minister." But herein lieth an error full of much blindness, and also peril, to think that matrimony immaculate, as St. Paul calleth it, is not chastity, but only a single life, that they esteem to be a chaste life. Now forasmuch as our English pope-holy martyr, called Thomas Becket, happened also in the same time of this Pope Alexander, let us somewhat also story of him, so far as the matter shall seem worthy of knowledge, and to stand with truth : to the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lies of such popish writers as paint out his story, men may the better judge of him, both what he was, and also of his cause. €ty $tetorp of £f}oma£ 23ecfeet, If the cause make a martyr, as is said, I see not why we should esteem Thomas Becket to die a martyr, more than any others whom the prince's sword doth here temporally punish for their temporal deserts. To die for the church I grant is a glorious matter. But the church, as it is a spiritual and not a temporal church, so it standeth Becket no upon causes spiritual, and upon a heavenly foundation, as upon martyr. f ar th, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to God's a.d.i ii 7. commandments ; and not upon things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, privileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If these be given to the church, I pray God ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 197 churchmen may use them well; but if they be not given, the church Henry n cannot claim them ; or if they be taken away, that standeth in the a.dT prince's power. To contend with princes for the same, it is no 1117 matter, in my mind, material to make a martyr, but rather is it a to rebellion against those to whom we owe subjection. Therefore, as I I 164 - suppose Thomas Becket to be far from the cause and title of a martyr, neither can he be excused from the charge of being a plain rebel against his prince ; yet would I have wished again the law rather publicly to have found out his fault, than the swords of men, not bidden nor sent, to have smitten him, having no special command- ment either of the prince, or of the law so to do. For though the indignation of the prince, as the wise prince saith, is death, yet it is not for every private person straightways to revenge the secret indig- nation of his prince, except he be publicly authorized thereunto ; and this had been, as I suppose, the better way, namely, for the laws first to have executed their justice upon him. Certes, it had been the safest way for the king, as it proved after, who had just matter enough, if he had prosecuted his cause against him ; and also thereby his death had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither had there followed that shrining and sainting of him as there did. Albeit the secret providence of God, which governeth all things, did see this way, percase, to be best., and most necessary for those days. And doubtless, to say here what I think, and yet to speak nothing against charity, if the emperors had done the like to the popes contending against them, what time they had taken them prisoners ; that is, if they had used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their traitorous rebellion, they had broken the neck of much disturbance, which long time after did trouble the church. But for lack of that, because emperors having the SAvord, and the truth on their side, would not use their sword ; but standing in awe of the pope's vain curse, and reverencing his seat for St. Peter's sake, durst not lay hand upon him, though he were never so abominable and traitorous a malefactor : the popes, per- ceiving that, took upon them, not as much as the Scripture would give, but as much as the superstitious fear of emperors and kings would suffer them to take ; which was so much, that it past all order, rule, and measure : and all, because the superior powers either would not, or durst not, practise the authority given unto them of the Lord, upon those inferiors, but suffered them to be their masters. But, as touching Thomas Becket, whatsoever is to be thought of them that did the act, the example thereof yet bringeth this profit with it, to teach all Romish prelates not to be so stubborn, in, such matters not pertaining unto them, against their prince, unto whom God hath subjected them. Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quad- Thomas rilogo, by those four, 1 who took upon them to express the life and ^SJ^ process of Thomas Becket, it appeareth by all conjectures, that he Ap p^ di ^ was a man of a stout nature, severe, and inflexible. What persuasion or opinion he had once conceived, from that he would in nowise be removed, or very hardly. Threatening and flattery were to him both (1) Herbertus de Boscham, Johan Chaniot, Alanus, abbot of Te\vkesbuiy ; William, of Canter- bury 198 THE CHARACTER OF THOMAS BECKKT. Henryii. one; in this point singular, following no man's counsel so much as "7^ d his own. Great helps of nature there were in him, if he could have 1117 used them well, rather than of learning; albeit somewhat skilful to he was of the civil law, which he studied at Bologna ; in memorv n(34 - excellent good, and also well broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and strait life, if the histories be true ; although in the first part of his life, being yet archdeacon of Canterbury, and afterwards lord chancellor, he was very civil, courtly, and pleasant, given much both to hunting and hawking, according to the guise of the court ; and highly favoured he was of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him, but also had com- mitted his son and heir to his institution and governance. But in this his first beginning he was not so well-beloved, but afterwards he was again as much hated, and deservedly, both of the king, and also of the most part of his subjects, save only of certain monks and priests, and such others as were persuaded by them, who magnified him not a little for upholding the liberties of the church ; that is, the licentious life and excess of churchmen. Amongst all others, these vices he had most notable, and to be rebuked ; he was full of devo- tion, but without any true religion : zealous, but clean without know- what ledge/ And, therefore, as he was stiff and stubborn of nature, so o? wind ( a blind conscience being joined withal) it turned to plain rebellion, tufe of Sti " ^° su P er stitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot right his obedience to his natural and most beneficent king : and in main- ledge." taining, so contentiously, the vain constitutions an 1- decrees of men, he neglected the commandments of God. But herein was he most of all to be reprehended, that not only, contrary to the king's know- ledge, he sought to convey himself out of the realm, being in that place and calling, but also, being out of the realm, he set matter of discord between the pope and his king, and also between the French kiDg and him, contrary to all honesty, good order, natural subjection, and true Christianity. Whereupon followed no little disquietness after to the king, and damage to the realm, as here, in process and order following, by the grace of Christ, we will declare ; first begin- ning with the first rising up of him, and so consequently prosecuting in order his story, as followeth : — Poiydore And first, to omit here the progeny of him and of his mother, eththe named Rose, whom Poiydore Virgil falsely nameth to be a Saracen, Becket ° f wnen indeed she came out of the parts bordering near to Normandy ; Appendix t° om it a l so the fabulous vision of his mother, mentioned in Robert of Cricklade, of a burning torch issuing out of her body, and reaching up to heaven ; his first preferment was to the church of Branfield, which he had by the gift of St. Alban's. 1 After that, he entered into the service of the archbishop of Canterbury, by whom he was then preferred to be his archdeacon ; and afterwards, by the said Theobald, he was put, as a man meet for his purpose, to King Henry, to bridle the young king, that he should not be fierce against the clergy ; whom in process of time the king made lord chancellor, and then he left tpp^dix. Paying the archdeacon, and began to play the chancellor. He fashioned his conditions like to the king's both in weighty matters and trifles ; he would hunt with him, and watch the time when the (1) Ex Roberto Crikelaclensi et ex Florilego. [See Appendix.] CAUSES OF HIS VARIANCE WITH THE KING. 199 See Appendix. See Appendix king dined and slept. Furthermore, lie began to love the merry Henryii, jestings of the court, to delight himself with the great laud of men, a.D.~ and praise of the people. And, that I may pass over his household H61 stuff, he had his bridle of silver, and the bosses of his bridle were to worth a great treasure. At his table, and in other expenses, he passed any earl : so that, on the one side, men judged him little to consider the office of an archdeacon ; and, on the other side, they judged him to use wicked doings. He played also the good soldiei under the king in Gascony, and both won and kept towns. When the king sent Thomas, then being chancellor, home into England as ambassador with other nobles, after the death of the archbishop, he willed Richard Lucy, one of the chiefest, to commend in his name this Thomas to the covent of Canterbury, that they might choose him archbishop ; which thing he did diligently. The monks said, it was not meet to choose a courtier and a soldier to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend, said they, all that they had ; others had this surmise also, because he was in such great favour with the prince, the king's son, and was so suddenly discharged of the chan- cellorship which he had borne five years. In the four and fortieth year of his age, on Saturday in Whitsun-week, he was made priest, and the next day consecrated bishop, a.d. 1162. As touching the priesthood of this man, I find the histories vary : Differ- for, if he were beneficed, and chaplain to Theobald, and afterwards chron? archdeacon, as some say, it is not unlikely but that he was priest cles - before ; and not, as most of our English stories say, made priest one day, and archbishop the next. But however this matter passeth, here is, in the mean time, to be seen, what great benefits the king had done for him, and what great love had been between them both. Now, after Becket was thus promoted, what variance and discord happened between them, remaineth to be shown : the causes of which variance were divers and sundry. As first, when, according to the custom, the king's officers gathered The of every one hide-money through the realm, for the defence of their variance own country, the king would have taken it to his coffers. But the JJtween bishop said, that which every man gave willingly, he should not count Jjj^jj* as his proper rent. arch- Another cause was, that where a priest was accused of murder, and blsh ^' the king's officers and the friends of the dead accused the priest ^w*"** earnestly before the bishop of Salisbury, his diocesan, to whom he was sent, desiring justice to be done on him, the priest was put to his purgation. But when he was not able to defend himself, the bishop sent to the archbishop to ask what he should do. The archbishop commanded he should be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, and shut up in an abbey to do perpetual penance. After the same sort were divers clerks handled for like causes, but none put to death, Appe n dix nor lost joint, nor were they burned in the hand, or put to the like pain. The third cause was, that, where one Bmis, canon of Bedford, Appe Z Hx . did revile the king's justices, the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such like the archbishop, to pacify the king's anger, commanded the canon to be whipped and deprived of his 200 OLD LAWS TO WHICH BECKET CONSENTED. Henry ii. benefices for certain years. But the king was not content with this A jj gentle punishment, because it rather increased their boldness, and 1164. therefore he called the archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy, to assemble at Westminster. When they were assembled together, the king earnestly commanded that such wicked clerks should have no privilege of their clergy, but be delivered to the gaolers, because they Apfendix. passed so little of the spiritual correction ; and this he said also their own canons and laws had decreed. The archbishop, counselling with his bishops and learned men, answered probably : l and in the end he desired heartily the king's gentleness, for the quietness of himself and his realm, that under Christ our new king, and under the new law of Christ, he would bring no new kind of punishment into his realm upon the new chosen people of the Lord, against the old decrees of the holy fathers ; and oft he said, that he neither ought nor could suffer it. The king moved therewith (and not without cause) allegeth again and exacteth the old laws and customs of his grandfather, observed and agreed upon by archbishops, bishops, prelates, and other privileged persons ; inquiring likewise of him whether he would agree to the same, or else now in his reign would condemn that which in the reign of his grandfather was well allowed. 2 To which the archbishop, consulting together with his brethren, giveth answer again, that he was contented the king's ordinances should.be observed; adding this withal, Addition ^ a ^ w or dine suo, that is, Saving his order. And so in like manner all Saivo or- the other bishops after, being demanded in order, answered with dinesuo. ^ Q same addition, Salvo or dine suo. Only Hilary, bishop of Chi- chester, perceiving the king to be exasperated with that addition, instead of Salvo ordine, agreed to observe them Bona fide. The king hearing them not simply to agree unto him, but with an exception, was mightily offended ; who then turning to the archbishop and the prelates said, that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Salvo suo ordine, which he said was captious and deceitful, having some manner of venom lurking under; and therefore re- quired an absolute grant of them without any exception to agree to the king's ordinances. To this the archbishop answered again, that they had sworn unto him their fidelity, both life, body, and earthly honour, Salvo ordine suo ; and that in the same earthly honour also those ordinances were comprehended, and to the ob- serving of them they would bind themselves after no other form, but as they had sworn before. The king with this was moved, and all his nobility, not a little. As for the other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easily have relented, had not the stoutness of the archbishop made them more constant than otherwise they would have been. The day being well spent, the king, when he could get no other answer of them, departed in great anger, giving no word of salu- tation to the bishops ; and likewise the bishops every one to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester, amongst the rest, was Ajfndix greatly rebuked of the archbishop for changing the exception, contrary to the voice of all the others. The next day following, the king took (1) " Probably," «« luculenter satis et probabiliter," i. e. well, discreetly. See Appendix.— En. (2) Foxe here breaks the narrative, as given in the Quadrilogus, by the premature introduction of the statutes afterwards passed at Clarendon (see pp.201, 202 note (1)), and subsequently con- demned in part and approved in part by Becket and the pope (see pp.204, 216); also by the inser- tion of other constitutions sent over by the king from Normandy (see p. 219, note (1) ). The pas- sage here omitted will befuund infra p. 216, note (1), and p. 219, note (1). See Appendix. -Ed. BUCKETS CONTROVERSY WITH THE KING. 201 from the archbishop all such honors arid lordships as he had given Hetfryii him before, in the time that he was chancellor ; and in the dead A jj of the night, unknown to the bishops, removed from London ; whereby H64, appeared the great displeasure of the king against Becket and the clergy. Not long after this, the bishop of Lisieux, called Arnulph, A ^ endix sailing over from Normandy, resorted to the king and (haply, to recover again his favour which he had lost) gave him counsel withal to join some of the bishops on his side, lest, if all were against him, perad venture he might be overthrown. 1 And thus the greatest number of the bishops were by this means reconciled again to the king ; only the archbishop, with a few others, remained in their stoutness still. The king, thinking to try all manner of ways, when The stub- he saw no fear nor threats could turn him, did assay him with JSnelToi gentleness ; it would not serve. Many of the nobles laboured betwixt Becket. them both, exhorting him to relent to the king ; it would not be. Likewise the archbishop of York, with divers other bishops and abbots, especially the bishop of Chichester, did the same. Besides this, his a v ^&\ x . own household daily called upon him, but no man could persuade him. At length, understanding partly by them that came to him what danger might happen, not only to himself, but to all the other clergy, upon the king's displeasure, and partly considering the old love and kind- ness of the king towards him in time past, he was content to give over to the king's request, and came to Oxford to him, reconciling himself about the addition, which displeased the king so much. Whereupon the king, being somewhat mitigated, receiveth him with He re- a more cheerful countenance, but yet not all so familiarly as before, the king 0 saying, " that he would have his ordinances and proceedings after the form confirmed in the public audience and open sight of his bishops and all his nobles." After this the king, being at Cla- rendon, there called all his peers and prelates before him, requiring to have that performed which they had promised, in consenting to the observing of his grandfather's ordinances and proceedings. The archbishop, suspecting I cannot tell what in the king's promise, 2 drew backward, and now would not that he would before ; at last, with much ado, he was enforced to give assent. First came to him the bishops of Salisbury and Norwich, who, for old matters endangered to the king long before, came weeping and lamenting to the archbishop, desiring him to have some compassion of them, and to remit this pertinacy to the king, lest if he so continued through his stoutness to exasperate the king's displeasure, haply it might redound to no small danger, not only of them who were in jeopardy already, but also of himself to be imprisoned, and the whole clergy to be endan- gered. Besides these two bishops, there went to him other two A P pt%n* noble peers of the realm, labouring with him to relent and condescend to the king's desire; if not, they should be enforced to use violence, as would not stand with the king's fame, and much less with his quietness : but yet the stout stomach of the man would not give over. After this came to him two knights, called Templars ; one, Richard de Hastings, the master of the Temple, the other, Tostes de St. Omer, 3 lamenting and bewailing the great peril, which they declared unto him to hang over his head : yet neither with their (1) See Appendix. (2) Ibid. (.3) Ibid. 202 BECKET YIELDS, BUT REPENTS. Henry ii. tears, nor with their kneelings, would he be removed. At length came A these last messengers again from the king, signifying unto him wit»i 11*54' express words, and also with tears, what he should trust to, if he would not give over to the king's request. Becket By reason of which message he either terrified or else persuaded to e the th waa content to submit himself; whereupon the king incontinent kin f«. assembling the states together, the archbishop first, before all others. Appendix, beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission unto his customs, and that cum Bona fide, leaving out his former addition saivo or- Salvo ordine, mentioned before : instead whereof he promised in witin Verbo veritatis to observe and keep the king's customs, and sware to Sn 0 " same * After him the other bishops likewise gave the like oath ; whereupon the king commanded incontinent certain instruments 1 obligatory to be drawn, of wdiich the king should have one, the arch- bishop of Canterbury another, and the archbishop of York the third, requiring also the said archbishop to set to his hand and seal. To this the archbishop, though not denying but that he w r as ready so to do, yet desired respite in the matter, w 7 hile that he, being but newly come to his bishopric, might better peruse with himself the aforesaid customs and ordinances of the king. This request, as it seemed but reasonable, so it was readily granted ; so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and brake up. Becket Alanus, one of the four writers of the life of this Thomas Becket, of P h? s teth recordeth, that the archbishop, in his journey towards Winchester, deed began greatly to repent what he had done before, partly through the instigation of certain about him, but chiefly of his cross-bearer, who, going before the archbishop, sharply and earnestly expostulated with him for giving over to the king's request, against the privilege and liberties of the church, polluting not only his fame and conscience, but also giving a pernicious example to those who should come after, with many like words. To make the matter short, the archbishop was touched upon the same with such repentance, that keeping him- self from all company, lamenting with tears and fasting, and with much penance macerating and afflicting himself, he did suspend him- self from all ctivine service, and would not receive comfort, before that (word being sent to his holy grandfather the pope) he should be assoiled of him ; who, tendering the tears of his dear chicken, directed to him letters again, by the same messenger that Thomas had sent up to him before, in which not only he assoiled him from his trespass, but also with words of great consolation did encourage him to be stout in the quarrel he took in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory, sent from the pope to Bishop Becket, here followeth underwritten. a letter Alexander, bishop, &c. — Your brotherhood is not ignorant that it hath been of Pope advertised us, how that upon the occasion of a certain transgression or excess ander to °^ ) T ° urs J ) r °u have determined to cease henceforth from saying of mass, and to Thomas abstain from the consecration of the body and blood of the Lord ; which thing Becket. to d 0j } low dangerous it is, especially in such a personage, and also what incon- venience may rise thereof, I will you advisedly to consider, and discreetly also to ponder. Your wisdom ought not to forget, what difference there is between those who advisedly and willingly do offend, and those who through ignorance and for necessity' sake do offend. For, as you read, so much the greater is wilful sin, as the same not being voluntary is a lesser sin. Therefore, if you remember (1) For the instrument here mentioned see infra, p. 216, note (1). HE ATTEMPTS TO QUIT THE REALM. *03 yourself to have done any thing that your own conscience doth accuse you of, Henry 11. whatsoever it be, we counsel you, as a prudent and wise prelate, to acknowledge the same. Which thing done, the merciful and pitiful God, who hath more A.D. respect to the heart of the doer than to the thing done, will remit and forgive H64. you the same according to his accustomed great mercy. And we, trusting in the merits of the blessed apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, do absolve you from the offence committed, and by the authority apostolical we release you unto your fraternity, counselling you and commanding you, that henceforth you abstain not, for this cause, from the celebration of the mass. This letter, with others of the like sort, the pope then wrote to him, animating and comforting him in this quarrel so nearly pertain- ing to the pope's profit : by the occasion whereof, Becket took no small heart and consolation ; insomuch that therefrom seemeth to me to proceed all the occasion that made him so stout and malapert against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seen by his doings. What the other letters were that the pope wrote unto him, shortly, when we come to the appellations made to the pope, shall appear, God willing. In the mean season, as he sat thus mourning at home, the king hearing of him, and how he denied to set his seal to those sanctions, which he condescended to before, took no little displeasure against him ; insomuch, that he, threatening him and his with banish- ment and death, began to call him to reckonings, and to burden him with payments, that all men might understand that the king's mind was sore set against him. The archbishop hereupon (whether more Becket for the love of the pope, or dread of his prince) thought to make his ^ erptis " escape out of the realm, and so went about in the night, with two or against three with him, stealing out of his house to take the sea privily. Now Sw^tofly amongst the king's ordinances and sanctions, this was one; that none Je our l e g ac y a f ter n ^ s mm d f rom y ou > Y et ^ et not y our mm d thereby be toBedtet! discomforted, nor brought into sighs of despair. For before that we had granted that, or given our consent thereunto, the king's ambassadors firmly promised on the word of truth, offering also to be sworn to the same, if I should so require, that our letters which they had obtained should never be delivered to the archbishop of York without our knowledge and consent. This is certain, (1) See infra, p. 216, note (1).— Ed. Seg (2) Ex Rogero Hoved. pr. parte Historian continuatae post Bedaia. Appendix. (3) For the Latin of this letter, see Edition 1563, p. 50.— Ed. liEOKET CITED TO NORTHAMPTON. than a hundred and so persuade yourself boldly without any scruple, doubt, or mistrust, that it Henry 11. was never my mind or purpose, nor ever shall be, God willing, to subdue you ~~ or your church under the obedience of any person, to be subject to any, save ~?~r' only to the bishop of Rome. And, therefore, we warn you and charge you, that -Ho* if you shall perceive the king to deliver these aforesaid letters, which we trust he will not attempt without our knowledge to do, forthwith by some trusty messenger and by your letters you give us knowledge thereof; so that we may provide upon the same both for your person, your church, and also the city committed to you, to be clearly exempt by our authority apostolical from all power and jurisdiction of any legacy. Upon these letters and snch others, as is said before, Becket seemed to take all his boldness to be so stout and sturdy against his prince, as he was. The pope, beside these, sent secretly a chaplain of his, and directed another letter also unto the king, granting and per- mitting at his request, to make the archbishop of York legate apostolical. The king, after he had received his letters sent from the pope, began to put more strength to his purposed proceedings against the More archbishop, first beginning with the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders against his laws : as felons, robbers, quarrellers, JJ u jJ| rB breakers of the peace, and especially such as had committed homicide clergy, and murders, whereof more than an hundred at that time were proved upon the clergy; 1 urging and constraining them to be arraigned after the order of the law temporal, and justice to be ministered to them according to their deserts ; as first, to be deprived, and so to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate from the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should pass in causes criminal, or sit in judgment against any eccle- siastical person. This law the roisters 2 then of the clergy had picked and forged out of Anacletus and Euaristus, by whose falsely a pp s Zm alleged and pretended authority they have deduced this their consti- tution from the apostles, which giveth immunity to all ecclesiastical persons to be free from secular jurisdiction. Becket therefore, like a valiant champion, fighting for his liberties, and having the pope on his side, would not permit his clerks defamed, otherwise to be con- vented, than before ecclesiastical judges, there to be examined and deprived for their excess, and no secular judge to proceed against them : so that, after their deprivation, if they should incur the like offence again, then the temporal judge to take hold upon them ; otherwise not. This obstinate and stubborn rebellion of the arch- bishop stirred up much anger and vexation in the king, and not only in him, but also in the nobles and all the bishops, for the greater part, so that he was almost alone, a wonderment to all the realm. The king's wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no Becket marvel it was), and caused him to be cited up to appear by a certain North- 0 day 8 at the town of Northampton, there to make answer to such ampton. things as should be laid to his charge. Hoveden writeth, that the Appendix king being come thither greatly vexed the archbishop by placing some of his horses and horsemen in the archbishop's lodging (which was a house there of canons), wherewith he being offended sent Apr s '° Aix word to the king, that he would not appear unless his lodging were voided of the king's horses and horsemen. So, when the J Wec JJ t f t morrow was come, all the peers and nobles, with the prelates of the ?th.i a ' (!) Guliel. Neuburg. lib. ii. cap. 16. [See the Latin cited infra, p. 248, note (3).— Ed ] (i) " Roisters," " J'acinorosi" (Neub.y disorderlies. — En. (3) Oot. 6th. See Appendix.— En. 206 AN ACCOUNT DEMANDED OF BECK ET. Htvry n, realm, upon the king's proclamation being assembled in the castle of 7 Northampton, great fault was found with the archbishop, for that he, 1164. having been cited to appear on a certain occasion in the king's court ' personally, came not himself but sent another for him. Whereupon, by the public sentence as well of all the nobles as of the bishops, all his demned moveables were adjudged to be confiscate for the king, unless the king's ioU h of ail c ^ emenc y would remit the penalty. The stubborn archbishop again, move- for his part, quarrelling against the order and form of the judgment, a es ' complaineth, alleging for himself (seeing he is the primate and spiritual father, not only of all others in the realm, but also of the king himself) that it was not convenient that the father should be so judged of his children, or the pastor of his flock so condemned ; saying moreover, that the ages to come should know what judgment was done, &c. But especially he complaineth of his fellow-bishops, who, when they should rather have taken his part, did sit in judg- Appendix. ment against their metropolitan ; and this was the first day's action. Thursday. The next day the king laid an action against him in behalf of one that was his marshal, called John, for certain injuries done to him ; and required of the said archbishop the repaying again of certain money, which he, as is said, had lent unto him being chancellor, the sum whereof came to five hundred marks. This money the archbishop denied not but he had received of the king, howbeit, by the way and title of gift as he took it, though he could bring no probation thereof. Becket Whereupon the king required him to put in assurance for the payment to q givean thereof ; whereat the archbishop making delays (not well contented account, a t the matter), was so called upon, that either he should be account- able to the king for the money, or else he should incur present danger, the king being so bent against him. The archbishop, being brought to such a strait, and destitute of his own suffragans, could here by no means have escaped, had not five persons, of their own accord, stepped in, being bound for him, every man for one hundred marks a piece ; and this was upon the second day concluded. Friday. The morrow after, which was the third day of the council, it was propounded unto him in the behalf of the king, that he had had divers bishoprics and abbacies in his hand which were vacant, with the fruits and revenues thereof due unto the king for certain years, whereof he had rendered as yet no account to the king ; wherefore it was de- manded of him to bring in a full and clear reckoning of the same. This, with ctner such like, declared to all in the council great displeasure to be in the king and no less danger toward the archbishop. Becket, astonished at this demand, begged leave to consult with his brother bishops apart, before he made his answer ; which was granted. And so ended that day's action, j-atunia}. On the morrow, 1 the archbishop was sitting apart in a certain conclave with his fellow-bishops about him, consulting together, the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed and commanded. 2 Thus while the bishops and prelates were in council, advising and deliberating what was to be clone, at length it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give sentence what were the best way for their archbishop to take. First began Henry, bishop of Winchester, who then Henry, took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the king, wlndkM- WM0 saiQ, > ne remembered that the said archbishop, first being tct - (1) See Appendix. (2) I!,id. THE ADVICE OF THE BJSHOrS. 207 archdeacon, and then lord chancellor, at "what time he was promoted Henry n. to the church of Canterbury, was discharged from all bonds and reckonings of the temporal court, as all the other bishops could not H64. but bear record to the same. Next spake Gilbert, bishop of London, exhorting and motioning Gilbert, the archbishop, that he should call to mind with himself, from whence £ 0 s „£J n of the king took him, and set him up ; what, and how great things he had done for him ; also that he should consider with himself the dangers and perils of the time, and Avhat ruin he might bring upon the whole church, and upon them all there present, if he resisted the king's mind in the things he required. And if it were to render up his archbishopric, although it were ten times better than it is, yet he should not stick with the king in the matter. In so doing it might happen, that the king, seeing that submission and humility in him, would release him peradventure from all the rest. To this the arch- bishop answering, " Well, well," saith he, " I perceive well enough, Henry, my lord, whither you tend, and whereabout you go." Then spake llSier Winchester, inferring upon the same, " This form of counsel," saith he, " seemeth to me very pernicious to the catholic church, tending to our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For, if our arch- bishop and primate of all England do lean to this example, that every bishop should give over his authority and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commandment and threatening of the prince, to what state shall the church then be brought, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing stand certain by any order of law; and so as the priest is, so shall the people Hilary, the bishop of Chichester, replieth again to this, saying, " If Hilary, it were not that the instance and the great perturbation of the time chSter. did otherwise require and force us, I would think this counsel here given were good to be followed. But now, seeing the authority of our canon faileth and cannot serve us, I judge it not best to go so strictly to work, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation with sufferance may win that which severe correction may destroy. Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give place to the king's pur- pose for a time, lest by over hasty proceeding, we exceed so far, that both it may redound to our shame, and also we cannot rid ourselves out again when we would." Much to the same end spake Robert, the bishop of Lincoln, after Robert, o* this manner : " Seeing," saith he, " it is manifest that the life and Lincoln - blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs be chosen ; that either he must part with his archbishopric, or else with his life. Now what profit he shall take in this matter of his bishopric, his life being lost, I do not greatly see." Next followed Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, with his advice, Barthoio- who, inclining his counsel to the state of the time, confirmed their Exlt'e? sayings before, affirming how the days were evil and perilous ; and that if they might so escape the violence of that raging tempest under the cover of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused ; but that, he said, could not be, except strict severity should give place to tractability ; and that the instance and condition of the time then present required no less, especially seeing that persecution was not 208 becket's reply to the bishops. Bears /t. general, but personal and particular ; and he thought it more holy ~j[ D and convenient for one head to run into some part of danger, than 1164. that the whole church of England should be subject and exposed to ~~ ~~ inconvenience inevitable. Roger, The answer of Roger, bishop of Worcester, was devised in a ofWoV double suspense, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other ; cester. whose saying was this, — that he would give no answer on either part ; " for if I, 11 saith he, " should say that the pastoral function and cure of souls ought to be relinquished at the king's will or threatening, then my mouth would speak against my conscience, to the condemna- tion of mine own head. And if I should give, again, contrary counsel, to resist the king's sentence, here be they that would hear it, and report it to his Grace, and so I should be in danger to be thrust out of the synagogue, and for my part to be accounted amongst the public rebels, with them to be condemned ; wherefore neither do I say this, nor counsel that." Becket, And this was the consultation of the bishops in that place, the arch- assembled together bv the kinsfs commandment. Against these bishop o wf xd o repiiet'h voices and censures of the bishops, Becket, the archbishop, replieth thebi- again, expostulating and checking them with rebukeful words : — " I shops. perceive, 11 saith he, " and understand ye go about to maintain and cherish but your own cowardliness, under the colourable shadow of sufferance ; and, under pretence of dissembling softness, to choke the dnendix liberty of Christ's church. Who hath thus bewitched you, O in- sensate bishops ? What mean ye ? Why do ye so under the prudent term " dispensation 11 cloak your manifest iniquity ? Why call ye that dispensation which is in fact a dispensing altogether with the church of Christ ? Let terms serve the matter ; and let not terms as well as the matter itself be perverted from that which is right. For that ye say we must bear with the iniquity of the time, I grant with you ; but yet we must not heap sin to sin. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinful dissimulation of the teachers of the church ? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me, I pray you, whether should the gover- nors of the church put themselves to dangers for the church, in time of tranquillity, or in time of distress ? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary, but in distress. And now then, the church lying in so great distress and vexation, why should not the good pastor put him- self into peril there-for ? For neither do I think it a greater act or merit for the ancient bishops of the old time to lay the foundation of the then church with their blood, than now for us to shed our distress ^lood for the liberties of the same. And to tell you plain, I think grown it not safe for you to swerve from an example which you have received chiSch, from your holy elders. 11 After these things were spoken, they sat all So^ in silence for a certain space, being locked in together. At length, may not to find a shift to cause the door to be opened, " I will," saith the kin a g b s°and archbishop, " speak with two earls who are about the king," and princes. namec [ them who they were. They, being called, opened the door and came in with haste; thinking to hear something which should appease the king's mind. To whom the archbishop spake in this manner : — " As touching and concerning the matters between the king and us, we have here conferred together. And forasmuch as we BECKET IS FORSAKEN BY THEM. 209 have them not present with us now, who know more in the matter Henry u. than we do, (whose advice we would be glad to follow,) therefore we ^.D. crave so much respite as to the next day following, and then to give 1164. our answer to the king." With this message two bishops were sent to the king, who were the bishop of London and the bishop of Rochester. London, to help the matter, and to set quietness, as I take it, adding something more to the message, said to the king, that the archbishop craved a little time to prepare such writings and instru- ments, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind in accom- plishing the king's desire, &c. Wherefore two barons were sent to him from the king, to grant him that respite or stay ; so that he would ratify that which the messengers had signified to the king. To whom the archbishop answereth, that he sent no such message as was intimated in his name ; but only that the next day he would come and give answer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the convo- cation of the bishops was dissolved, and they were dismissed home ; so that the most part of them that came with the archbishop, and accompanied him before, now, for fear of the king's displeasure, severed themselves from him. The archbishop, thus forsaken and destitute, as his story saith, sent about for the poor, the lame, and Becket the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he andS* might sooner obtain his victory, than by the others who had so slipped saken * from him. The next day following, because it was Sunday, nothing was done. Appendix, So the day after, which was the second fery, 1 the archbishop was cited to appear. But the night before, being taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the cholic, all that day he kept his bed, and was not Taken able, as he said, to rise. Every man supposing this to be but a nesswhea feigned sickness, as it seemed no less, certain of the chief nobles were ap P eM Uld sent to try the matter, and to cite him to the court ; namely, Robert, earl of Leicester, and Reginald, earl of Devonshire, to whom the archbishop answered, that that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea, though he were brought in an horse-litter. So that day passed over. On the morrow, certain that were about him, fearing no less but that some danger would happen to him, gave him counsel in the morning to have a mass in honour of the holy martyr St. Stephen, to keep him from the hands of his enemies that day. a mass When the morrow was come, being Tuesday, there came to him the g[ e p h " en bishops and prelates, counselling and persuading him covertly by h ° m a ™ ra insinuation, for apertly they durst not, that he would submit himself, his ene- with all his goods, as also his archbishopric, to the will of the king, if nues * perad venture his indignation by that means might assuage. Adding, moreover, that unless he would so do, perjury would be laid against him ; for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the king's laws and ordinances, now would not observe them. To this Becket, the archbishop, answereth again, — " Brethren, ye see and perceive JJgJjj? 1 well how the world is set against me, and how the enemy riseth and to the seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and blshop8 ' lamentable, yet the thing that grieveth me most of all is this, — the sons of mine own mother be pricks and thorns against me. And albeit I do hold my peace, yet the posterity to come will know and (1) " Fery " or feria, a day of the week, in this instance Monday. — F.u. VOL. II. P 210 BECKET HEARETH MASS. Henry ii. report how cowardly you have turned your backs, and have left your ~A.D. archbishop and metropolitan alone in his conflict, and how you have 1164. sitten in judgment against me, although unguilty of crime, now two days together ; and not only in the civil and spiritual conrt, but also in the temporal court, are ready to do the same. But in general, this I charge and command, by the virtue of pure obedience, and in peril Becket °^ y our or( ^ er ' that 1 Q be P resen ^ personally in judgment against me. appeal- And that ye shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother, the Rome, refuge of all such as be oppressed, the church of Rome ; and if any secular men shall lay hands upon me, as it is rumoured they will, I straitly enjoin and charge you, in the same virtue of obedience, that you exercise your censure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becometh you to do for a father and an archbishop. And this I do you to under- stand, that though the world rage, and the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth, for the flesh is weak, yet, God so favouring me, I will neither cowardly shrink, nor yet vilely forsake my flock com- mitted to my charge," &c. bSbop of "^ ut tne bishop of London, contrary to this commandment of the London archbishop, did incontinent appeal from him ; and thus the bishops eth from departed from him to the court, save only two, Henry of Winchester, Sshop Ch ' anc ^ J° ce ^ ne 0I> Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his chamber, and comforted him. This done, the archbishop, who yes- terday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of his bed, now addresseth himself to his mass of St. Stephen with all solemnity, as though it had been a high festival-day, with his metropolitan pall, which was not used, but upon holidays, to be worn. The office of the a mass mass began, — " Sederunt principes et adversum me loquebantur awa/per- that is, " Princes sat and spake against me," &c. — the king's servants secutors. ^ em g a ] so there, and beholding the matter. For this mass, Gilbert, bishop of London, accused Becket afterwards, both for that it was done, " Per artem magicam, et in contemptum regis," as the words of Hoveden purport, that is, " both by art magic, and in contempt of the king." canieth ^ e mass Dem g ended, the archbishop, putting off his pall and with him his mitre, in his other robes proceedeth to the king's court ; but yet the^sacra-- nQt t ms ting ? peradventure, so greatly to the strength of his mass, to fheMng ma ^ e ma tter more sure, he taketh also the sacrament privily about Applndix mm ' thinking himself thereby sufficiently defended against all bugs. In going to the king's chamber, there to attend the king's coming, as he entered the door, he taketh from Alexander his crosier (the cross with the cross staff)in the sight of all that stood by, and carrieth it in himself, the other bishops following him, and saying, " He did other- wise than became him." Amongst others, Robert, bishop of Hereford, offered himself to bear his cross, rather than he should so do, for that it was not comely ; but the archbishop would not suffer him. Then said the bishop of London unto him, — " If the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchance he will draw out his sword against you, which is stronger than yours, and then what shall this your armour profit you?" 1 The archbishop answereth again: " If the king's sword do cut carnally, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, and striketh down to hell. But you, my lord, as you have played (1) Hoveden referreth not this saying to the bishop of London, but to the archbishop of York. IS ACCOUNTED A TRAITOR. 211 the fool in this matter, so you will not yet leave off your folly for any Henry n. thing I can see ;" and so he came into the chamber. The king A D hearing of his coming, and of the manner thereof, tarried not long, H64. but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lords of the temporalty together. That being done, and every one placed in his seat according to his degree, the king beginneth with a great complaint against the archbishop for his manner of entering into court, not as, saith he, a subject into a king's court, but as a traitor, showing himself in such sort as hath not been seen before in any christian king's court, professing christian faith. To this all there present gave witness with the king, affirming Becket always to have been a vain and proud man, and that the shame of his deed did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realm. Moreover, they said, that this had so happened to the king, called for that he had done so much for such a beast, advancing him so ticking 7 highly to such a place and room next under himself. And so alto- Jjjjjj, 11 *' gether with one cry, they called him traitor, on every side, as one that refused to give terrene honour to the king, in keeping, as he had sworn, his laws and ordinances, at whose hands also he had received such honour and great preferments ; and therefore he was well worthy, said they, to be handled like a perjured traitor and rebel. Upon this, great doubt and fear was, what should befal him. The archbishop of York, coming down to his chaplains, said, he could not abide to see Appendix. what the archbishop of Canterbury was like to suffer. Likewise, the tipstaves and other ministers of the assembly coming down with an outcry against him, all who were in the house crossed themselves to see his haughty stubbornness and the business there was about him. Certain there were of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse upon them ; others, contrary, bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgive them, and if he lost his life in the quarrel of the church and the liberty thereof, he should be happy. Afterwards, one of them, named William Fitz-Stephen, Appendix. desired to speak something in his ear, but could not be suffered by the king's marshal, who forbad that no man should have any talk with him. Then he, because he could not otherwise speak to him, wrought ^"J? 631 by signs, making a cross, and looking up with his eyes, and wagging his proud lips, meaning that he should pray and manfully stand to the cross. of the"* In the mean time cometh to him Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, church - desiring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and also of them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him ; " for there cometh out," saith he, i; a precept from the king that he shall be whoso taken, and suffer for an open rebel, who hereafter taketh your part." Becket's It was said, moreover, that Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, and William, 5J„ n }J d bishop of Norwich, were to suffer mutilation for their resisting, who a rebel, consequently for their own sakes implored the archbishop of Canter- Append**, bury. The archbishop, notwithstanding, looking upon the said bishop of Exeter, "Avoid hence from me," saith he, " thou under- standest not neither dost savour those things that be of God." The bishops and prelates then going aside by themselves from the other nobles, the king so permitting them to do, took counsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity, p 2 212 BECKET IS CONDEMNED. Henryii. for either must thev incur the dangerous indignation of the king, or A.D " e ^ se ' w * tn tne noD ^ es 5 tne . v mu st proceed in condemnation against the 1164. archbishop, for resisting the king's sanctions ; which thing they them- selves neither did favour. In this strict necessity, they, devising what way to take, at length agreed upon this : that they with a common Becket assent should cite the archbishop to the see of Rome on perjury ; and cited to that thev should oblige and bind themselves to the king with a sure upon promise to work their diligence in deposing the archbishop ; upon this perjury. CO ndition, that the king should promise their safety, and discharge them from the peril of that judgment which was directed towards them. So all the bishops, obliging themselves thus to the king, went forth to the archbishop ; of whom one speaking for the rest, who was Hilary, bishop of Chichester, had these words : — " Once you have been our archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience ; but now, forasmuch as you, once swearing your fidelity to the king, do resist him, neglecting his injimctions and ordinances, concerning and Becket appertaining to his terrene honour and dignity, we here pronounce demned. . vou perjured ; neither be we bound to give obedience to an arch- bishop thus being perjured ; but, putting ourselves and all ours under the pope's protection, we do cite you up to his presence.'" And upon the same, they assigned him his day and time to appear. The arch- bishop answering again, said he heard him well enough ; and upon this sendeth in all haste to the pope in France, signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how, and wherefore, and by whom, he was cited ; to whom the pope directed again his letters of comfort, as he had done divers before, the copy whereof here ensueth. Pope Alexander to Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury. 1 Your brotherly letters, which you directed to us, and such other matters which your messenger byword of mouth hath signified imto us, we have diligently heard the reading thereof, and thereby fully understand the grievous vexations and dolorous griefs wherewith your mind 'is daily encumbered : by reason whereof, we, hearing and understanding, are not a little disquieted in our spirit for your sake, in whose prosperities we" do both gladly rejoice, and no less do sorrow in your adversities, as for our most dear brother. You, therefore, as a constant and wise man, remember with yourself that which is written : " The apostles departed awav, rejoicing, from the face of the council," &c. With like patience do vou also sustain that man's molestations, and let not your spirit be troubled therein more than needeth, but receive in yourself consolation ; that we also, together with vou, may be comforted in the Lord, who hath preserved you to the corroboration of his catholic and christian verity, in this distress of necessity ; and from whom also it hath pleased him to wipe away the blot of those things which have been unorderly of you committed, and here to punish the same through sundry afflictions : whereby, in the strict judgment of God, they might not be called to account hereafter. " But, henceforth, let not this much grieve you, neither let your heart be so deject or timorous in the matter, for that you are cited up to the apostolic see; which to us is both grateful and accepted. And this we will you, that if they who have cited you shall chance to come, draw not vou back, but follow the appeal, if you please, and spare not ; all doubt and" delay set apart : for the authority of the church, tendering this your constancy, may not do that which may put you in fear or doubt. But our dili- gence shall be, with all labour and study, to conserve the right and pre-emi- nence (God willing) of that chinch committed to you, so much as in us lieth, (saving our justice "and equity), as to one whom, in working for the chmxh, we find to be both a constant and a valiant champion. Further, this I brotherly (1) The Latin copy of this U in the Edition of 1563, p. 51.— Ed. BECKET APPEALS TO THE POPE. 213 require you, to repair unto the church of Canterbury ; and, retaining but a few Henry II. clerks about you, such only as serve your necessity, make excursions out as little as you can, in that country. But in this especially I thought to premonish you, A. D. that in no case, neither for fear nor any adversity, whatsoever may happen, you H64. be brought to renounce and give up the right and dignity of your church. Written at Sens, the seventh before the Kalends of November. [October 26th.] As the archbishop was thus cited before the pope, sitting with his cross waiting in the court, neither giving place to the king's request, nor abashed with the clamour of the whole court against him, calling him traitor on every side, neither following the advertisement of his fellow-bishops, at length the king, by certain earls and barons, sent commandment to him (Robert, earl of Leicester, doing the message), called to that he should without delay come and render a full account of all ^Um. things that he had received, as the profits and revenues of the realm, in the time he was chancellor, and especially for the thirty thousand marks, for the which he was accountable to the king. 1 To whom the archbishop answereth again, the king knew how oft he had made his reckoning of those things which now were required of him. Further and besides, Henry, his son and heir of his realm, with all his barons, and also Richard Lucy, chief justice of England, told him, that he was free and quit to God and to holy church, from all receipts and computations, and from all secular exactions on the king's behalf. And so he, taking thus his discharge at their hands, entered into his office ; and therefore other account besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king, he Judged to required his barons to do the law upon him ; who, so doing, judged prison. m him to be apprehended and laid in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reginald, earl of Cornwall and Devonshire, and Robert, earl of Leicester, to declare to him what was his judgment. To whom the archbishop answereth, — " Hear, my son, and good earl, what I say unto you how much more precious the soul is than the body, so much more ought you to obey me in the Lord, rather than your terrene king; neither doth any law or reason permit the children to judge or condemn their father. Wherefore, to avoid both the judgment of the king, of you, and of all others, I put myself only to the arbitrement of the pope, under God alone to be judged of him, and of no other ; to whose presence, here before you all, I do appeal, committing the ordering of the church of Canterbury, Appeaieth my dignity, with all other things appertaining to the same, under P op e e the protection of God and him. And as for you, my brethren and Thinketh fellow-bishops, who rather obey man than God, you also I call and protection cite to the audience and judgment of the pope, and so by the JJU? t authority of the catholic church and of the apostolic see I depart without hence:' 5 * th X pe ' While the barons returned with this answer to the king, the arch- 4w"»** bishop, passing through the throng, taketh unto him his palfrey, holding his cross in one hand, and his bridle in the other, the courtiers following after, and crying, " Traitor ! traitor ! tarry and hear thy judgment." But he passed on till he came to the utter- Hieth most gate of the court, which being fast locked, there he had been JJurtf a- staid, had not one of his servants, called Peter, surnamed Demunc- (1) Ex Rogero Hovedeno. Ex Quadripartita Hist. lib. i. c. 33. BECKET FLIES THE KINGDOM. Henry ii. torio, finding there a bunch of keys hanging by, first proved one key, ~X.D. then another, till at last, finding the true key, he had opened the 11G5. gate, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of 5^ canons, where he did lie, calling unto him the poor where they Append*. cou i^ k e f oimt | # When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed, which he caused to be made between two altars, privily, while the king was at supper, he prepareth his journey secretly to escape ; and changing his garment and his name, being ciiangeth called Derman, first went to Lincoln, and from thence to Sandwich, and is ' where he took ship, and sailed into Flanders, and from thence jour- Del-man. nevea mto France, as Hoveden saith. Albeit Alanus, differing Appendix something in the order of his flight, saith, " That he deported not that night ; but at supper-time came to him the bishops of London and Chichester, declaring to him, that if he would surrender up to the king his two manors of Otford and Wingcham, there were hope to recover the king's favour, and to have all remitted." But when the archbishop would not agree thereunto, forasmuch as those manors were belonging to the church of Canterbury, the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken, insomuch that the next day Becket was fain to send to the king two bishops and his chaplain for leave to depart the realm. To this message the king answered, that he would take pause thereof till the next day, and, then he should have an answer. But Becket, not tarrying his answer, the same day conveyed himself away secretly, as is aforesaid, to Louis, the French king ; but before he came to the king, Gilbert, the bishop of London, and William, the earl of Arundel, sent from the king of England to France, prevented him ; requiring the said French king, in the behalf of the king of England, that he would not receive, nor retain in his dominion, the archbishop of Canterbury : moreover, that at his instance he would be a means to the pope, not to show any familiarity unto him. But the king of England, in this point, seemed to have more confidence in the French king, than knowledge of his disposition ; for thinking that the French king would have been a good neighbour to him, in trusting him too much, he was deceived. Neither considered he with himself enough the manner and nature of the Frenchmen at that time against the realm of England ; who then were glad to seek and take all manner of occasion to do some act against England. The And therefore Louis, the French king, understanding the matter, kinTsup- an d thinking, perchance, thereby to have some vantage against porteth the knae and realm of England, bv the occasion hereof, contrary to Becket o * J 7 • a.ainst the king's letters and request, not only harboureth and cherisheth ofEn l g- g this Derman, but also, writing to the pope by his almoner and land. brother, entreateth him, upon all loves, as ever he would have his favour, to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the AmbassH- king's ambassadors, repulsed of the French king, returned ; at which pope. time he sent another ambassage, upon the like cause, to Alexander, the pope, then being at Sens, in France. The ambassadors sent on this message were Roger, archbishop of York ; Gilbert, bishop of London ; Henry, bishop of Winchester ; Hilary, bishop of Chi- chester ; Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter ; with other doctors and clerks : also William, earl of Arundel, with certain more lords and PROCEEDINGS OF THE POPE S COURT AT SENS. £15 barons, who, coming to the pope's court, were friendly accepted of Henry n. certain of the cardinals ; amongst the which cardinals rose also ~ajdT dissension about the same cause, some judging that the bishop of H65. Canterbury, in the defence of the liberties of the church, (as in a good ' cause,) was to be maintained ; some thinking again, that he, being a perturber of peace and unity, was rather to be bridled for his pre- sumption, than to be fostered and encouraged therein. But the pope, partly bearing with his cause, which only tended to his exaltation and magnificence, partly again incensed with the letters of the French king, did wholly incline to Becket, as no marvel was. Wherefore the day following, the pope sitting in consistory with his cardinals, the ambassadors were called for, to the hearing of Becket's matter ; and first beginneth the bishop of London ; next, the arch- bishop of York ; then Exeter ; and then the other bishops, every one in his order, began to speak : whose orations being not well accepted of the pope, and some of them also disdained, the earl of Arundel, perceiving that, and somewhat to qualify and temper the matter to the pope's ears, began after this manner : — The Oration of the Earl of Arundel to the Pope. Although to me it is unknown, (saith he,) who am both unlettered and ignorant, what it is that these bishops here have said, neither am I, in that tongue, so able to express my mind as they have done : yet being sent and charged thereunto of my prince, neither can nor ought I but to declare, as well as I may, what the cause is of our sending hither : not, truly, to contend or strive with any person, nor to offer any injury or harm unto any man, especially in this place, and in the presence here of such an one, unto whose beck and authority, all the world doth stoop and yield. But for this time is our legacy hither directed : to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole church of Rome, the devotion and love of our king and master, which ever he hath had, and yet hath still, toward you. And, that the same might the better appear to your excellency, he hath assigned and appointed to the furniture of this legacy, not the least, but the greatest; not the worst, but the best and chiefest of all his subjects ; both archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, with other potentates more, of such worthiness and parentage, that if he could have found greater in all his realm, he would have sent them, both for the reverence of your person, and of the holy church of Rome. Over and besides this, I might add more, which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proved already, namely, the true and hearty fidelity of this our king and sovereign toward you, who, in his first entrance to his kingdom, wholly submitted himself, with all that is his besides, to your will and pleasure. And truly, to testify of his majesty how he is disposed to the unity of the catholic faith, we believe there is none more faithful in Christ than he, nor more devout to God, nor yet more moderate in keeping the unity of peace whereunto he is called. And as I may be bold this to protest for our king and master, so neither do I affirm the archbishop of Canterbury to be a man destitute or unfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kind of calling, but to be a man both sage and discreet in such things as to him appertain, save only that he seemeth to some, more quick and sharp than needeth. This blot alone if it were not, and if the breach between our king and him had not so happened, both the regiments together (of the temporalty and spiritualty) might quietly have flourished one with the other in much peace and concord, both under a prince so worthy, and a pastor so virtuous. Wherefore, the case so standing as it doth, our message hither, and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is, that through your favour and wisdom, the neck of this dissension may be broken, and that reformation of unity and love, by some good means, may be sought. This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softness and moderation thereof, yet it could not persuade the Romish bishop CONSTITUTIONS OF CLARENDON CONDEMNED BY THE POPE. Hem y ii. to condescend to their suit and request ; which suit was, to have two "aTdT Agates or arbiters to be sent from his popish side into England, to 1165. examine and take up the controversy between the king and the The pope archbishop. But the pope, incensed, as is said before, would not BecS^ £ rant tne ^ r P^i^ 011 : forasmuch as it should be (saith he) prejudicial, cause and tending to the oppression of the archbishop, to grant it, he being the king, not present ; and therefore he willed them to tarry his coming up ; otherwise he being absent, he would not, he said, in any case proceed against him. But they alleging the time to be expired appointed to them of the king, having besides other lets and causes as they alleged, said that they could not there wait for the coming of Becket, but must return back, their cause frustrated, without the pope's Becket blessing to the king. Within four days after, Becket cometh to the et™ofthe pope's court, where he, prostrating himself at his feet, brought out of the pJpe. n i s bosom a scroll containing the customs and ordinances of the king, Ap^dix before mentioned. 1 The pope, receiving the aforesaid scroll, and ' reading it in the open hearing of his cardinals, condemned and accursed the most part of the said decrees of the king, which he called 4 consuetudines avitas, 1 that is, ' his grandfathers ordinances.' Besides this, the pope moreover blameth Becket, for that he so much yielded to them at the beginning, as he did: yet notwith- Repent- standing, because he was repentant for his unadvised fact, he was h? s C wen- content to absoyle him for the same, and the rather, because of his doing. great troubles, which he for the liberties of holy church did sustain ; and so with great favour for that day dismissed him. (1) A translation of this document, as given in Dr. Brady's Appendix, here follows : it is the "instrument" mentioned supra p. 202, and contains "the Statutes of Clarendon." In the year from our Lord's incarnation 1164, the fourth of pope Alexander, the tenth of the most illustrious king of the English, Henry II., in presence of the said king, was made a remem- brance and recognition of a certain part of the customs, liberties, and prerogatives of his prede- cessors, viz. of king Henry, his grandfather, and others, which ought to be observed and maintained in the realm. And because of the dissensions and disagreements which have arisen between the clergy and the justices of the lord king and the barons of the realm touching customs and prerogatives, the said recognition was made in presence of the archbishops, bishops, and clergy, and the earls, barons, and great men of the realm ; and the said customs — so recognised by the archbishops and bishops, the earls and barons, the great men and ancients of the realm — Thomas archbishop of Canterbury, Roger archbishop of York, Gilbert bishop of London, &c, [eleven other bishops are then named], allowed, and on the word of truth, viva voce, firmly promised they should be kept and observed to the lord king and his heirs, with good faith, and without guile, there being present Robert earl of Leicester, &c. (here follow thirty-seven more names), and many other chief men and nobles of the realm, cleric as well as lay. But of the customs and prerogatives of the realm so recognised a certain part is contained in the present writing : of which part the following are the chief heads : — I. If any controversy concerning the advowson and presentation of churches arise between laics, or between laics and clerics, or between clerics only, it is to be tried and determined in the king's court. {Condemned by the church of Rome under pope Alexander III.) II. Churches belonging to the king's fee cannot be granted in perpetuity without his assent and consent. {Allowed.) III. Clerics arraigned and accused of any matter whatsoever, being summoned by the king's justice, shall come into his court, there to answer on whatever point it shall seem proper to the king's court to require an answer : provided alway, that the king's justice shall send to the court of holy church to see in what manner the matter is there to be handled. And in case a cleric is found or pleads guilty, he is no longer to be screened by the church [i.e. have the benefit of clergy]. {Condemned.) IV. No archbishops, bishops, or [other ecclesiastical] persons [personae] of the kingdom are allowed to depart the same without license of the lord king, and if they should have permission of the lord king to go abroad, they shall give security that neither in going, staying, or retuniing, they will procure any evil or damage to the lord king or the kingdom. {Condemned.) V. Excommunicated persons shall not be bound to give security or take oath to remain where they are, but only security and pledge to stand to the judgment of the church in order to their absolution. {Condemned.) VI. Laics ought not to be accused but by certain specified and legal accusers and witnesses, and that in the bishop's presence ; yet so, that the archdeacon may not lose his right nor any advantage which he ought to have from thence : and if the accused parties be such that none either will or dare accuse them, the sheriff, being required thereto by the bishop, shall cause twelve legally-qualified men of the vicinage or town to be sworn before the bishop, that they will try out the truth according to their conscience. {Allowed.) VII. No man who holds of the king in capite, nor any of his chief ministers, is to be excom municated, nor the lands of any such laid under interdict, unless the lord king (if he be in the land) THOMAS BECKET APPEARETH BEFORE THE POPE. 217 The next day, Alexander the pope assembling his cardinals Henryii. together in his secret chamber, appeareth before them archbishop A ^ or (if he be abroad) his justice be first consulted, that he may see justice done upon him; and 1 165. that whatever shall pertain to the king's court may be determined there, and that which belongs to the ecclesiastical court may be remitted to the same, to be there dispatched. {Condemned.} VIII. Appeals, when they arise, ought to be made from the archdeacon to the bishop, and from the bishop to the archbishop ; and if the archbishop shall fail to do justice, recourse is to be had lastly to the lord king, that by his precept the controversy may be determined in the archbishop's court, witli the understanding that it must not proceed further without leave of the lord king. (Condemned.) IX. If any difference arise between a cleric and a laic, or between a laic and a cleric, concerning any tenement which the cleric pretendeth is held by Frank-almoine (eleemosyna), but the laic con- Appendix tends to be a lay-fee, it shall be determined by the verdict of twelve legally-qualified men, according to the custom of the king's court and in presence of his justice, whether the tenement belongeth to Frank-almoine or to the lay-fee. And if it be found to belong to Frank-almoigne, the plea shall be held in the ecclesiastical court ; but if to the lay-fee, the plea shall be in the king's court, unless both parties claim to hold of the same bishop or baron. But if such shall claim to hold of the same bishop or baron, the plea shall be in his court ; yet with this further proviso, that he who was first seized of the thing in controversy, shall not lose his seizin pending the trial because of the verdict above-mentioned. {Condemned.) X. Whosoever is an inhabitant of any city, castle, borough, or any demesne lands of the lord king, if he shall be cited by the archdeacon or bishop concerning any fault about which he ought to answer them, and will not obey their citations, it shall be lawful to put him under an interdict ; but he ought not to be excommunicated, before the king's chief officer of that town be made acquainted with the case, so that he may cause him to give satisfaction. And if such officer shall fail therein, he shall be in the mercy of the lord king, and then the bishop may coerce the party accused by ecclesiastical process. {Condemned.) XI. Archbishops, bishops, and all other ecclesiastical persons in the kingdom, who hold of the king in capite, enjoy their possessions of our lord the king as a barony, and, for that reason, are to answer to the king's justices and ministers, and to follow and perform all royal rights and customs ; and, like other barons, ought to appear at trials in the king's court, till they come to pronouncing sentence of death or loss of members. {Allowed.) XII. When an archbishopric, bishopric, abbacy, or priory in the gift of the lord king shall be vacant, it ought to remain in his hands, and he to receive the rents and issues thereof, as of his demesnes. And when he pleases to provide for that church, the lord king ought to send for che chief persons of that church, and the election ought to be made in the king's chapel, with the assent of the lord king and with the advice of such persons of his realm as he shall call thereto; and the person elect shall then, before his consecration, do homage and fealty to the king as his liegeman of life and members and earthly honour, saving his order. {Condemned.) XIII. If any of the great men of the kingdom shall refuse to do justice to an archbishop, or a bishop, or an archdeacon, either for himself or his tenants, the lord king is to adjudicate. And if perchance any one should refuse the lord king his right, the archbishop, bishops, and archdeacons are to call him to account, that he may make satisfaction to the lord king. (Allowed.) XIV. The chattels of those who are under the king's forfeiture may not be detained in any church or churchyard against the king's justice, because they are the king's own, whether they be found within the church and its precinct or without it. (Allowed.) XV. Pleas concerning debts, which are owing upon troth-plight (fide interposita), or without troth-plight, are to be within the cognizance of the lord king. (Condi>mned.) XVI. The sons of peasants (rusticorum) ought not to be ordained without the consent of the lord on whose land they are known to be born. (Allowed.) This is a convenient place for preserving the matter omitted at page 200, which in the edition Of 1570, and all subsequent editions, stands as follows: — [To which laws and customs the said Thomas did partly grant, and partly not grant. The copy of the which foresaid laws are contained in the number of xxviii. or xxix., whereof I thought here to recite certain, not unworthy to be known. The copy of the old laws and customs, whereunto Thomas Becket did grant. I. That no order should be given to husbandmen's children and bondmen's children, without the xk e assent or testimonial of them which be the lords of the country where they were born and brought king's up : and if their sons become clerks, they shall not receive the order of priesthood without license customs, of their lords. II. And if a man of holy church hold any lay fee in his hand, he shall do t.here-for the king tiie Out of an service that belongeth thereto, as upon juries, assize of lands, and judgments ; saving only at English execution doing of death. Chronicle III. If any man were the king's traitor, and had taken the church, that it should be lawful to as it ap- the king and his officers to take him out. peareth, IV. Also if any felon's goods were brought to holy church, that there should none such keep drawn there ; for every felon's goods be the king's. out of V. That no land should be given to the church or to any house of religion, without the king's French, license. by earl . These articles following, Thomas agreed not unto. Rivers I. If that between a clerk and a layman were any striving for church goods, they would the plea lord should be done in the king's court. Scales. II. That there should neither bishop nor clerk go out of the land without the king's license, and then he should swear upon a book, he should procure no hurt against the king, nor none of his. III. If any man were denounced accursed, and were come again to amendment, the king would not that he should be sworn, but only find sureties to stand to that that holy church should award. IV. That no man, that held of the king in chief, or in service, should be accursed without the king's license. V. That all the bishoprics and abbeys that were vacant should be in the king's hands, until sucu time that he should choose a prelate thereto ; and he should be chosen out of the king's chapels ; and first, before he were confirmed, he should do his homage to the king. VI. If any plea were to consistory brought, they should appeal from thence to the archdeacon, and from thence to the bishop's court, and from the bishop's court to the archbishop's, and from thence to the king, and no further. So that in conclusion, the complaints of holy church must come before the king, and not the pope. VII That 218 THE ORATION 01' THOMAS BECKET. Henryii. Becket, having this oration to the pope and his popelings, which A D here I thought to set out in our vulgar English tongue (translated 1165. out of Latin), to the intent that the posterity hereafter may under- stand either the vain superstition or vile slavery of the churchmen in those days, who, being not content with their own natural prince and king given them of God, must seek further to the pope ; thinking no ecclesiastical living to be given, which is not taken at his hands. The words of his oration be storied rightly thus. The Oration of Becket on resigning his Bishopric to the Pope. 1 Fathers and lords, I ought not to lie in any place, much less before God, and in your presence here. Wherefore, with much sighing and sorrow of heart, Becket's I grant and confess, that these perturbations of the church of England be j^su- raised through my miserable fault. For I entered into the fold of Christ, but Se ' e not by the door of Christ; for that not the canonical election did call me law- Avpendix. fully thereunto, but terror of public power drove me in. And albeit I against my will took this burden upon me, yet not the will of God but man's pleasure induced me hereunto ; and therefore no marvel though all things have gone And why contrary and backward with me. But as for the resigning up again, at the nof^Mr 6 threats of the king, the privilege of my bishoply authority which I had granted Becket,' to me (so as my fellow-bishops did instantly call upon me to do), had I so done resign it (agreeably also to the wishes of the nobles), then had I left a pernicious and his^iinds dangerous example to the whole catholic church ; by reason whereof I thought of whom to defer that unto your presence. And now, recognising with myself my in- yetook.it? g ress no t to have been canonical, and therefore fearing it to have the worse end ; and again pondering my strength and ability not to be sufficient for such a charge ; lest I should be found to sustain that room to the ruin of the flock, to which I was appointed (however improperly) a pastor, I here render up into your hand the archbishopric of Canterbury. And so putting off his ring from his finger, and offering it to the pope, he desired a bishop for the church of Canterbury to be pro- vided, seeing he thought not himself meet to fulfil the same, and so (with tears, as the story saith) ended his oration. This done, the archbishop was bid to stand apart. The pope conferring upon this with his cardinals about the resignation of Becket, what was best to be done, some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the king's wrath might easily be assuaged, if the church of Canterbury were assigned to some other person ; and yet the said Becket otherwise to be provided for, notwithstanding. Contrary, other again thought otherwise, whose reason was, if he, who for the liberties of the church had ven- tured not only his goods, dignity, and authority, but also his life, VII. That all debts, that were owing through troth-plight, should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal courts. VIII. That the Peter pence, which to the pope were gathered, should be taken to the king. IX. If any clerk for felony were taken and so proved, he should be first disgraded, and then through judgment to be hanged ; or if he were a traitor, to be drawn. Other laws and constitutions made at Clarendon, in Normandy, and sent to England, whereunto Becket and the pope would not agree, he being then fled out of the realm. (Then follow the constitutions given at p. 219, note (1), " Ex Quadrilogo.") By these and such other laws and decrees it may appear, that the abolishing of the pope is m new thing in the realm of England. This only difference there is, that the pope being driven out then, could not be kept out so long as now he is. The cause is, that the time was not yet come that Antichrist should so fully be revealed; neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in those days, as it hath been now in our time. Now, these premised, let us return where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket. The communication and controversy between the king and Thomas Becket, with his clergy. The king, as is aforesaid, conventing his nobles and clerks together, required to have the punish- ment of certain rnisdoers of the clergy; but Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto, the king came to this point, to know whether he would consent, with his clergy, that the customs then set forti in the realm (meaning by the first part of those decrees above specified) should be observed.] fV For this oration in Latin, see the Edition of 1563, p. 53.— Ed. DECISION OF THE POPE AND CARDINALS. 219 should now at the king's pleasure be deprived, like as it might be a Honryii. precedent hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort, if his A cause were maintained, so contrariwise, if it quailed, it should be an ii65. example to all other hereafter not to resist his prince in the like A C0I1 . case ; and so might it redound, not only to the weakening of the ^j}^' 1 state of the catholic church, but also to the derogation of the pope S the pope authority. Briefly, this sentence at length prevailed : and so Becket carditis receiveth his pastoral office at the pope's hand again, with com- J^^ t , mendation and much favour. But forsomuch as he could not be matter, well placed in England, in the mean while the pope sendeth him with a monk's habit into the abbey of Pontigny in France, where he remained two years ; from thence he removed to Sens, where he Appendix. abode four years. So the time of his exile continued six years in all. Upon this, the king being certified by his ambassadors of the pope's answer, how his favour inclined more to Becket than to him, was moved (and worthily) with wrathful displeasure ; who upon the same sailing from England into Normandy, directed over certain Becket in injunctions against the pope and the archbishop of Canterbury, the SlSix contents whereof are recited underneath. 1 y ears * Of these and such other injunctions Becket specifieth partly in & certain letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner : 2 Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to his well-beloved friend, &c. Be it known to your brotherly goodness, that we, with all ours here, by God's grace are safe and in good health. Having a good hope and trust in your faithful amity, I charge you and require you, that either by the bringer hereof, or by some other whom ye know faithful and trusty to our church of Canterbury and to us, you write with all speed what is done. As touching the king's decrees here set out, these they be : That all havens and ports should be diligently kept, that no letters of interdict be brought in thereat ; and if a religious man bring them in, he shall have his feet cut off ; if he be a priest or clerk, he shall lose his eyes, &c. ; 3 if he be a layman, let him be hanged ; if he be a leper, let him be burned. And if any bishop for fear of the pope's inter- dict will depart the realm, besides his staff only in his hand let him have nothing (1) I. If any one shall be found bringing letters of the lord pope, or any mandate of the archbishop of Canterbury, containing an interdict of Christianity [i.e. the use of the service, sacraments, and holy rites] in England, let him be taken and let justice be executed upon him without delay, as a traitor to the king and the kingdom. II. Also, no clerk, monk, or other religious person, can be permitted to pass beyond the sea or return into England, unless he have a passport from the justiciary for his going out, and the king's letters for his return ; if any one shall be caught doing otherwise, let him be taken and im- prisoned. III. Let no man appeal to the pope or to the archbishop. IV. Let no plea be held by order of the pope or of the archbishop, nor let any communication (mandatum) of theirs be received in England by any man. If any one shall be found doing other- wise, let him be taken and imprisoned. V. Generally, also, it is forbidden, that any one carrying any commmumcation (mandatum,) either of cleric or layman, to the lord pope or to the archbishop : if any one shall be found doing otherwise, let him be taken and imprisoned. VI. If any bishops, or clerics, or abbots, or laics, shall comply with any sentence of interdict, let them without delay be cast out of the land, with all their kindred; and let them carry none of their property with them. VII. The chattels of all persons favouring the pope or the archbishop, and all their possessions, and those of all belonging to them, of whatever rank, or sex, or condition they be, shall be taken and confiscated to the lord king VIII. All clerics who have rents and estates in England shall be summoned, in whatever countries they be, to return to them within three months; and if they do not return by the ap- pointed time, let their estates be taken to the king's use. IX. Peter-pence shall no longer be paid over to the pope's apostolic treasury, but be kept dili- gently in the king's chest, and expended at his direction. X. The bishops of London and Norwich shall be at the king's mercy, and be summoned by the sheriffs and beadles before the king's justiciaries, there to do right by the king and his justices, for that, contrary to the statutes of Clarendon, they laid an interdict by command of the lord pope on the land of Earl Hugh, and published the lord pope's excommunication against him through- out their dioceses, without license of the king's justiciaries. [Translated from the Uuadrilogus — En.j (2) For the Latin, see the Edition of 1563, p. 54.— Ed. 3) " Si clericus, oculos et genitalia amittat." — Ed. BECKERS KTNDRED BANISHED. Henry II. else. Also the king's will is, that all scholars and students beyond the seas shall repair home, or else lose their benefices. And if they yet shall remain, A. they shall lose the liberty of ever returning. Further, if any such priests shall 1166. be found, that for the pope's suspense or interdict will refuse to sing, they shall ~~ be shamefully mutilated. 1 In fine, all such priests as show themselves rebels to the king, let them be deprived of their benefices," &c. a.d.1166. Besides these and such like injunctions, it was also set forth by the king^ proclamation, a.d. 1166, that all manner of persons, both men and women, whosoever were found of the kindred of Thomas Becket, should be exiled, without taking any part of their goods with them, and sent to him where he was ; which was no little vex- Becket's a tion to Becket to behold them. Moreover, forasmuch as he then blnished was ty* n ? w ^ Gwarine, abbot of Pontigny, to whom the pope, as ' is aforesaid, had commended him ; therefore the king, writing to the same abbot, required him not to retain the archbishop of Canterbury in his house, for if he did, he would drive out of his realm all the E£rvase th ' mon ^ s °^ n * s or dei"- 2 Whereupon Becket was enforced to remove Hoveden.jfrom thence, and went to Louis, the French king, by whom he was placed at Sens, and there was found of him the space of four years, Appendix, as is above mentioned. In the mean time, messengers went daily with letters between the king and the pope, between the pope again and him, and also between Secket the archbishop and others, whereof, if the reader, peradventure, shall c ?™~ «. he desirous to see the copies, I have thought here to express certain of his ot them, to satisfy his desire ; first beginning with the epistle ot the pope". Becket, complaining of his prince to the pope, in manner and form as followeth. The copy of an Epistle sent by Thomas Becket to Pope Alexander. 3 To your presence and audience I flee, most holy father, that you, who have bought the liberty of the church with your so great danger, might the rather attend to the same, either being the only or chief cause of my persecution, using and following therein your example. It grieveth me that the state of the church should fall to any decay, and that the liberties thereof should be infringed through the avarice of princes. For the which cause I thought to resist betimes that inconvenience beginning so to grow ; and the more I thought myself obliged to the same, my prince, unto whom next under God I am most chiefly bound, the more boldness I took to me, to withstand his unrightful attempts, till such as were on the contrary part, my adversaries, prevailed, working my disquietness, and incensing him against me. Whereupon, as the manner is amongst princes, they raised up against me citations and slanders, to the occasion of my persecution ; but I had rather be proscribed than subscribe. Besides this, I was also called to judgment, and cited before the king to make answer there as a lay person, to secular accounts, and while they whom I most trusted did most forsake me ; for I saw my fellow-brethren, the bishops, through the instigation of some, ready to my condemnation. Whereupon, all being set against me, and I thus oppressed on every side, I took my refuge to appeal to your goodness, which casteth off none in their extremities, being ready to make my declaration before you, that I ought neither to be judged there in that place, nor yet of them. For what were that, father, but to usurp to themselves your right, and to bring the spiritualty under the temporalty ? which thing, once begun, may breed an example to many. And therefore so much the more stout I thought to be in withstanding this matter, how much more prone and inclined I saw the way to hurt, if they might once see us to be (1) See Note 2, p. 219.— Ed. (2) These monks were of the Cistercian order. (3) For the Latin, see the Edition of 1563, p. 54.— Ed HIS LETTER TO 1HE POPE. 221 faint and weak in the same. But they will say to me here again : " Give to Henry II. Caesar that which belongs to Caesar," &c. But, to answer again thereunto: ■ albeit we are bound to obey our king in most things, yet .not in such manner of A. D. things, whereby he is made to be no king ; neither were they then things 1166. belonging to Caesar, but to a tyrant; concerning the which points these bishops should not for me only, but for themselves, have resisted the king. For To keep if the extreme judgment be reserved to him who is able to judge both body and under the soul, is it not then extreme pride for men there to judge, who judge but by pj^tes themselves ? If the cause of the bishops and of the clergy, which I maintain, i S no be right, why be they set against me ? why do thev reprehend me ? For if I cause suf. appealed to him, before whom either it was not lawful, or else not expedient for U n-king° me so to do, what seem they by this, but either to blame me causeless, or else a prince to distrust your equity ? For me to be convicted before your holiness, it had been a double confusion. Or wherein have I deserved to be persecuted of them, for whose cause I have set myself to stand in their behalf? And if they had willed, I had prevailed ; but it is ill with the head, when it is left of its members and forsaken ; as if the eyes should take the tongue to speak against the head. If they had had eyes to have foreseen the matter, they might under- stand themselves to speak their own destruction, and that the princes did use their help but to their own servitude. And what so great cause of hatred had they against me, to procure their own undoing in undoing of me ? So while they neglected spiritual things for temporal, they have lost them both. What should I speak more of this, that I repugning them, and appealing to your audience, they yet durst presume to stand in judgment and condemnation against me, as children against their father. Yea, and not against me only, but against the universal church of God, conspiring together with the prince being with me offended. And this suspicion might also as well pertain to you, holy father. But to this they will say, that they owe their duty and service unto the king, as their lord, to whom they are bound upon their Jf ye allegiance. To whom I answer, that to him they stand bound bodily, to me mean by spiritually. But to whom ought they rather to stand bound, than to themselves ? spiritual And were it not better to sustain the loss of corporal than of spiritual things ? SU ch S as But here they will say again ; at this time the prince was not to be provoked, pertain How subtilly do these men dispute for their own bondage ?_ Yea, they *° tu ^j spi ~ themselves provoke him by their own excess, ministering wings unto him to part of fight against them ; for he would have rested if they had resisted. And when man > 1 is constancy more to be required, than in persecution ? Be not a man's chief your^i^* friends most tried in persecution ? If they give over still, how shall they obtain berties be the victory ? Sometimes they must needs resist. Condescend, therefore, holy n °* t ^ m t0 father, to my exile and persecution, and remember that I also once was a great the in- man in the time when it was ; and now for your sake thus injuriously I am ward or treated. Use your rigour, and restrain them by whose instigation the name man^but of this persecution began, and let none of these things be imputed to the king, rather are who rather is to be accounted the repairer than the author of this business. things r more cor- Besides this epistle sent to the pope, he writeth also another, §JJjJ^ u sent to the king, in Latin, the tenor whereof he that is disposed to tion tn- read may peruse in our former edition, 1 with notes adjoined withal. friend*™ 6 but every (1) An Epistle of Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, to King Henry, found only in the edition of cause 1563, at page 55,with the notes, probably of John Foxe, adjoined. —Ed. maketh Desiderio desideravi videre faciem vestram et loqui vobiscum.i Non multum quidem propter ^grsecu 19 me, sed maxime propter vos: ut visa facie mea reduceretis ad memoriam servitia, qua?, dum F ion agerem in obsequio vestro, exhibui vobis devote et Meliter juxta animi conscientiam (sic me Deus ' adjuvet in examine ultimo, quando omnes astabunt ante tribunal Ipsius, recepturi prout gesserunt in corpore, sive bonum sive malum), et ut moveremini super me pietate, quern oportet mendicando vivere inter alienos. Licet tamen Dei gratia, cum abundantia victualia ad sufficientiam habeamus. Estque nobis consolatio multa, quod dicit apostolus, Omnes qui pie volunt vivere in Christo, persecutionem patientur: Et propheta, Non vidi justum derelictum, nec semen ejus quserens panem. Propter vos : tribus ex causis. Turn quia dominus meus estis : turn quia rex meus estis:2 turn quia Alius meus spirituals. Eo quod dominus, debeo vobis et ofFero consilium meum et obse- Certain Notes upon this Latin Epistle. 1. Imo maxime suum agit negotium, etiamsi dissimulat sedulo. Appendix. 2. Si dominus est, cur te non praebes illi servum? Si rex, cur non subditum ostendis? Porro quum servus non sui sit juris, sed in possessione sui domini. quo jure ergo servum agis fugitivum, ab eo aufugiens, qui jure tui vindicat possessionem atque in te potestatem occupat ? Praeterea, si dominum tuum esse agnoscas, falso igitur illi te consilium debere dicis ; in servo enim non con* •ilium spectatur, sed obsequium, nisi is consilium exigat 222 ANOTHER LETTER TO THE POPE. Henry ix. Besides which epistle to the king in Latin, he sent also one or two A. D. more to th e sa id King Henry II., much after the like rate and sort : one quium quodcunque debet episcopus, secundum honorem Dei et sanctae ecclesiae, domino: eo quod rex, teneor vobis ad reverentiam et commonitionem : eo quodfilius, officii ratione, ad castigationem teneor et cohercionem.3 Corripit enim pater filium nunc blandis nunc asperis, ut vel sic provocet eum ad benefaciendum. Nosse debetis vos gratia regem esse, Primo quia vos ipsum regere debetis vitamque vestram optimis informare moribus, ut vestri exemplo caeteri provocentur ad melius, juxta illud sapientis : Componitur orbis regis ad exemplum : Secundo, alios hos demulcendo, alios puniendo potestatis auctoritate quam ab ecclesia recepistis turn Sacramento unctionis, turn gladii officio, quern gestatis ad malefactores ecclesiae conterendos. Inunguntur enim reges tribus in locis, in capite, in pectore, in brachiis ; quod significat gloriam, scientiam, et fortitudinem. Qui antiquis temporibus justificationes Dei non observabant, et praevaricati sunt mandata ejus, his sublata est gloria, scientia, et fortitudo, et eorum generationi; exem- plo Pharaonis, Nebugodonosor, Saulis, Salomonis, aliorumque plurium.4 Qui vero post delictum suum cordis contritione humiliaverunt se Domino, bis Dei gratia accessitcum omnibus supradictis abundantiusetperfectius, sicut David, Ezeehia?, aliisque quam plurimis. Christus fundavitmatrem ecclesiam, ejusque comparavitS libertatem sanguine proprio, sustinendo flagella, sputa, clavos, mortis angustias, nobis relinquens exemplum ut sequamur vestigia ejus. Unde dicit apostolus : si compatiamur ei, et conregnabimus : si commoriamur, et resurgemus. Ecclesia enim Dei in duobus constat ordinibus, clero et populo. In clero sunt apostoli, apostolicique viri, episcopi, et caeteri doctores ecclesiae, quibus commissa est cura et regnum ipsius ecclesiae, qui tractare habent negotia ecclesiastica, ut totum reducant ad salutem animarum. Unde et6 Petro dictum est, et in Petro aliis rectoribus ecclesiarum, non regibus, non principibus : Tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus earn. In populo sunt reges, et principes, duces, comites, et alias potestates, qui secularia habent tractare negotia, ut totum reducant ad pacem et unitatem ecclesiae. Et quia certum est reges potestatem suam accipere ab ecclesia, non ipsam ab illis sed a Christo, ut salva pace vestra loquar, non habetis episcopis7 praecipere absolvere aliquem vel excommunicare, trahere clericos ad secularia examina, judicare de deeimis vel ecclesiis, interdicere episcopis ne tractent causas de transgressione ridei vel juramenti, et multa in hunc modum quae scripta sunt inter consuetudines vestras, quas dicitis avitas. Domi- nus enim dicit : Leges meas custodite. Et per propbetam : Vae qui condunt leges iniquas et scri- bentes scripserunt injustitias, ut opprimerent pauperes in judicio, et vim facerent causae humilium populi Dei. Audiat namque, si placet, dominus meus consilium lldelis sui, commonitionem epi- scopi sui, castigationem patris sui 8 — ne cum schismaticis de caetero habeat aliquam familiaritatem vel communionem, nec cum eis aliquomodo contrahat foedus vel amicitiam. Notum est enim toti fere mundo, quam devote, quam honorifice dom. papam reoeperitis, quantum ecclesiam Romanarn foveritis et honoraveritis, quantumque dom. papa et etiam ecclesia Romana personam vestram dilex- erint, honoraverint, et in quibuscumque secundum Deum potuerint vos exaudierint. Nolite, Do- mine mi, ergo, si salutem animae vestras desideratis, eidem ecclesiae quod suum est aliqua ratione subtrahere, seu in aliquo ei citra justitiam contraire. Imo eandam ei permittatis in regno vestro habere 9 libertatem, quam in aliis regnis habere dinoscitur. Memores quoque sitis confessionis quam fecistis et posuistis scriptam super altare apud Westminster, de servanda ecclesiae libertate, quando consecrati fuistis et uncti in regem a praedecessore nostro Theobaldo. Ecclesiam etiam Cantuariensem, a qua promotionem et consecrationemaccepistis, in eum statum restituatis et digni- tatem, in quibus fuit temporibus praedecessorum nostrorum; 10 possessiones etiam ad ipsam ecclesiam et ad nos pertinentes, villas, praedia, castella, et omnia quae pro voluntate vestra distribuistis, res et omnes ablatas tam nostras quam clericorum nostrorum et laicorum, in integrum nobis resti- tuatis. Permittatis etiam, si placet, ncs libere et in pace et cum omni securitate redire in sedem nostram, officioque nostro libere uti. sicut debemus et ratio exigit. Et nos vobis tanquam domino charissimo et regi parati sumus fideliter et devote pro viribus servire in quibuscunque potuerimus, salvo honore Dei et ecclesiaeRomanae et salvo ordine nostro. n Alioqui pro certo sciatis, quia divinam severitatem et ultionem sentietis. 3. Subditorum est subjici suis principibus non eos subdere : Episcopi sunt subditi suis princi- pibus : Ergo male conantur episc. suos sibi principes subjicere. Ad principis spectat officium legibus animadvertere in sontes : Becketus id non permittit, prohibens clericos suos ad supplicia vocari : Ergo Becketus non se praestat subditum suo regi. 4. Nego argumentum — Deus punivitmalos principes contra mandata suadelinquentes : Ergo pon- tifices et episcopi punire reges debent, sua decreta transgredientes. 5. Fallaciaest a falsa definitionelibertatis ecclesiasticae. Ea enim libertas quam Christus suo sanguine comparavit, ad conscientiam duntaxat attinet, non ad terrena privilegia aut corporeas facultates. Christus igitur aliam nobis redemit libertatem, Becketus de alia argutatur. 6. Quod Petro dictum est, dictum est tantum rectoribus ecclesiae : Principes non sunt rectores ecclesiae: Ergo non dictum est principibus. Resp. Neganda est minor : deinde majorem sic intelligo ex Aug. Quod dictum est Petro, dictum est ecclesiae universae fldelium, quatenus fidem habet in Christum, super quam fidem aedificatur ecclesia. Unde liquet dictum hoc non magis spectare ad clerum quam ad principes fideles, &c. 7. Fallacia est a divisis ad conjuncta. Sunt enim variae in ecclesia Christi functiones, quae varie sunt ad alios atque alios referendae. Quae vero foris sunt et juris ordinisque externi, et ad casti- gationem attinent, propria sunt principum. Tantum ad clerum spectat dispensatio sermonis Dei, et sacramentorum administratio. Jam haec omnia quae disjungenda erant, perperam confundit hie theologus in una persona. 8. Episcopi si probi fuerint dici fortasse patres possunt suorum principum, sed in Christo tamen, hoc est, non nisi in eis quae ad salutis tantum curam, doctrinae videlicet et sacramentorum, spectant. In ceteris vero principes patres sunt et curam gerunt episcoporum, non illi principum. 9. Iterum hie peccatur in falsa libertatis definitione. 10. Ut facile hie intelligas, lector, suam dignitatem et possessiones quaeri ab episcopis, potius quam gloriam Jesu Christi ! 11. Proximus honor secundum Deum debetur regibus in sua cujusque ditione, juxta scripturae theologiam, quae dicit : Deum timete, regem honoriricate : at contra hie theologus inverso scripturae ordine arguit, honorem Deo proximum deberi— primum Romanae sedi, deinde episcoporum ordini, et post haec regibus. 166. thus ANOTHER LETTER TO KING HENRY. 223 cum," &c. Which epistle, for that I would not overcharge the volume Henry n of these histories with too much matter superfluous, I thought here J jy to omit. The other he sent afterwards, whereof the words be these: — 116$. Another Letter of Becket, sent to King Henry II. 1 To his lord and friend Henry, by the grace of God, king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitain, earl of Anjou : Thomas, by the same grace, humble minister of the church of Canterbury, (sometime his temporally, but now more his in the Lord), health and true repentance with amendment. I have long looked for that the Lord would look upon you, and that you would convert and repent, departing from your perverse way; and cut off" from you your wicked and perverse counsellors, by whose instigation, as it is thought, you are fallen into that deep, whereof the Psalm speaketh, " A sinner, when he cometh to the depth of mischiefs, is without all care or fear." And albeit we have hitherto quietly suffered and borne, considering and earnestly looking if there would any messenger come that would say : " Your sovereign lord, the king, who now a long time hath erred and been deceived, and led even to the destruction of the church, through God's mercy, with abundant humility, doth now again make speed for the deliverance of the church, and to make satisfaction and amendment;" yet notwithstanding we cease not, day by day, continually to call upon Almighty God with most humble devotion, that that which we have long desired for you, and by you, we may speedily obtain with abundant effect. And this is one point, that the care of the church of Canterbury, whereunto God hath presently appointed us albeit unworthy, you being king, doth specially constrain me, in that as yet we are detained in exile, to write unto your majesty letters commonitory, exhortatory, and of correction. But I would to God they were fully able to correct, lest that I be too great a cloaker of your outrages, if there be any, as indeed there are ; for the which we are not a little sorry. I mean especially of them which are done by you in every place, about the church of God and the ecclesiastical persons, without any reverence either of dignity or person ; and lest also that I appear negligent to the great danger of my soul ; for without doubt he beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence, who neglecteth to correct that which another ought to amend ; for it is written, " Not only they which do commit evil, but also they that consent thereunto, are counted partakers of the same." For they verily do consent, who, when they both might and ought, do not resist, or at the least reprove ; for the error which is not resisted is allowed, and the truth, when it is not defended, is oppressed ; neither doth it lack a privy note of society in him, who ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief. 2 For like as, most noble prince, a small city doth not diminish the prerogative of so mighty a kingdom as yours, so your royal power ought not to oppress or change the measure of the religious dispensation ; for it is provided always by the laws, that all judg- ments against priests should proceed by the determination of priests ; for whatsoever bishops they are, albeit that they do err as other men do, not exceeding in any point contrary to the religion of faith, they ought not, nor . can in any case be judged of the secular power. 3 Truly it is the part of a good and religious prince to repair the ruinous churches, to build new, to honour the priests, and with great reverence to defend them, after the example of the godly prince of most happy memory, Constantine, 4 who said, when a complaint Certain Notes or Elenches upon this Epistle. 1. The scope of this epistle is this, to prove that bishops and priests ought not to come under the covert and controlment of temporal power. 2. This similitude holdeth not. For, though the smallness of a city blemisheth not the prero- gative of a kingdom, yet the evilness and rebellion of a city do worthily blemish its own prerogative. 3. So saith the pope's decree (Dist. 10), but the scripture of God importeth otherwise. Abiathar the priest was deposed by King Solomon, not for any heresy, but for other causes (1 Kings ii.). Jonathas took his priesthood of King Alexander; and Simon of Demetrius (1 Maccab. vii. 9; x. 20). Christ offered tribute to Csesar for himself and for Peter. Also Peter saith, " Be ye sub- ject to every human creature ;" and it followetb, " whether it be to the king as to the chief," &c. Also Pope Leo submitted himself to Ludovicus, the emperor, with these words: " And if we do any thing incompetently, and do swerve from the path of righteousness, we will stand to your reformation, or of them whom you shall send." (Causa ii. quaest. 7. " Nos.") 4. Notwithstanding, the said Constantine, writing to the bishops congregated at Tyre, first chideth them, then commandeth them to resort unto his presence, to have their cause judged and decided. (Trip. Hist. lib. iii. cap. 7.) 224 LETTER TO KING HENRY. Henry II. of the clergy was brought to him, " You," said he, " can be judged by no secular judge, who are reserved to the only judgment of God." And forsomuch as we A- 1}, do read that the holy apostles and their successors, appointed by the testimony of 1166. God, commanded that no persecution nor troubles ought to be made, nor to envy those which labour in the field of the Lord, and that the stewards of the Eternal King should not be expelled and put out of their seats ; who then doubteth, but that the priests of Christ ought to be called the fathers and masters of all other faithful princes 1 Is it not a miserable madness, then, if the son should go about to bring the father under obedience, 5 or the scholar his master? and by wicked bonds 6 to bring him in subjection, by whom he ought to believe that he may be bound and loosed, not only in earth, but also in heaven ? If you be a good and a catholic king, and one as we hope, or rather desire you should be (be it spoken under your license), you are the child of the church, and not the ruler of the church. You ought to learn of the priests, and not to teach them ; you ought to follow the priests in ecclesiastical matters, 7 and not to go before them, having the privilege of your power given you of God to make public laws, that, by his benefits, you should not be unthankful against the dispen- sation of the heavenly order, and that you should usurp nothing, but use them with a wholesome disposition. Wherefore, in those things w r hich, contrary unto that, you have, through your malicious counsel, rather than by your own mind wickedly usurped; with all humility and satisfaction speedily give place, that the hand of the Most Highest be not stretched out against you, as an arrow against the mark. For the Most Highest hath bended his bow openly to shoot against him that will not confess his offences. Be not ashamed, whatsoever wicked men say to you, or that traitors do whisper in your ear, to humble yourself under the mighty hand of God ; for it is he who exalteth the humble, and throweth down the proud ; who also revengeth himself upon princes ; he is terrible, and who shall resist him ? You ought not to have let slip out of your memory, in what state God did find you ; how he hath preferred, honoured, and exalted you ; blessed you with children, enlarged your kingdom, and established the same in despite of your enemies ; insomuch that hitherto, in a manner, all men have said with great admiration, that this is he whom God hath chosen. And how will you reward, or can you reward him for all these things which he hath done unto you ? Will you, — at the provocation and instance of those who are about you, that persecute the church, and the ecclesiastical ministers, 8 and always have according to their power persecuted them, rendering evil for good, bringing oppressions, tribulations, injuries, and afflictions upon the church and church- men, — do the like ? Are not these they of whom the Lord speaketh : " He that heareth you, heareth me ; he that despiseth you, despiseth me ; and he that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye." Verily, forsaking all that thou hast, take up thy cross, that thou mayest follow thy God, our Lord Jesus Christ. Yet will it scarcely be, or not at all, that thou shalt appear a thankful recom- penser of the benefits received at his hand. Search the Scriptures with such as are learned, and you shall understand that Saul, albeit he was the elect of the Lord, perished with his whole house, because he departed from the ways of the Lord. 9 Uzziah also, king of Judah, whose name is spoken of and spread over all, through the manifold victories given him of God, his heart was so puffed up to his destruction, because the Lord did help and strengthen him in every place, 5. " The father under obedience," &c. If fatherhood go by age, I suppose that King Henry was older than Becket. If fatherhood consist in authority, I judge the authority of a king to be above the authority of an archbishop. If the see of Canterbury make the fatherhood, yet had Becket no cause to claim fatherhood over the king, seeing the son ordained the father; that is, seeing the king made him his archbishop, and he made not him his king. 6. " By -wicked bonds." All is wicked with the papists, that bringeth them in subjection to their princes. 7 Ecclesiastical matters be such, as properly belong to doctrine and divine knowledge, for the institution of the sold, and information of conscience. In which both princes and subjects ought to follow the pastors, so long as they go truly before them without error or else not. But what maketh this for the lands and liberties of churchmen ? 8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebels is not to be called persecution, but due correction. 9. Saul brake the commandment of God and was rejected. Ozias, contrary to the commandment of God, took the office of a priest, and was stricken. Oza, against the express word of the law, put his hand to the ark, and was punished. But what express word had King Henry, why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishops, and wicked priests, within his own realm 1 wherefore these similitudes accord not. As for Achas, he was not so much punished for taking the priest's office, as for spoiling the temple of the Lord, and offering to idols. ON EXCOMMUNICATING SOVEREIGNS. 225 that he, contemning the fear and reverence of the Lord, would usurp unto Henry if. himself that which was not his office, that is to say, the priesthood, and offer : — incense upon the altar of the Lord, for the which he was stricken with a leprosy, ^I'P' and cast out of the house of the Lord. Many other kings and holy men of great substance, because they have walked above their estate in the marvels of the world, presuming to rebel against God in his ministries, have perished, and, at the last, have found nothing of their substance in their power. Also King Ahaz, because he did usurp the office of priesthood, was likewise stricken with a leprosy by God. Oza also, albeit he was not king, yet forasmuch as he touched the ark and held it, when it woidd have fallen by the unruliness of the oxen, which thing pertained not unto him, but unto the ministers of the church, was stricken by the wrath of God, and fell down dead by the ark. O king ! it is a famous proverb, " That a man, forewarned by another man's misfortune, will take the better heed unto himself." For every man hath his own business in hand when his neighbour's house is on fire. Dearly beloved king, God would have the disposing of those things which pertain unto the church, to belong only unto priests, and not unto the secular power. Do not challenge unto thyself therefore another man's right, neither strive against him by whom all things are ordained, lest thou seem to strive against his benefits from whom thou hast received thy power. For not by the common laws, 10 and by the secular power, but by the bishops and priests, Almighty God would have the clergy of the christian religion to be ordered and ruled. And christian kings ought to submit all their doings unto ecclesias- tical rulers, and not to prefer themselves ; for it is written, that none ought to judge the bishops but only the church, neither doth it pertain unto man's law to give sentence upon any such. Christian princes are accustomed to be obedient unto the statutes and ordinances of the church, and not to prefer their own power. A prince ought to submit himself unto the bishops, and not to judge the bishops; for there are two things wherewith the world is chiefly governed, that is to say, the sacred authority of bishops, and royal power, 11 in the which the bishops' charge is so much the more weighty, in that they shall at the latter judgment render account even of the kings themselves. Truly you ought to understand, that you depend upon their judgment, and cannot reduce them unto your own will ; for many bishops have excommunicated both kings and emperors. And if you require an especial example thereof, Innocent, the pope, did excommunicate Arcadius, the emperor, because he did consent that J ohn Chrysostome should be expulsed from his seat ; and St. Ambrose also did excommunicate Theodosius, the great emperor, 12 for a fault which seemed not so weighty unto other priests, and shut him out of the church, who, afterwards, by condign satisfaction was absolved. There are many other like examples. For David, when he had committed adultery and murder, the prophet Nathan was sent unto him by God to reprove him, and he was soon corrected : and the king (laying aside his sceptre and diadem, and setting apart all princely majesty) was not ashamed to humble himself before the face of the prophet, to confess his fault, and to require forgiveness for his offence. What will you more? He, being stricken with repentance, asked mercy, and obtained forgiveness. So likewise you, most beloved king and reverend lord ! after the example of this good king David, of whom it is said, " I have found a man after mine own heart," with a contrite and humble heart turn to the Lord your God, and take hold of repentance for your transgressions. For you have fallen and erred in many things, which yet I keep in store still, if (peradventure) God shall inspire you to say with the 10. " Common laws." St. Austin, writing to Boniface, saith thus : " Whosoever obeyeth not the laws of the emperor, being made for the verity of God, procureth to himself great punishment. For in the time of the prophets, all the kings which did not forbid and subvert all such things as were used of the people against the law of God. are rebuked. And such as did withstand them, are commended above the rest." 11. Isidorus hath these words : " Let temporal princes know that they must render account to God for the church, which they have at the hands of God to govern," &c. 12. The cases of Arcadius, Theodosius, David, and of this king, as touching this matter, have no similitude. In them was murder : this king doth nothing but claim that which is his due. And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted, yet it agreeth not therefore that iL& persons of those who have the use of the spiritual sword are above the persons of those the temporal sword. VOL. II Q LETTKli OF THE POPE TO KING HENRY, Henry II. prophet, " Have mercy on me, O God, according to thy great mercy, for I have ~~ sinned much against thee, and done evil in thy sight." Thus much I have A.D. 1166. thought good to write to you, my dear lord, at this present, passing other things in silence, till I may see whether my words take place in you, and bring forth fruits worthy of repentance ; and that I may hear and rejoice with them that shall bring me word and say, " O king ! thy son was dead, and is alive again ; was lost, and is found again.' " But if you will not hear me, look where I was wont Note the before the majesty of the body of Christ to pray for you in abundance of tears of d God. ent an( ^ s ighs ; there in the same place I will cry against you, and say, Rise up, against Lord, and judge my cause; forget not the rebukes and injuries which the king this of England doth to thee and thine ; forget not the ignominy of thy church, who k was wmc h thou hast builded in thy blood. Revenge the blood of thy saints which is slain at spilt ; revenge, O Lord, the afflictions of thy servants, of which there is an makhf^' "^finite number. For the pride of them which hate and persecute thee is gone the body up so high, that we are not able to bear them any longer. Whatsoever yofir of Christ, servants shall do, all those things shall be required at your hands : for he seemeth to have done the harm, who hath given the cause thereof. Doubtless, the Son of the Most Highest, except you amend and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergy, and keep your hand from troubling of them, will come in the rod of his fury, at the voices of such as cry to him, and at the sighs of them that be in bands ; when the time shall come for him to judge the unrighteousness of men in equity and severity of the Holy Ghost. For he knoweth how to take away the breath of princes, and is terrible among kings of the earth. Your dear and loving grace, I wish well to fare. Thus fare ye well again and ever. Besides these letters of the archbishop sent to the king, 1 the pope also, in the same cause, writeth to the king: 2 the whole tenor of whose letter I would here express, but for protracting of the time and for straitness of room, having so many things else in this story (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect : to exhort and charge the king to show favour to Thomas Becket ; where, in the process of the epistle, it followeth to this effect : " Therefore we do desire, admonish, and exhort your honour, by these our apostolical writings, and also enjoin you upon the remission of your sins, in the behalf of Almighty God, and of St. Peter, prince of the apostles, by our authority, that you receive again the aforesaid archbishop into your favour and grace, for the honour of God, his church, and of your own realm," &c. Thus have you heard the pope's entreating letter. Now here is anothei letter sent unto the aforesaid king, wherein he doth menace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth. Bishop Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to Henry, king of England, health and blessing apostolical. 3. How fatherly and gently we have ofttimes entreated and exhorted, both by legates and letters, your princely honour to be reconciled again with our reve- rend brother, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, so that he and his may be restored again to their churches and other possessions to them appertaining, your wisdom is not ignorant, seeing it is notified and spread almost throughout all Christendom. Forsomuch therefore as hitherto we have not been able to prevail with you, nor mollify your mind by fair and gentle words, it grieveth us not a (1) The pope's letter heginneth after this sort: " Alexander papa ad Henricum regem. Et naturali ratione, et forma juris dictante, providentiam tuam credimus edoctam fuisse, quod quanto quis ah aliquo majora suscepisse dignoscitur, tanto ei ohnoxior et magis obligatus tenetur," &c. (2) " Ea propter severitatem tuam per apostolica scripta rogamus, monemus, ct exhortamur in Domino; necnon in remissionem peccatorum ex parte Dei omnipotentis, et beati Petri principis apostolorum, auctoritate nostra injungimus, ut memoratum archiepiscopum pro Deo et ecclesiasua, et honore tuo, necnon et totius regni tui, in gratiam et favorum tuum recipiasj" &e. (3) The Latin copy is in the Edition of 1563, p. 57.— Ed. See Append*. AN ANSWER TO THE POPE. ^1 little, so to be frustrated and deceived of the hope and expectation which we had Henry u conceived of you : especially seeing we love you so dearly, as our own dearly- beloved son in the Lord, and understand such great jeopardy to hang over you. But forsomuch as it is written, " Cry out, and cease not ; lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and declare to my people their wickedness, and their sins to the house of Jacob;" also forsomuch as it is by Solomon commanded, that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of oxen ; therefore we have thought good not to forbear or support your stubbornness any longer against justice and our own salvation, neither that the mouth of the aforesaid archbishop should be stopped from henceforth anymore, but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duty, and revenge with the sword of ecclesiastical discipline the injuries done both to himself and to the church committed to his charge. And here I have sent unto you two legates, the prior of Montdieu, & Bernar- dus de Coriio, to admonish you of the same. But if ye will neither by us be advised, nor give ear unto them in obeying, it is to be feared, doubtless, lest such things as they shall declare to you from us in our behalf may happen and fall upon you. — Given at Benevento, the ninth, day before the kalends of June. To answer these letters again, there was a certain other writing drawn out and directed to the pope, made by some of the clergy, as it seemeth, but not without consent of the king, as by the titre may appear, inveighing and disproving the misbehaviour of the archbishop. The tenor thereof here followeth, and beginneth thus : — An Answer to the Pope. 1 Time now requireth more to seek help than to make complaints. For so it is now, that the holy mother church (our sins deserving the same) lieth in a dangerous case of great decay, which is like to ensue, except the compassion of the Lord speedily support her. Such is the wickedness now of schismatics, that the father of fathers, Pope Nay, ra- Alexander, for the defence of his faith and for the love of righteousness is j^/or banished out of his country, and is denied the liberty of returning to his own treason proper see, by reason of the obdurate heart of that Pharaoh, Frederic. against Further and besides, the church also of Canterbury is miserably impaired and ^ e ^ e ' blemished, as well in the spiritual as in the temporal estate : much like a ship in prince, the sea, destitute of her guide, tossed in the floods, z.na wrestling with the winds. ^ rederic The pastor, being absent from his country, is prevented returning thither through compared the power of the king, and being over wise (to the jeopardy of himself, his church, to Pha- and us also) hath brought and entangled us with himself in the same partaking ^i^was 1 * of his punishments and labours, not considering how we ought gently to entreat to claw and not to resist superior powers. And also he showeth himself to us ungrate- ^ h pope ful, who with all our affections sympathize with him in his afflictions, notceas- ™ 1 ing yet to persecute us who stand in the same condemnation with him. For, betwixt him and our sovereign prince, the king of England, arose a certain matter of contention, whereupon they were both agreed, that a day should be appointed to have the controversy determined according to equity and justice. The king commanded all the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church, to be called against the day aforesaid to a great and solemn frequency: so that the greater and more general this council was, the more manifest might be the detection of any fraud and wickedness. At the day therefore above mentioned, this troubler of the realm and of the church presenteth himself in the sight of our catholic king : and, not trusting the quality and condition of his cause, armeth himself with the standard of the cross, as though he were about coming into the presence of a tyrant. By reason whereof the king's majesty being somewhat aggrieved, yet, because he would be delivered from all suspicion, committeth the matter to the hearing of the bishops. This done, it rested with the bishops to decide and cease this contention, and to set agreement between them, removing all occasion of dissension. Which thing they going about, this aforesaid archbishop cometh in, forbidding and commanding, that no sentence whatever should be passed upon him before the king. (1) The Latin copy is in the Edition of 1563. p. 57, whence the translation is revised — Ed. ft 2 £28 becket's letter to THE BISHOP OF NORWICH. Henry n. This being signified in the king's hearing, his mind was grievously provoked - thereby to anger : whose anger yet notwithstanding had been easily assuaged, if A ' the other would have submitted himself and acknowledged his default. But lie H66^ adding stubbornness to his trespass, such is the amount of his excess that he alone, as the guilty author, ought to bear the brunt of the vengeance of the civil Becketa power, ashamed as he is to crave pardon for his desert at the king's hand; tres^ 0 ™ wnose anger he feared not to stir up in such a troublesome time of the perse- passer; cution of the church, greatly against the profit of the same; augmenting and ergo, no increasing thereby the persecution which now the church lieth under. Much martyr " better it had been for him to have tempered himself with the bridle of mode- ration, in the high estate of his dignity ; lest in exceeding too far in straining ambitiously to attain the summit of affairs, peradventure (as his presumption deserveth) he should fall the lower. And if the detriment of the church would not move him, yet the great preferments of riches and honours bestowed upon him ought to persuade him not to be so stubborn against the king. But here our adversary objecteth, that his standing to the king's judgment in this behalf were prejudicial against the authority of the see apostolical. As though he did not or might not understand, that although the dignity of the church should suffer a little detriment in that judgment, yet he might and ought to have dis- sembled for the time, for the sake of restoring peace. He objecteth again, assuming the name of father, that it soundeth like a point of arrogancy for children to proceed in judgment of the father, and that such a thing ought not to be. But he must understand again, that it was necessary that the obedience and humility of the children should temper the pride of the father ; lest, afterward, the hatred of the father might redound upon the children. Where- fore, by these premises your fatherhood may understand, that our adversary ought to drop his action as void and of none effect, who only upon the affec- tion of malice hath proceeded thus against us, having no just cause or reason to ground his attack upon. And, forsomuch as the care and charge of all the churches (as ye know) lieth upon us, it standeth upon us to provide, by our diligence and circumspection, concerning the state of the church of Canterbury, that the said church of Canterbury be not brought to shipwreck through the excess of its pastor. By this epistle it may appear to the reader thereof, that Becket, being absent from England, went about to work some trouble against certain of the clergy and the laity, belike in excommunicating such as he took to be his evil willers. Now to understand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate, this letter, sent to William, bishop of Norwich, shall better declare the matter. See Appendix. A Letter of Becket, to William, bishop of Norwich, wherein are con- tained the names of those whom he did excommunicate. 1 He is clearly liable to the punishment of a criminal, who receiving power and authority of God useth and exerciseth not the same with due severity in punishing vice, but winking and dissembling doth minister boldness to wicked doers, maintaining them in their sin. For the blood of the wicked is required at the hand of the priest, who is negligent or dissembleth. And, as the Scripture saith, " Thorns and brambles grow in the hands of the idle drunkard." Wherefore, lest through our too much sufferance and dissembling, we should become involved in the guilt of manifest evildoers, and be convicted of procuring the injury of the church through our guilty silence ; we, therefore, follow- ing the authority of the pope's commandment, have laid our sentence of curse and excommuni cation upon the Earl Hugh ; commanding you throughout all your diocese publicly to denounce the said earl as accursed; so that, according to the discipline of the church, he be sequestered from the fellowship of all faithful people. Also, it is not unknown to your biotherhood, how long we have borne with the transgressions of the bishop of London ; who, amongst his other (1) For the Latin, see Edition 15G3, p. 58.— Ed. AND ANOTHER TO POPE ALEXANDER. acts, I would to God were not a great doer, and fautour of this schism, and Henry n. subverter of the rights and liberties of holy church. Wherefore we, being sup- ported with the authority of the apostolic see, have also excommunicated him; A.D. besides also the bishop of Salisbury, because of his disobedience and contempt, 1166. and others likewise, upon divers and sundry causes, whose names here follow The subscribed: Thomas Fitz-Bernard ; Rodulph of Brock; Robert of Brock, a clerk : bishopof Hugh of St. Clair, and Letard, clerk of Northfleet ; Nigel of Sackville, and g°° 0 do ° Richard, a clerk, brother to William of Hastings, who possesseth my church of muni- Monkton. We therefore charge and command you, by the authority aposto- cated ; . lical and ours, and by the virtue of obedience, and by the peril of salvation and buryfbe-" of your order, that ye cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate cause he throughout all your diocese, and command all the faithful to avoid their com- ^in the pany. Fare ye well in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled, nor fear ; for without we stand sure through the assistance of the apostolic see, God being our defence the K- against the pretensed shifts of the malignant sort, and against all their appella- him^be- tions. Furthermore, all such as have been solemnly cited of us shall sustain ing then the like sentence of excommunication, if God will, on Ascension-day, unless j^e seas meanwhile they satisfy for their offences ; to wit, Geoffrey, archdeacon of Can- see " terbury, and Robert his vicar ; Richard of Ilchester, Richard of Lucy, William A PP Gndi *- Giffard, Adam of Cherings, with such others more, who either at the command- ment of the king, or upon their proper temerity, have invaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to us, or to our clerks about us. With these also we do excommunicate all such as be known, either with their aid or counsel to have incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the church in the exiling and spoiling of the innocent, and such ako as be known to impeach or hinder, by any manner of way, the messengers sent either by the lord pope or by us, from prosecuting the necessities of the church. Fare you well again, and ever. Hitherto hast thou seen, gentle reader, clivers and sundry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou mayest collect a sufficient history of his doings and demeanour, though nothing else were said further of him, concerning his lusty and haughty stomach, above that beseemed either his degree or cause which he took in hand. And here peradventure I may seem in the story of this one man to tarry too long, having to write of so many others better than it : yet for the weaker sort, who have counted him, and yet do count him, for a saint, having in themselves little understanding to judge or discern in the causes of men, I thought to add this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a foreign power, doing what in him did lie to stir for his own cause mortal war to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had been offered him of his prince, was it not enough for him to fly ? What cause had he, for his own private revenge to set potentates in public discord ? Now having no just cause, but rather offering injury in a false quarrel, so to com- plain of his prince, what is to be said of this, let every man judge who seeth this letter. An Epistle of Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to Pope Alexander. 1 To our most loving father and lord, Alexander, by the grace of God supreme A sediti- pontifF, Thomas, the humble minister of the church of Canterbury, due and JjJJJjj^J devoted obedience. Long enough and too long, most loving father, have I Becket to forborne, still looking after amendment of the king of England, but no fruit have the pope I reaped of this my long patience : nay rather, whilst that unwisely I do thus ^king. forbear, I augment the detriment and ruin of mine authority, as also of the liberty of the church of God : for oftentimes have I by religious and suitable (1) " Amantissimo patri et Dom. Alexandra, Dei gratia summo pont., Thomas, Cant, ecclesise humilis minister, debitam et devotam obedientiam," &c. [The whole of this letter in Latin is given in the Edition of 1563, p. 59, whence the above translation is revised.— Ed.] 230 BECKEt's LETTER TO POPE ALEXANDER. Henry II. messengers invited him to make condign satisfaction; as also by my letters, the copies whereof I have sent you, I have intimated the divine severity and A.D. vengeance against him, unless he repented. But he, that notwithstanding, 1 1 66- proceedeth from evil to worse, oppressing and ravaging the church and sanctuary of God ; persecuting both me and those who take part with me, and doing all his endeavour by threatening words to terrify such as, for God's cause and mine own, seek any way to relieve and help me. He wrote also letters unto the abbot of the Cistercian order, that, as he favoured the abbies of that his order which were in his [the king's] power, he should not accept me into the fellowship thereof, nor do any thing else for me. Why should I use many words ? So much hath the rigour and severity, as well of the king as of his officers, under our patience and sufferance, showed itself, that if a great number of men, yea, and that of the most religious sort, should show unto you the matter as it is indeed, and that upon their oath taken, I partly doubt whether your holiness would give credit to them or not. With anxiety of mind, therefore, I considering these things, and beholding as well the peril of the king as of ourself, have publicly condemned those pernicious — " customs" they are not to be called, so much as — perversities and pravities, whereby the church of England is disturbed and brought into confusion, as also the writing whereby they were confirmed; excommunicating generally, as well the observers thereof, as also the exactors and patrons of the same, with all their favourers, counsellors, and coadjutors whatsoever they be, whether of the clergy or laity; absolving also our bishops from their oath, whereby they were so strictly enjoined to the observation of the same. These are the articles which in Godly that writing I have principally condemned : — That it is inhibited to appeal unto articles the see apostolical for any cause, but by the king's license : That a bishop may derailed not punish any man for perjury, or for breaking of his troth : That a bishop may byBecket. not excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite, or else interdict either their lands or offices without the king's license : That clerks and reli- gious men may be taken from us to secular judgment: That the king or any other judge may hear and decide the causes of the church and tithes: That it shall not be lawful for any archbishop or bishop to go out of the realm, and to come at the pope's call without the king's license : and divers others such as Appendix, these. But I have by name excommunicated John of Oxford, who hath communicated with the schismatic and excommunicate person, Reginald of Cologne, who also, contrary to the commandment of the lord pope and ours, hath usurped the deanery of the church of Salisbury, and hath, to renew his schism, taken an oath in the emperor's court. Likewise I have denounced and excommunicated Richard of Ilchester, because he is fallen into the same damnable heresy, and has communicated with that infamous schismatic of Cologne ; devising and forging all mischief possible with the schismatics and Germans, to the destruction of the church of God and especially of the church of Rome, by composition made between the king of England and them : also Richard de Lucy and Jocelin de Baliol, who have been favourers of the king's tyranny and fabricators of those heretical pravities. Also Ranulph de Broc, and Hugo de Sancto Claro, and Thomas Fitz-Bernard, who have usurped the pos- sessions and goods of the church of Canterbury without our license and consent. We have also excommunicated all those who, contrary to our will, do stretch out their hands to the possessions and goods of the church of Canterbury. The jppntd-x king himself we have not yet excommunicated personally, still waiting for his amendment: whom, notwithstanding, we will not defer to excommunicate, unless he quickly amend, and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore, that the authority of the see apostolic and the liberty of the church of God, which in these parts are almost utterly lost, may by some means be restored, it is meet and very necessary that what we have herein done, the same be of your holiness ratified, and by your letters confirmed. Thus I wish your holiness long to prosper and flourish. Becket repre- hended for com By this epistle, lie that listeth to understand of the doings and quarrels of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought thereof : lining which his doings, although in some part they may be imputed either to ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or human frailty, of his king. LETTER OF THE SUFFRAGANS OF CANTERBURV. 23J yet, in this point, so vilely to complain of his natural prince, for the Henry n zeal of the pope, he can in no wise be defended. But such was the ~a7dT blindness of the prelates in those days, who measured and esteemed 1166. the dignity and liberty of Christ's church by no other thing, than only by goods and possessions flowing unto and abounding among the clergy ; and who thought no greater point of religion to be in the church, than to maintain the same. For this cause they did Excom most abominably abuse Christian discipline and excommunication of t?on mca the church at that time ; as by this aforesaid epistle may appear. aDused - And what marvel if the acts and doings of this archbishop seem now to us in these days both fond and strange, seeing the suffragans of his own church and clergy, writing to him, could not but reprehend him, as in this their epistle, translated out of Latin into English, may be seen. An effectual and pithy Letter, full of reason and persuasion, sent from all the suffragans of the church of Canterbury to Thomas Becket, their archbishop. 1 Such troubles and perturbations as happened through the strangeness of A / ^ fM your departure out of the realm, we hoped by your humility and prudence should have been reduced again (God's grace working withal) into a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no little joy to us, to hear so of you in those parts where you are conversant, how humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing vaunting yourself against your prince and king, and that you attempt no risings or wrestlings against his kingdom, but that you bore with much patience the burden of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and prayer, and to redeem the loss of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and tears ; and so, being occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of virtue, &c. But now, through the secret relation of certain, we hear (that we are sorry of) that you have sent unto him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salutation Appendix premised; in the which also ye pretend no entreating nor prayers for the obtaining of favour, neither do use any friendly manner in declaring what you write, but, menacing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, and to cut him from the society of the church. Which thing if you shall accomplish with like severity as in words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred and discord without measure, and without all redress amongst us. But wisdom will consider before the end of things, labouring and endeavouring to finish that which she wisely beginneth. Therefore your discretion shall do well diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend ; what end may ensue thereof, and whereabout ye go. Certes, we, for our parts, hearing what we do hear, are discouraged from that we hoped for, who, having before some good comfort of tranquillity come, are cast from hope to despair, so that while one is drawn thus against another, almost there is no hope or place left to make entreaty or supplication. Where- fore, writing to your fatherhood, we exhort and counsel you by way of charity, that you add not trouble to trouble, and heap injury upon injury ; but that you so behave yourself, that, all menaces set aside, ye rather give yourself to patience and humility, and yield your cause to the clemency of God, and to the mercy of your prince ; and in so doing you shall heap coals of charity upon the heads of many. Thus charity shall be kindled, and that which menacings cannot do, by God's help and good men's counsel, pity, peradventure, and godliness shall obtain. Better it were to sustain poverty with praise, than in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well known unto all men, how beneficial the king hath been unto you ; from what baseness to what dignity he hath advanced you ; and also into his own familiarity hath so much preferred you, that from the North Ocean to the Mount Pyrinee he hath subdued all (1) " Quae vestro (pater) inlonginquo discessu inopinata rei ipsius novitate turbata sunt ; vestris sperabamus humilitate," &c. 232 LETTER OF THE SUFFRAGANS OF CANTERBURY. Henry II. things to your authority : insomuch that they were amongst all others accounted for men right fortunate, whosoever could find any favour with you. A- D. And furthermore, lest that your estimation should be over matched by any H66» nobility, he (against the mind of his mother, and of his realm) hath placed and see ratified you substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced you to this Appendix honour wherein ye stand ; trusting, through your help and counsel, to reign more safely and prosperously. Now, if he shall find disquietness, wherein he trusted to have quietness, what shall all men say or think of you? What recompense or retribution shall this be thought, to be for so many and great benefits taken ? Therefore, if it shall please you, ye shall do well to favour and spare your fame and estimation, and to overcome your lord and sovereign with humility and charity ; whereunto if our advertisement cannot move you, yet the love and fidelity you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome ought to incline you thereunto, and not to attempt any such thing, whereby the troubles of the church, our mother, may increase, or whereby her dolour may be augmented in the loss of those, whose disobedience now she doth bewail : foi what if it so happen through provocation, that the king, whom all his subjects and kingdoms obey, should relinquish the pope, which God forbid, and should deny all obedience to him, as he denieth to the king help or aid against you, what inconvenience would grow thereof? And think you he hath not great instigations, supplications, gifts, and many fair promises so to do ? Yet he, not- withstanding, abideth firm hitherto in the rock, despising, with a valiant mind, all that the world can offer. This one thing feareth us, lest his mind whom no worldly offers can assail, no glory, riches, nor treasure can overturn, only through indignation of unkindness, be subverted ; which thing if it chance to happen through you, then may you sit down and sing the song of the Lamen- tation of Jeremy, and weep your bellyful. Consider therefore, if it please you, and foresee well with yourself, this purpose of yours, if it proceed, how hurtful and perilous it will be, not only to the pope, and to the holy church of Rome, but also to yourself most especially. But some, peradventure, about you, of haughty and high-minded stoutness, more stout perchance than wise, will not suffer you to take this way, but will give you contrary counsel, to prove rather and declare what ye are able to do against your lord arid prince, and to practise against him and all his the utter- most of your power and authority ; which power and authority of yours, to him that offendeth, is fearful, and to him that will not amend, terrible. Such coun- sel as this, some, peradventure, will whisper in your ear. But to these again this we say and answer for our king, whom notwithstanding to be without fault we do not affirm, but yet, that he is always ready to amend and make satisfac- tion, that we speak confidently and protest in his behalf. The com- The king, appointed for the Lord's anointed, provideth for the peace of his tionof" subjects all that he is able : and therefore, to the intent he may conserve this King peace in his churches and amongst his subjects committed to him, he willeth Henij IL, an d re quire th such ordinances as are due to kings, and have been exhibited meekness to them beforetime, also to be exhibited to him ; wherein if there hath any and mo- contradiction sprung up betwixt him and us, he being thereupon convented, and A ration, admonished from the pope by the reverend bishops of London and Hereford, burst not out into any defiance, but meekly and humbly answered, That where insoever the church or any ecclesiastical person can show himself grieved, he would therein stand to the judgment of the church of his kingdom. This also he is ready no less to perform indeed, thinking nothing more sweet unto him than to be admonished of his fault, if he have offended the Lord, and to reform the same; and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the uttermost, if the laAv shall so require him. Wherefore, seeing he is so willing to recompense and satisfy the judgment of the church in all things appertaining to the church ; refusing no order that shall be taken, but in all things submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ ; with what right, by what canon, or reason, can you interdict him, or use excommunication against him ? It is a thing laudable, and a virtue of great commendation in wise men, wisely to go with judgment and reason, and not to be carried with puffs of hasty violence. Whereupon, this is the only and common petition of us all, that your fatherly care will diligently provide for your flock and sheep committed to you, go that they miscarry not, or run to any ruin through any inconsidoiate or too BECKETS REPLY TO HIS SUFFRAGANS OF CANTERBURY. much heady counsel in you; but rather, through your softness and sufferance, Hen*yJI. they may obtain life, peace, and security. It doth move us all, what we hear - . "' of late to be done by you against the bishop of Salisbury, and the dean of the A- same church, prosperously, as some men suppose ; against whom you have \ 166. given out the sentence of excommunication and condemnation, before any question of their crime was ; following therein, as seemeth, more the heat of hastiness than the path of righteousness. This is a new order of judgment, unheard of yet to this day in our laws and canons, first to condemn a man, and after to inquire of the fact committed. Which order lest you should hereafter attempt to exercise in like manner against our sovereign and king, or against us, and our churches and parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of us all ; therefore, we lay here against you, for ourselves, the remedy of appellation. And as before, openly in the public face of the church, with lively voice, we appealed to the pope for fear of certain perils that might have happened, so now again, in writing, we appeal to the same, assigning as the term of our ap- Ap p e Zi i9m pellation the day of the Lord's ascension : most humbly and reverently beseech- ing your goodness, that you, taking a better way with you in this matter, will let your cause fall, sparing herein both the labours and charges, as well ot yourself as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare, reverend in the Lord. The rescript or answer of Thomas Becket to all his suffragans, not obeying, but confuting, the counsel sent. 1 Your brotherly letters sent, albeit not by the whole assent of your Avisdoms Appendix. written, as I suppose, I received of late upon a sudden, the contents whereof seem to contain more sharpness than solace ; and would to God they proceeded more of sincere zeal of godliness, or affection of charity, than of disobedience or froward wilfulness ! for charity seeketh not the things that be her own, but which appertain to Jesus Christ. It had been your duty, if there be truth in the gospel, as most undoubtedly there is, and if you would faithfully have accomplished his business whose person you represent, rather to have feared Him, who can cast both body and soul to hell, than him whose power ex- tendeth no further than to the body ; rather to have obeyed God than man ; rather your Father than your master or lord, after the example of him who was to his Father obedient unto the death ; who died for us, leaving us an example to follow his steps. Let us die therefore with him, and lay down our lives for the deliverance of his church out of the yoke of bondage, and tribulation of the oppressor, which church he hath founded, and whose liberty he hath procured with his own proper blood; lest, if we shall do otherwise, it may haply Scriptures fall upon us which is written in the gospel, " Whoso loveth his own life more in words than me, is not worthy of me." This ye ought to know, that if it be right which [e|ed y al your Captain commandeth, your duty requireth to obey his will ; if not, ye but falsely ought then rather to obey God than men. iden 6 * 1 ' One thing I will say, if I may be so bold to tell it unto yoiLj I have y0 ur mi- now suffered and abstained a long space, waiting if the Lord had given you to nor . Mr- take a better heart unto you, who have turned cowardly your backs in the day Becket * of battle ; or if any of you would have returned again to stand like a wall for the house of Israel, or at least if he had but showed himself in the field, making but the countenance of a warrior against those who cease not daily to infest the Lamb of God. I waited, and none came ; I suffered, and none rose up ; I held my peace, and none would speak ; I dissembled, and none would stand with me in like semblance ; wherefore, seeing I see no better towardness in you, this remaineth only, to enter action of complaint against you, and to cry The against mine enemies ; " Rise up, O Lord ! and judge my cause ; revenge of the blood of the church, which is wasted and oppressed. The pride of cannot be them which hate his liberty riseth up ever, neither is there any that doth good, over- no, not one." Would to God, brethren beloved! there were in you any mind ^° wn: or affection to defend the liberty of the church ; for she is builded upon a sure Becket rock, so that although she be shaken, yet she cannot be overthrown. And why fj^*" 0 * then seek ye to confound me ? nay, rather yourselves in me, than me in you ? gist©^ 6 (1) " Fraternitatis vestras scriptum (quod tamen prudentia? vestrae coramuni cousilionon facile credimus emanasse) nuper ex insperato suscepimus," &c. BECKET S REPLY TO wrongly defined. The words of holy Scripture clerkly applied. Turn to The soul of the church is the liber- ty of the church, saith Becket. Henry IT. a man who hath taken upon me all the peril, have sustained all the rebukes, " — have sustained all the injuries, have suffered also for you all, to very banishment. **■ And so it was expedient, that one should suffer for that church, that there- Z~—L °y it might be released out of servitude. These things discuss you simply with Servitude yourselves, and weigh the matter. Attend, I say, diligently in your minds, for and liber- your parts, that God, for his part, removing from your eyes all majesty of rule church 16 an< ^ em P er y.- as h e i s 110 accepter of persons, may take from your hearts the veil, that ye may understand and see what ye have done, what ye intend to do, and what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say, I have taken from him, since the time of my promotion, either ox or ass. If I have defrauded him of any penny, if I have misjudged the cause of any man wrongfully, or if, by the detriment of any person, I have sought mine own gain, let him com- plain, and I will restore him fourfold. And, if I have not offended you, what then is the cause that ye thus leave and forsake me in the cause of God ? Why bend ye so yourselves against me in such a cause, that there is none more special belonging to the church ? Brethren, seek not to confound yourselves and the church of God (so much turn thou as ^ n y ou * s )> ^ut to me > ana - y ou sna ^ ® e sa ^ e ' *° r tne Lord saith, " I will to the not the death of a sinner, but rather he should convert and live." Stand with thou shait me man ^ u ^y m the war ; take your armour and your shield to defend me. be saved. Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may with- stand more valiantly the malignant enemies, such as go about to take away the soul of the church, which is her liberty ; without which liberty she hath no power against them that seek to encroach to their inheritance, the possession of God's sanctuary. If ye will hear and follow me, know ye that the Lord will be with you, and with us all in the defence of the liberty of his church. Other- wise, if ye will not, the Lord judge betwixt me and you, and require the confusion of his church at your hands ; which church, whether the world will or no, standeth firmly in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is builded, and ever shall, till the hour come that she shall pass from this world to the Father ; for the Lord ever doth support her with his hand. Wherefore, to return to the matter : Brethren, remember well with your- selves (which thing ye ought not to forget) what danger I was brought unto, and the church of God also, while I was in England, at my departing out of England, and after my departure from thence ; also in what danger it standeth at this present day ; but especially at that time, when, at North- ampton, Christ was judged again in my person, before the judgment seat of the high president. Who ever heard the archbishop of Canterbury, being troubled for injuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the pope of Rome, to be judged, condemned, appealed, and put to his sureties, and mat of his own suffragans? Where is this law seen, or the authority, nay rather perversity, of this canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at this your enormity ? Why are ye not confounded? Or why doth not this confusion work in you repentance, and repentance drive you to due satisfaction before God and men? For these and such other injuries done to God and to his church, and to me for God's cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer, because that without danger of soul I ought not to dissemble them), I choose rather to absent myself for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, than in the tabernacle of sinners, until the time that (their iniquity being complete) the hearts of the wicked, and the cogitations of the same, shall be opened ; and these injuries were the cause both of my appeal from the king, and of my departure from thence, which ye term to be sudden. But if ye will speak the truth which ye know, it ought to be no less than sudden, lest, being fore- known, it might have been prevented and stopped ; and, as God turned the matter, it happened for the best, both for the honour of the king, and better safety of those who, seeking my harm, should have brought slander on the king. If such troubles followed upon my departing as ye say, let them be ner of his imputed to him who gave cause ; the fault is in the worker, not in the de- ooming parter ; in him that pursueth, not in him that avoideth injuries, What would Unbe- seeming words of high pre- sumption. Christ is not Judged in the person of any trai- tor. Con- science made where . there is none. But he leaveth out hero the man the stur- diness of his be- haviour. and ye more ? I presented myself to the court, declaring both the causes of my coming and of my appeal, declaring also the wrongs and injuries done to me and to my church, and yet could have no answer, neither was there any that laid any thing against me, before we came to the king. Thus, while we stood HIS SUFFRAGANS OF CANTERBURY. waiting in the court, whether any would come against me or no, they sent to Henry 11. my officials ; charging them not to obey me in my temporalities, nor to owe any service to me or to any of mine. After my appellation made in the court, D. my church was spoiled ; we and they about us deprived of our goods, outlawed 1166. both of the clergy and of the laity, men, women, and infants ; the goods of the church, that is, the patrimony of the crucifix, confiscated, and part of the money turned to the king's use, part to your own coffers. Brother bishop of London, if this be true that we hear of you, and that to the use of your own church ye convert this money, we charge you and require you forthwith, by virtue of obedience, that within forty days after the sight of these letters, all delay and excuse set aside, ye restore again within the time aforesaid, all such goods and parcels as you have taken away : for it is unmeet and contrary to all law for one church to be enriched with the spoil of another church. If ye stand upon the authority that set you to work, you must understand, that in matters concern- ing the church goods., he can give no lawful authority, who committeth violent injury, &c. What authority and what Scripture giveth this prerogative to princes upon Hecket church goods, which you would attribute to them ? What ? will they lay for seemetft them the remedy of appeal ? God forbid ! It were evil with the church of stiffSof God, if, when the sacrilegious extortioner hath violently invaded other men's his mass- goods, especially the goods of the church, he should after defend him with the ^ ^ e than title of appeal, &c. book of Do not, brethren, so confound altogether the right of the church and of the ^ o] Y t temporal regiment, for these two are very different, one borrowing its authority otherwise from the other. Read the Scriptures, and you shall find what and how many he might kings have perished for taking upon them the priestly office. Therefore let ^eVthing your discretion provide, lest for this your doing, God's punishment light in the old upon you ; which if it come, it will be hard for you very easily to escape. !a . w for Provide also and see to your king, whose favour ye prefer before the deprive 0 wealth and profit of the church ; lest it happen, which God forbid, that priests, he doth perish with all his house, after the example of those who for a ^ c l° the like crime were plagued. And if ye cease not off from that ye begin, whom with what conscience can I dissemble or forbear, but must needs punish they you ? Let him dissemble with you who lists, having authority so to do ; truly I Kings" in will not ; there shall be no dissimulation found in me. And where you write the old in your letters concerning my promotion, that it was against the voice of the j^' whole realm, and that the church did exclaim against it, what should I say to meddle you, but that, which ye know right well, " The lie, which the mouth doth will- with the ingly speak, killeth the soul?" but especially the words of a priest's mouth Jffieefin ought ever to go with verity. As touching this matter, I appeal to your own some conscience whether the form of my election stood not fully with the consent of i hi " gs tiipt were them all to whom the election belonged, having also the assent of the prince by f or bid- his son, and of those who were sent thereto. And if there were some that den : bnt repugned the same, he that was troubled and is guilty, let him speak. wereTbf 8 Ye say, moreover, that I was exalted and promoted from a base and low fleers degree to this dignity by him. I grant that I came of no royal or kingly °^ r sts t0 blood ; yet, notwithstanding, I would rather be in the number of those whom correct virtue of the mind, rather than birth, maketh noble. Peradventure I was born them in a poor cottage, of poor parentage ; and yet, through God's clemency, who ^ydid knoweth how to work mercy with his servants, and who cherisheth the humble amiss, and low things, to confound the high and mighty, in this my poor and low ^J® n of estate, before I came to the king's service, I had abundantly and wealthily Achas to live withal, as ye know, amongst my neighbours and friends. And David, and Oza even from the sheepfold, was taken up and made a king ; Peter, of a fisher, was QkMPes- made a prince of the church, who, for his blood being shed for the name of tament, Christ, deserved to have in heaven a crown, and in earth name and renown ; j- nen we would to God we could do the like ! We be the successors of Peter, and not of minor! 0 "' kings and emperors. s ^ dix And where ye seem to charge me, by insinuation, with the blot of ingrati- ppe " lx - tude, thus I answer : There is no offence capital or infamous, unless it proceed theluf- from the heart and intention. As, if a man commit a murder unwillingly, cessors although he be called a murderer, yet he is not thereby punishable : and so, ** d s ™ although I owe my duty and service with reverence to my king, yet, if I have not that ' 236 bucket's reply to Henry £1. A.D. 1166. hold the places of saints, but that do the ■works of saints. — Hierome. If the king had been an adulterer, or tyrant against the new doctrine or preach- ing of Christ, then might this rea- son serve, and God more to be obeyed than man. Now where did Becket learn that the king in his temporal right -was not to be obeyed ? Take heed, ye mar- all, if ye open that door. Divers ways of excom- munica- tion. The council speaketh of such as he worthily excom- muni- cated. See A, yendix. forborne him as my lord, if I have warned him, and talked with him fatherly aud gently as with a son, and in talking with him could not be heard : if therefore, I say, being enforced thereunto, and against my will, I do exercise upon him the censure of due severity, in so doing I suppose I make rather with him than against him, and rather deserve at his hand thanks for my correction, than note or suspicion of unkindness or punishment for the fact. Sometimes a man, against his will, receiveth a benefit, as, when necessity causeth a man to be restrained from doing that which he ought not to do : he that doth so restrain him, though he stop him, doth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for his soul's health. Another tiling that defendeth us from ingratitude, is, our Father and Patron Christ, who, in that he is our Father, to whom we as children owe obedience, then are we bound, as children, by necessity, to obey his commandment, in warning the evildoer, in correcting the disobedient, and in bridling the obsti- nate : which, if we do not, we run into danger to have his blood required at our hands. Ye set forth likewise and show, what loss we thereby may sustain of our temporalities, but ye speak no word of the loss of our souls. Moreover, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the church of Rome, which in your letters ye seem to pretend, or rather threaten : God forbid, I say, that the devotion or faith of our king should ever swerve away from the obedience and reverence of the church of Rome, for any tem- poral commodity or incommodity, which thing to do is very damnable in any private subject, much more in the prince who draweth many others with him ; therefore, God forbid that ever any faithful man should once think so heinous a deed. And you, according to your discretion, take heed lest the words of your mouth infect any person or persons therein, occasioning to them by your words such dangers and damnable matter, like to the golden cup which is called the cup of Babylon, which for the outward gold no man will refuse to drink of, but after they have drunk thereof, they are poisoned. And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending of the reverend father, the bishop of Salisbury, and for excommunicating of John, 1 dean of the same church, for a schismatic, by knowledge and process had of the matter, to this I answer, that both these are justly and condignly excommunicate ; and if ye understand perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of judg- ments, ye will say no less. For this standeth with good authority, as ye know, that in manifest and notorious ciimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding is not requisite. Perpend with yourselves diligently, what the bishop of Salisbury did concerning the deanery, after that he was prohibited of the pope and of us, under pain of excommunication ; and then shall ye better under- stand, that upon such manifest disobedience, suspension did rightly follow, as ye read in the decree of St. Clement, saying, " If they do not obey their prelates, all manner of persons, of what order soever they be, whether they shall be princes of high or low degree, and all other people, shall not only be infamed, but also banished from the kingdom of God and the fellowship of the faithful." As concerning John of Oxford, this we say, that excommunication cometh divers ways ; some are excommunicate by the law denouncing them excommunicate ; some by the sentence of the prelate ; some by communicating with those who are excommunicate. Now he that hath fallen into this damnable heresy, of participating with schismatics whom the pope hath excommunicated, he draweth to himself the spot and leprosy of like excommunication. Wherefore, seeing he, contrary to the pope's express commandment and ours, being charged under pain of excommunication to the contrary, took upon him the deanery of Salisbury, we have denounced him, and hold him excommunicate, and all his doings we disannul by the authority of the eighth synod, saying, " If any man, either privily or apertly, shall speak, or communicate with him that is excommu- nicate, he draweth unto himself the punishment of like excommunication." And now, forasmuch as you, brother, bishop of London, who ought to know that saying of Gregory VII. 2 , " If any bishop shall consent to the fornication of priests, deacons, &c. within his precinct, for reward, favour, or petition, or doth not by authority of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his office." And again, that saying of Pope Leo which is this : " If any bishop shall insti- (1) This John was called a schismatic, because he took part with Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, and the emperor, against Alexander, the pope. (2) This Gregory, otherwise called Hildebrand, was he that first took away priests' marriage, con- demning all priests who had wives, of fornication. HIS SUFFRAGANS OF CANTERBURY. tute or consecrate such a priest as shall be unmeet and unconvenient, if he escape Henry II. whh the loss of his own proper dignity, yet he shall lose the power of instituting — ~~~ any more," &c. Therefore forasmuch, I say, as you, knowing this, have double- }'• wise offended against the sentence of these canons, we command you, and in 1166 , the virtue of obedience enjoin you, that if it be so, within three months after the receipt hereof, you will submit and offer yourself to due correction and satisfaction to the council of our fellow-bishops, for these your so great excesses, lest others, through your example, run into the like offence, and we be constrained to proceed against you with severer sentence. Finally, in the close of your letter, where ye bring in for your appellation against me, a safeguard for you, which rather indeed is an hindrance to you, that we should not proceed against the invaders of the church goods, nor against the king, in like censure as we have done against the bishop of Salisbury, as ye say, and his dean ; to this I answer, God forbid that we have, or else should hereafter proceed or do any thing against the king or his land, or against you or your churches, inordinately or otherwise than is convenient. But what if you shall exceed in the same or like transgression, as the bishop of Salisbury hath done ? Think ye then your appellation shall help you from the discipline of our severity, that ye shall not be suspended ? Mark ye diligently whether this be a lawful appeal, and what is the form thereof. We know that every one that appealeth, either doth it in his own name, or in the name of another ; if in his own, either it is for some grievance inferred already, or else for that he feareth after to be inferred against him. Now, concerning the first, I am sure there is no grievance that you can complain of as yet, God be thanked, that you have received at my hand, for the which you should appeal from me ; neither have you, I trust, any cause special against me so to do. If ye do it for fear of what is to come, lest I should trouble you and your churches, consider whether this be the feai that ought to happen in constant men, or whether this be the appeal which ought to suspend or stay our power and authority that we have upon you and your churches. It is thought, therefore, by wise men, and we also judge no less, that your appeal is of no force. First, for that it hath not the right form of a perfect appellation, and also because it is not consonant to reason, and lacketh order and help of the law. Furthermore, if your appellation be in another man's name, either it is for The form the king (as most like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, then you of a true ought first to understand that appellations are wont to be made to repel, and " not to infer injury ; or, to release such as be oppressed, that they should not be oppressed any more. "Wherefore if any man shall enter any appellation, not trusting to the surety of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not given upon him, that appellation is not to be received. For what state will there be of the church, if the liberty thereof being taken away, the goods of the church spoiled, and the bishops driven from their places, or at least not received with full restitution of their goods, the invaders and spoilers thereof may defend themselves by appealing, thereby to save themselves from the penalty of their desert ? What a ruin of the church will this be ? See what ye have done, and what ye say. Are you not the vicars of Christ, representing him on earth ? Is it not your office to correct and bridle ill-doers, whereby they may cease to persecute the church ? and is it not enough for them to be fierce and to rage against the church, but that you should take their part, setting yourselves against us, to the destruction of the church ? Who ever heard of such monstrous doings ? Thus, it shall be heard and said of all nations and countries, that the suffragans of the church of Canterbury, who ought to stand with their metropolitan unto death in defence of the church, now go about by the king's command, so much as in them doth lie, to suspend his authority, lest he should exercise his discipline of correction upon them that rebel against the church. This one thing I know, that you cannot sustain two sorts of persons at once, both to be the appeal 0ne P er makers, and to be appealed to yourselves. You be they who have made the ®° " both appellation ; you be they against whom the appellation is made. Are there any be the more churches than one, and the body of the same? And how meet were it ^j^er then, that you, being the members of the church, should hold together with the and the head thereof? I am afraid, brethren, lest it may be said of us, these be the party ^ , priests who have said, "Where is the Lord?" and having the law, do not know a Pl iea - e '" 2-38 A R R I K F C E X S U R E U POX R K C K K T S R K SCRIP T . Henry II the law. Furthermore, this I suppose, you, being discreet men, are not ignorant of, that such as enter any appellation there, are not wont to be heard, unless A T). f.] ie matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselves, or except special commandment force them thereunto, or else unless they take another man's cause upon them. First, that it belongeth nothing unto you, it is plain, foras- much as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duty ; that is, to punish and to correct all such as rebel against the church. And, secondly, if he who sub- verteth the liberty of the church, and mvadeth the goods thereof, converting them to his own use, be not heard appealing for his own defence, much less is another to be heard appealing for him. Wherefore, as in this case neither he can appeal for himself, nor yet command you so to do ; so neither may you receive the commandment to appeal for him. Thirdly, as touching the taking of another man's cause or business upon you : to this I say and affirm, that ye ought in no manner of wise so to do, especially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the church, and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same. Wherefore, seeing it neither appertainefh to you, neither ought ye to receive any such commandment, nor yet to take upon you any such cause as that is, your appeal is neither to be heard, nor standeth with any law. Is this the devotion and consolation of brotherly love which you exhibit to your metro- politan, being for you in exile ? God forgive you this clemency ! And how now ? will ye look for your letters and messengers to be gently received here of us? Neither do I speak this, as though there were any thing in hand betwixt your part and ours, or that we have done any thing inordinately against the person of the king, or against his land, or against the persons of the church, or Though f intend, by God's mercy, so to do. And therefore, we say briefly, and affirm lawful S constantly, that our lord the king cannot complain of any wrong or injury to be not de- done unto him, if he (being often called upon by letters and messengers them et to acknowledge his fault, neither will confess his trespass, nor yet come to any the law satisfaction for the same) have the censure of severity by the pope and us laid of the upon him : for no man can say that he is unjustly treated, whom the law doth win and 6 justly punish. And, briefly to conclude : know you this for certain, that extor- Joth. tioners, invaders, detainers of the church goods, and subverters of the liberties thereof, neither have any authority of the law to maintain them, nor doth their appealing defend them. A brief censure upon the. former rescript of Becket to his suffragans, with a general resolution of the reasons therein contained. 1 If the king of England had been an idolater, covetous, and adulterer, an incestuous person, a murderer, with such like ; then the zeal of this archbishop, threatening the king and such as took his part, had deserved praise in this epistle, and the Scripture would have borne him out therein. For these and such causes should bishops prosecute the authority of the gospel against all persons. But, the matter standing only upon church goods, liberty (or rather licentiousness) of priests, making of deans, titles of churches, superiority of crowning the king, with such other matters : to stand so stiff in these, is not to defend the church, but to rebel against the king. Again, if the principles, which he here groundeth upon, were true — to wit, that the pope were to be obeyed before princes, that the liberty of the church standeth upon the immunity of priests exempted from princes' laws, or upon ample possessions of the church ; or that the pope's law ought to prevail in all foreign countries, and to bind all princes in their own dominions ; or that the sentence of the pope and his pope- lings (how or by what affection soever it is pronounced) may stand by the undoubted sentence of God : then all the arguments of this epistle do proceed and conclude well. But, if they stand not ratified by God's word, but tottering upon man's traditions, then, whatsoever he inferreth or concludeth thereupon, his assumption being false, cannot be true, according to the school saying : " One inconveniency being granted in the beginning, innumerable follow there- upon." So in this epistle it happeneth, as is above noted, that the major of this man is true, but the minor is clean false, and to be denied. (1) From the style of this censure, it is clearly from the pen of our author, Fnxe. — Kn. A LETTER OF MATILDA, THE EMPRESS. 23.9 The letter of Matilda, the empress, and mother of the king, to ^ gwry// - Thomas Becket. 1 A. D. My lord the pope hath commanded me, and upon the forgiveness of my sins — enjoined me, that I should be a mediator and means of restoring peace and concord between my royal son and you, by reconciling of yourself to him, whereunto, as you know, you requested me. Wherefore with the more affection, as well for the divine honour as for holy church, I have taken the enterprise upon me. But this by the way I assure you, that the king, with his barons and council, feel a great difficulty how far you, whom he entirely loved and honoured, and made chiefest in all his realm, and raised to the highest dignity in all his dominions, ought to be trusted for the future, seeing that you (as they assert) stirred up his people against him ; yea, and further, that, as much as in you lay, you went about to disinherit him, and deprive him of his crown. Where- fore, I send unto you our trusty and familiar servant, Archdeacon Lawrence, by whom I pray you that I may understand your mind herein, and what your disposition is toward my son, and how you mean to behave yourself, if haply he should be disposed to grant my prayer and petition to his grace in your behalf. But this one thing I assure you of, that without great humility and moderation most evidently in you appearing, you cannot recover the king's favour. Herein what you mean to do, I pray you send me word, by, your own letters and messenger. But to proceed further in the order of the history. After these letters sent to and fro a.d. 1166 (which was the twelfth year of the reign of King Henry II.), the king misdoubting and fearing with himself, that the archbishop would proceed, or exceed rather, in his excommunication against his own person, to prevent the mischief, made his appeal to the presence of the pope, requiring to have certain legates sent down from Rome from the pope's side, to take up the matter between the archbishop and him ; requiring, moreover, that they might also be absolved who were interdicted. Whereupon two cardinals, being sent from Alexander, the pope, with letters to the king, came to Normandy, where they appointed the archbishop to meet them before the king upon St. Martin's day. But the arch- bishop, neither agreeing with the day nor the place, delayed his coming till the eighth day after, neither would go any further than to Nov.isth, Gisors, where the two cardinals and the archbishop, with other bishops., A - D1167 ' con venting together, had a certain entreaty of peace and recon cilia- tion : but it came to no conclusion. The contents of this entreaty or action, because it is sufficiently contained in the cardinals 1 letter, who were called Gulielmus and Otho, written to the pope, it shall require no further labour, but to show out the words thereof, where the sum of the whole may appear : the words of the letter be these. The copy of the epistle written and sent by two cardinals to the pope, concerning the matter of the Archbishop Becket. 2 William and Otho, cardinals of the church of Rome, to Alexander, the pope, &c. On reaching the territories of the king of England, we found the contro- versy betwixt him and the archbishop of Canterbury more vehemently aggra- Becket vated than we would ; for the king, and the greater part of those about him, stirring asserted that the archbishop had stirred up the French king grievously against p^ench him ; and also that he had made the earl of Flanders, his kinsman, who bare no king displeasure to him before, his open adversary, ready to war against him, as he thought by divers evidences most certain. Proceeding to Caen, therefore, the 0 fEng- g first time we were admitted to the king's speech we duly delivered the letters land. (1) Revised from the Epistolae D. Thomae, lib. ii. ep. 42.— Ed. (2) Revised. Ibid. ep. 28.— Ed. ~40 LETTER OF TWO CARDINALS TO THE POPE. Henry n. of your fatherhood into his hands : which after he had read through and con sidered before the council, finding them less full, nay somewhat at variance l ."J— " with others which he had before received from you on the same matter, he was moved and stirred with no little indignation, and said he bad not the least doubt that the archbishop, after our departure from you, had received of you other letters, by the virtue whereof he was exempted from our judgment, so that he should not be compelled to answer before us. Moreover, the said king affirmed, the bishops there present testifying the same, that what had been intimated to you concerning the ancient customs of England was for the most part untrue ; offering further to us, that if any customs had been added in his time, which seemed prejudicial to the statutes of the church, he would willingly revoke and annul the same. Whereupon we, with the archbishops, bishops, and abbots of his realm, laboured by all the means we might, unwilling to lose all prospect of peace, and in hope of inclining the king toward it, to effect an interview with the archbishop and obtain his consent to undergo judgment. By reason whereof we directed our own chaplains unto him, with letters, ap- pointing him a place where safely he might meet us on the feast of St. Martin. Nevertheless he, pretending certain excuses, made his dilatories, driving off the Xov.isth. time from the day of St. Martin to the octaves following, which thing the king took more deeply to heart than we should have expected. A com- Still, though we offered to the archbishop a safe conduct, yet he refused to Son'be- meet us within the border of the king of England's territory ; so we, to satisfy tween his mind, condescended to meet him within the territory of the French king, in ancUhe a P^ ace wnere he himself appointed, that there should be no let in us, whereby cardinals, to stop his profit. After we had entered upon communication, we began to exhort him all that we could, to submit and humble himself to his sovereign and king, who had heaped upon him such benefits and dignities ; whereby matter might be given us for the attempt at reconciling them together. He being thus moved and exhorted by us, departed aside to consult with his fol- lowers upon the matter. At length, after counsel taken, he proposed, that he Bucket's should humble himself before the king, " saving the honour of God, and the aa i ion. jj^ ert y 0 f j.] ie church ; saving also the dignity of his person, and the posses- sions of his churches ; and moreover, saving the justice of his own cause and of his followers." 1 After which enumeration we pressed on him the necessity of descending to particulars. When as yet he brought nothing in, which was definite or particular, we then demanded of him whether he would, on all the counts contained and comprehended in your letters, submit himself to our judgment, as the king and the bishops had before promised they would do. To the which he answered promptly, that he had received from you no command- ment on that point, but that if first of all he and his were restored fully to all their possessions, then he would so proceed in the matter, according as he should receive commandment from the see apostolical. Becket Thus we. breaking off communication, seeing that he neither would stand to neither judgment, nor incline to concord, and that he was determined on no account to stand to enter into the cause, resolved to report thereof to the king, and so did ; de- noMriai lt c ^ arm o tnat which he had expressed to us, yet suppressing a great part, and modifying the rest. Having finished our speech, the king with his nobles affirmed that he was absolved from the time the archbishop refused judgment. After much agitation of the king, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots of the realm of England, and not a few of the clergy, required of us, whether we had power, by special mandate or by virtue of our legatine commission, to compel him to submit ; and finding that our authority would not serve thereunto, and fear- ing lest the aforesaid archbishop, in defiance of judicial order, would work again disquietness to some noble personages of the realm, and seeing our authority could not extend so far as to help them against him, they came to a unanimous Nov.nth, resolution to make their appeal to your hearing, prefixing the festival of A.D.UG8. 8^ Martin in the winter for the term of their appeal. And this is the epistle of these two cardinals sent to the pope, wherein may sufficiently appear all the discourse and manner of that (1) " Salvo honore Dei, et ecclesiae libertate ; salvaetiam honestate personae suae et pcssessionl- b.'is ecclesiarum : et amplius, sua et suorum in omnibus salva justitia." ATTEMPT AT RECONCILIATION. 241 assembly, although particularly every thing be not expressed, con- Henry n. ccrning the talk betwixt the cardinals and the archbishop. When ~a7d~ William, who of the two cardinals was the more eloquent, amongst 1169. other communication, had reasoned long with him as concerning the peace of the church, which Becket said he preferred above all things, Recket w Well then,"' saith the cardinal, " seeing all this contention between better his the king and you riseth upon certain laws and customs to be abro- Ji^Xe gated, and that you regard the peace of the church so much, what peace of say you ? Will you renounce your bishopric, and the king shall church, renounce his customs ? The peace of the church now lieth in your gaytaik™ hands, either to retain or to let go ; then what say you ?" To whom he answereth again, that the proportion was not like. " For I," saith he, " saving the honour of my church and my person, cannot renounce my bishopric. On the contrary, it standeth upon the king, for his souFs health and honour, to renounce these his ordinances and customs." Which thing he thus proved; because the pope had condemned those customs, and he, likewise, with the church of Rome had done the same. THE TALK RETWEEN THE FRENCH KING. THE KING OF App ?Z*. ENGLAND, AND RECKET. After the cardinals were returned, the French king, seeing the king of England disquieted, and solicitous to have peace, or at least pretending to set an agreement between them, brought the matter to a communication among them, in which communication the [At Mont- French king made himself as umpire between them. The king of JJJ 8 ^ England, hearing that the archbishop would commit himself to his a.d. arbitrement, was the more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, U69 ' ] many being there present, the archbishop, prostrating himself at the king's feet, declared unto him, kneeling upon his knees, that he would commit the whole cause, whereof the dissension arose between them, unto his own arbitrement ; adding thereunto, as he did before, " salvo honore Dei ;" that is, " saving the honour of God." The Becket king, as is said before, being greatly offended at this word, hearing ^tbhis" and seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much to this word, old addi- " salvo honore Dei," was highly therewith displeased, rebuking him sWo ho- with many grievous words, as a man proud and stubborn, and also B ° e r c e ke ^ ei " charging him with sundry and great benefits bestowed upon him, as JggPjJ a person unkind, and forgetting what he had so gently done and kindness, bestowed upon him. And speaking to the French king there present, " See, sir, if it please you," saith the king of England, " whatsoever displeaseth this man, that he saith to be contrary to the honour of God ; and so by this means he will vindicate and challenge to himself both what is his and mine also. And yet, notwithstanding, because I will not seem to do any thing contrary or prejudicial to God's honour, this I offer him : There have been kings in England before, both of greater and The less puissance than I am; likewise there, have been bishops ofjjjgj^ Canterbury many, both great and holy men. What the greatest and Recket most holy of all his predecessors, before him, hath done to the least of ntaUe '* my progenitors and predecessors, before me, let him do the same to J^Sf" me, and I am content." They that stood by, hearing these words of VOL. II. R DISSIMULATION OF THE FRENCH KING. Henry ii. the king, cried all with one voice, " The king hath debased himself A.D. enough to the bishop. 11 The archbishop staying a little at this in 1169. silence; " What I 11 saith the French king to him, " my lord arch- ^ bishop, will you be better than those holy men ? Will ye be words of greater than Peter ? What stand you doubting ? Here now French have you peace and quietness put in your own hands, if ye will killg ' take it. 11 To this the archbishop answered again : " Truth it is, 11 saith he, " that my predecessors before me were both much better and greater than I, and of them every one for his time, although he did not extirpate and cut off all, yet something he did pluck up and correct, which seemed adverse and repugnant against God's honour. For if they had taken all together away, no such occasion then had been left for any man to raise up this fire of temptation now against us, as is here raised to prove us withal, that we, being so proved with them, might also be crowned with them, being likewise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their labour and travail. And though some of them have been slack, or exceeded their duty, in that we are not bound to follow their example. Peter, when he denied Christ, we rebuke ; but when he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we This ma- commend him. And therefore, because he could not find in his fe lf been conscience to consent unto that he ought in no wise to dissemble, with a ne ither did he ; by reason whereof he lost his life. By such like good mi- oppressions the church hath always grown. Our forefathers and made a predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name and honour Kument. °^ Christ, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favour of one man, suffer the honour of Christ to be suppressed ?" The nobles standing by, and hearing him thus speak, were greatly grieved with him, noting in him both arrogancy and wilfulness, in perturbing and refusing such an honest offer of agreement. But especially one among the rest was most grieved, who there openly protested, that seeing the archbishop so refused the counsel and request of both the kingdoms, he was not worthy to have the help of either of them, but as the kingdom of England had rejected him, so the realm of France should not receive him. 1 Alanus, Herbert, and certain other of his chaplains, who committed to story the doings of Becket, do record, whether truly or not I cannot say, that the French king, sending for him, as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken, at the coming of Becket did prostrate himself at his feet, confessing his fault in giving counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honour of God) to relent therein, and to yield to the pleasure of man ; wherefore, declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved thereof. Thus, after this, the French king and Becket were great friends together, insomuch that King Henry, sending to the king to entreat and desire him that he would not support or maintain his enemy within his realm, the French king utterly denied the king's request, taking part rather with the archbishop than with him. Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the archbishop above mentioned, there followed yet another, which was this. Shortly after this communication recited between the king and Becket, the king of England returning again from Normandy into (1) Ex Quadrilogo, CORONATION OF THE KINC/s SON. 243 England, a.d. 1170, in the sixteenth year of his reign, about Henry H, Midsummer, kept his court of parliament at Westminster, in the 7 "Z which parliament he, with the consent both of the clergy and the i{iq\ lords temporal, caused his son Henry to be crowned king. This ■ coronation was done by the hands of Rosier, archbishop of York. [Sunday, with the assistance ol other bishops ministering to the same, as a.d. Gilbert of London, Jocelin of Salisbury, Hugh of Durham, and 11 si 1 Walter of Rochester. By reason of this, Becket of Canterbury/"*''*'*" being there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displea- sure ; and so did Louis, the French king, hearing that Margaret, his daughter, was not also crowned with her husband ; whereupon he, gathering a great army, forthwith marched into Normandy. But the matter was soon composed by the king of England, who, sending his son unto him in Normandy, entreated there and concluded peace with him, promising that his son should be crowned again, and then his daughter should be crowned also. But the archbishop not ceasing his displeasure and emulation, sent unto the pope, complaining of these four bishops, especially of the archbishop of York, who durst be so bold in his absence, and without his knowledge or his license, to intermeddle to crown the king, being a K matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction ; at the instance of The u- whom, the pope sent down the sentence of excommunication against ^Son the bishop of London. The other three bishops, with the archbishop JjJJJJJJj of York, he suspended, whose sentence and letters thereof for ed, with avoiding prolixity, I here omit. bishops'* Besides these aforesaid bishops excommunicated, divers other suspend- clerks also of the court he cited to appear before him, by virtue of his large commission which he got from the pope, whom they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices ; and some he com- manded in virtue of obedience to appear, on pain of forfeiting their order and benefices; of whom when neither sort would appear, he cursed them openly. And also some laymen of the court and the king's familiars, as intruders and violent withholders of church goods, he accursed ; as Richard Lucy, and Jocelin Balliol, and Ralph Brock, who took the bells and goods that belonged to the church of Can- terbury ; and Hugh Sentclair, and Thomas Fitz-Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goods without his consent ; so that almost all the court were accursed either by name, or as partakers. This being done, the archbishop of York, with the aforesaid bishops, resorted to the king with a grievous complaint, declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained for fulfilling his commandment. The king, hearing this, was highly The moved, as no marvel was. But what remedy ? the time of the ruin king's of the pope was not yet come, and what prince then might withstand JJJjJ^ the injurious violence of that Romish potestate ? Becket. In the mean season the French king, for his part, his clergy and courtiers likewise, slacked no occasion to incite and solicit Alexander the pope against the king of England, to excommunicate him also, seeking thereby and thinking to have some vantage against the realm Neither was the king ignorant of this, which made him more ready to apply for some agreement of reconciliation. At length came down from the pope two legates, the archbishop of Rouen and the it % 244 BECKET's RETURN TO ENGLAND. Henry ii. bishop of Nevers, with direction and full commission either to drive A D. the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the pope's censnrea 1170. out of the churcl). The king, understanding himself to be in greater straits than he could avoid, at length, through the mediation of the French king, and of other prelates and great princes, was content to [At Freit- yield to peace and reconciliation with the archbishop, whom he both Juiy22d received to his favour, and also permitted and granted him free nVo'] return to his church again. Concerning his possessions and lands cf the church of Canterbury, although Becket made great labour therefor, yet the king, being then in Normandy, would not grant him them, before he should repair to England, to see how he would there agree with his subjects. Thus peace after a sort concluded between the king and him, the Beoket arcn bishop, a fter six years of his banishment, returned to England, returned where he was right joyfully received of the church of Canterbury ; oxxof. ba- gjjjgij. 0 f Henry, the young king, he was not so greatly welcomed, in- meut. somuch that coming Up to London to the king, he was returned back to Canterbury, and there bid to keep his house. Roger Hoveden maketh mention in his Chronicle, that the archbishop, upon Christmas- day, did excommunicate Robert de Brooke for cutting off the tail of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time the four bishops before mentioned, whom the archbishop had excommunicated, sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure ; to whom when the archbishop would not grant clearly and simply, without reservations and exceptions, they went over to the king, declaring unto him and complaining of their miserable state and ^ uncourteous handling of the archbishop. Whereupon the king words of conceived great sorrow in his mind, and displeasure toward the wMch lg party, insomuch that he lamented oft and sundry times to those were the about him, that, amongst so many that he had done for, there was Becket's none that would revenge him of his enemy. By occasion of which deat se'e words certain that were about the king, to the number of four, who Appe^xx. j iear j n g jjj m ^.] 1US complain and lament, addressed themselves in great heat of haste to satisfy the grieved mind and quarrel of their prince, if the pa- who within four days after the said Christmas-day, sailing over into Ks Wl11 England, and having a forward and prosperous wind in their journey, measure being in the deep of winter, came to Canterbury, where Becket was cess of commanded to keep. After certain advisements and consultations seasons 67 had among themselves, they pressed at length into the palace where thiThen the arc hbishop was sitting with his company about him ; first, to must assay him with words, to see whether he would relent to the king's thatnL mind, and come to some conformity. They brought to him, said demn°the they, commandment from the king, which, whether he had rather cause of openly there in presence, or secretly, to be declared to him, they MsadVer- bade him choose. Then the company being bid to retire, as he sat having alone, they said, " You are commanded from the king beyond the wardness SCa ' t0 Te P a i r t0 ^ e king's S0T1 here, an( l to ^0 y 0Ur ^U-ty to him, of a wea e - SS swearing to him your fidelity for your baronage and other things, doing" and to amend those things wherein you have trespassed against him." then feat. Whereupon the archbishop refusing to swear, and perceiving their Sween intent, called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to Sdfera anc l f ro > at length they came to the bishops who were excommuni- CONFERENCE BETWEEN BECKET AND FOUR SOLDIERS. 245 cated for the coronation of the king, whom they commanded in the Henry 11. king's name he should absolve and set free again. The archbishop a. d7 answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but 1170. the pope ; wherefore, if that were the matter that grieved them, they and Th0 , should resort to the pope ; he had nothing to do with the matter. ™ a t s Be as it appeareth, from his own time, who, writing of aotf his martyrdom and miracles, thus testifieth of the judgment and sen- tence of divers concerning his promotion and behaviour. The chronicle being written in Latin, and having the name of the author (1) Hume says, Reginald Fitz-urse, and Sharon Turner, Fitzwiso. — Ed. (2) On the eastern -wall of the nave of Preston church, in Sussex, some very ancient paintings, relics of English art, have lately been discovered ; among them is a very spirited one of the murder of Thomas a Becket, displaying, with great minuteness and much talent, the particular of his tragical end. See the ' Archseologia,' vol. xviii. No. 17. — Ed OPINIONS CONCERNING BECKET. 247 cat out, thus beginneth : " Quoniam vero multi," &c. And in the Henry u. first book and eighth chapter it folio weth in this manner : l — A.D.~ " Divers notwithstanding there be, who, as touching his promotion, suppose * the same not to be canonical, for that it was wrought rather by the instance The pro- of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his utility) than ™ 0 ^™ of by the assent either of the clergy, or of the people. Further, it is noted in him judged for a point of presumption and lack of discretion, for that he, being scarce not ca- worthy to take the oar in hand and play the boatswain, would take upon him to g""^^* sit at helm, and guide the ship; namely, in that church, where the covent, charged being in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to have their prelate taken out of with P re - the same profession. Whereas he, scant bearing the habit of a clerk, and going '"^lack* in his changes and soft apparel, is more conversant among the delicate rufflers of discre- in the court, savouring rather of worldly things ; not refusing, moreover, without Ambition any dread, to climb up to the high preferment of such a holy dignity, but noted in rather willingly, of his own accord, to aspire to it. Moses we read did otherwise, Becket, in who, being the friend of God, and sent of him to conduct his people Israel out of "using'but Egypt, trembled at the message, and said, ' Who am I, Lord, that I should go taking his to Pharaoh, and bring thy people Israel out of Egypt ? ' And again, 1 I pray thee,' saith he, ' O Lord,' I am nothing eloquent, send him whom thou wilt send.' Likewise Jeremias also, being sent of the Lord to prophesy against Jerusalem, was abashed to take the office upon him, answering again with much dread of heart, ' A, a, a, Lord, 1 cannot utter my mind, for I am a child.' " After like manner we read of the saints of the New Testament, Bishops whereof many were preferred oftentimes to their bishoprics, and their wills functions of the church, by mere forcement and compulsion of others fj^ttieii rather than by their own wills. So was blessed Gregory, after his flight bishop- and going away, brought back again, and placed in the see and chair of Rome. Likewise St. Ambrose, sore against his mind ; who also, of purpose accusing and confessing his own defects, because he would be repealed, yet by the commandment of Valentinian, the emperor, was enforced to take the burden upon him, which he could by no wise shake off. St. Martin, in like sort, not knowing of any such matter, was circumvented by a certain godly train and wile of the citizens, before he could be brought to his consecration ; which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it with much pensiveness and sorrow of heart. By these and such other examples this chancellor likewise should have rather excused himself as unworthy and unmeet for that room, showing himself more willing to refuse than to take it : to the which this archbishop is judged to do clean contrary. 2 And, although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age, being all blinded and corrupted with superstition, yet let us hear what Neuburgensis, 3 an ancient historiographer, saith ; who in the days of the son of this King Henry II., prosecuting his history unto King Richard L, hath these words, writing of Thomas Becket. 4 (1) " Nonnullis tamen idcirco promotionem ejus visum est fuisse minus canonicam, quod ad earn magis operata est regis instantia, quam cleri vel populi voto. Praesumptionis quoque vel indiscre- tionis fuisse notatum est, quod quiremum tenere vix idoneus videbatur primum gubernaculi locum suscepit," &c. " Et mox, magis etiam secularia turn sapiens, tam sanctum tantae dignitatis fasti- gium non horrens tenuisse, sea ultroneus ascendisse creditus," &c. " Aliter Dei amicus Moses," &c. (2) Haec ex chronico, cui titulus, ' De Passione et Miraculis beati Thomae.' (3) " Gulielmus, Parvus cognomento dictus, Bridlingtoniae natus 1136: ad monasterium Neu- burgense missus obiit 1208. Scripsit de rebus Anglicis sui temporis libros 5, ab an. 1066 ad an. 1197. Quae tradit, aut ipse suis oculis vidit, aut a viris fide dignis accepit." Cave. — Ed. (4) " Sane cum plerique soleant in his quos amant et laudant affectu quodam propensiori, sed prudentia parciori, quicquid ab eis geritur approbare ; plane ego in viro illo venerabili, ea quae ita ab ipso acta sunt, quum nulla exinde proveniret utilitas, sed fervor tantum accenderetur regius, ex quo tot mala postmodum puilulasse noscuntur, laudanda nequaquam censuerim, licet ex lau- dabili zelo processerint : sicut nec in beatissimo apostolorum principe, quod gentes suo exemplo judaizare coegit ; in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem declarat fuisse, licet eum constet laudabili hoc pietate fecisse." [Neub. lib. ii. cap. 16, sub fin.— Ed.] OPINIONS CONCERNING BECKET. Henry II. " Whereas many be wont, in them whom they love and praise, judging them more by affection than prudence, to allow and approve whatsoever thev do ; yet A. D. f or me to judge upon this reverend man, verily I think not his doings and ^ ' 0' acts to be praiseworthy, forsomuch as thereof came no utilitv, but only the Acts of stirring up of the king's anger, whence, afterward, sprung so great mischiefs, | 7 - : although that which he did proceeded of a certain laudable zeal ; like as in the proved, blessed prince of the apostles I approve not that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the Jews ; wherein Paul, the doctor of the Gentiles, did declare him to be rebukable ; albeit, it cannot be denied, but that he did it of a good affection." And in the same author, in another place, it followeth to the like effect. 1 " These letters which were sent before into England for the suspending of the bishops, 2 he followed in person, burning with zeal for righteousness ; but whether according to knowledge, God knoweth. It is not for mv rude and slender wit to judge of the doings of such a person. But yet this I suppose, that the most blessed Pope Gregory would have acted more gently, considering that the concord with the king as yet was but soft and tender ; and would have thought that so far as could be forborne without danger to the christian faith he should suppress his feelings for consideration of the time and for the sake of peace, according to the saying of the prophet (Amos v. 13), ' The prudent shall keep silence in that time, for it is an evil time.' Wherefore, as the doings of that reverend prelate I judge in that behalf not to be commended, so neither do I presume to discommend them. But this I say, that if that holy man, through immoderate violence of zeal, did exceed in a part therein, the same was excocted again, and purged by the fire of his suffering, which afterward ensued. And so far holy men are to be loved or praised of us, who know ourselves much inferior to their virtues ; that in such things wherein they have been men, and also known to be men, therein we neither hold with them, nor commend them ; but only in such things wherein without all danger or scruple we ought to imitate them. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they do ? And therefore are they not to be esteemed and praised in all things generally, what- soever they do. but considerately and with advisement, wherein they deserve praise, so that the only prerogative in this behalf be reserved to God, in whose praise no man can exceed, how fervent soever he be in his praising," &c. And hear yet more, what the said author writeth in the same cause of the king's wrath and Becket's faults. 2 " More than a hundred murders are said to have been committed by the clergy under King Henry II., in punishing of whom the king was somewhat (1 ) " Literas has in Angliam ad suspensionem episcoporum pramissas ipse sequebatur, zelo jus- titi-se fervidus : verum an plene secundum scientiam novit Deus. Nostrse enim parvitati nequaquam conceditur, de tanti viri actions temere judicare. Pnto enim quod beatissimus papa Gregorius in molli adhuc teneraque regis concordia mitius egisset, et ea quae sine fidei Christianae periculo tolerari potuissent, ratione~ temporis et compensatione pacis dissimulanda duxisset, juxta illud propheticum : Prudens in tempore illo tacebit, quia tempus malum est. Itaque quod a venerabili pontifice tunc actum est, nec laudandum esse judico. nec vituperare prasumo : sed dico, si vel mo- dice in hujusmodi a sancto viro per zeli immoderatiorem impetum est excessum, hoc ipsum esse sacra, quae consecuta noscitur, igne passionis excoctum. Ita quippe sancti viri vel amandi vel liudandi sunt a nobis, qui nos illis longe impares esse cognoscimus. ut ea, in quibus homines fue- runt, vel fuisse noscuntur, nequaquam vel amemus vel laudemus : sed ea tantum, in quibus eos sine scrupulo imitari debemus. Quis enim eos dicat in omnibus, quae ab ipsis fiunt. esse imitabiles f Non igitur in omnibus, quae faciunt, sed sapienter et caute debent laudari, ut sua Deo praerogariva serverur. in cujus utique laudibus nemo potest esse nimius, quantumcunque laudare conetur.'* [N'eub. lib. ii. cap. 25.— Ed.] (2) See supra, p. 243. -Ed. (3) " Plu>qu3m centum homicidia aclericis commissa sub Henrico secundo dicuntur. In quibus plectendis rex aliquanto vehementior. Sed hujus immoderationis regiae nostri temporis episcopos tantum respicit culpa, quantum ab eis processit et causa. Cum enim sacri praecipiunt canones, clericos non solum facinorosos, et granoribus irretitos criminibus, verum etiamleviorumcriminum reos degradari, et tot millia talium, tanquam innumeras inter pauca gran a paleas, ecclesia Angiicana contineat, tamen quam paucos a multis retro annis clericos in Ang.ia contigit officio privari ! Nempe episcopi, dum defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus, quameorum vitiis corri- gendis resecandisque invigilant, arbitrantur obsequium se prastare Deo et ecclesiae, si facinorosos clericos. quos pro officii debito canonicae vigore censura coercere vel nolunt vel negligunt, contra publicam tueantur disciplinam. Unde clerici, qui in sortem Domini vocati. tanquam stellae in firmamento coeli positae. vira et ver^o lucere deberent super terram, habentes pro impunitate agendi quodcunque libuerit licentiam et libertatem. ncque Deum. cujus judicium tardare videtur. neque homines pates tatem habentes reve entur. cum et episcopalis circa eos solicitudo sit lauguida, et •ecularieos jurisdictione sacri eximat ordinis prarogativa.'* [Neub. lib. ii. cap. 16. sub med. — Ed.] CONTENTION ABOUT BECKETS SALVATION. 249 too vehement. But the fault," saith he, " of this immoderate dealing of the king Henry II. resteth most in the bishops of our time, forasmuch as the cause thereof pro- ceeded of them. For whereas it is decreed and commanded by the canon law, A. D. concerning the spiritual men of the clergy, that not only such as be notorious H70. for heinous crimes, but such as be spotted with lighter crimes, should be de- graded, whereof we have now so many thousands in the Church of England, as innumerable chaff among the little good grain ; yet how few do we see, these many years in England, deprived of their office ! For why ? The bishops, while they labour more to maintain the liberties and dignities of churchmen, than to correct their vices, think they do God and the church great service if they rescue and defend the enormities of the churchmen against public disci- pline, whom they either will not or care not to punish by the virtue of the censure ecclesiastical. Whereupon the churchmen, such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and who ought like stars to shine in the earth by word and example, taking license and liberty to do what they lust, neither reverence God, whose judgment seemeth to tarry, nor men set in authority ; when both the bishops are slack in their charge doing, and also the prerogative of their order exempteth •them from the secular jurisdiction." And thus much out of Neuburgensis. To this matter also pertain the words of Csesarius, 1 the monk, in whether his eighth book of Dialogues, and sixty-ninth chapter, written about Meckel be fifty years after the death of Thomas Becket, a.d. 1220: whose words, ^Jj e ^ r in sum, come to this effect: 2 " There was a question moved among the masters of Paris, whether Thomas Becket were saved or damned? To this question answereth Roger, a Norman, that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate against God's minister, his king. — Contrary, Peter Cantor, a Parisian, disputed, saying and affirming, that his miracles were great signs and tokens of salvation, and also of great holiness in that man ; affirming, moreover, that the cause of the church did allow and confirm his martyrdom, for the which church he died." And thus have ye the judgment and censure of the school of Paris touching this question, for the sainting of Thomas Becket ; in which judgment, forsomuch as the greatest argument resteth in the miracles wrought by him after his death, let us therefore pause a little upon the same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the trial whereof we shall find one of these two to be true ; either that if they were true, they were not wrought by God, but by a contrary spirit, of whom Christ our Lord giveth us warning in his gospel, saying, " Whose coming shall be with lying signs and wonders, to deceive, if it were possible, the elect " (Matt, xxiv.), or else we shall find that no such were ever wrought at all, but feigned and forged of idle monks and religious bellies, for the exaltation of their churches, and the profit of their pouches ; which thing indeed seemeth rather to be true, and no less may appear by the miracles them- selves, set forth by one of his own monks, and of his own time; 3 who, in five solemn books, hath comprehended all the revelations, virtues, and miracles of the archbishop ; the which books (as yet remaining in the hands of William Stephenson, citizen of London) I have seen and perused ; wherein is contained the whole sum of all his (1) " Caesarius, Germanus, anno 1199, ccenobii Heisterbacensis in dioecesi Coloniensi monachus facius ord. Cisterc, tandem monasterii Vallis St. Petri prope Bonnam prior. Extant de miraculis et visionibus sui temporis libri seu dialogi 12." Cave.— Ed. (2) " Quaestio Parisiis inter magistros ventilata fuit, utrum damnatus an salvatus esset ille Thomas. Dixerat Rogerins tunc Normanus, fuisse ilium morte ac damnatione dignum, quod con- tumax esset in Dei ministrum regem. Protulit contra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis, quod signa salvationis et magnas sanctitatis essent ejus miracula : etquod martyrium probasset ecclesiae causa, pro qua mortem subierat." If God in these latter days giveth no miracles to glorify his own Son, much less will he giye miracles to plorify Thomas Becket. (3) Liber de Miraculis Beatr Thomas, authore monacho quodam Cantuar. 250 CONSIDERATIONS ON THE MIRACLES OF BECKET. Henry ii. miracles, to the number of two hundred and seventy, being so far off A.D. f rom a U truth and reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain, 1170. absurd, some also blasphemous, and some so impudent, that not Miracles only they deserve no credit (as altogether savouring of mere forgery), cond e - cket but also for very shame will abash an honest pen to write of them, dered. Yirst, if miracles serve for necessity and for infidels, what cause or necessity was there, in a christian realm having the word of God, for God to work such miracles after his death, who never wrought any in all his life? Then, to consider the end of these miracles: whither do they tend, but only to bring men to Canterbury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the covent ? Besides the number of these miracles — which are said to be so many, that they lose their own credit — what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not been wrought by this Oav/maTovpyoQ, as fevers, fistula, the gout, toothache, palsy, consumption, falling-sickness, leprosy, head-ache, broken arms, maimed legs, swelled throats, the raising up of the dead who have been two days departed ; with infinite others. And, as all these have been healed, for the most part, by one kind of salve, as a cmtuari ceT ^ n P anacea ? which was with the water only of Canterbury, like ekis as a cunning smith who should open with one key all manner of locks ; so again in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall find the matter so conveyed, that the power of this dead saint was never twice showed upon any one disease, but that every diverse disease had a diverse miracle. To recite in order all these prodigious revelations and fantastical miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop, were nothing else but to write a legend of lies, and to occupy the people with trifles : which because it pertaineth rather to the idle profession of such dreaming monks and cloisterers, that have nothing else to maintain that religion withal, I will not take their profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain and lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry saint, three days after his death, appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the singing choir not to sing, but to say this office of his mass, " Exurge, quare mas S e for- obdormis Domine," &c, which vision the author himself of the book Thomas 7 doth sa y ne did see. To omit also the blasphemous lie, how in after his anotner vls i° n t ne said archbishop should say, that his blood did cry death. out of the earth to God, more than the blood of just Abel. Item, phemous m an °t ner vision it was showed to a monk of Lewes, how St. Thomas He. had his place in heaven appointed with the apostles, above Stephen, above 6 * Laurence, Vincent, and all other martyrs ; whereof this cause is the mar- rendered, for that St. Stephen, Laurence, and such others, suffered Even, only for their own cause ; but this Thomas suffered for the universal a place church. Item, how it was showed to a certain young man, Ormus in heaven by name, twelve years before the death of this Becket, that among twdve ket a P 0S ^ es an d martyrs in heaven there was a vacant place left for years a certain priest, as he said, of England, who was credibly supposed death! 18 to be this Thomas Becket. Item, how a certain knight's son, being two days dead, was revived again as soon as he had the water of Canterbury put into his mouth, and had by his parents four pieces of silver bended, to be offered in Canterbury in the child's behalf. All FALSE MIRACLES ATTRIBUTED TO BECKET. these, I say, with such others omitted, the number whereof cometh Henry n. to an infinite variety, only this one story, or another that followeth, ~a7dT shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the 1170. rest. In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the third An im- chapter, a miracle is there contained of a certain countryman of and?* Bedfordshire, in King's Weston, whose name was Eilward, which Jj[|"f cle Eilward, in his drunkenness, bursting into another man's house who was his debtor, took out of his house a great whetstone and a pair of hedging-gloves. The other party, seeing this value not sufficient for his condemnation, by the counsel of the town clerk, entered an action of felony against him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, his net, and his clothes. 1 Whereupon Eilward, being had to the gaol of Bedford, and afterward condemned for the same, was judged to have both his eyes put out, and otherwise to be disgracefully mutilated. This punishment, by the malice of his adversary, being executed upon him, he, lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was counselled to make his prayer to this Thomas of Canterbury. Which done, (saith the miracle,) there appeared one a bias- to him by night, in white apparel, bidding him to watch and pray, j£ ous and put his trust in God and our Lady, and holy St. Thomas. In conclusion, the miracle thus fell out : the next day at evening, the man rubbing his eye-lids, began to feel his eyes to be restored again ; first, in a little ; after, in a greater measure ; so that one was of a grey colour, the other was black : and here was one miracle rung. After this followed another miracle also upon the same person ; for, going but the space of four miles, when his eyes were restored, he chanced in like manner to rub the parts where he had been muti- a false lated, which immediately on the same (to use the words of my p"de™ story) were to him by degrees restored, and this he permitted miracle - every one to ascertain, and shamed not to deny ; insomuch that he, -f first coming up to St. Thomas, at London, was received with joy of the bishop of Durham ; who, then sending to the burghers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, received from them again letters testimonial, wherein the citizens there (saith this fabulous festival) confirmed, first to the bishop, then to the covent of Canter- bury, the relation of this to be as hath been told. This one miracle, gentle reader ! so shameless and impudent, I thought here to express, th.it by this one thou mightest judge of all the residue of his miracles; ani by the residue thereof mightest judge, moreover, of the filthy wickedness of all these lying monks and cloisterers, who count it a light sport so impudently to deceive the simple souls of Christ's church with trifling lies and dreaming fables. Wherefore, as I said, if the holy sainting of Thomas Becket standeth upon no other thing but upon his miracles, what credit is to be given thereto? and upon whaW weak ground his shrine so long hath stood, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, another fable as notable as this, and no less worthy of the whetstone, we read in the story of Gervasius ; namely, that Thomas Becket appearing to a certain priest, named r J homas, declared to him, that he had so brought to pass, that all the Lames of the monks of the church of Canterbury, with the names of (1) Ex Historia Mor.aohi Cant, de Miraculis Becketi Thornae. 252 BLASPHEMOUS ANTHEM OE THOMAS BUCKET. Henry ii. the priests and clerks, and with the families belonging to that city A.D. an d church of Canterbury, were written in the Book of Life. 1 1170. But whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles, or howsoever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these ancient times, went with him or against him ; certain it is, that this anthem or collect, lately collected and primered in his praise, is blasphemous, and derogateth from the praise of Him, to whom only all praise and honour are due, where it is said : 2 " For the blood of Thomas, Which he for thee did spend, Grant us, Christ, to climb Where Thomas did ascend : " wherein is a double lie contained ; first, that he died for Christ ; secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his blood could purchase heaven. ; which thing neither Paul nor any of the apostles durst ever challenge to themselves, for if any man's blood could bring us to heaven, then the blood of Christ was shed in vain. And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certain ancient times concerning the cause of Thomas Becket, in the expli- cation of whose history I have now stood the longer (exceeding peradventure in over-much prolixity), to the intent that his cause being fully opened to the world, and duly weighed on every part, men's minds thereby, long deceived by ignorance, might come unto the more perfect certainty of the truth thereof, and thereby judge more surely what is to be received, and what to be refused. Where, by the way, is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Cricke- ladensis, that which in him I find ; namely, that the peers and nobles of this land, near about the king, gave out in straight charge, upon pain of death, and confiscating of all their goods, that no man should be so hardy as to name Thomas Becket to be a martyr, or to preach of his miracles. After the death of Thomas Becket, the king fearing the pope's wrath and curse to be laid upon him (whereunto Louis, the French The king king, also helped what he could to set the matter forward), sent to serideth Rome the archbishop of Rouen, with certain other bishops and arch- to Rome. tr 1 • i 1 i 1 • deacons, unto the pope with his excuse, which the pope would in no wise hear. And afterwards, other messengers being sent, whom some of the cardinals received, it was showed to them that on Good Friday (being then near at hand) the pope of custom was used to assoil, or to curse, and that it was noised, how the king of England with his bishops should be cursed, and his land interdicted, and that they should be put in prison. 3 After this, certain of the cardinals showed the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penance, which was taken both of the king and the archbishop of York ; so that in the same day the pope cursed the deed-doers, with such as were of their consent, who either aided or harboured them. Concerning these deed-doers, it is touched briefly before, how they fled unto (1) Ex Gervas. fol. 6. (2) " Tu per Thomae sanguinem, quern pro te impends, Fac nos Christe scandere, quo Thomas ascendit.'' (3) Ex Libro Annotationum Historicarum manuscripto, J. Skenii. The blas- phemous anthem of Tho- mas Lecket. Ireland first sub- to PENAMOE ENJOINED ON THE KING. 253 Yorkshire, lying in Knaresborough; who after having in penance to iienryii go in linsey-wolsey barefoot (with fasting and prayer) to Jerusalem, ~]~^ by reason of this hard penance are said to have died a few years after. U72 . The king's ambassadors lying, as is said, in Rome, could find no The pe - grace nor favour for a long time at the pope's hands. At length, ° r f with much ado, it was agreed that two cardinals should be sent down knights, to inquire out the matter concerning those who were consenting to 4^?**. Becket's death. The king, perceiving what was preparing at Rome, neither being yet certain whereto the intent of the pope and coming down of the cardinals would tend, in the mean time addressed himself with a great power to enter into Ireland, giving in charge and commandment, as Hoveden writeth, that no bringer of any brief or letter should come over into England, or pass out of the realm (of what degree or condition soever he were), without special license and assurance that he would bring nothing that should be prejudicial to the realm. This order being set and ordained, the king, with four hundred great ships, taketh his journey to Ireland, where he subdued in short iEed time the whole land unto him, which at that time was governed under En g land - divers kings to the number of five, of whom four submitted them- selves unto the said King Henry ; the fifth, who was the king of Connaught, denied to be subdued, keeping himself in woods and marshes. In the mean season, while the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two cardinals who were sent from the pope, namely, Theodine and Albert, were come to Normandy. Unto them the king the next year following resorted about the month of October, a.d. 1172. A.D.1172 But before this (during the time of the king's being in Ireland), the bishop of London, and Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The king returning out of Ireland, by Wales, into England, and from thence to Normandy, there made his purgation before the pope's legates, as touching the death of the aforesaid Becket ; to the which he sware he was neither aiding nor consenting, but only that he spake rigorous words against him, for that his knights would not avenge him against the said Thomas ; for the which cause this penance was enjoined him Ap pendi* under his oath : First, That he should send so much into the Holy Land as would The find two hundred knights or soldiers for the defence of that land. penance Item, That from Christmas-day next following, he should set Jl^thof forth in his own person to fight for the Holy Land, the space of Becket. three years together, unless he should be otherwise dispensed withal by the pope. Item, That if he would make his journey into Spain (as his present necessity did require), there he should fight against the Saracens, and as long as he should there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his journey toward Jerusalem. Item, That he should not hinder, nor cause to be hindered, any appellations made to the pope of Rome. Item, That neither he nor his son should depart or dissever from Pope Alexander, or from his catholic successors, so long as they snould account him or his son for kings catholic. 254 DESTRUCTIVE FIRE AT CANTERBURY. Henry ii. Item, That the goods and possessions taken from the church of A. D. Canterbury should be restored again, fully and amply, as they stood 1174. the year before Thomas Becket departed the realm; and that free liberty should be granted, to all such as were outlawed for Becket's cause, to return again. Item, That the aforesaid customs and decrees, by him established against the church, should be extinct and repealed^ (such only excepted as concerned his own person, &c.) besides other secret fastings and alms enjoined him. All these former conditions the king with his son did both agree unto, debasing himself in such sort of submission before the two cardinals, by the occasion whereof the cardinals took no little glory, using this verse of the Psalm : — " Which looketh upon the earth, and maketh it to tremble ; which toucheth the hills and they smoke. 111 More- Appendui over, it is mentioned in histories of the said king, that a little after William, king of Scots, with his army had made a rode into the realm, he, returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Henry ii Canterbury ; who, by the way, as soon as he came to the sight of goeth on ' Becket's church, lighting off his horse, and putting off his shoes, age with went barefoot to his tomb, whose steps were found bloody through steps to * ne roughness of the stones. And not only that, but also he Becket's rece i ve d further penance, by every monk of the cloister a certain tomb. discipline of a rod. By which so great dejection of the king (if it Appendix, were true), thou mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those days. 2 If it were pretensed (as might so be in time of war, to get the hearts of the people), yet mayest thou, learned reader, see what slavery kings and princes were brought into at that a.d.1174. time under the pope's clergy. The same year (as Hoveden writeth), which was a.d. 1174, the whole city of Canterbury was almost all ofcan- 7 consumed with fire, and the said minster-church clean burnt. Jgjjjy The next year ensuing, which was a.d. 1175, a convocation of con- bishops was holden at Westminster, by Richard, archbishop of wiSfnre. Canterbury. In that conventicle all the bishops and abbots of the a.d.1175. province of Canterbury and of York being present, determined, as had ve? S y°" Deen d° ne a ntt ^ e before in the days of King Henry I. a.d. 1113, tetween about the obedience that York should do to Canterbury ; that is, of Canter- W hether the archbishop of York might bear his cross in the diocese the y se a e nd of Canterbury or not ? whereof something was touched before in the ThJutter f° rmer process of this history. Also about the bishopric of Lincoln, appealeth of Coventry of Worcester, and of Hereford, whether these churches me/to" were under the jurisdiction of the see of York or not ? &c. Upon shop of these and other like matters rose such controversy between these two Rome, sees, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the bishop Appendix, of Rome. In these and such like causes, how much better had it been if the supremacy had remained more near in the king's hands at home, whereby not only much labour and travail had been saved, but also the great and wakeful expenses bestowed at Rome might, with much more fruit and thank, have been converted to their ernes and flocks committed unto them, and also, perchance, their cause, not less indif- ferently heard, at least more speedily might have been decided. But Quadrilogo. (2) Ex Rogero Hovedeno, Quadrilogo, et aliis. ENGLAND DIVIDED INTO SIX CIRCUITS. 255 to the purpose again. In this controversy divers of the archbishop Henryii. of York's clergy, such as were of Gloucester, belonging to the church ^ j) of St. Oswald, were excommunicated by the archbishop of Canterbury, 1175. because they, being summoned, refused to appear before him, &c. The At length the same year, which was a.d. 1175, there was a cardinal g t er ^_ o£ sent down from Rome by the king's procurement, who studied to waid in settle a peace between the two archbishops. Whereupon, this Way cester ex- of agreement was taken, by means of the king, at Winchester, that, n °™™£~ as touching the church of St. Oswald, at Gloucester, the archbishop of Agree- Canterbury should cease his claim thereon, molesting the see of York ^ween no more therein ; also, that he should absolve again the clerks thereof, b h J* r p cl J" f whom he had excommunicated before. And, as concerning the canter- bearing of the cross and all other matters, it was referred to the York!" 1 archbishop of Rouen, and to other bishops in France, so that for five years a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should have a full determination of their cause. The next year following, the aforesaid King Henry II., dividing A.D.mc. the realm of England into six parts, ordained upon every part three ofLsfee justices of assize. The circuit or limitation of these justices was thus f^sTi disposed — The first upon Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Hun- circuits tingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire : The second upon Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Stam- f >rdshire, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire : The third upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshire, Sussex, Berkshire, Oxfordshire : The fourth upon Herefordshire, Gloucestershire, W orcestershire, Salopshire : The fifth upon Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall : The sixth upon Everikeshire; 3 Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Westmoreland, Northumber- land, Cumberland. In the same year Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, made three archdeacons in his diocese, whereas before there was but one. 1 About this time also it was granted by the king to the pope's legate, that a clerk should not be called before a temporal judge, except for offence in the forest, or for his lay fee that he holdeth. Item, that no archbishopric, bishopric, or abbey, should remain in the king's hands over one year without great cause. It chanced the a Mvo same year that this was done, that there was at Canterbury one tention " elected to be abbot in the house of St. Austin, named Albert, who Smirch- made great labour and suit unto the archbishop that he would come Jj^P, to his church, and there consecrate him abbot of St. Austin ; 2 to whom abbot of the archbishop sent word again, that he was not bound to come to tvuy. er him, but rather that the other should repair to the metropolitan church of Canterbury, there to receive his consecration. Whereupon, controversy arising between ihem, the aforesaid newly elect appealed to the audience of the pope, and so laboured up himself to Rome ; where he so handled the matter, (by what means I cannot tell, unless with his golden bottle, wherewith he quenched the pope's thirsty soul, for abbots never travel lightly without fat purses to Rome,) that with short dispatch he procured letters from Alexander the pope, to Roger, bishop of Worcester ; signifying to him, that he had given ' I) Ex epitome Matth. Paiis. et aliarvrm historiarum. !2' Where was here the precept of the gospel, " He that will be greatest among you let him be an underling to others V (3) " Everikeshire," Yorkshire, from Eboracum.— Ei>. 256 A LETTER OF POPE ALEXANDER. in charge and commandment to the archbishop of Canterbury, in the A.d. behalf of his dear son Albert, that he should consecrate him within 1176. his own monastery, which monastery properly and solely, without The tenor mediation, belonged to the jurisdiction of Rome ; and so likewise * *Jj should do to his successors after him, without any exaction of obedi- letter to ence of them. Which thing, further he said, if the archbishop would ofWo£° P refuse to do within the term appointed, that then he the aforesaid cester. bishop of Worcester should, by the authority committed unto him, execute the same, all manner of appellation or other decree, what- soever should come, notwithstanding. This letter being obtained, the abbot that would be, returneth home, supposing with himself all things to be sure. The archbishop understanding the case, and seeing himself to be so straitly charged, and yet loth to yield and stoop to the abbot, took to him policy where authority would not serve ; and both to save himself, and yet to disappoint the abbot, he watched a time when the abbot was about the business of his house, and coming the same time to the monastery, as he was commanded to do, with all things appointed that to such a business appertained, he called for the abbot, pretending no less than to give him his consecration. The abbot, being called for, was not at home ; the archbishop, feigning himself not a little grieved at his labour and good will so lost, departed, as one in whom no ready diligence was lacking, if in case that the abbot had been at home. Whereupon the abbot being thus disappointed, was fain to fill his silver flagons afresh, and make a new course to Rome to his father, the pope, from whom he received his consecration, and so came home again, with as much wit as he went forth, but not with so much money, peradventure, as he went withal. We have declared a little before, touching the acts and doings of this Pope Alexander III., how he had brought the emperor's head under his foot in St. Mark's church at Venice, at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made between the pope and the said Frederic the emperor ; which pacification Roger i.d.1177. Hoveden and Walter Gisburn refer to this time, a.d. 1177, bringing in two several letters sent from the said Pope, to Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, to Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham. Out of the said letters, so much as serveth our purpose, I have taken and here inserted. The Letter of Pope Alexander, sent to RoQ-er, archbishop of York, and to the bishop of Durham. 1 " Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to his reverend brethren, Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham, greeting and apostolical blessing. The obsequy and service of your kind devotion, which hitherto you are known to have given both devoutly and laudably to us and to the church, requireth that we should describe to you, as to our special friends, the pro- sperous success of the church, and let you know, as spiritual children of the church, what hath happened to the same. For meet it is, convenient, and also honest, that you, whom we have had so firm and sure in our devotion, should now be cherished and made joyous in the prosperity of us, and of the church." (1) The Latin of the two extracts here translated by our author may be found in the Edition of 1563, p. 68.— Ed. CONTENTION BETWEEN XHEJ TWO METROPOLITANS. 257 And about the end of the epistle it followeth thus : — Henry u. "The next day following, which was the feast of St. James, (the said emperor A. D so requesting), we came to the aforesaid church of St. Mark, there to celebrate 1177. our solemn mass; where, as we were corning in the way, the said emperor met A meek us without the church, and placing us again on his right hand, brought us so emperor, into the church. After the mass was done, placing us again on his right hand, a"^a he brought us to the church door. And moreover, when we should take oiyr p 0pe . palfrey, he held our stirrup, exhibiting to us such honour and reverence, as his The progenitors were wont to exhibit to our predecessors. Wherefore these shall ®™J®™ r be to incite your diligence and study towards us, that you rejoice with us and t ^ e p 0pe ' s the church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the stirrup, same effect of peace to other devout children of the church ; that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate and rejoice also 'in the Lord for the great working of peace which he hath given. — Given ttt Venice, at the Rialto, the 26th cf July." This year the contention revived again, spoken of a little before, Appendix. between the two archbishops of York and Canterbury, the occasion whereof was this ; the manner and practice of the pope is, when he beginneth to lack money, he sendeth some limiting 1 cardinal abroad to fetch his harvest in. So there came this year into England, as lightly few years were without them, a certain cardinal from Rome, called Hugo, or, as Hoveden nameth him, Hugezim, who would needs keep a council at Westminster. To this council resorted a great App ^di, confluence, about the middle of Lent, of bishops, abbots, priors, doctors, and such others of the clergy. As every one was there placed in his order, and after his degree, first cometh the archbishop of York, named Roger, who, thinking to prevent the other arch- bishop, came something sooner, and straightway placed himself on the right hand of the cardinal. Richard, the archbishop of Canter- conten bury, following shortly after, and seeing the first place taken up, refuseth to take the second, complaining of the archbishop of York, ^h- as one prejudicial to his see. bo, while the one would not rise, and who the other not sit down, there rose no small contention between [Ktttie the two. The archbishop of Canterbury claimed the upper seat by of the pre-eminence of his church ; contrary, the archbishop of York the car- alleged for him the old decree of Gregory, whereof mention is made m %' e before, by which this order was taken between the two metropolitans Appendix - of Canterbury and York, that whichever of them two should be first in election, he should have the pre-eminence in dignity to go before the other. Thus they, contending to and fro, waxed so warm in words, that at last they turned to hot blows. How strong the archbishop of York was in reason and argument, I cannot tell, but the archbishop of Canterbury was stronger at the arm's end ; whose servants being more in number, like valiant men, not suffering their master to take such a foil, so prevailed against York (sitting on the right hand of the cardinal), that they plucked him down from the hand to the foot of the cardinal upon the ground, treading and trampling upon him with their feet, that marvel it was he escaped with life. His casule, chimer, and rochet, 2 were all rent and torn from mV back. Here no reason would take place, no debating would serve, no praying could (1) Chaucer uses the word ' limitour' to express a friar, who had a license to beg within certain limits, infra p. 358. See Todd's Johnson.— Ed. (2) For an account of these vestments see the Appendix. — Ed. VOL. II. S tion tweentwo 258 KXTENSIVE DOMINIONS OF KINO HENRY It. Henry ii. be heard, such clamour and tumult were there m the house among A j) ihem, much like to the tumult which Virgil describeth : — 1 177 " Ac veluti in magno populo, cum ssepe coorta est Seditio, saevitque animis ignobile vulgus, Jamque faces et saxa volant, furor arma ministrat." 1 Now, as the first part of this description doth well agree, so some peradventure will look again, that, according to the latter part also of the same, my lord cardinal, with sageness and gravity (after the man- ner of the old Romans standing up), should have ceased and allayed the disturbance, according to that which followeth in the poet : — " Turn pietate gravem meritis si forte virum quern Conspexere, silent, arrectisque auribus astant : Ille regit mentes dictis, et pectora mulcet."* But what did the noble Roman cardinal ? Like a pretty man of his hands, but a prettier man of his feet, standing up in the midst, and seeing the house in such a broil, committed himself to flight, and, as Hoveden writeth, " abscondit se a facie illorum."' 1 The next day the archbishop of York bringeth to the cardinal his rochet, to bear witness what injury and violence he had sustained ; appealing and citing up the archbishop of Canterbury, with certain of his men, to the bishop of Rome. And thus the holy council, the same day it was begun, brake up and was dissolved. SmSi Under the reign of this King Henry II., the dominion and crown of Henry of England extended so far as hath not been seen in this realm before him. Histories record that he possessed under his rule and jurisdic- Homage tion, first, Scotland, to whom William, king of Scots, with all the land. lords temporal and spiritual, did homage both for them and for their successors (the seal whereof remaineth in the king's treasury) ; as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aquitaine, Guienne, &c. to the Pyre- nean mountains, which be in the uttermost parts of the great ocean Append;*, in the British Sea ; being also protector of France, to whom Philip the French king yielded both himself and his realm wholly to his protect"" governance, a.d. 1181. Moreover, he was offered also to be the ofFrance. king 0 f Jerusalem, by the patriarch and master of the hospital there ; kilTof w ^ 10 ' being then distressed by the sol dan, brought him the keys of jerusa- their city, desiring his aid against the infidels ; which offer he then roflsSh refused, alleging the great charge which he had at home, and the H - rebellion of his sons, which might happen in his absence. And here the old histories find a great fault with the king for his robe" 01 refusal ; declaring that to be the cause of God's plagues, which after ensued upon him by his children, as the patriarch, in his oration, being offended with the king, prophesied should so happen to him the cause f° r the same cause ; which story, if it be true, it may be a lesson to good princes, not to deny their necessary help to their distressed neighbours, especially the cause appertaining unto God. 3 (1) Virg. Mn. I. 148. " As when in tumults rise the ignoble crowd, Mad are their motions and their tongues are loud: And stones and brands in rattling vollies fly, And all the rustic arms that fury can supply " (2) " If then some grave and pious man appear, They hush their noise and lend a listening ear: He soothes with sober words their angry mood, And quenches their innate desire of blood." — Drydcm (3) Ex Polychro. Ex Giraldo Cambrensi. denied to our neigh- being godly HIS GREAT TREASURES. 259 The wisdom, discretion, manhood, and riches of this prince were Henry ri. so spread and renowned through all quarters, that messages came from A jj Emmanuel, emperor of Constantinople, Frederic, emperor of Rome, ngi. and William, archbishop of Treves in Almain, from the duke of — s« Saxony, and from the earl of Flanders, and also from the French Jppmdut - king, upon determination of great questions and strifes, to ask counsel and determination thereof of this King Henry, as of one most wise, and schoolmaster of all wisdom and justice, to have solution of their questions and doubts. Moreover, Alphonso, king of Castile, and Henry n. Sancho, king of Navarre, being in strife for certain castles and other [JjJJJJ possessions, submitted them, of their free accord, and by their oath, jj?^ 0 to abide the award of this King Henry; who made award and pleased them both ; whereby it is to be presupposed, that this king, to whom other princes did so resort, as to their arbiter and deciser, did not attend either to any sloth or vicious living. Wherefore it may seem that the acts of this prince were not so vicious as some monkish writers do describe. Among many other things in this king memorable, this one is to be noted (follow it who can), that he reigned five and thirty years, and having such wars with his enemies, yet never upon his subjects put any tribute or tax, nor yet upon the spiritualty first-fruits and appropriations of benefices. Belike they were not known, or else not used. And yet his treasure after his death, weighed by King Richard, his son, amounted to above nine hundred thousand pounds, besides jewels, precious stones, and household furniture. Of theThetrea- which substance eleven thousand pounds came to him by the death of King° f Roger, archbishop of York, w r ho had procured a bull of the pope, Henl 'y IL that if any priest died within his province without testament, then he Acovet- should have all his goods. And shortly after the archbishop died, bishop!' 1 ' and the king had all his goods, which extended, as is said, to eleven thousand pounds, besides plate, a.d. 1181. But as there is no felicity or wealth in this mortal world so perfect, which is not darkened with some cloud of encumbrance and adversity; so it happened to this king, that among his other princely successes, this incommodity followed him withal, that his sons rebelled and stood in armour against him, taking the part of the French king against their father. First, at the coronation of Henry, his son, whom the father joined with him as king, he being both father and king, took upon him (that notwithstanding) as but a steward, and set down the first dish as sewer unto his son, renouncing the name of a king. At what time the aforesaid archbishop of York, sitting on the right hand of the young king, said, " Sir, ye have great cause this day to joy, for there is no prince in the world that hath such an officer this day," 1 &c. And the young king disdaining his words, said, " My Pride de- father is not dishonoured in this doing, for I am a king and a queen's 2™ yeth son, and so is not he." And not only this, but afterwards he also persecuted his father ; and so, in his youth, when he had reigned but a few years, died, teaching us what is the price and reward of breaking the just commandment of God. After him likewise Richard his son (who was called Richard Cceur de Lion) rebelled against his father; and also John, his youngest son, did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren • insomuch 260 DEATH OF KING HENRY" II. Henryii. that this aforesaid Richard, like an unkind child, persecuting and ^ jy taking part against his father, brought him to such distress of body 11S9. and mind, that for thought of heart he fell into an ague, and within four days departed, a.d. 1189, after he had reigned five and thirty Hen % n " years ; whose corpse as it was carried to be buried, Richard his son tedby'his coming by the way and meeting it, and beginning for compassion to Hisdeath, weep, the blood brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the HowVife" comm g °f ms son ' thereby a certain demonstration how he king, be- was the onl} T author of his death. Sedative After the reign and death of which king, his children after him, coming of W ortliilv rewarded for their unnaturalness against their father, lacking nis son. » o 7 o the success which their father had, lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before. And thus much concerning the reign of Henry II., and the death of Thomas Becket ; whose death (as is aforesaid) happened in the days of Pope Alexander III. ; which pope, usurping the keys of ecclesiastical regiment one and twenty years, or, as Gisburn writeth, three and twenty years, governed the church with much tumult ; striving and contending with Frederic the emperor ; not shaming, like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foot upon the neck of the said emperor, as is above described. This pope, among many other acts, had certain councils, as is tartly before touched, some in France, some at Rome, in Lateran ; by whom it was decreed, that no archbishop should receive the pall, unless he should first swear obedience, a.d. 1179; concerning the solemnity of which pall, for the order and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their u own words, I thought it good to set it forth unto thee, that thou mayest well consider and understand their doings therein. The form and manner, how and by what words, the pope is wont to give the pall unto the archbishop. 1 To the honour 1 of Almighty God, and of blessed Mary, the Virgin, and of blessed St. Peter and St. Paul, and of our lord Pope N. and of the holy church of Rome, and also of the church of N. committed to your charge, we give to you the pall taken from the body 2 of St. Peter, as a fulness of the office pontifical, which you may wear within your own church, upon certain days, 4 which be expressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the see apostolic. NOTES UPON THE SAME. 1. " To the honour,'' &c. With what confidence durst the pope couple the honour of Almighty God, and the honour of Mary, of St. Peter, and of the pope, and of the Romish church all together, if he had not been a pre- sumptuous Lucifer, equalling himself not only with such saints, but also even with him who is God alone, to be blessed for ever? 2. " Taken from the body," &c. If St. Peter's body be not all consumed, let him show it if he can. If he cannot show it, how then is this pall taken from the body of St. Peter? or if he mean it to be of St. Peter's own wearing, then belike St. Peter had a goodly wardrobe of palls, when every archbishop in all Christendom receiveth from the pope a divers pall. 3. " As a fulness of the office," &c. Rather he might say, the fulness of his Si , e own purse, when archbishops paid so sweetly for it ; insomuch that Jacobus, the £?j*ndix. archbishop of Mentz (as is above touched, p. 109), a little before in the council of (1) " Ad honorem omnipotentis Dei, et beatae Mariae Virginis, et beatorum Petri et Pauli, et domini nostri N. Papae, et sanctae Romanae ecclesiae, necnon N. ecclesiae tibi commissas, tradimus tibi pallium de corpore beati Petri sumptum, plenitudinem pontificals officii, ut utaris eo infra ecclesiam tuani certis diebus, qui exprimuntur in privileges tibi ab apostolica sede concessis." t Nearly verbatim iu WiUdns's Cone f li>9, and Antiq. Brit. an. 1501.— Ed.] THE OATH TAKEN BY THE BISHOPS. Basil, where the price was wont to be but ten thousand florins, could not obtain Henry n it without seven and twenty thousand florins. 1 4. "Upon certain days," &c. This difference there was between the pope A..D. and other archbishops : the pope might wear the pall at all times, and in 1 189 all places, at his pleasure ; archbishops might not wear it but upon certain days, and in their church only, within their province. Moreover this pall should not be asked but with great instance, and within three months ; without which pall he is not to be named archbishop, but may be deposed, having it not after three months ; and the same pall must also be buried with him when he dieth ; and when it is given, some privilege must be given withal, or the old renewed. In like manner proceedeth the oatli of every bishop swearing obe dience to the pope in words as followeth : 2 — " I, N,, bishop of N., from this hour henceforth, will be faithful and obedient to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy apostolic church of Rome, and to my Lord A 7 ., the pope. I shall be in no council, nor help either with my consent or deed, whereby either of them, or any member of them, may be impaired, or whereby they may be taken with any evil taking. The council which they shall commit to me, either by themselves, or by messenger, or by their letters, wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none to their hindrance and damage. To This was the retaining and maintaining the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of thatmade St. Peter, I shall be an aider (so mine order be saved) against all persons. Becket to The legate of the apostolic see, both in going and coming, I shall honourably g^^ ish " treat and help in all necessities. Being called to a synod, I shall be ready to slain! come, unless I be let by some lawful and canonical impeachment. The palace of the apostles every third year I shall visit either by myself or my messenger, except otherwise being licensed by the see apostolic. All such possessions as belong to the table and diet of my bishopric, I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mortgage, nor lease out, nor remove away by any manner of means, without the consent and knowledge of the bishop of Rome : 3 so God help me and the holy gospels of God. A NOTE UPON THE SAME. Hereby thou hast by the way, gentle reader, to note and consider, among other things which here may be understood, that since the time the oath began to be laid and thrust upon bishops, all general councils began to lose their liberty. For, how could any freedom remain for men to speak their knowledge in redress of things, being by their oath so bound to the pope to speak nothing but on his side, to maintain the papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places ? Conjecture by thyself, christian reader, what more is hereby to be considered. Besides this, it was also decreed in the said council at Rome of three hundred and ten bishops, by Pope Alexander, " That no man should have any spiritual promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish church should be void above six months. That none in orders should meddle with temporal business. That priests should have but one benefice, and that the bishops should be charged to find the priest a living till he be promoted. That open usurers should not communicate at Easter, nor be buried within the churchyard. That nothing should be taken (1) Ex libxo gravaminum nationis Germanicaj. [See Appendix, and infra vol. iv. p. 12. — Ed.] (2) "Ego,N., Episcopus N., ab hac horain antea fidelis et obediens ero beato Petro, sanctseque apo- stolicaa Romanes ecclesiag,et domino meo, dom. N., papae, suisque successoribus canonice intrantibus. Non ero in consilio, sen auxilio, consensu, vel facto, ut vitamperdant aut membrum, seu capian- tur mala captione. Consilium vero quod mihi credituri sunt, per se aut per nuncium, seu literas ad eorum damnum, me sciente nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum et regalia S. Petri adjutor eis ero ad retinendum et defendendum, salvo meo ordine, contra omnem hominem. Legatum aposto- licae sedis in eundo et redeundo honorifice tractabo, et in suis necessitatibus adjuvabo. Vocatus ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fuero canonica prsepeditione. Apostolorum limina singulis trienniis visitabo, aut per me, aut per meum nuncium, nisi apostolica absolvar licentia. Posses- siones vero ad mensam mei episcopatus pertinentes non vendam, neque donabo, neque- oppigno- rabo, neque de novo infeudabo, nec aliquo modo alienabo inconsulto Rom. pontifice : sic me Deua adjuvet, et sancta Dei evangelia." [Nearly verbatim in Wilkins's Cone. ii. 199, an. 1293, and Antiq. Britannicae ad an. 1501. — Ed.] (S) And how be not those bishops then perjured, who, at the death of Queen Mary, set and let nut a great part of their possessions from their successors? 262 PERSECUTION AT TOULOUSE. Henry ii. nor be buried within the churchyard. That nothing should be taken A. D. f° r ministering sacraments or burying. Also, that every cathedral 1189. church should have a master to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same/' In this council the vow of chastity was obtruded and laid upon priests. Thomas Becket, also, and Bernard, were canonized for saints. During the reign and time of this King Henry II., the city of Norwich was destroyed and burnt by the men of Flanders. Also the towns of Leicester and Nottingham were wasted, and the bur- gesses slain by the earl of Ferrers. The town of Berwick was de- stroyed by the Scots. The king of Scots was taken in war by the Englishmen, a.d. 1174. The town of Huntingdon was taken and burned. The town of Canterbury, by casualty of fire, was burnt with all the churches, especially the Trinity church, where Becket was worshipped, in the same year. In a.d 1170, William, king of Scots, with David, his brother, and all the barons of the realm, did homage to the king of England. Ireland was made subject to England. Decreed in a council in Normandy, that no boys or children should possess any benefice. A council of Lateran was holden at Rome, where were three and thirty articles concluded, a.d. 1179. The French king came in pilgrimage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way, a.d. 1184. After the death of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwin, who, of a Cistercian monk shopaf being made a bishop, is said never to eat flesh in his life. A certain bu?y er poor woman, bare and lean, meeting him in the street, desired, to Ap^nMx. know of him whether it were true that was said of him, that he never did eat flesh : which thing when he had affirmed to be true, " Nay," saith she, " that is false, for you have eaten my flesh unto the bone, for I had but one cow wherewith I was sustained, and that have your deans taken from me. 1 ' " True, true," said the bishop, " and thou shalt have another cow as good as that." 1 Moreover, in the reign of King Henry, about a.d. 1178, I find in the story of Roger Hoveden and others, that in the city of Toulouse there was a great multitude of men and women whom the pope's commissioners, to wit, Peter, cardinal of St. Chrysogon and the pope's legate, with the archbishops of Narbonne and Bourges, Reginald, bishop of Bath, John, bishop of Poictiers, Henry, abbot of Clairvaux, &c, did persecute and condemn for heretics; of whom some were scourged naked, some chased away, some compelled to abjure : concerning whose articles and opinions I have no firm ground to make any certain relation, forasmuch as I see the papists, many times so false in their quarrelling accusations, untruly collected men's sayings, not as they meant, and meaning not as they said, but wrest- ing and depraving simple men's assertions after such a subtle sort as they list themselves to take them. But this I find, how one of the said commissioners or inquisitors, Henry the abbot, in a certain letter of his, wrote thus of them : 2 — " After a new opinion he affirmed Baldwin archbi (1) Jornalensis. (2) " Nam er pattern sanctum vitae aeternae, sacerdi tis ministerio in vevbo domini congecratum non esse corpus Domini, novo rtogmate contendebat aEserere." FOUR ARCHPILLARS OF PAPISTRY. 263 that the holy bread of eternal life, consecrated by the ministry of the Henry n. priest, was not the body of the Lord," &c. ~A~l7 In the time of this Alexander sprang up the doctrine and name of 1189. those who were then called ' pauperes de Lugduno, 1 1 who, from one Waldus, a chief senator in Lyons, were named 4 Waldenses also densest. 'LeG^stse 1 and 'Insabbatati \ 2 about a.d. 1160, cr, as Laziardus de^ug- 8 writeth, 1170. # S Le °- Not long before this time, as is expressed above, rose up Gratian, SabDatdti master of the decrees, and Peter the Lombard, master of the sen- Four . tences, both archpillars of all papistry ; after whom followed also two faraof as evil, or worse than they, Francis and Dominic, maintaining blind pfst^. pa " hypocrisy, no less than the other maintained proud prelacy. As these A J e Zux. laboured one way, by superstition and worldly advancement, to cor- rupt the sincerity of religion, so it pleased Christ, the contrary way, labouring against these, to raise up therefore the said Waldenses against the pride and hypocrisy of the others. Thus we never see any great corruption in the church, but that some sparkle of the true and clear light of the gospel yet by God's providence doth remain ; whatsoever the Doctors Augustinus, Reine- rius, Sylvius, and Cranzius, with others in their popish histories, do write of them, defaming them through misreport, and accusing them to magistrates as disobedient to orders, rebels to the catholic church, and contemners of the Virgin Mary, yet they that carry judg- ment indifferent, rather trusting truth than wavering with times, in weighing their articles, shall find it otherwise, and that they main- tained nothing else but the same doctrine which is now defended in the church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as the papists did (1) Waldenses. — Our author has fallen into the very common error of confounding the Waldenses with the ' Pauperes de Lugduno,' or ' Poor men of Lyons,' and of deriving their origin from Waldus, or Peter Waldo, of Lyons. The earliest period assigned to Peter Waldo is the year 1160, but there is a document of the year 1100, 'La Nobla Leyczon,' which speaks of the Waldenses, or Vaudois, under the term Vaudes. It is therefore much more probable that Peter Waldo was named after the community called Vaudes, than that the Waldenses should take their name from his. Authors who assert the greater antiquity of the Waldenses, Vallenses, or Vaudois, maintain, 1. That the Waldenses are so called from certain secluded Alpine valleys, principally in Pied- mont, where they have been settled from time immemorial. 2. That the simplest etymology is that which is deduced from a local, and not from a persona! name — ' ValHs,' Latin, ' Valle,' Italian, ' Val,' Provencal, ' Val,' pi. ' Vaux,' and 'Vallee,' French, Val,' Spanish, 1 Val,' Celtic, ' Wald,' Teutonic, 'Valley,' English. 3. That traces are to be found m eany ecclesiastical history (beginning with the works of Ambrose and Jerome), of Alpine churches, which held opinions similar to those of the Waldenses of later times. 4. That the most ancient of the state records of Piedmont, in which the Waldenses are noticed as a religious community at variance with the church of Rome, call them ' Huomini delle Valli,' or ' Men of the Valleys.' 5. That the antiquity of 'La Nobla Leyczon,' which presents internal evidence of having been written in the year 1100, and contains the term Vaudes, and applies it to a religious body, not in communion with the church of Rome, is proved by Raynouard, in his ' Choix de Poesies des Troubadours, and by others, whose authority is of importance as to the period and language of that valuable document. 6. That surnames were not in use in the twelfth century, and that Peter of Lyons had his second appellation Waldus, or Waldo, given to him to distinguish him, as one who had adopted the opinions of the Vaudes, or Waldenses. 7. That the earliest public edicts, which make mention of the Waldenses (such as, ' Statuta Synodalia Odonis Episcopi Tullensis,' in 1192 — " De haereticis autem qui vocantur Wadoys— praecipimus," and the edict of Ildefonsus, king of Arragon, in 1194), do not give any derivation of the term Waldenses, but simply call certain heretics by that name. 8. That the earliest treatises which profess to give the etymology of the name Waldenses, derive it irom a word signifying ' Valley.' — Thus Bernard of Fontcaud, a.d. 1185 — " Dicti sunt Valden- sis nimirum a valle densa, eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantur ;" and Ebrard de Bethune, in the year 1200 — "Vallenses se appellant eo quod in valle lachrymarum maneant." 9. That the first treatise which pretends to derive the Waldenses from Peter Waldus, of Lyons, was written after these, namely, ' Petri, Vallis-Sarnensis monachi, Historia Albigcnsium,' 12mo, Trecis, 1615. See Lecer's ' Histoire generate des Eglises Evang61iques de Valees de Pifimont ;' Allix's ' Churches of Piedmont ;' Gilly's ' Waldensian Researches ;' Blair's ' History of the Waldenses.' — En. (2) " Quoddam scutum in sotularis vel zabbatae parte superior! hi qui perfecti inter eos sunt in f iguum deferunt.a quoetiam 'Inzabbatati dicti sunt." Nich. Eymericus, " Inquisitorum Direo- torium," Rom. 1578, pars 2 qiuest. 13, p. 205, pars 3, p 294. See Appendix. —Ed. 264 HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES. Henryii. with the articles of Wickliff and Huss, so they did in like manner ^ D with their articles also, in gathering and wresting them otherwise 1189. than they were meant. OTfje ^tetorp of ifje !©flltien£e£, CONCERNING THEIR ORIGINAL AND DOCTRINE, WITH THEIR PERSECUTIONS. 1 The first original of these Waldenses, came of one Waldus, a man both of great substance, and no less calling in the city of Lyons, the occasion whereof is declared of divers writers thus to come. About a.d. 1160, it chanced that divers of the best and chiefest heads of the city of Lyons, talking and walking in a certain place after their old-accustomed manner, especially in the summer-time, conferred and consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to debate things to be done ; amongst whom it chanced one (the rest looking on) to fall down by sudden death. In the number of whom this aforesaid Waldus, there being amongst them, was one; who, beholding the matter more earnestly than the others, and terrified with so heavy an example, being, as is said, a rich man, and God's Holy Spirit working withal, was stricken with a deep and inward repentance, whereupon followed a new alteration, with a careful study to reform his former life ; insomuch that he began, first, to minister large alms of his goods to such as needed, secondly, to instruct and admonish himself and his family, and all that resorted to him by any occasion, concerning repentance, and the sincere worship of God, and true piety. Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching and wholesome admonitions, more resort of people daily frequented about him ; whom when he did see ready and diligent to learn, he began to give out to them certain rudiments of the Scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue ; for as he was a man wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned. Although Laziardus, Volateranus, and others, note him utterly unlearned, and charge him with ignorance, as who should procure others to write and translate for him ; by others, who have seen his doings yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and to translate the books of Scripture, and also did collect the doctors' mind upon the same. The true But whatsoever he was, lettered or unlettered, the bishops and JJtKriJt P re ^ a ^ es seem g nmi so to intermeddle with the Scriptures, and to neither have such resort about him, albeit it was but in his own house, toother under private conference, could neither abide that the Scriptures the word, snou ](j De translated and declared bv any other, nor would they take nor suffer , . at- i • i t othermen the pams to do it themselves, bo, being moved with great malice ,od &Jf" against the man, they threatened to excommunicate him if he did not Appendix. j eave o g» go tQ ^ o Waldus, seeing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred up upon no just nor godly cause, neglecting the threatenings and frettings of the wicked, said,that " God must be obeyed more than man." To be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist, the (1) Edition 1563, p. 42. This account of the Waldenses is taken from Illyricus (" Cat. Test." Edit. Genevae, 1608, cols. 1498—1529), and from the " Fasciculus" of Orth. Gratius. The text has been collated with the original, and corrected in some instances. — Ed. ARTICLES OF THE WALDENSES. more maliciously their fierceness increased ; insomuch that when they Henry did see their excommunication to be despised, and would not serve, A D they ceased not with prison, with banishment, with fire and with nsg sword to persecute, till at length they had driven both Waldus, and all the favourers of his true preaching, out of the city. Whereupon came first their name, that they were called 1 Walden- ses,' or 'Pauperes de Lugduno, 1 not because they would have all things common amongst them, or that they, professing any wilful poverty, would imitate to live as the apostles did, as Sylvius did falsely belie them, but because they, being thrust out both of country and goods, were compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintaining the true doctrine of Christ's gospel, against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles, which I find in order and in number to be these i 1 — The Articles of the Waldenses. I. Only the holy Scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salva- tion, and no man or man's writing besides. II. All things which are necessary to salvation are contained in holy Scrip- ture ; and therefore nothing is to be admitted in religion, but only what is com- manded in the word of God. III. There is one only Mediator; the saints are in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invocated. IV. There is no purgatory ; but all men are either through Christ justified to life eternal, or, not believing in him, go away to everlasting destruction : and, besides these two, there is no third or fourth place. V. There be but two sacraments, baptism and the communion. 2 VI. All masses, namely, such as be sung for the dead, are wicked, and ought to be abrogate. VII. All human traditions ought to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to salvation ; and therefore this singing and chanting in the chancel is to be left off : constrained and prefixed fasts bound todays and times, super- fluous holidays, difference of meats, such variety of degrees and orders of priests, monks, and nuns, so many sundry benedictions and hallowing of creatures, vows, pilgrimages, and all the rabblement of rites and ceremonies brought in by man, ought to be abolished. VIII. The asserted supremacy of the pope above all churches, and especially his usurped power above all governments, in other words the jurisdiction of both the swords, is to be utterly denied ; neither are any degrees to be received in the church, but only the degrees of priests, deacons, and bishops. IX. The communion under both kinds is godly and necessary, being or- dained and enjoined by Christ. X. The church of Rome is the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse ; and the pope is the fountain of all errors, and the very antichrist. XI. The pope's pardons and indulgences they reject. 3 XII. The marriage of priests they hold to be godly, and also necessary in the church. XIII. Such as hear the word of God, and have a right faith, they hold to be the right church of Christ ; and that to this church the keys of the church are given to drive away wolves, and to institute true pastors of Christ, who should preach the word and minister the sacraments. These be the most principal articles of the Waldenses, albeit some there be that add more to them ; some, again, divide the same into more parts : but these be the principal, to which the rest be reduced. The same Waldenses, at length exiled, were dispersed in divers (1) " Solis sacris Uteris credendum esse in iis, quae ad salutem," &c. (2) Omitted by Foxe.— Ed. (3) This article seemeth to be given of thern in Bohemia, long after, for indulgences came not in before Boniface VIIT. [" Tametsi illae infra quadringentos annos, nempe ante 250, primum k Bonifacio octavo excogitatas sunt." Illyr. The right of granting them was, however, first claimed »-ather earlier, in the twelfth century. — Ed.] 266 DISPUTE CONCERNING TRANSUBST ANTIATION. Henry ii. and sundry places, of whom many remained long in Bohemia; 1 who, ^ I) writing to their king, Uladislaus, to purge themselves against the 1189. slanderous accusations of one Dr. Austin, gave up their confession with an apology of their christian profession ; defending, with strong a. d. 1508. and learned arguments, the same which now is received in most reformed churches, both concerning grace, faith, charity, hope, repentance, and works of mercy. 2 I«}uinas ^ s ^ 01 P ur o a ^ or )S tne y sa y tnat Thomas Aquinas is the author firstfind- thereof. 3 gLtory Ur " Concerning the supper of the Lord, their faith was, that it wa^ ordained to be eaten, not to be showed and worshipped ; for a me- morial, not for a sacrifice ; to serve for the present ministration, and not for reservation ; to be received at the table, not to be carried out of the doors ; according to the ancient use of the primitive church, AppJZiix. when they used to communicate sitting. And this they said could be proved both by the old chronicles, as also by that most ancient Greek father, Origen, writing in these words upon the third book of Moses, proving that, this sacramental bread ought not to be re- served : — " Whosoever receiveth this bread of the supper of Christ upon the second or third day after, his soul shall not be blessed, but be polluted. Therefore the Gibeonites, because they brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them to carry wood and water, &c." 4 Dr. Austin, of whom mention is made before, disputing against them about this matter of the holy eucharist, urgeth them with this between interrogation : 5 " Whether it be the same Christ present in the sacra- Dr Aus- . . • tin and ment who is present at the right hand of the Father ? If it be not the denses* 1 " same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, ' Nobis est non nisi unus Deus, unus Dominus Jesus Christus, 1 — ( One God, one Lord Jesus a cap*- Christ ?' If it be the same Christ, then how is he not to be honoured and worshipped here as well as there ?" To this the Waldenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one both sides and the same in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his venfence! Father, having in both cases a natural body, but not after the same JweVS m °d e °f existence : for the existence of his body in heaven is personal wai- and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the what n is sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be The sa- cramental bread ought not to he kept or re- served. Part of the dis- putation A dilem- ma; that tious question confer- ring on to receive lfter a sa :ramen mannei pprehended or received of our bodies after a personal or corporal ^mental maT1R er, but after a sacramental manner; that is, where our bodies receive the sign, and our spirit the thing signified. Moreover, in heaven the existence of his body is dimensive and complete, with the full proportion and quantity of the same body wherewith he ascended. Here, the existence of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure, and stature thereof, doth not, neither can, stand in the sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural, not sacramental, that is, to be seen, and not remembered : here it is sacramental, not natural, that is, to be remembered, not to be seen. (1) The term Waldenses, which properly describes the religious community of the Alpine valleys of Piedmont, is often (though inaccurately) applied to all those Dissenters from Popery who appeared in various parts of Europe from the beginning of the eleventh century, though they did not all agree in their sentiments. The Taborites in Bohemia, however, are said to have really held the Wal- densian doctrines. See infra, p. 270, and Illyricus, " Catal. Test." col. 1507.— Ed. (2) ExOrthuinoGratio, [who in his •' Fasciculus rerum," &c. gives " Professio fidei fratrum Wal- densium,"fol. 81, and " Responsio excusatoria f. W.," fol. 89. Uladislaus was king of Bohemia, a.d. 1471—1516, and Julius II. (mentioned in the Apology as then pope) reigned a.d. 1503— 1513.— Ed.] (3) This was not the fact, nor is the above exactly the statement of the apologist. See App.— Ed. (4) Quicunque hunc panem ccenae Christi secunda vel tertia die sumpserit, non bene.licetur anima ejus, sed inquinabitur. Propterea Gabaonita?, quia antiquos panes," &c. Origen, s\ ;4* tcrtium librum Mosis. [Fasciculus, fol. 88, A.— Ed.] (5) Fasciculus, fol. 92.— Ed. DOCTRINES OF THE WALDKNSES. 267 This answer being made to the captious proposition of Dr. Austin, iienryir the Waldenses, retorting the like interrogation to him again, demand A D of him to answer them in the like objection i 1 u Whether it be all one H89. Christ substantially and naturally, who sitteth in heaven, and who is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the sacra- JJJJJ^ ment ?" If he grant it to be, then they bid him say, seeing Christ dilemma is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, and as well in the receiver as fSlsub- in the sacrament, and all one Christ in substance and nature ; why ^ ltia " then is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be worshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament, seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, than in the sacrament ? for in the sacrament he is but for a time, and not for the sacrament's sake, but for the man's cause : in man he is not for the sacrament's cause, but for his own ; and that not for a season, but for ever, as it is written, " Qui manducat hunc panem vivet in seternum ;" that is, ei He that eateth this bread shall live for ever," &c. Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one substance into another, they question again with him, "whether the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus, that is, both into his body, soul, and divinity ; or not into the whole Christ ?" If he grant the whole ; then, say they, that is impossible, concerning the divinity, both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into the Creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his divinity, then he separateth the natures in Christ. If he say, into the body alone, and not the soul, then he separateth the natures of the true manhood, &c, and so it cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us ; for that he had both body and soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer, this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great inconvenience on all sides. Over and besides, ^Eneas Sylvius, 2 writing of their doctrine and assertions (perchance as he found them, perchance making worse of them than they taught or meant), reporteth them after this manner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin. 3 The Eno-lish of the Same. o That the bishop of Rome is equal with other bishops. That amongst priests there is no difference of degree. That no dignity of order, but only worthiness of life, can raise one priest above others. That the souls of men immediately on departing either enter into everlasting pain, or everlasting joy. That there is no purgatory of fire to be found. That to pray for the dead is a vain thing, and invented only for the lucre of priests. That the images of God (as of the Trinity), and of saints, are to be abolished. That the hallowing of water and palms, is ridiculous. That the religion of begging friars was invented by the devil. That priests should not encroach riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with men's devo- tion. 4 That the preaching of the word of God is open to any one. That no deadly sin is to be tolerated, for the sake of avoiding another evil, how much greater soever. That he who is in deadly sin cannot hold any dignity he may possess, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and is not to be obeyed. 5 That confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction, are not to be counted among the sacraments of the church. That auricular confession is but a toy ; and that it suffices for every man to confess himself in his cham- (!) Fasciculus, fol. 93. — Ed. (2) .Eneas Sylvius, Bohemica historia de Waldensiumdogmatibus. (3) " Romanum praesulem reiiqms e? iscopis parem esse. Inter sacerdotes nullum discrimen. Presbvterum non dignitatem sed vitae meritum efficere potiorem." For the original Latin, see Edition 1563, p. 44 ; also, JEn. Sjlv. Op. Basil. 1571, p. 103, and Illyricus, " Catal. Testium" (Ed. Goularti, Genev. 1608 ;. col. 1525, whence the following translation is revised.— Ed. (4) *' Eleeraosyna,' voluntary oblations.. See Todd"s Johnson. — Ed. (5) Omitted by Fdx«.— Ed. 268 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE WALDENSES. p at e inaketh not the ministra more or Jess holy See Appendix. Henry II. ber to God. That baptism ought to be administered only with pure water, " without any mixture of hallowed oil. That the use of churchyards is vain, A. D. invented onl} 7 for lucre's sake : it matters not what ground corpses are buried ln i That the temple of the great God is the wide world : and that it is like The tem- limiting his majesty to build churches, monasteries, and oratories, as though Lonf that S race were more to be found in one place than in another, is, the ha- That priest's apparel, ornaments of the high altar, palls, corporas cloths, cha- bitation lices, patines, and other church plate, serve in no stead. That the priest may GoTmost consecrate an d minister the body of Christ to those who do require, in any place properly whatever. 2 That it is sufficient only if he pronounce the sacramental words. and lleth '^ at sum * a o es °f samts 5 reigning with Christ in heaven, are craved in fvorketh. vam > tQ ey heing not aD ^ e to help us. That the time spent in saying or singing That is, the canonical hours, is but lost. That a man ought to cease from his labour no ^ ™ ere day, except the Lord's day, as it is now called. That the feasts and festivals of saints ought to be rejected. Item, that such fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the church have no merit in them. tion of ho- These assertions of the Waldenses being thus articled out byiEneas e;ther ngs Sylvius, I thought to give them abroad in English as they are in Latin, to the intent that as they are the less to be doubted, being set out of a pope's pen, so we may both the better know them hereby, what they were, and also understand how this doctrine, now preached and taught in the church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost four hundred years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine, so now we will briefly somewhat touch of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old written book of inquisition. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE WALDENSES. The whole process cometh to this effect in English. The manner of the Waldenses is this 3 . They kneeling upon their knees, leaning to some bench or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a man may say thirty or forty times " Pater noster." And this they do every day with great reverence, being amongst themselves and such as be of their own religion, and no strangers with them, both before dinner and after ; likewise before supper and after; also what time they go to bed, and in the morning when they rise ; and at certain other times also, as well in the day as in the night. Item, they use no other prayer but the prayer of the Lord, " Pater noster," &c, and that without any " Ave Maria" and the Creed, which they affirm not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by the church of Rome. Albeit, they have and use the " seven articles of faith concerning the divinity/'' and " seven articles concerning the humanity and the " ten commandments," and seven works of mercy," which they have com- piled together in a compendious book, glorying much in the same, and thereby offer themselves ready to answer any man as to their faith. 4 Before they go to meat they ask a blessing by saying " Bene- dicite," " Kyrie eleyson, Christe eleyson, Kyrie eleyson, r) and the Their " Pater noster." 5 Which being said, then the elder amongst them o!g n r a?e beginneth thus, in their own tongue : " God who blessed the five barley loaves and two fishes in the desert before his disciples, bless this table, and that is set upon it, or shall be set upon it, in the name (crossing themselves 6 ) of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen." And likewise again, when they rise from meat, the (1) Omitted by Foxe. — Ed. (2) JEn. Sylv. adds, " quocutique tempore." — Ed. (3) " Modus autem Valdensium talis est," &c. Ex inquisitorio quodam libello, de moribus et con- suetudine Waldensium [cited by Illyricus " Cat. Test." col. 1523.— Ed.] (4) See Appendix. (5) " Bless ye the Lord," " Lord have merc7 on us, Christ have mercy on us, Lord have mercy on us," " Our Father," &rc. — Ed. (6) This parenthesis is omitted by Foxe. — Ed. before meat THEIR SCATTERING AND DISPERSION. 269 senior giveth thanks, saying in their own tongue the words of the Henryii. Apocalypse, " Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, A D honour, virtue, and strength, to God alone, for ever and ever. Amen." ifgg" And addeth, moreover, "God reward them into their bosoms, and be ■ beneficial to all them, that be beneficial to us:" and, " the God who grace af- hath given us corporal feeding, grant us spiritual life :" and, " God ea " be with us, and we always with him.'" To which the rest answer again, " Amen." And while thus saying grace, they usually put their hands together and lift them upward toward heaven. After their meat and grace thus said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves, conferring together upon their doctrine, &c. In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent and painful, Reineri- that Reinerius, a writer about that time (an extreme enemy against J^SiS them), in a long process, 1 wherein he describeth their doctrine and ^Jden teaching, testifieth that he heard of one who did know the party, ses. " that a certain heretic," saith he, " only to turn a certain person away A P ££tH*. from our faith, and to bring him to his, in the night, and in the winter time, swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him, and to teach 1™." Moreover, so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the said Reinerius saith, he did hear and see a man of the country unlettered, 6 who could recite over the whole book of Job word by word without book, with divers others, who had the whole New Testament perfectly by heart. And although some of them rather merrily than unskilfully ex- Piusvide- pounded the words of St. John, " Sui non receperunt eurn" — m^iisc?- 8 " Swine did not receive him ;" 2 yet were they not so ignorant and Jotes acer void of learning, nor yet so few in number, but that they did mightily prevail ; insomuch that Reinerius hath these words : " There was The none durst stop them for the power and multitude of their favourers. JUI mui- I have often been at their inquisition and examination, and there ^ udeof were numbered forty churches infected with their heresy, and in one ses. parish of Cammach were ten open schools of them." 3 And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can in de- Waiden- prav'ing and impugning them, yet is driven to confess this of them, Joint"* 11 where he doth distinguish their sect from other sects, and hath these 0 °i"^ ut words : " This sect of Leonists hath a great show of holiness, in that holding they both live justly before men, and believe all things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in the Creed ; only they blaspheme the Romish church, and hate it." 4 Now to touch somewhat their persecutions : 5 — After they were driven out of Lyons, they were scattered into divers and sundry places, the providence of God so disposing, that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world. Some, as I said, went to Bohemia ; many did flee into the provinces of France ; some into Lombardy ; others into other places, &c. But as the cross commonly followeth the verity and sincere preaching of God's word, so neither (1) Given by Illyricus, " Cat. Test." col. 1507.— Ed. (2) Illyricus remarks in his margin, " Pontificium clerum suum nomine intellexerunt Valdenses" Appendix Reinerius imputes it to their ignorance. — Ed. (3) " Non erat qui eos impedire auderet propter potentiam et multitudinem fautorum suorum. Inquisitioni et examinationi saepe interfui, et computatae sunt quadragenae ecclesiae, quas heresi infectae fuerunt, ac in una parocliia Cammach fuerunt decern eorum scholae," &c. [Illyricus, col. 1508, F.— Ed.] (4) " Haec vero Leonistarum secta magnam habet speciem pietatis, eo quod coram hominibus juste vivant, et bene omnia de Deo credant, et omnes articulos, qui in symbolo continentur; solam Ro- manam ecclesiam blasphemant, etoderunt." Ex Orthuino Gratio. [Illyricus, col. 1509, A.— Ed. J (5) Illyricus, col. 150 1, C— Ed. (6) "Rustic:im ;diotam," Illyricus : "an unlettered peasant."— Ed. nst the church of Rome. See 210 MURDER OF CHRIST'S HOLY MARTYRS. Henry u. could these be suffered to live in rest. There are yet to be seen A.d. consultations of the lawyers of Avignon [a.d. 1235], likewise of tht 1189. archbishops of Narbonne, Aries, and Aix [a.d. 123d], 1 also an ordi- The cross nance of the bishop of Albano [a.d. 1246], 2 which yet remain in writing, iy™oSow ^ or tne ext i r P atm » °f these Waldenses, written above three hundred eththe years tofore ; 3 whereby it appeareth that there was a great number of waTden- them j n France. ses perse- Besides, there was a council held in Toulouse about three hundred and morethan fifty-five years ago [a.d. 1229], and all against these Waldenses, who also Sed e yea?s were condemned in another council at Rome before that [a.d. 1215]. fk°r?st n " What great persecutions were raised up against them, is apparent see ' from the before-mentioned consultation of the three French arch- A PP er,d,x. j^gj^pg . w ^ ereo f I w ;|] recite some of their words, which towards the end be these : " Who is such a stranger that knoweth not the condemnation of the Waldensian heretics, done and past so many years ago, so famous, so public, following upon so many and great labours, expenses, and travail of the faithful, and so boldly sealed Anti- with so many deaths of the infidels themselves, solemnly condemned with ' and openly punished ?" 4 Whereby we may see persecution to be no fiSXgan new thing in the church of Christ, when Antichrist so long ago, even £itio n rse - three hundred years past, began to rage against these Waldenses. In Bohemia, likewise, after that, the same, called by the name of Thaborites, as Sylvius recordeth, suffered no little trouble. But never persecution was stirred up against them or any other people, more terrible than was in these latter years in France by the French king, a.d. 1545, which lamentable story is described in Sleidan, and hereafter in the process of this work, 5 as we come to the order of years, shall be set forth, by the grace of Christ, more at large ; in a horrible the which persecution is declared, in one town, Cabriers, to be slain ScSfs by the captain of Satan, Minerius, eight hundred persons at once, tvn mar without respect of women or children of any age ; of whom forty women, and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn, and the windows kept with pikes, and so fire set to them, were all con- sumed. Besides, in a cave not far from the town Mussium, to the Minerius number of five and twenty persons, with smoke and fire were at the perre"?- 16 same time destroyed. At Merindol the same tyrant, seeing all the tor rest were fled away, and finding one young man, caused him to be tied to an olive-tree, and to be destroyed witli torments most cruelly ; with much other persecution, as shall appear hereafter in the history a giover translated out of Sleidan into English. martyr? But to return again to higher times, from whence we digressed. cSeron Besides that, Reinerius (above mentioned), speakethof one in the town filled °^ ^heron, a glover, who was brought at this time to examination, and forty- and suffered. There is also an old monument of processes, wherein Sought to appear four hundred and forty-three to be brought to examination in examina iion. See Pomerania, March ia, and places thereabouts, about a.d. 1891/ Appendix. (1) See Franciscus Pegna on Nich. Eymericus's Direct. Inquisit. p. ii. com. 56.— Ed. (2) Pierre de Collemezzo, abp. of Rouen, was made cardinal bp. of Albauo in 1244 (Moreri), and as such convened the council of IL-ziers, a.d. 1246. SeeLahbe's Cone. torn. xi. col. 687.— Ed. (8) " Tofore," heretofore, ago. Illyricus published his -'Cat. Test." first in 15.56. — Ed. (4) "Quis enim est solus ille peregrinus, qui condemnationem [damnationem] haereticorum [et] Valdensium ignoret [nescierit] a longe retro annis [tarn justissime] factam, tam faniosam, tain publicam [publicatam, tam praedicatam], tot et tantis laborious, expensis et sudoribus ridelium insecutam, et tot rcortibus ipsorum iiifidelium solenniter damnatorum publiceque punitorum tam fortiter [firmiter] sigillatam?" &c. [Labbe, Cvjiic. torn. xi. col. 496, gives the passage with th- variations here noticed — En.] (5) Sec iniri, vol. iv. pp.501, 502.— Ed. (6) Illyricus, cols. 1506, 1508.— Ed. ORIGIN OF THE DIFFERENT CROSSES. £71 And thus much touching the origin, doctrine, and lamentable per- Henry II. secutions of the Waldenses ; who, as is declared, first began about A.D. the time of this King Henry II. 1189. OTHER INCIDENTS HAPPENING IN THE REIGN OF THIS HENRY II. Concerning the first origin of the Waldenses, springing up in the days of this king, sufficient is already declared. Now remaineth in the like order of time to story also such other incidents as chanced under the reign of the said king, not unworthy to be observed, keeping the order of the time as near as we may, and as authors do give unto us. Mary, the daughter of King Stephen, being the abbess of Ramsey, was married in this king's days to Matthew, earl of Boulogne ; which Becket marriage Thomas Becket did work against, and did dissolve, by of reason whereof he procured himself great displeasure with the said earl, &c. a.d. 1161. 1 The same year a certain child was crucified of the Jews in the Two cmu town of Gloucester. 2 After the same manner the wicked Jews had cmeAT crucified another child before in the city of Norwich, in the days of the ^ e e ws ' King Stephen, a.d. 1145. 4»«** A collection was gathered through all England and France, of two pence in every pound, for the succour of the East Christians against the Turks, a.d. 1167. 3 Babylon was taken and destroyed, and never since repaired, by Babylon Almaric, king of Jerusalem, a.d. 1170. 4 Sroyed!*' In the year 1173, almost all England was diseased with the cough. 5 About this year also William, king of Scots, was taken in battle and imprisoned in England. Great war happened in Palestine, wherein the city of Jerusalem, The hoiy- with the cross and king of the city, and others of the temple, was taken taken by the Saracens, and the most part of the Christians there Sty of je- were either slain or taken. Cruel murder and slaughter were used ™ s jJ e e m ' by the Turk, who caused all the chief of the Christians to be brought Saracens, forth and beheaded before his face ; insomuch that Pope Urban Appendix III. for sorrow died, and Gregory VIII., the next pope after him, lived not two months. Then, in the days of Pope Clement III., news and sorrow growing daily for the loss of Palestine, and the destruction of the Christians ; King Henry of England, and Philip, the French king, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Champagne, with divers other christian princes, with a general A vo consent, upon St. George's day, took the mark of the cross upon against them, promising together to take their voyage into the Holy Land. m At this time the stories say, the king of England first received the ^EferSce red cross, the French king took the white cross, the earl of Flanders took the green cross ; and so likewise other princes diversly divers first colours, thereby to be discerned every one by his proper cross. But in " King Henry, after the three years were expired, in which he promised to perform his voyage, sent to the pope for further delay of his pro- mise, offering for the same to erect three monasteries ; which thing (1) Ex chronico bibliothecse Cariensis. (2) Jornalensis. (3) Ibid. (4) Ex vetusto manuscripto exemplari historiae Cariensis. (5) Ex vetusto chron. Aeephalo. of the crosses came THE FRENCH KINGS PILGRIMAGE TO CANTERBURY • Henry it. he thus performed : in the church of Waltham he thrust out the A. D. secular priests, and set in monks instead of them. Secondly, he 1189. repaired Amesbury, and brought in the nuns again, who before were excluded for their incontinent life. And thus performed he his promise made before to the pope, a.d. 1173. siStia°nd °f Scots 1 did his homage and allegiance to the king of doing ho- England and to his son, and to his chief lords ; promising that all Seeing tne earls and barons of Scotland should do the like with their poste- giand." rit y* Item ' a11 tne b i sno P s and abbots of the church of Scotland promised subjection and submission to the archbishop of York. a.d. 1175. 2 The custom was in this realm, that if any had killed any clerk or priest, he was not to be punished with the temporal sword, but only excommunicated and sent to Rome for the pope's grace and abso- lution ; which custom, in the days of this king, began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, a.d. 1176. 3 bridge" London-bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter, n ge ' priest of Colechurch, a. d. 1176. 4 St. William of Paris was slain by the Jews on Maundy-Thursday, for which the Jews were burned, and he counted a saint, a. d. 1177. subbed Ireland subdued to the crown of England by this king, a.d. 1177. 5 Sand" About the five and twentieth year of the reign of the said King Pilgrim- Henry, Louis the French king, by the vision of Thomas Becket clnter- appearing unto him in his dream, and promising to him the recovery spring up °^ ^ 8 son > ^ ne would resort to him at Canterbury, made his journey from a into England to visit St. Thomas at Canterbury, with Philip, earl of vision. Flanders ; where he offered a rich cup of gold, with other precious jewels, and one hundred vessels of wine yearly to be given to the covent of the church of Canterbury : notwithstanding, the said Philip in his return from England, taking his journey to Paris to visit St. Dennis, in the same his pilgrimage was stricken with such cold, that he fell into a palsy, and was benumbed in the right side of his body, a.d. 1178. 6 Stephen, bishop of Rennes, was wont to make many rhymes and gaudish prose to delight the ears of the multitude ; *to whom a little before his death this verse was sounded in his ear, " Deshie ludere temere, nitere propere surgere de pulvere a. d. '1178. 7 Transub- The Albigenses of the city of Toulouse, denied transubstantiation tiongain- m ^ ne sacrament of Christ's body and blood ; also that matrimony said. was a sacrament, &c. a. d. 1178. 8 Q U een King Henry separated himself from his wife Elenor, and held her impri- m any years in prison, as some think, for the love of Rosamond; soned. which seemeth to me to be the cause why God afterward stirred up all his sons to war against him, and to work him much sorrow ; (1) William, brother of Malcom IV., is the monarch here referred to. He was taken prisoner before Alnwick, by a stratagem, by Rob. Stutevill and Ralph de Glanville, two of King Henry's nobility, and -was transported to Falaise, in Normandy, where he was compelled to sign a dis- graceful treaty. He returned to Scotland, and in the year 1175 Henry summoned him to meet him at York. All the nobility and landholders of Scotland accompanied him thither ; the disgraceful treaty of Falaise was confirmed, and Scotland found herself under the protection of Henry, deprived of liberty and honour. — Ed. (9.) Nicol. Trivet. (3) Ibid. Sea (4) Ex Chron. cujns initium : "In diebus sanctissimi regis Edvardi," &c Ex Biblicth. Canenel. Appendix. M Ex variis Chron. (6) Jornalensis, et alii. (7) Nic. Trivet. (8) Ibid. THE STORY OF SIBYLLA AND GUIDO. 27b a. d. 1179 ; l notwithstanding, the said Elenor was shortly after Henry n. reconciled to him. "aTdT St. Frideswide was translated unto Oxford in the same year. us j In the year 1180, there came to the council of Pope Alexander, one Burgundio of Pisa, a man very cunning both in Greek and ^"" s by Latin, who brought and presented to the council the homilies of chrysc Chrysostome upon the gospel of St. John, translated out of Greek th^oi.f into Latin, and said that he had translated likewise a great part of Test?'"' his Exposition upon Genesis ; saying moreover, that the said ment. Chrysostome had made expositions in Greek of the whole of the Old Appendix. Testament, and also of the New. The monks of Charterhouse first entered into this land, a.d. 1180. In the year 1181, Richard Pech, bishop of Coventry, before his The death renounced his bishopric, and became a canon in the church of {Jvemry St. Thomas by Stafford. 2 renoun- About the latter time of this King Henry, one Hugo, whom men bishopric, were wont to call St. Hugh of Lincoln, born in Burgundy, and ofLUicolr prior of the monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the Ap ^ dix bishopric of Lincoln, who after his death is said to have done great miracles, and therefore was counted a saint, a. d. 11 86. 3 Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, began the building of his Appmn*. new house and church of Lambeth ; but by the letters of Pope Clement III., he was forbidden to proceed in the building thereof, a. d. 1187. 4 I find likewise in the aforesaid old written chronicle remaining in the King hands of one William Cary, citizen of London, that King Henry II. ^f t n t r o' t s , e gave to the court and church of Rome for the death of Thomas ^ 0 l ^ h f °J Becket, forty thousand marks of silver, and five thousand marks of the death gold. A.D. 1187. of Becket Mention was made a little above of Almaric, king of Jerusalem, who destroyed Babylon, so that it was never after to this day restored, but lieth waste and desolate ; wherein was fulfilled that which by the prophets, in so many places, was threatened to Babylon before. This Almaric had a son named Baldwin, and a daughter called Sibylla. Baldwin, from the beginning of his reign, was a leper, and had the falling-sickness, being not able, for feebleness of body, although valiant in heart and stomach, to satisfy that function. Sibylla, his sister, was first married to one William, marquis of a worthy Mount Ferrat, by whom she had a son, called also Baldwin. After f^J n l { him she was married to another husband, named Guido de Lusignan, ™ d j ( earl of Joppa and of Ascalon. Upon this it befel that the aforesaid Baldwin the leper, son of Almaric, being thus feeble and infirm, as is said, called his nobles together, with his mother and the patriarch, declaring to them his inability, and by their consents committed the under-government of the city unto Guido, the husband of Sibylla, his sister. But he being found insufficient, or else not lucky in the government thereof, the office was translated to another, named Raimund, earl of Tripolis. In the mean while, the soldan with his Sar.xcens mightily prevailed against the Christians, and overran the country of Palestine, during which time Baldwin the king departed; iido. (1) KiC Trivet. VOL, TI. (2) Ex Chronleo p5 rvetust0 - cui initunn, " In dielms Sanctis, regis," &c (3) Flores. Hist. H) Nic. Trivet. T CHARACTER OF KING HENRY II. HenryiL whereby the kingdom fell next to Baldwin (the son of Sibylla, by her A.D. nrst husband, William), who, being but five years old, was put to 1189. the custody of the above Raiinund. This Baldwin also died in his minority, before he came to his crown, whereby the next suc- cession by descent fell to Sibylla, the wife of Guido above mentioned. The peers and nobles, joining together in council, offered unto the said Sibylla, as to the lawful heir to the crown, that she should be their queen, with this condition, that she should sequester from her, a worthy by solemn divorcement, the aforesaid Guido, her husband ; but she of a true refused the kingdom offered to her on that condition, till at last husblnd! 1 the magistrates, with the nobles in general, granted unto her, and by their oaths confirmed the same, that whomsoever she would choose to be her husband, all they would take and obey as their king. Also Guido, her husband, with like petition among the rest, humbly requested her that the kingdom, for his sake, or for his private loss, might not be destitute of government. At length, she, with tears consenting to their entreaty, was contented, and solemnly was crowned their queen, who, after the custom, again received their fidelity by their oath ; whereupon Guido, without any hope either of wife or kingdom, departed home quietly to his own. This done, the queen, assembling her states and prelates together, entered talk with them about the choosing of the king, according to that which they had promised, and sworn unto her, namely, to obey him as their king, whom she would name to be her husband. Thus, while they were all in great expectation, waiting every man whom she would nominate, the queen, with a loud voice, said to Guido, that stood amongst them : " Guido, my lord, I choose thee for my husband, and yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I protest you to be the king. 11 At these words all the assembly being amazed, wondered that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men ; and worthy was she, no doubt, to be commended and extolled for her singular virtue, both of faithful chastity and high prudence ; so tempering the matter, that she both obtained to her husband the kingdom, and retained to herself again her husband, whom she so faithfully loved, a. d. 1186. 1 As I have hitherto described the public acts of King Henry, so now I mean to touch something of his private conditions. He was of mean stature, eloquent and learned, manly and bold in chivalry, fearful of the mutability and chance of war, more lamenting the death of his soldiers dead, than losing them alive; none more courteous and liberal for the obtaining of his purpose ; in peace and tranquillity none more rough ; stubborn against the stubborn ; sometimes merciful to those whom he had vanquished ; straight to his household servants, but liberal to strangers ; publicly, of public things, liberal, sparing of his own ; whom once he took a displeasure against, hardly, or never, would he receive again to favour; some- what lavish of his tongue ; a willing breaker of his promise ; a lover of his own ease, ■ but an oppressor of his nobility ; a severe avenger and furtherer of justice ; variable of word, and crafty in his talk ; an open adulterer ; a nourisher of discord amongst his children ; more- over, the papists, bearing him for Thomas Beckef s quarrel and such (1) Ex H'storia manuscripts cui initium, *' Rex Picronnn, " ex Bibliotheca Cariensi mutuata THE KI\ T G ADMONISHED TO UK FORM. 275 like, as may be gathered, no good will, term him an adversary of the Henry :i faith, the mall and beetle of the church. "aTdT Also in the chronicle entitled ' Scala Mundf I find of him, that he i ] 89. followed the steps, manners, and conditions of Henry I. his grand- father, in every point. He preserved firm peace, and executed strict justice, through all his dominions. He loved marvellous well his forests ; and again, those who were transgressors either to his crown or person, he most severely punished. Moreover, in a certain history entitled ' De Regibus Anglise' 1 I find, that this king was sundry times admonished to reform and amend his life, and first by one who was an old man, in the castle of Card if in Wales, on the Sunday which is called * Dominica in albis/ the eighth day after Easter ; where also, after that he heard mass, and was going to take his horse, there stood a certain man by him, some- what yellowish, his hair being rounded, lean, and ill-favoured, having on a white coat, and being barefoot, who looked upon the king, and spake in German on this wise — " Good old king ;" that done, thus he proceedeth — " Christ and his blessed mother, John Baptist and The king Peter, salute you, and straitly charge you, that upon the Sundays, nSJedto throughout all your dominions, there be no buying and selling, or Jg™^ other servile business (those only excepted which appertain to the Sunday preparation of meat and drink); which thing if thou shalt observe, from t^y- whatsoever thou takest in hand, thou shalt happily finish and bring to l n e f u ^ g d pass." Then spake the king, in French, unto the knight that held his horse by the bridle : " Ask of this churl whether he dreamed this or not ?" And in the mean while that the knight should have inter- preted the king's words in English, he spake in German as before, and said, " Whether this be a dream or not, mark well what day this is ; for unless thou do these things and amend thy life, such news shalt thou hear within these twelve months, as will make thee lament and mourn till thy dying day."' And when these words were spoken, the man vanished out of his sight ; and within one year after, Henry, Geffrey, and Richard, his sons, forsook him, their father, and took part with the French king. The king of Scots, and the earls of Chester and Leicester, made an insurrection against the king. Many other premo- nitions were given also to the king, but all these did he little esteem. The second who did admonish him, was a certain Irishman, giving him The se - certain secret signs. And thirdly, a certain knight of Lindesey, 2 named gjjjj JJ* Philip de Easterbv, sailing with him over into France, declared unto monition to the the king, in Normandy, seven articles which he should amend; which king to thing if he would do, he should reign seven years most honourably, his°iS. and should take the holy cross from his enemies ; or else he, in the fourth year, should die in great ignominy. The three first things were these, which he at his coronation sware to observe, that is, to defend the church, to enact good laws, and to condemn no man to death without judgment ; the fourth was, for the restoring of inheri- The jance wrongfully taken ; the fifth was, in doing justice without reward ; king's the sixth was, of the due payment of men's wages and stipends ; the SisS? seventh was, of expelling the Jews, leaving them some monev to depart imputed . , 1 -r» i i ■ t i • vr» i • i • to Ins pil- witnal. Jriut the king not amending his lite, there rose up against him gnmage. (1) The following anecdote is in Brompton, Script. X. p. 1079, whence several inaccuracies in tho t«xt are corrected.— Ed. (2) One of the three divisions of Lincolnshire.— Ed. t 2 276 PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS. Richardi. three strong enemies ; that is to say, his three sons, along with the ^ Y) m French king. But, after the king, forsooth, had gone a pilgrimage to 1189. the martyr's tomb, barefoot, William, king of Scots, and the earls of The death Chester and Leicester, were taken at Alnwick. 1 of Henry J n t ne fi ve anc [ thirtieth year of his reign, being in the castle of July 6th, Chin on in Normandy, he died ; at whose death those who were present a.d.1189. were gQ g ree( jy 0 f t] ie S p 0 i] 9 that they left the body of the king naked, and not so much could be found as a cloth to cover it, till that a page coming in and seeing the king so ignominiously to lie, threw his cloak upon his nether parts ; wherein, saith the author, was verified the sur- name which from his youth he bare, being called Henry Court Mantil. RICHARD THE FIRST. 2 A.D. In the year above recited, which was a.d. ] 189, King Richard, ll89 > the eldest 3 son of Henry II., succeeding his father, entered his crown ; sep^S. at wmcn time Pope Clement sat at Rome, succeeding after Gregory, who died a little before with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross. 4 No Jew During the time of his coronation, it befel, that notwithstanding thepaSce the king, the day before his coronation, by public edict commanded or church both the Jews, 5 and their wives, not to presume to enter either the during , i • i i« i l • r» i • Richard's church or his palace, during the solemnization ot his coronation, tion. na " amongst his nobles and barons ; yet, while the king was at dinner, the chief men of the Jews, with divers others of the Jewish affinity and superstitious sect, against the king's prohibition, together with other press, entered the court gates. Whereat a Christian man being offended, struck one of them with his hand or fist, and bade him stand further from the court gate, as the king had given commandment ; whose example others also following, being displeased with the Jews, offered them the like contumely. Others also, supposing that the king had so commanded indeed, as using the authority of the king, fell upon all the Jews that stood by without the court gate. And first they beat them with their fists, but afterwards they took up stones and such other things as they could get, and threw at them, and beat them therewith. And thus driving them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead. A je W There was amongst this number of the Jews one called 'Benedict,' fear bap- a *^ ew °^ York, who was so sorely wounded and beaten with the rest, tized. that, for fear of his life, he said he would become a Christian, and was indeed of William, the prior of the church of St. Mary of York, baptized ; whereby he escaped the great peril of death he was in, and the persecutors 1 hands. In the mean while there was a great rumour spread throughout all the city of London, that the king had commanded to destroy all the Jews. Whereupon, as well the citizens, as innumerable people more, being assembled to see the The jews king's coronation, armed themselves and came together. The Jews iiah"" d ° n thus being for the most part slain, the rest fled into their houses, where for a time, through the strong and sure building of them, they (1) See Appendix, for an error here. — Ed. •2) Edition 1563, p. 70. Ed. 1583, p. 234. Ed. 1597, p. 213. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 265 — Ed. (3) His iliird son, though the eldest surviving. — Ed. (4) See Appendix. \b) The atrocities against the unfortunate Jews here recorded, are fully related in Walter Ilemingiord, Gale Script, vol. ii. pp. 514 — 518, and Brorhpton — Ed. A TRAGICAL SCENE AT YORK. 277 were defended. But at length their houses were set on fire, and they Richardi. destroyed therein. A. D. These things being declared to the king, whilst he with his nobles 1189. and barons were at dinner, he sendeth immediately Ranulfe de Glan- ~ vile, the lord high steward of England, with divers other noblemen The small to accompany him, that they might stay and restrain these so bold JJJf^J enterprises of the Londoners : but all was in vain, for in this so great Jj^j"^ a tumult none there was that either regarded what the nobility said, insurrec- or else any whit reverenced their personages, but rather with stern tions ' looks and threatening words advised them, and that quickly, to depart. Whereupon they, with good deliberation, thinking it the best so to do, departed ; the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next day. At which time 1 also the king, sending certain of his officers into the city, gave them in commandment to apprehend and present some, such as were the chief of the malefactors : of whom three were condemned to be hanged, and so were ; the one, for that he had robbed a Christian's house in this tumult ; and the other two, for that they fired the houses, to the great danger of the city. After this, the king sent for him who from a Jew was converted to Christianity, and in the presence of those who saw when he was baptized, the king asked him whether he was become a Christian or not ? He answering the king, said, No, but to the intent that he might escape death, he per- mitted the Christians to do with him what they listed. 2 Then the king asked the archbishop of Canterbury, other archbishops and bishops viLd "if-" being present, what were best to be done with him ? Who unad- ^ e a r r °£ visedly answering, said, " If he will not be a man of God, let him be bishop, a man of the devil and so revolted he again to Judaism. Then the king sent his writs to the sheriffs of every county, to inquire for the authors and stirrers of this outrage ; of whom three were hanged, divers were imprisoned. So great was then the hatred of Englishmen against the Jews, that as soon as they began to be repulsed in the court, the Londoners taking example thereof fell upon them, set their houses on fire, and spoiled their goods. The country again, following the example of the Londoners, semblably did the like. And thus the year, which the Jews took to be their jubilee, was to them a year of confusion ; insomuch that in the city of York, the Jews obtaining the occupying of a certain castle for their preservation, and afterwards not being willing to restore it to the Christians again, when they saw no other remedy, but by force to be vanquished, first they offered much money for their lives ; when that would not be taken, by the counsel of an old Jew amongst them, a miser*- every one, with a sharp razor, cut another's throat, whereby a thou- deserved sand and five hundred of them were at that time destroyed. 3 Neither destmo- ... pi- i to ii' tionotthg was this plague ot theirs undeserved ; tor every year commonly their jews, custom was, to get some Christian man's child from the parents, and on Good Friday to crucify him, in despite of our religion. 4 King Richard, after the death of his father, coming unto remem- brance of himself, and of his rebellion against his father, sought for absolution of his trespass ; and, in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with Philip, the French king, at a certain interview, 5 to take (1) " Sequenti die," Brompton. — Ed. (2) " Permisit a Christianis sibi fieri quod volebant," Id. — Ed. (3) Next year, Friday, March 16th, 1190. Hoveden. See Appendix." Ef», (4) Ex Chron. Westm. cui initium. " jEneas cum Ascanio," &c. (5) ,Tuly22d. 1189. Hoved. Gerv. Brorup. See Ajpps^atx .--Fn 278 EXACTIONS FOR THE CRUSADES. mchardi. his voyage with him for the recovery of Christ's patrimony, which A y>. tne y called the Holy Land. Whereupon the said King Richard, 1 189. immediately after his coronation, to prepare himself the better towards The cove- ms j ournev > set to sa l e divers of his manors, whereof Godfrey Lucy, dines^of ^ ien bishop °f Winchester, bought a couple for two thousand marks ; bishops, to wit, Wergrave and Melenge. The abbot of Bury bought another great 01 " 5 for a thousand marks, called Middlesay, or Mildenhall. Hugh Puzas, lord Jj ps " bisliop of Durham, bought the lordship of Seggesfield or Sedberga, Appendix. w ith the wapentake, and all the appurtenance thereto belonging : he bought also the earldom of Northumberland : whom when the king should solemnize after the manner of secular earls, merrily with a mocking jest, " Lo," said he, m i 1 the Holy towards that journey: requiring him likewise not to tail, but to be Land ' ready at the term above limited, appointing also the place where both the kings should meet together. Unto whom he sent word again, solemnly swearing on the Evangelists, that he would be ready at the appointed time and place. Whereupon he applied himself diligently to prepare ; but especially his care was to make unity and concord The oath between parties that were at variance, and to set them together at one. and tide- After which the king, in the month of December, sailed to France, tm'en 6 " where the French king and he conferring together, for the more con- pimipii. tinuance of their journey assured themselves by solemn oath, swear- French ing fidelity one unto the other ; the form of whose oath was this : — Richa^di. That either of them should defend and maintain the honour of the See Jypendix. (1) This and the succeeding passage, between single asterisks, are from the Edition of 1£63, p. 69.— Ed. (2) Ex Gerv. fol. 134. [X Script, col. 1529. Stowe's Ann., a d. 1188. See Appendix — Ed.] DISGRACEFUL BRAWL IN YORK CATHEDRAL. 279 other, and bear true fidelity unto him of life, members, and worldly mchardi. lion our ; and that neither of them should fail one the other in their A jy affairs; but that the French king should aid the king of England 1190. in defending his land and dominions, as he would himself defend his ~~ own city of Paris, if it were besieged ; and that Richard, king of England, likewise should aid the French king in defending his land and dominions, no otherwise than he would defend his own city of Rouen, if it were besieged, &c. But how slenderly this oath did hold between these two kings, and by whose chief occasion first it fell asunder, the sequel of the story (the Lord willing) shall declare here- after. But because they could not make ready by Easter, according to the former appointment, they concluded to take a longer day, proroguing their voyage till after Midsummer. In the mean time, the king occupying himself in redressing and establishing such things as further were to be ordered, there determined that Geffrey and John, his brethren, should not enter into England within three years after his departure; nevertheless he released that bond afterward to his brother John. The next year ensued, which was a. d. 1190, in the beginning of A.D.1190. which year, upon Twelfth-even, fell a foul northern brawl, which turned £n brawl well near to a fray, between the archbishop newly elected of the church j" t j^ ra] of York and his company, on the one side, and Henry, dean of the church of said church, with his catholic partakers, on the other side, upon occa- Hemy, sion as followeth : Gaufrid, or Geffrey, son of King Henry II. and york^nd brother to King Richard, whom the king had elected a little before to Bucard, the archbishopric of York, upon the even of the Epiphany, which we vk?e"\iot~ call Twelfth-day, was disposed to hear evensong with all solemnity in the cathedral church, having with him Hamon the precentor, with arch- divers canons of the church. The archbishop tarrying something ' sh ° p long, belike in adorning and attiring himself, in the meanwhile Henry the dean, and Bucard the treasurer, disdaining to tarry his coming, with a bold courage lustily began their holy evensong, with singing their psalms, ruffling of descant, and merry piping of organs. Thus, this catholic evensong, with as much devotion begun, as to God's high service proceeding, was now almost half complete, when as at length (they being in the midst of their mirth) cometh in the newly-elect with his train and gardeviance, all full of wrath and indignation, for that Append* they durst be so bold, not waiting for him, to begin God's service, and so eftsoons commanded the quire to stay and hold their peace. The J^S trea- precentor likewise, whose name was Hamon, by virtue of his office, surer commandeth the same. But the dean and treasurer, on the other cease "° side, willed them to proceed ; and so they sung on, and would not at the° ng stint. Thus, the one half crying against the other, the whole quire g[ s c ^ p , s was in a roar, their singing was turned to scolding, their chanting to com- ps chiding; and if instead of the organs they had had a drum, I doubt Sent!" they would have ' sol-fa-ed ' by the ears together. At last, through the authority of the archbisbop, and of the pr8e- bishop be- centor, the quire began to surcease and give silence. Then the newly fiensong elect, not contented with what had been sung before, with certain of a sain. the quire, began the evensong over again. The treasurer, upon the ™e r tre u *~ same, *not thinking to take such a foil,* caused, by virtue of his office, teth *all the tapers and* the candles to be put out, *and so their unhappy dies! the can- 2S0 CLAIMS OF THE MONKS OF CHRISTCHURCII. Richardi. evensong was ceased again. 1 * For, like as without the light and ^ jj beams of the sun there is nothing but darkness in all the world, 1190. even so ye must understand the pope's church can see to do ^ nothing, *for the popish evensong is blind without candlelight, yea, SiuSh though the sun should shine in the quire never so bright ; by reason can do whereof they went away evensongless, and so left their God in the "ithout church, that night, unserved.* This being so, the archbishop, thus candle disappointed on every side of his purpose, made a grievous plaint, The declaring to the clergy and to the people what the dean and treasurer Yortsui had done ; and so upon the same, suspended both them and the church from ed fr° m a ^ divine service, till they should make to him due satisfaction for their trespass. * Where note, by the way, good reader, that either the singing of the popish service doth little serve to God's honour, or else how could this archbishop be so injurious to God, to stop him of his honour because they had dishonoured him ? But to the purpose service. * The next day, which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people of the city were assembled in the cathedral church, as their manner was (namely, in such feasts), devoutly to hear divine service, as they call it, of the church, there were also present the archbishop and the precentor, with the residue of the clergy, looking when the dean and treasurer would come and submit themselves, making satisfaction for The dean their crime. But they, still continuing in their stoutness, refused so l " to do, exclaiming and uttering contemptuous words against the arch- surer do not sub- bishop and his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a the arch- great rage would have fallen upon them ; but the archbishop would The lop * not suffer that. The dean then and his fellows, perceiving the stir of Fnefnsed P eo pl e ' f° r f ear -> ^ e P re tty men, were fain to flee, some to the against tomb of St. William of York ; some ran unto the dean's house, and them ' there shrouded themselves, whom the archbishop then accursed. And so, for that day, the people returned home without any service. 2 Conten- At which time the long contention began also to be appeased, betwixl which so many years had continued between Baldwin, archbishop of Baldwin, Canterbury, and his monks of Ohristchurch ; the discourse whereof, bishop of although it be somewhat tedious, to be set forth at large, being r^ n an? U enough to make a whole tragedy, yet to the intent the age now of chdst 8 P resen ^ ma y see what great conflicts and disquietness, upon what church, little trifles, have been stirred up, what little peace and unity hath been not only in this church, but commonly in all other churches under the pope's catholic regiment, I thought it not labour ill bestowed somewhat to intermeddle in opening to the eyes of the bishops of reader the consideration of this matter ; wherein first is to be under- lay com- 11 " stood, that the archbishops of Canterbury, commonly being set up moniy by the pope, especially since the time of the Conquest, have put the to work kings of this land to much sorrow and trouble, as appeared by the king ofEng? William Rufus and Lanfranc, and also Anselm ; by Henry I. and J^ h Anselm ; 3 King Stephen and Theobald ; Henry II. and Becket, &c. sorrow. For which the kings of this land have used the more care and circum- (1) For the words between asterisks, see Ed. 1563, p. 70. — Ed. (2) Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto, qui initium, 'Anno gratiae millesimo,' &c. (3) " Anselm, who brought in the conception of our Lady to be hallowed, stined coals in England against his king, Henry." Ed. 1563, p. 31. — Kd. ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY. 281 Richard I. spection, to have such archbishops placed in the see as either should stand with them, or at the least should not be against them. 1 a. D. Now to the purpose of our matter intended. First, after Lan- 1137 franc, who was archbishop twenty years, the see standing vacant five t0 years, succeeded Anselm, and sat fifteen years; after whom, the see standing vacant five years, succeeded Rodulph, and continued, »2, r JjJJJ* n eight years ; then followed William, who sat thirteen years, and died reckon. a.d. 1137; after whom came Theobald, in the time of King Stephen. A PP S eZur This Theobald, being no great favourer of the monkish generation, fell out with Jeremias, prior of the house of Canterbury, for certain causes between them ; for which the archbishop, taking stomach against the prior, would lay the sentence of interdiction against him. The prior, seeing that, to save himself, made his appeal to Pope Jeremy, Innocent. The archbishop, provoked the more by that, deposed him clnter- from his priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. Jeremias, ^y^ap- notwithstanding, making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obtained to Pope letters from the pope to Henry bishop of Winchester, being the lnnocent - pope's legate, by virtue whereof, he, against the heart of the arch- bishop, was restored, and Walter displaced. Nevertheless, the said Jeremy, not willing there to continue with displeasure of the arch- bishop, shortly after, of his own accord, renounced his priory, and Walter again was received in his stead. Not long after this followed the general council at Rheims, a.d. 1148. To that council, Theo- bald, contrary to the commandment of the king, would needs resort, to show his obedience to the pope ; wherefore, at his returning home again, the king took such displeasure with him, that, within a while after, the archbishop was driven to void the realm, and fly into France, where he, by censure of interdiction, suspended divers churches and religious houses which refused to come to the council ; and also, hearing how the king had seized upon all his goods, he interdicted likewise all the king's land whatsoever, belonging to the crown : so that the king, in conclusion, was fain to compound with him, and fall to agreement, which was about a.d. 1148. 2 After this, a.d. 1151, after the death of Hugh, abbot ofAfrivo- St. -Austin's in Canterbury, Silvester was elected by the covent to jlSwee? be their abbot in the reign of King Stephen. When this Silvester J^ hald ' came unto Theobald the archbishop, to make his profession of sub- bishop, jection unto him, and to receive of him consecration, the archbishop vest?, 1 " was contented > if that the abbot would come to Christchurch in |J b A ^ Canterbury, and there make his profession. But to this, Silvester in tin's, no case would yield to take his consecration there ; but, in any other church, wheresoever the archbishop would, he was contented. To this, when the archbishop in nowise would agree, Silvester, making a Silvester great bag of money, went to Rome, where he obtained of the pope fo°Rome. for money (for what cannot money do at Rome ?) letters that the archbishop should consecrate the abbot in his own church of St. Austin, and also not exact of him any profession of canonical subjection. Hereupon the archbishop was compelled, against his will, to come to the abbot's church, and there, at the pope's com- mandment, to consecrate him simply, and without an) - further profession to be required. (1) KxChron. Gervas, (2) (hid 282 FRIVOLOUS CONTENTIONS AMONG CHURCHMEN. Riehardi. Then Walter, prior of Christchurek in Canterbury, seeing that, ~^ Y) and perceiving how prejudicial and derogatory the example thereof 1137 would be to the honour and majesty of their church, through counsel to of his brethren, went thither ; and, notwithstanding the doors were 119Q - straitly watched and kept, yet, by means, he at last got in ; and as he monks o Saw arcn bishop attired in his pontificalibus, ready to minister Christ- consecration to the abbot, he stepped straight to the archbishop, and agaS a ^ once appealeth him up to Rome, for the great injury wrought tiie against the church of Canterbury, forbidding him in the name of him monks of J ' a st. aus- to whom he appealed, to proceed any further. And so this holy siiv-e t consecration was for the present time staid, for which Silvester, with trudgeth a new purse of money, was fain to travel and trot again to Rome, Rome. to where he, complaining of the archbishop, and accusing him of con- tempt of the pope, in not executing the commandment sent down, obtaineth again new letters with more effectual charge to the aforesaid archbishop, that he, without any profession, simply should give to Silvester his consecration in his own church, " omni occasione et appellatione remota," " all manner of stay, or let, or appellation to the contrary notwithstanding.' 11 And so, in conclusion, the abbot, contrary to whatsoever the archbishop and all the monks of Canter- sihester could do, was, in his own church, made abbot, and had the crated victory for that time. Notwithstanding, the archbishop left not the his own matter so, but within five years after obtained of Pope Adrian, that church. Silvester should make profession of his obedience to the archbishop, and so he did. 1 In a few years after this died King Stephen, a.d. 1154; and after him Theobald, the archbishop, a.d. 1161, after he had sat three and twenty years ; after whom, through the instant procurement of King Henry II., was placed Thomas Becket, the king's chancellor, a.d. 1162, of whose sturdy rebellion against the king because sufficient hath been said before, it shall not need to make a double labour now about the same. After the death of Becket, much ado there was between King Henry II. and Odo, prior of Canterbury, about the election of a new archbishop. For the king seeing the realm so oftentimes encumbered by those popish archbishops, and fearing lest the monks of Canter- bury should elect such another as would follow the steps of Thomas Becket, most humbly, with cap in hand, and courtesy of knee, desired odo, prior Odo the prior, that at his request, and for contentation of his mind, Dury mer SUC ^ a one m %ht be elected as he would appoint (appointing and naming a certain bishop, who was a good simple man after the king's liking) ; but the prior dissemblingly answering the king again, that he Richard, neither could nor would, without the consent of his covent, give D™er° f promise to any man ; in fine, contrary to the king's so humble f^f,- d request, he agreed to the election of another, who was the prior of bishop of Dover, called Richard, a.d. 1173, and who continued in that see Canter- , ' ' bury. eleven years. Another And here was renewed again the like variance between this arch- conten- 8 bishop, and Roger, abbot of the Austin monks in Canterbury, as •fan was before mentioned between Theobald and Silvester; for, when (1) Ex Gervas. A COUNCIL HELD AT LATER AN. 283 the said Roger, after his election to be abbot, must needs take his Mchardi. consecration at the archbishop's hand, the archbishop would not ^ D. grant it unto him, unless he made profession of obedience, according 1137 to the ancient custom of his predecessors. Then Roger, consulting to •with his monks, at first refused so to do ; but at length was con- l l9 °* tented, so it might not be done in the archbishop's church, but in any other church where he would, underwriting this clause withal, " salvis utriusque ecclesise privilegiis ;" that is, " saving the privileges of both churches." To this the archbishop said again, first, that he should make his due and canonical profession, and that he should not come to him with writing or underwriting, but should say in his heart, " salve sancta parens," or " salve festa dies," not " salvis privi- legiis," or any such like thing. Whereunto when the Austin monks in no case would consent, nor the archbishop otherwise would grant his benediction, Roger the abbot was fain to post to Rome, and there to bring the archbishop in hatred in the court of Rome, and made his abbey tributary to Pope Alexander, a.d. 1177. The pope, well contented with this, not only granteth the abbot Roo . erthe his desire, but also, in contumely of the archbishop, dubbeth the abbot abbot with all such ornaments as to a prelate appertain ; and so, home" 6 a.d. 1178, sent home the abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, Jjjjjnp h and other ensigns of victory, with letters also to the archbishop, enjoining him, immediately upon the sight thereof, to consecrate the abbot in his own church, and without making any profession. Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewdly pressed, yet, notwithstanding, his stout heart would not stoop for this ; but he laid his appeal against the same, and so the consecration for that time was suspended. Then Roger, for his more defence, getting the king's letters, travelled up the second time to Rome, where grievously he com- plained to Pope Alexander of the archbishop. At the same time a general council was summoned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard Concili _ the aforesaid archbishop was also looked for amongst other bishops to ™ Late be present, who came as far as Paris, but, being there, durst approach sXAiex no further, and so retired home again ; whereupon the pope being p^ a ° offended with his contempt, without any more delay, exalted the Roger abbot with his own consecration, and invested him with all pomp and ^into 11 glory ; howbeit, providing before that the said consecration should Rome - redound to no prejudice against the liberties of the mother church of c ?ate3. se Canterbury, and so, upon the same, wrote to the archbishop his letters of certificate, with this addition annexed, " salvo jure et dignitate Cant ecclesise :" that is to say, " saving the liberties and dignities of the church of Canterbury." The council ended, Roger the abbot returneth home, although with an empty purse, yet full of victory and triumph. The arch- bishop, again thinking to work some grievance to the Austin monks, had procured, in the mean time, letters from Pope Alexander to the bishop of Durham and the abbot of St. Alban's, that they should cause the said Roger, abbot of the Austin monks, to show unto the archbishop all the old privileges of his house ; which indeed, being showed, seemed to be rased and new written, with bulls of lead, not after the manner or style of that age, nor pretending any such DIFFICULTIES IN CHOOSING AN ARCHBISHOP. Richardi. antiquity as should seem to reach from the time of Austin, but A. D. ra ther newly counterfeit. 1137 All this notwithstanding, the abbot, bearing him bold upon the to pope's favour, ceased not still to disquiet and overcrow the archbishop 119Q - by all ways he could, in exempting all his priests and laymen belonging to his jurisdiction from the archbishop's obedience ; forbidding also that any of his should come to his chapters or synods, or fear any Richard, sentence of his curse or excommunication. Whereupon the arch- bUhopf 1 " bishop, about the month of November the same year, sailing over to ticking! Normandy, where the king was, thought to take his journey to the pope to complain of the abbot ; but being stayed by the king, he was not suffered to pass any further, the king labouring what he The could to bring them to agreement. Nevertheless the pope and his u-ourt^et " Romans," saith my story, " caring more for gold and silver, than variance ^ or j us ^ ce 5 still stirred coals of sedition and debate between them."" 1 to get The next year after this ensuing, which was a. d. 1184, died money. Richard, the archbishop aforesaid, in the thirtieth year of King Appendix. Henry II., after whose decease much trouble happened about the election of a new archbishop / between the king and the monks of Monks of Canterbury. And now, to enter here into the story of Baldwin, bury sent above mentioned : first, the king sent to the monks, that they should Henry ii. consider with themselves about the election of their archbishop, choosin anc ^ ^ e rea( ty a g ams t the time that he would send for them to the tne?r Sing court. Upon this the covent, gladly assembling together, agreed in Sshop. themselves upon one, whom they thought chiefly to prefer; yet naming four more, that if the king should refuse one, the other yet might stand. Now the practice of the monks was, first, to keep the election in their own hands only, as much as they could. And secondly, ever to give the election either to some prior or monk of their own house, or to some abbot or bishop who sometimes had been of their company ; whereby, as much inconvenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England, so the same disliked both the king and the bishops not a little, sent for As this past on, King Henry II., when he saw his time, willed kinga the monks of Canterbury to be cited or sent for, to understand what second they had concluded in their election. Whereupon the monks sent time - up their prior, called Alanus, with certain other monks, to Reading, where the king then lay, aboui, the month of August ; who at first were courteously entertained, but, after the king had intelligence whom they had nominated and elected, they were sent home again The king with cold cheer ; the king willing them to pray better, and to advise v,ith ded more earnestly upon the matter amongst themselves. Alanus, the Aian, the prior, with his fellows, thus departed ; who coming home, in conclu- with'the sion, so concluded amongst themselves, that they would remit no jot monkTof °f tne i r liberties to the king, without the pope's consent and know- canter- ledge. The king understanding hereof, sent his ambassadors likewise to the pope, for the fortifying of his cause, being in the mean time grievously offended with the prior, saying, that he was proud, and would make archbishop whom he listed, and would be the second pope in England, &c. (\) " Aurum et argontum magis quam justitiam sitientes, seditiones inter eos et litigia cormno- vebant." — Ex Historia Gervasii. THE POPE'S LETTER. 285 Not long after this, as these letters were sent up to Rome, the Bichardi. king sent for Alanus, the prior, and more of the monks, to come to A 13 him; whom he entreateth, desiring them in gentle speech that they 1137 would show as much gentleness and favour to him being their lord to . 11 C\(\ and king (as becometh his friends and subjects to do), as to confer 11JU - with the bishops of the realm about this matter, and to take some better counsel, such as might redound to God's glory, his honour, and the wealth of the public state, with other like words to the same effect ; to whom when the prior had answered again, with thanks Bishops and due reverence, according to the king's request, the bishops and of Eng- monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the cSm to bishops marvelled why the monks should exclude them out of the J2JJ™J election, seeing they were professed and suffragans to the said church J® e ^ c ~ of Canterbury ; " Neither is there any prince," quoth the bishop of the arch- Bath, " that will refuse our counsel.*" " There be some counsels, 11 oTcanter- said the monks, " whereat you may be called ; but as touching the buf y- doing of this election, it pertaineth not unto you further than to publish only, and denounce the party whom we have chosen. 1 '' The bishop of London then asked if they had already made an election ? " No election, 1 "' said the prior, " as yet, but only we have denomi- nated the persons. 1 '' " Then have ye proceeded further, 11 quoth he, " than ye ought, having commandment from the pope not to proceed without us. 11 And with that was brought forth the pope's letter, commanding that within forty days the bishops of England, and the J 0 h p e e - S prior and covent of Canterbury, should elect an able and fit person letter - for their archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much ado. The bishops said, they were first named, and therefore ought to have most interest in this election. The monks said again, that they also were not excluded, and required to have a transcript of the letter, whereof much doubt was made. After long concertation, when they could not agree, the king, Kin ^ coming between them both, called away the bishops from the monks ; Henry 11 supposing, by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties StSh the to his sentence. But that would not be ; for the monks, stiffly J^m the standing to their liberties, would lose no pre-eminence of their church, monks, still alleging how, by the ancient privileges of the church of Canter- ^ ks bury, the covent should choose their pastor and bishop, and the prior lose was but to publish and denounce the person. The bishops again eminence replied, " Tnat it was their right to appoint their archbishop and chSch. metropolitan, who were bishops and suffragans ; and namely, the bishop of London, also being dean of the said church of Canterbury. 11 The king then, as umpire between them, yet favouring rather the side of the bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. When that would not prevail, he set the lord steward, and other noblemen, to entreat the prior to draw to some agreement ; at least to be contented with this form of election, which was, that the bishop of London, or some other bishop, should declare the election in these words : — " We bishops, and the prior and covent of Chrisfs church, in Canterbury, with the assent of our lord the king, do choose such a ofelectior person to be archbishop, 11 &c. Or else thus, that the prior should alchbi- pronounce the election in these words, saying : " The bishops of shop OPPOSITION' OF THE .MONKS TO THE BISHOPS. Mc''"- revenu es and victuals, belonging before to the monks, as tliev 1190. sa ^' an( * comm itted the custody thereof to certain of his own clerks ^ — - and household servants. carter ° f ^ ije niouks ' wuo nac * borne so much with the archoishop before, bury ap- eeing this, coald forbear with him no longer, but needs would make Kepope heir a PPeal against him. The archbishop, not much regarding thatj 85? S * waxed thereby the more fierce against them, insomuch that such farms arehbi- and tenements as he before had let alone, he now received to his own Reconci- 0CCU Py in g, with many other grievances wherewith he greatly vexed between tbe monk s, so that three abbots were fain to come and reconcile the th/areh- archbishop and the monks; which reconciliation was this, that the andX monk s should let fall their appeal, and the archbishop should restore wShdid again t0 tbem their farms and tenements. But as touching the not hold benefices and the presents, the archbishop still kept them in his lon °- hands for a further trial of their obedience and patience. Neverthe- less, some there were of the ancient monks who in no case would give over the aforesaid appeal, before the archbishop made a full resti- tution of all together. The After this agreement, such as it was, between the monks and him, g£op b> the archbishop soon after sent up to Rome one of his chaplains, sendeth un to whom he had given one of the benefices aforementioned, partly pope. for confirmation of his benefice, partly also to obtain license for the archbishop to build a church, which he intended to erect, of secular priests near unto the town of Canterbury. Which being obtained of the pope, the archbishop, not a little glad thereof, bega-- now more and more to wax fierce against the monks, not only ir diking from to piuck them their churches and oblations, but also in aggravating the whole down the pride of the monks. The archbi- shop go- eth about state of their house, which he intended either to subvert or greatly to diminish, to pluck down the pride and stubbornness of the monks. Wherefore, taking with him certain other bishops, who, he knew, bare no good will to that monkish generation, he went to the king, declaring how he had a good purpose in his mind to erect a new and a solemn church, in honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury, o^ secular priests or canons, and therefore desired of the king to have hie favourable license to the same. The king, right well perceiving the purpose of the archbishop whither it tended, as to the bridling of the stiff-necked monks, was the more willing to give assent, if he were not also the chief worker of that matter himself. The pur- The intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church, was thearch 10 found there divers prebends, and to make both the king and every Sdin in bishop, being his suffragans, prebendaries thereof, so that every one of his new them should confer one prebendship on the same foundation ; mind- canter- at hig there to consecrate bishops, to make his chrismatory, to celebrate bury. his synods, and to administer all other things belonging unto the function of his see, and the same to be called Hakington church. Three The m0 nks, not ignorant how the archbishop privily intended the alleged desolation and subversion of their house and liberties, consulting the a'rch- upon the matter, determined at length among themselves to appeal bishop by j. Q see of Rome, for these three causes against the archbishop monks, namely, first, for spoiling them of their gifts and oblations: secondly, THE MONKS APPEAL TO ROME. 28.9 for depriving them of their churches and benefices : and thirdly, for Richard 1 erecting a new foundation of secular canons, to the derogation and ^ rj. overthrow of their religious order; giving admonition to the arch- 1184 bishop beforehand by their monks sent to him, of this their appella- to tion. To whom the archbishop answered, that the foundation, which 119(K he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification and honour of their house. Who answered again, that it was, and could not otherwise be, but to their subversion. " And what should let me then," said the archbishop, " but I may build on my own ground what I will ?" " No," said they, " no ground of yours, but The your ground is our ground, as all other things that you have by right SSm'aii are ours, forasmuch as you have them not of yourself, but of the JJ?b S e° dS church, and for the church's cause. All which things have been arch- given neither to you nor to the archbishops, but unto the church The° P " of Christ ; and therefore," said they, " all such as appertain unto us ™ 0 t n t hem- inwardly and outwardly, with the persons also, and the whole state Jjjj*"^ of our church, we submit under the pope's protection, and now here house in make our appeal to the see apostolic, assigning also the term when to p^ 0 ^ c ? prosecute the same." tion - - The archbishop receiving this appellation, and saying that he would answer to the same either by himself or by his responsal, within three days after, which was the sixteenth of December, came to Canterbury, where the monks, understanding how he was in mind to place new secular priests in the church of St. Stephen, where the monks had served before, came to the church, to stop the proceeding of the archbishop by way of appeal. Whereof the archbishop having warning beforehand, deferred the matter till the next day, on which day the monks, again being sent by Honorius, the prior, into the church, charged the archbishop in the name of Almighty God, and by virtue of their appeal made to the apostolic see, to surcease those his doings ; forbidding also the parson of the church in any wise to suffer those secular clerks to be admitted into the church : all which yet notwithstanding, the archbishop proceedeth in his business. And The prior first, placing in his clerks, he suspendeth the prior from his adminis- J^Tus-" tration. Then he abjureth the porters of the gate, upon their oath, pended. to let none of the monks pass out of the house without his license. The monks likewise he commanded, by virtue of obedience, not to stray any where abroad without his leave. And furthermore, one of the aforesaid monks, who served the appeal against him, he utterly banished from that covent. Upon this, on the day following, Hono- rius, the prior, trusting, saith the story, on God and St. Thomas, took his way to Rome, sent in commission by the covent, to prosecute the appeal against the archbishop. In the mean season, a new jar began between the said archbishop Another and the monks, about their rents and revenues, which the arch- {ween the bishop would have committed to the receiving and keeping of three ™° d n monks, but the sub-prior Geffery, with the covent, in no case would arch- suffer that : whereabout there was a foul stir. The archbishop craving blshop the aid of the king, first had three bishops sent down to him, namely, those of Coventry, Norwich, and Worcester, who, being instant with the monks to submit their cause into the king's hands, like as the archbishop had done, they utterly refused it ; especially seeing they VOL. II. U ks and their LETTERS BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE ARCHBISHOP. inchardL had already referred the whole state of their cause to the deter- A.D. mination of the apostolical see. The king, seeing no other remedy, came himself with the archbishop into the chapter-house; where he 1190 commanded first the doors to be kept fast, that none should enter but The kinj those who by name were called for. Among whom were two bishops, cometh 0 to wit, those of Norwich and Durham, and one Peter of'Blois, a chapter of Earned man, whose epistles be yet extant in libraries, a chief worker earner- m this matter against the monks. Then was called in Geffery, the sub-prior, with a few other monks whom he brought with him. The king then first talking with the archbishop and his company, and afterwards with the monks, laboured to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitrement of him and of the bishops, concerning the cause which was between the archbishop and them in traverse. The To this the monks answered, that these were good words, but refuse to served not for that time, forasmuch as their cause was already trans- mitter 11 kted to the court of Rome, and now was presently in hearing before from the the pope's holiness ; and therefore they neither could nor would do ?he icing's that injury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter hearing. untQ ^ e judgment of any other. Then was it required of the monks, that they would put the matter in compromise, in case the prior would consent thereto ; upon this intent, that if the prior consented, and the monks not, then should they run in contempt and disobedience ; or if the monks would consent, and the prior not, then should the prior be excluded the realm. The wily monks, The ( being not unprovided of this subtilty, made their answer, that seeing e&case they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with king 6 their honesty to give any determinate consent without the knowledge and before the return of the said prior, unless the archbishop first would promise to make full restitution of all that he had wrong- fully wrested from them. When the king could get no other answer of the monks, neither could move the archbishop to release the sen- tence of their suspension, unless they would confess and acknowledge their fault, he, so parting from them, passed over into France. The first Not long after this came a messenger from Rome, bringing letters potc Ur- from. Pope Urban to the archbishop, wherein the pope, considering Baldwin anc ^ tendering, as he said, the enormous grievances done against the arch- monks, straitly enjoined and commanded him, within ten days after canter-** the receiving thereof, to release the sentence of his suspension against bary * the prior and others of the said covent, and also to retract and restore again to the monks whatsoever he had plucked from them, since the time of their appeal first made. Who, in case he should deny, or foreslack the doing hereof, commission was given to three abbots, those of Battle, Feversham, and St. Austin's, with ample authority to perforin the same, &c. The archbishop, receiving these letters brought to him by a monk of the aforesaid house, first made his The an- excuse that the pope was misinformed. But the monks not contented Search- with that excuse, when they would needs know what answer he would maketh ma ^ e to the pope's nuncio, his answer was, that " he had yet ten days his on given him of the pope." In the mean time the archbishop went to cream at London, and there, in the church of St. Paul, consecrated his holy oil London. an( j cream (making one of the pope's seven sacraments), which was PLEADINGS BEFORE THE POPE. 291 giievously taken in the church of Canterbury. At last, the ten days Richai&I. being ended, when the archbishop refused to accomplish that which was XTdT in the pope's letter enjoined him, the three abbots aforesaid, to execute H84 the pope's commandment, came at their day assigned to Canterbury, to and there assoiled all such as the archbishop before had suspended, 1190 ' and, in the end, certified Pope Urban by letters what they had done. The archbishop, hearing this, within four days after, sent two of his clerks, who appealed the three abbots aforesaid up to Rome ; and he The arch- himself, in the mean time, prepared busily for the building of his S e w° P 8 church, sending to all churches in England upon releasement from Jj 1 ^ h Q{ their sins, to confer unto the same ; and to make the more haste, for wood, lack of freestone he made up his building with timber, and such other stuff as he could get. The prior Honorius all this while remained still at the court of a letter of Rome, giving attendance upon the pope, who, having intelligence of urban the archbishop's doings, procured another letter of Pope Urban to Search- the whole clergy of England, straitly enjoining them that none bish °P- should confer with the new fraternity of Baldwin, archbishop of ^vvendix. Canterbury. To these letters the archbishop showed such reverence, that whereas before he had planted his chapel of wood and boards, now he provided the same to be builded of lime and stone. By this time Peter of Blois, with other messengers of the The arch- bishop's messen- gers come archbishop, seeing Honorius the prior to be gone from the court m to France, resorted to the court of Rome, bringing with them t0 the letters of credit from the king, from the archbishop, and also from j-°J^ s other bishops of the realm ; but the pope, reading only the king's Letters of letters, and the archbishop's, the residue he cast into a window by, [he arch- saying, he would read them at further leisure. Then the pope giving h ^°$ audience in his consistory to hear their cause, first came in Peter other bi- of Blois, with the agents of the archbishop, exhibiting their letters, the P pop°e. and propounding their requests to .the pope, which were, that resti- tution should be made by the monks to the archbishop, wherein they had injured him. Secondly, That the things which had been granted before to the prior in the court, might be called in again. Thirdly, That the archbishop might have license to proceed in building his Mr.pnie- college of canons, &c. After this was called in Master Pilleus, the JJyjJiiE attorney for the monks of Canterbury, who, alleging many great P°PJ t s for things against the archbishop, for his contempt and disobedience to the the pope's precepts, required that he should rather make restitution ca°!ter-° f to the monks for the injuries he had done to them ; and also that bury - his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the overthrow of the conventual church of Canterbury, should be utterly rased and thrown down to the ground. Thus between these parties pleaing and repleaing one against the other, much hard hold there was ; but, in conclusion, for all the king's letters, and for all that the archbishop's and bishops' could do, the matter went on the monks' side; so that there was no remedy, but the pope would needs have the archbishop's new building to come down, and the monks to be restored again to their full possessions : the execution whereof was committed to the three abbots aforesaid, to wit, those of Battle, Feversham, and St. Austin's, Canterbury, and to Geffrey, sub-prior of Canterbury. u 2 SECOND LETTER FROM THE POPE. RUhardi. These things being thus determined at Rome, Radulph Granville, A.D. l 01 *^ steward of England, writing to the said abbot of Battle, and to 1184 the sub-prior and covent of Canterbury, commandeth them, in the to king's name, and upon their oath and fealty given unto him, that neither they nor any of them do proceed in this controversy between The pope the monks and the archbishop of Canterbury, before they come and to°the talk with him, there to know further of the king's pleasure : and, agaiJst furthermore, charging the covent of Canterbury not to enter further andbi lg an ^ examma ^ ons concerning the archbishop's matters ; and also shops of citing the sub-prior of the said house to appear before him in London, T h e e realm ' at the feast of St. James, the same year, which was a. d. 1187. executors Notwithstanding, he excusing himself by sickness, sent two monks com- in his stead, and so kept himself at home ; to whom commandment So 63 was given, that the monks of Canterbury, within fifteen days, should against sa ^ over to Normandy to the king, and there show the tenor and the arch evidences of their privileges ; and also that such stewards and bailiffs bishop. ag p] ace( j m their farms and lordships, contrary to the will of the archbishop, should be removed. And likewise the three abbots, in the king's name, were commanded in no wise to execute the pope's commandment against the archbishop. Not long after this, the archbishop took shipping at Dover, and went over to the king, where he ordained three principal officers over the monks of Christ- church — the sacrist, the cellarer, and the chamberlain, contrary to the will of the covent, with other grievances more, whereby the monks Another were not a little offended, so that upon the same they made a new tffofThe appellation to the pope ; whereupon Pope Urban, by the setting on against °f Honorius the prior, who was now come again to the court, wrote the arch- to him another letter after a sharper and more vehement sort, to the ^shop. e flp ec j as f 0 n owe th. The tenor of Pope Urban's Letters to Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury. 1 In that we have borne with your brotherhood hitherto, and have not pro- ceeded in such a grievous manner against you as we might, although being thereto greatly provoked ; the chiefest cause was this, that we supposed your heart would have relented from the oppression of the conventual church of Canterbury, committed unto you ; if not for our reverence, which you seem to have contemned more than became you, yet at least for fear of God's judgment. Note how For well we hoped, our conscience persuading us to the same, that after you the popes had obtained that high state and dignity in the church of England, you would upon a have been an example to others of obedience and reverence to be given to the their see apostolic of all ecclesiastical persons. Wherefore, at the first beginning honour. D0 th of our and also of your promotion, we did not spare to advance and honour you as we have done few others besides, thinking no less than that we had found a faithful friend of the church for our honour ; wherein we perceive now, which maketh us not a little to marvel, our expectation greatly deceived, and him whom we well trusted to be a sure stay for the maintenance of our estate, we now find a persecutor against us in our members. The pope For whereas we sundry times have written to you in the behalf of our fateth tU " Dretnren > an d tne church committed to your charge, that you should desist from with disquieting them, and not vex or disturb their liberties, at least for reverence of Baldwin us ; you, not only in this, but in other things more, as commonly is reported temptof °f y° u m aU pl aces > setting at light our letters and appellations made unto the his see. apostolical see ; what you have wrought against them after their so manifold (1) "Urbanus episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Baldwino Cantuar. archiepiscopo et apostolicaa sedis legato, salutein et apostolicam benedictionem," &c. DEATH OF POPE URBAN. 293 appellations laid unto us, and our inhibitions again unto you, we are ashamed Richard!. to utter. But revolve and consider in your mind, if ye have well done, and advise in your own conscience what you have done. We, for our part, because we A. D. neither may nor ought with deaf ears to pass over the clamours of the brethren, 1 1 84 and such contempt of the apostolic see, although our biddings and warnings to given to you seem to be all in vain ; yet, notwithstanding, we send our mandates 1190» again unto your brotherhood, in these apostolical writings, directly and in virtue The arch- of obedience, commanding you, that whether you be present in your church, or ]^£ op t0 absent, all that notwithstanding, whatsoever you have done in building of your down t}ie chapel, which you to the destruction of the monastery of Canterbury have building erected, after the time of their appeal made to us, or our inhibition sent to you, °^ 1S you fail not of your proper costs and charges to demolish ; undoing again and church, of making void whatsoever ye have begun and innovated, concerning the institution his own of the canons, and other things belonging to the erection of the said chapel ; ac- counting moreover and reputing the place where the chapel was, to be accursed and profane ; and also that all such, whosoever have celebrated in the same place, shall stand suspended till the time they appear before our presence. Command- ing, furthermore, that all those monks whom you have presumed to remove To restore from their office, or to excommunicate, since the time of their appeal made, the you shall restore and assoil again, rendering also and restoring all such farms, ^orrfhe manors, tenements, and oblations, as you, after their appeal made, have did de- inveigled from them ; and, finally, that you innovate nothing touching the P rive ar »d state of that monastery, during the time of this controversy depending before muni?"' us : giving you to understand that in case you shall continue in your stubborn- cate. ness and rebellion upon this present warning, or defer the execution of this Thearch- precept thirty days after the receiving thereof, we shall appoint others to threaten- execute the same; enjoining also your suffragans, that as you shall show yourself edby the disobedient and rebelling to us, so they all shall refuse likewise to give any pope • obedience or reverence unto you, &c. — Given at Ferrara, 5th Non. Oct. 1187. Another letter besides this the pope also sent to the three abbots The pope aforesaid, for the correction of these enormities. Likewise another writeth to letter was sent to King Henry II., wherein the pope enjoineth and bots, and requireth him, upon remission of his sins, not to dissemble and bear £ng. e with the archbishop in his oppression of his monks, but to help those things to be amended, wherein he hath trespassed against them. These pontifical letters were written a.d. 1187, the third day of October; and on the eighth day after, the eleventh of the same month, the said Pope Urban died. In the which year, and about the which Pope ur- month, Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, was taken with many noblemen Baidw?i' of Saladin the Saracen, and Jerusalem lost, after that it had been in JjjJ °' the possession of the Christians and had so continued the space of lem, with eighty-eight years and eighty days, from the time tliat Godfrey of weM^° Bouillon did first win it from the infidels. Sara/en^ 6 A fter the receiving of those letters of Pope Urban above specified, and tne o x i. / city won both the king and archbishop, with all the bishops of the realm, were The marvellously quailed, glad now to please, and speak fair to the monks, ™™the promising all things to be done and restored to them after the best jjPP® r sort ; neither were now the king and the archbishop so submissive, over the but the monks on the other side were as brag and jocund, being fully shop and assured that all now was their own : in the narration of which the ^ s ' history, as it is set forth in Gervasius at large, this we have to note A ^ enAix - by the way, in what fear and thraldom kings in those days were The mi- under the pope, who could not be masters over their own subjects, J^ec- but that every pilled monk, or pelting prior, upon virtue of their ° f to appeal to the court of Rome, and making their house tributary to the the pope. CONTINUED DISSENSIONS. king's answer to the monks of Hichardi. pope, was able not only to match, but to give checkmate unto the A D best king christened, as not in this story only may appear. 1184 -^ followeth then in the story of these monks, that as they were to thus in the midst of their joy and jollity, suddenly cometh news of 1190. the death of Pope Urban, their great caliph, 1 and also how that Gregory VIII. was placed in his room, who was a special friend and favourer of the archbishop ; which as it did greatly encourage the king and the archbishop, so the monks, on the other side, were as much discomforted, so that now all was turned upside down. For whereas, before, the king and the archbishop thought they had lost all, and were glad to compound with the monks, and to seek their favour, now were the monks on the contrary side fain to crouch to the king, and glad to have a good countenance ; who then resorting to him, and finding him altered both in word and gesture, desired he would confirm and grant that which of late before he had promised. The ( To whom it was answered again by the king, that seeing the arch- bishop had granted to them their sacrist, their chamberlain, and their cellarer, they should have no more restored by him ; neither would canter- he suffer the liberties and privileges of the archbishop to be impaired, bur> " or take any wrong. " As touching the new chapel of St. Thomas," said he, " whereabout ye strive so long, with the canonships and other buildings belonging thereto, the same I receive into my hands, so that none shall have any thing to do therein but myself," &c. In like manner from the archbishop such another like answer they received, and from bishops little better. So the monks, sent away with a flea in their ear, went home again out of Normandy unto their cell. Now the archbishop having the monks where he would, wrought Pope Gre- them much grievance ; but that continued not very long. For dieth UL within two months after and less died Pope Gregory VIII., about the sixteenth day of the December following. After him succeeded Pope cie- Pope Clement III., who, following the steps of Urban, bent all his ment in. p 0wer w ith the monks against the archbishop, sending divers precepts and mandates in the year following, which was a.d. 1188, with an Letters to. imperious letter, willing and commanding him to desist from his wshop Ch " oppression of the monks, and to throw down his new chapel. Here- upon the archbishop made his appeal, and minded to go to Rome, but was called back by the king, being ready to sail over. In the Honorius, same year Honorius, the prior, died at Rome of the plague, which of cSter- was some help and comfort to the archbishop, for whom the arch- at U Rome d D i sno P made Roger Noris, prior, against the wills of the covent. The After this, about the latter end of the same year, Pope Clement letterof sent down ms legate, called Radulph, a cardinal, to Canterbury, Pope cie- w ith another letter more sharply written to the same effect unto the ment to , , . , 9 1 J the arch- archbishop. Henry 'ii Furthermore, in the year next after, he wrote also the third letter died. ' to him. In the same year also died King Henry II., after whom ^joined succeeded King Richard, his son, who joining likewise with the arch- arch the D ^ sno P> to °k ms P ar "t strongly against the said monks. At last, after bishop. See (1) Caliph is the high priest of the SaracenS sitting in Damascus, to whom all the sultans were Appendix, subject, as our princes now are to the pope. [Caliph is the title assumed by the successors ol Mahomet. — Ed. j (2) Ex Hist. Gervas RECONCILIATION BETWEEN BALDWIN AND THE MONKS. 295 much ado on both parts, and after great disturbance, and imprisoning Mchwdi. divers of the monks, King Richard, preparing his voyage towards & jy Jerusalem, and studying first to set peace between them, consulted 1181 and agreed with the bishops and abbots about a final concord in this matter, between the archbishop and monks of Canterbury ; which at length on both parts was made, upon these conventions which Appendix. follow : — First, That Roger Noris should be deposed, whom the archbishop had made prior against their wills : whom the king then at the request of the archbishop promoted to be abbot of Evesham. Item, That the archbishop should pluck down his chapel, which he builded in the suburbs of Canterbury, against the minds of the monks. Item, That the aforesaid monks should make profession of their obedience and subjection to the archbishop, as they had done to his predecessors. Item, As touching all other complaints and injuries (except only the chapel, and the deposition of Roger Noris, the prior), the monks should stand to the arbitrement of the king, the archbishop, and the prelates. Item, That the monks kneeling down before the king in the chapter-house, should ask the archbishop forgiveness. 1 This being done, they went altogether to the church, and sang Te Deum for this reformation of peace ; the next day, the archbishop coming into the chapter, restored to the covent their manors and farms again ; also he discharged the prior whom he had made before ; desiring them likewise, that if he had offended them either in word or deed, they would, from their heart, remit him. This reconciliation having been made between the archbishop and the covent, the archbishop then going about to dissolve the building of his new church, though he changed the place, yet thought not to change his intent, and therefore, making exchange of lands with the bishop and monks of Rochester, purchased of them Arch- their ground in Lambeth, a.d. 1191. Which done, he came to his canter- 0 ' clerks whom he had placed to be canons in his new college of^J e g^ r " Hakington, and also willed them to remove all their goods and iand in furniture to Lambeth, over against Westminster, where he erected tcfbuiia for them another church, and there placed the said canons. About up S 0 ^ ouse which college of Lambeth afterwards much trouble likewise ensued, by the stirring of the said monks of Canterbury, in the time of Hubert, the archbishop, in the reign of the said King Richard, a.d. 1196. Furthermore, after the deposing of Roger Noris, prior of Canterbury aforesaid, Baldwin, the archbishop, being enforced to grant them another prior by the assent of the king and of the covent, assigned Osbern to be their prior, who had taken part before with the archbishop ; but the monks not pleased with him, after the death of Baldwin, the archbishop, removed him again. And thus have you the tedious discourse of this catholic tragedy Three between the monks of Canterbury and their archbishop, scarce worth t0 the rehearsal ; notwithstanding, this I thought to give the reader to tSJ^tory see, in order, first, to show forth unto the world the stout sturdiness "ffte of this monkish generation, who, professing profound humility in their m ° n coat, what little humility they had in their heart, what pride and arrogancy in their conversation, and what hypocrisy in their religion, H yp°: , O J , .-l j ,\ • . & ' crisyin that one example, among a thousand others, may give some experience monkery (1) Ex lib. anonymo, et ex Hist. Gervasii Monachi Cantuariensls. 296 NO UNITY IN THE POPe's CHURCH. Richardi. Secondly, that posterity now may see how little kings could then do A.D. m tne * r own reamis 5 f° r the P°P e - And thirdly, to the intent it may 1184 more notoriously appear to all readers, what strife and debate, what to dissension and division, what little unity and concord hath always 119 °- followed the pope's catholic church, wheresoever the corrupt religion anc ^ usur P e d ambition of the pope prevailed. For, not to speak only of slaves this monkish house of Canterbury, what church, cathedral, collegiate, or conventual ; what see, church, monastery, or chapel, was entirely under the pope. No con- under the pope's government, but ever there happened some variance, uStyin either between the king and the archbishop, as between King William churches anc ^ Lanfranc, King Henry I. and Anselm, King Stephen and see Theobald, King Henry II. and Becket, Kino; John and Stephen Appendix. T 1 T _. ° TT •> i n • P o l i Langtm, King Henry 111. and Boniface, etc. ; or else between archbishop and archbishop, for making profession, for carrying the cross, for sitting on the right hand of the pope's legate, &c. ; or else between archbishops and their suffragans, or between archbishops and their covents, or between bishops and monks, between dean and chapter, between monks and secular priests, monks of one sort against another, friars of one order against another, students against friars, townsmen against scholars, &c. As for example : — What whatdis- discord was between the archbishop of Canterbury and Roger, how' nttfe archbishop of York, between Lanfranc and Archbishop Thomas, there's Detween -Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, and Sylvester, abbot church, of St. Austin's ; between Walter, of Christchurch, and Sylvester, Appendix, abbot aforesaid ; between William, archbishop of Canterbury, and Jeremias, prior of Canterbury, a.d. 1144 ; between the monks of Canterbury, and Odo, their prior, for translating the relics of Dunstan ; between King Stephen, and Roger, bishop of Salisbury ; between the bishop of Lincoln, and Roger, bishop of Ely, his son, a.d. 1138; between Pope Innocent and Anacletus, for the space of seven years ; the cardinals for money (saith Gervasius) sometimes holding with the one, sometimes with the other ; at last the election •was determined by a sore battle between Lothaire, the emperor, and Roger, duke of Apulia, a.d. 1137 ; also between Pope Innocent IV. and the Emperor Frederic II.; between King Henry III. and William Rale, bishop of Winchester, when the king bade the gates of Win- chester town to be shut against him, a.d. 1243; between Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, and the canons of St. Paul. 1 Item, between the said Boniface and the monks of St. Bartholomew, who sat there in harness in his visitation, a.d. 1250 ; between the abbot of Westminster and monks of the same house, a.d. 1251. Item, between the aforesaid William Rale, bishop of Winchester, and Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, for a priest of the hospital in Southwark, a.d. 1252; between the said Boniface and canons of Lincoln, after the death of Robert Grosthead, for giving of prebends, a.d. 1253 ; between the monks of Coventry and canons of Lichfield, for choosing their bishop in the time of King Henry III. And what should I speak of the discord which cost so much money between Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Rochester, for choosing Richard Wandor to be their bishop, a.d. 1328; between Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, and the (1\ Matth. Par's CONTENTION ABOUT OUR LADY. 297 canons of the same house, for which both he and they were driven to Richard z. travel to Rome, a.d. 1244; between Gilbert, bishop of Rochester, A D delegate to Archbishop Baldwin, and Robert, the pope's legate, for 1 184 sitting on the right hand of the legate in his council at Westminster, to a.d. 1190; between the abbot of Bardney and the said Grosthead, 119Q - about the visitation of their abbey, a.d. 1242. Item, between the covent of Canterbury and the said Robert, bishop of Lincoln, a.d. 1243 ; between Hugo, bishop of Durham, and Hubert, bishop of Sarum, and GefTery, archbishop of York, a.d. 1189; between William, bishop of Ely, the king's chancellor, and the canons of York, for riot receiving him with procession, a.d. 1190 ; between the abbot of Westminster and his covent of Black Monks, whom King Henry III. had much ado to still and make to agree, a.d. 1249. Item, between the aforesaid bishop of Lincoln and the abbot of Westminster; likewise between Nicholas, bishop of Durham, and John, abbot of St. Alban's, a.d. 1246 ; also between Hubert, arch- bishop of Canterbury, and the monks there, for the house of Lambeth, a.d. 1146; and what a stir was between the preaching friars and the grey friars, mentioned in Matthew Paris, for superiority, a.d. 1243 ; also between the said grey friars and the prelates and doctors of Paris, about nine conclusions, condemned of the prelates to be erroneous. I. Concerning the Divine Essence, that it cannot be seen by the angels or Conciu- by men glorified. thTfriars II. Concerning the Essence of the Holy Ghost. condenni- III. Touching the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, that, as he is love, he pro- ed for er- ceedeth from the Father only. ^thT' IV. That our bodies and souls glorified, shall not be "in ccelo empyreo" prelates with the angels, but in " coelo aqueo vel crystallino " above the firmament. of Paris. V. That the evil angel at his first creation was evil, and never good. VI. That there have been many verities from eternity which were not God. VII. That an angel in one instant may be in divers places, and even every where, if he please. VIII. That the evil angel never had whereby he might stand; no more had Adam in his state of innocency. IX. That he which hath " meliora naturalia " (that is to say, more perfect strength of nature working in him) shall, of necessity, have more full measure to obtain grace and glory. To the which articles the prelates answering, did excommunicate the same as erroneous, affirming, that grace and glory shall be given according to that God hath elected and predestinated, &C. 1 In like manner between the said Dominic friars and the grey conten- friars, 2 what a brawl and tumult there was about the conception of {^" e ^ e " our Lady, whether she was conceived without original sin or not, in fr'ars the reign of King Henry VII. and King Henry VIII., a.d. 1509. Jon^ep* 16 Add moreover to these, the four and twenty heinous schisms, and Lady. f °" r not so few, which happened between pope and pope, in the church continual and see of Rome. But why do I stand to recite the divisions and ?nthe Ce dissensions of the pope's church, which is as much almost as to gJJ^Jj reckon the sands of the sea ? for what church, chapter, or covent, was in all that religion, which either had not some variance with themselves or with others ? Upon which continual strife and variance among them, the readers hereof may judge of them and their religion as pleaseth them : in the mean time, my judgment is this ; that (1) Matt. Paris, [Edit. Lond. 1640, pp.612, 613 : whence the articles are revised. — Ed.] (2) See infra vol. iv. 167—172 ; and Harl. MSS. Brit. Mus. No. 419, art. 49.— Ed 298 king Richard's laws for his navy. Richard I. A. D. 1190. See Appendix, The chief overseers of the realm in the king's absence. King Richard takethhis journey towardJe- rusalem. See Appendix. See Appendix They come to Lyon a. where such dissension dwelleth, there dwelleth not the spirit of Christ. These things thus discoursed, touching the tragical dissension between Baldwin, the archbishop, and the monks of Canterbury; now let us proceed, by the Lord's assistance, in continuation of our story. After King Richard had thus, as is declared, set the monks and the archbishop in some agreement, and had composed such things as were to be redressed within the realm, he sailed (as is above said) to France. 1 After which, preparing to set all things in an order before his going, he committed the whole government of the realm principally to William, bishop of Ely, his chancellor, and to Hugh, bishop of Durham, whom he ordained to be the chief justice of all England in his absence ; the one to have the custody of the Tower, with the oversight of all other parts of the land on this side of Humber ; the other, who was the bishop of Durham, to have charge over all other his dominions beyond Humber, sending, moreover, unto Pope Clement, in the behalf of the aforesaid William, bishop of Ely, that he might be made the pope's legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtained. Thus the bishop being ad- vanced in high authority, to furnish the king towards his setting forth, provideth out of every city in England two palfreys, and two sumpters, and also out of every abbey and royal manor one palfrey and one sumpter. These things and others set in a stay, the king advanced forward his journey, and came to Chinon. There he appointed the captains and constables over his navy, and set laws to be observed in his journey upon the seas. Furthermore, touching the laws and ordinances ap- pointed by this King Richard for his navy, the form thereof was this: — I. That whosoever killed any person on shipboard, should be tied with him who was slain, and thrown into the sea. II. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like manner be tied with the party slain, and be buried with him in the earth. III. He that shall be convicted by lawful witness of drawing out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or that hath stricken any to the drawing of blood, shall lose his hand. IV. He that striketh any person with his hand, without effusion of blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea. V. Whoso speaketh any opprobrious or contumelious words, in reviling or cursing another, for as often as he hath so reviled, shall pay so many ounces of silver. VI. A thief or felon that hath stolen, being lawfully convicted, shall have his head shorn, and boiling pitch poured upon his head, and feathers or down strewed upon the same, whereby he may be known ; and so at the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast up, &c. Witness myself at Chinon. These things thus set in readiness, King Richard sending his navy by the Spanish seas, and by the straits of Gibraltar, between Spain and Africa, to meet him at Marseilles, he himself went to Tours, and after that to Vezelay, to meet the French king. The two kings from thence went to Lyons, where the bridge over the flood Rhone with press of people brake, and many, both men and women, were drowned. By reason whereof, the two kings, for the cumbrance of their trains, were constrained to dissever themselves for the time of their journey, appointing both to meet together in Sicily ; and so Philip, the (1) The narrative of Hie brawl in York Cathedral, sup. pp. 278— 280, should be introduced here. —Ed. THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND AT MESSINA. 29.9 French king, took his way to Genoa, and King Richard to Mar- Richmai. seilles, where he remained eight days, having appointed his navy to A jy meet him there. 1190. The seventh day of August, in the year aforesaid, King Richard sw . departed out of Marseilles, after he had there waited seven days for Appendi * his navy, which came not ; and so hiring twenty galleys, and ten great barks, to ship over his men, he sailed by the sea-coast of Italy 1 to Genoa, where the French king was ; thence he passed forward by the coast of Italy, and entered the Tiber, not far from Rome, where meeting with Octavian, the cardinal and bishop of Ostia, he did Richard complain greatly of the filthy simony of the pope and the pope's court, gtSThe for receiving seven hundred marks for consecrating the bishop of Le p°P e ' s Mans ; also a thousand and five hundred marks of William, the bishop s « of Ely, for his office legatine ; and likewise an infinite sum of money Appendlx of the bishop of Bordeaux, for acquitting him when he should be deposed for a certain crime laid to his charge by his clergy, &c. From thence he coasted along, and came to Naples, and, passing Ap S^,hx. on horseback to Salerno, he came to Calabria ; where, after that he had heard his ships were arrived at Messina, in Sicily, he made the The more speed ; and so, on the twenty-third of September, came to shikar- Messina, with such a noise of trumpets and shawms, with such a rout ^ v e e sl J* a and show, that it was the great wonderment and terror both of the Frenchmen, and of all others that did hear and behold the sight. To the said town of Messina the French king had come before, Richard the sixteenth day of the same month of September, and had taken up 1° m2J! 1p the palace of Tancred, king of Sicily, for his lodging. To whom sina - King Richard, after his arrival, eftsoons resorted ; and when the two kings had communed together, immediately the same day the French king took shipping, and entered the seas, thinking to sail toward the land of Jerusalem ; but after he was out of the haven, the wind arising contrary against him, returned him back again to Messina. Then King Richard, whose lodging was prepared in the suburbs without the city, after he had resorted again, and talked with the French king, and also had sent to Tancred, king of Sicily, for the deliverance of Joan, his sister (who had been sometime queen of Sicily), and had obtained her to be sent unto him, the last day of Richard September passed over the flood of Faro, and there getting a strong- Jitter hold called De la Bagnara, or Le Bamre, and placing therein his Joan > sister, with a sufficient retinue and garrison, he returned again to sometime Messina. On the second of October King Richard won another £ Kent certain stronghold, called ' Monasterium Griffonum,' situated on an tohi ™; island in the midst of the river of Faro, between Messina and Calabria ; from whence the monks being expelled, he reposed there all his store and provision of victuals, which came from England or other places. s« . The citizens of Messina, seeing that the king of England had won Discord* the castle De la Bagnara, and also the island and monastery of the SenSS- Griffons, and doubting lest the king would extend his power further ?« ns of to invade their city and (if he could) the whole isle of Sicily, began and the to stir against the king's army, and to shut the Englishmen out of the JS[J? b gates, and keep their walls against them. The Englishmen, seeing (1) Several inaccuracies in this and the next page are corrected from Hoveden.— Ed. 300 MESSINA TAKEN BY THE ENGLISH. Richardi. that, made to the gates, and by force would have broken them open ; A. d. insomuch that the king, riding among them with his staff, and break- 1190. ing divers of their heads, could not assuage their fierceness; such was The king the rage of the Englishmen against the citizens of Messina. The st°a U v d th e ot see ing tne f ul 7 °f the P e °pl e to be such that he could not stay rageofthe them, took boat, and went to the palace of King Tancred, to talk of people. ^ e matter t ] )e j? rencD# J n w hidi time the matter was so taken up by the wise handling of the ancient of the city, that both parties, laying down their armour, went home in peace, comrnu- On the fourth day of October came to King Richard the archbishop about° n °^ Messina, with two other archbishops, also the French king, and peace. sundry other earls, barons, and bishops, for entreatance of peace. As they were together consulting, and had almost concluded upon the peace, the citizens of Messina issuing out of the town, some went up upon the mountains, some with open force invaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brim, an English captain. The noise whereof coming to the ears of the king, he suddenly breaking off talk with the French king and the rest, departed from them, and coming to his men, commanded them forthwith to arm themselves ; who then with certain a skir- of his soldiers, making up to the top of a mountain, which seemed to fJJeenthe P ass their power to climb, there put the citizens to flight, chasing Me Z sTia° f ^ iem down the mountain, unto the very gates of the city ; whom also and the certain of the king's servants pursued within the city ; of whom five T aliant soldiers and twenty of the king's servants were slain, the French English- men. The king looking on, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his king Ch oa th and league before made with the king of England ; for the French SeEng- king, with his men, being there present, rode in the midst of them lishmen. safely and without harm to and fro, and might well have eased the king's party more than he did, if it had so liked him. This being known to the English host, how their fellows were slain, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, and that they were ex- cluded, and the gates barred against them, being also stopped from buying of victuals and other things; they in great indignation gathered English- themselves in arms, brast open the gates, and scaled the walls, and ™e" ity "f so winning the city, set up their flags with the English arms upon Messina. t ] ie wa lls. Which when the French king did see, he was mightily offended ; requiring the king of England, that the arms of France might also be set up and joined with his ; but King Richard to that in no case would agree. Notwithstanding, to satisfy his mind, he was well contented to take down his arms, and commit the custody of the city to the Hospitallers and Templars of Jerusalem, till the time that Tancred, king of Sicily, and he should agree together upon conditions. The These things being done on the third and fourth days of October, retSwed it followed then upon the eighth day that peace between the kings Sard was concluded. In which peace, first, King Richard and Philip, the md the French king, renewed again their oath and league before made, con- French . . . kin 2 . cerning their mutual aid and society, during all the time of that pere- ci» e nciuded grination. Secondly, peace also was concluded between King Richard between an( j Tancred, king of Sicily aforesaid, with this condition, that the Richard daughter of Tancred should marry Arthur, duke of Bretagne, the qred. an ~ king's nephew, and, in case King Richard should die without issue, next heir to his crown ; whereof a formal chart was drawn, and letters THE DEATH OF FREDERIC AND THE SIEGE OF ACRE. 301 were sent thereof to Pope Clement, dated the eleventh 1 day of Richard]/. November. ~A.JX~ In the mean time, as these two kings of France and England were 1190. thus wintering at Messina, the emperor, Frederic 1. (the same on whose neck Pope Alexander did tread in the church of Venice, saying the verse of the psalm, " Super aspidem et basiliscum ambu- labis," &c. whereof read before), and his son Conrad, with a mighty army of Almains and others, were coming up likewise toward the land of Jerusalem to the siege of Acre ; where, by the way, the good em- Frederic peror, through a great mischance, falling off his horse into a river called r0 r empe " Salef, 2 was therein drowned. After whose decease, Conrad, his son, fn° g ^g taking the government of his army, came to the siege of Acre (in J? 11 ^ f which siege also he died) ; upon whose coming, such a dearth followed Acre, in the camp, which lasted two months, that a loaf of bread, which, before their coming, was sold for one penny, was afterwards sold for three pounds, by reason whereof many Christian soldiers did there perish through famine. The chiefest food which the princes there had to feed upon, was horse-flesh. This famine being so miserable, some good bishops there were in the camp, namely, Hubert, bishop of Salis- bury, with certain other good bishops, who, making a general collec- tion through the whole camp for the poor, made such a provision, that in this penury of all things, yet no man was so destitute and needy, God's pro- but somewhat he had for his relief; till, within a few days after, by 2 d timeof the merciful providence of God, who is the feeder of all creatures, ^ed. ships came unto them with abundance of corn, wine, and oil. The siege of this town of Acre endured a long season, which, as siege of it was mightily oppugned by the Christians, so it was strongly defended Greek fire by the Saracens, especially by the help of wild-fire, which the Latins ™^ h by call " Grsecus ignis," so that there was great slaughter on both sides, the sara- During the time of which siege many noble personages, and also cens ' bishops, died, among whom was Conrad, the emperor's son ; Radulph, earl of Fougeres ; Rotrou, earl of Perch e ; Robert, earl of Leicester ; Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury ; with four archbishops, and divers other bishops, abbots, earls, and also barons, to the number of four and thirty, and not so few. All this while King Richard, and King Philip of France, still kept at Messina in Sicily, from the month of September till April, for lack, I suppose, of wind or weather, or else of necessity for repairing their ships. In which mean time King Richard, hearing of Joachim, abbot of Corazzo, 3 a learned man in Calabria (who was then thought to have the spirit of prophecy, and told many things of a people that should come), sent for him, with whom he and his bishops had much conference about the coming and time of antichrist; * to 4 whom the said Joachim expounding the place of St. John's Revelation — " There be seven kings, of whom five are fallen, one is now, and another is yet to come," &c. — de- clareth seven persecutors of the church to be thereby signified : Herod, Nero, Domitian, Maxentius, Mahomet, Turca, and the last, which (1) Hoveden, Rymer, torn. i. p. 53 (Edit. Nov.)— Ed. (2) Or Cydnus.— Ed. (3) Afterward he became abbot of Flora, in Calabria. Moreri.— Ed. (4) This passage, in single asterisks, is republished from the edition of Foxe of 1563, pp. 70, 71. It slightly differs from the Latin edition of 1559, p. 57; an extract from which is subjoined: " Reges 7, inquit, septem sunt persecutores : Herodes, Nero, Constantius, Mahumet, Melsemutus, Saladinus, Antichristus, &c. Haec Hovedenus. Annus vero hujus abbatis erat 1290." Joachim flourished early in the thirteenth century, and the first edition of his prophecies appeared at Venice in 1517.— Ed. See Appmdijr, 302 CONVERSATION BETWEEN JOACHIM AND THE KING. Richardi. he said was then to come, to be Antichrist. And this Antichrist, ~^ 2) he said, was already born in the city of Rome, and should be there 1190. exalted in the apostolical see; bringing to that purpose the saying of the apostle, " he is an adversary, and advanceth himself against all that is called God : and then shall the wicked man be revealed whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with the brightness of his coming." 1 " Why," said the king, " I had thought all this while that antichrist should have been born in Antioch, or Babylon, out of the tribe of Dan, and should have ruled in the Appendix. Lord's temple of Jerusalem, and should have sojourned in the land where Christ had sojourned, and borne rule three year and a half in the same, and disputed against Enoch and Elias, and then put them to death, and then have died himself ; after whose death the Lord should have given sixty days of repentance, wherein those that erred from the truth, and were seduced by the preaching of antichrist, and his counterfeit apostles, might repent." This, and such like talk, had they together ; and though the abbot declared at that time that antichrist was bom at Rome, yet were there certain prelates, the very members of that wicked head, who in no wise could abide to hear the tale of truth, but devised somewhat to reply against it. Among these were Walter, archbishop of Rouen, the archbishop of Apamea, 2 and Gerard, archbishop of Auch, John, bishop of Evreux, and Bernard, bishop of Bayonne ; 3 whose replications and opinions, if they were here put down, they would appear in that behalf good and substantial gear, I do warrant you.* Abbot This Joachim, belike, in his book and revelations uttered some condemn- things against the see and pride of Rome, for the which he was less counclfof favoured of the popes, and judged an enemy to their see ; and so he Lateran. was condemned with his books for a heretic by Pope Innocent III. in his idolatrous general council of Lateran, a.o. 1215, as ye may read in Antoninus. Henry, After this, Henry king of Almains, son of Frederic the emperor, Frederic, hearing of the decease of his father, standing now to be emperor, first emperor, restored to Henry duke of Saxony, and to others, whatsoever his father before had taken from them. That done, he sent to Clement and his cardinals, promising in all things to confirm the laws and dignities of the church of Rome, if they would grant him their assent to be emperor. Whereupon Pope Clement, by advice of the Romans, assigned him the term of Easter in the next year ensuing, for his «pvendix. coronation. But before the Easter came, Pope Clement died, after he had sat three years and about four months ; after whom succeeded Celestine III., of whom more hereafter, God willing. The time thus passing over, in the month of February, the next a.d.1191. year following, which was a. d. 1191, King Richard sent over his galleys to Naples, there to meet his mother Elenor, and Berengaria, the daughter of Sancho, king of Navarre, whom he was purposed to marry, who by that time were come to Brundusium, under the conduct of Philip, earl of Flanders, and so proceeding unto Naples, there found the king's ships, wherein they sailed to Messina. In this mean space, King Richard showed himself exceedingly bounteous See (1) 2 Tbess. ii. 4, 8.— Ed. (2) Apamea in Syria.— Ed. Am*ndiT. (3) For this corrected list see Hoveden, Hollinshed, and Gallia Christiana.— Ed- TREACHERY OF THE FRENCH KING. 303 and liberal unto all men. To the French king first he gave divers Richard i. ships; upon others likewise he bestowed rich rewards; and of his A T) goods and treasure he distributed largely unto his soldiers and ser- 1191. vants about him. Of him it was reported that he distributed more Bountiful in one month, than ever any of his predecessors did in a whole year ; l ^ e ^ y by reason whereof he purchased great love and favour, which not only Richard redounded to the advancement of his fame, but also to his singular use and profit, as the sequel afterwards proved. To proceed then in the progress of King Richard, it follow eth : Honour . on the first day of March, he, leaving the city of Messina, where the French king was, went on unto Catana, a city where Tancred, king ment of of Sicily, then lay, where he was honourably received, and there ^y C ^t remained with King Tancred three days and three nights. On the cred - fourth day, when he should depart, Tancred offered him many rich presents in gold and silver, and precious silks; whereof King Richard would receive nothing but one little ring for a token of his good will. For this King Richard again gave him a rich sword. At length, when King Richard should take his leave, King Tancred would not so let him part, but needs would give him four great ships and fifteen galleys ; and furthermore, he himself would needs accom- pany him, the space of two days' journey, to a place called Taver- nium. Then the next morning, when they should take their leave, Tan- Philip, cred declared unto him the message which the French king, a little p^nch before, had sent unto him by the duke of Burgundy, the purport kiR .g, whereof was this : " That the king of England was a false traitor, ousiy " and would never keep the peace that was between them. And if thfde? the said Tancred would war against him, or secretly by night invade struction him, he, with all his power, would assist him, and join with him to Richard, the destruction of him and all his army." To whom Richard the king protested again, that he was no traitor, and never was ; and, as touch- ing the peace begun between them, the same should never be broken through him, neither could he believe that the French king, being his good lord, and his sworn copartner in that voyage, would utter any such words of him. Which, when Tancred heard, he bringeth forth the letters of the French king, brought to him by the duke of Burgundy; affirming, moreover, that if the duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the said letters, he was ready to try Faithfiu with him by any of his dukes. King Richard, receiving the letters, Tancred and musing not a little upon the same, returneth again to Messina jjJJJ^J The same day that King Richard departed, the French king cometh to Tavernium to speak with Tancred, and there abode with him that night, and on the morrow returned to Messina again. From that time King Richard, moved in stomach against King First oc . Philip, never showed any gentle countenance of peace and amity, ^°" d of as he before was wont ; whereat the French king greatly marvelling, between and inquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof, word was French sent him again by Philip, earl of Flanders, what words he had sent King and to the king of Sicily ; and for the testimony thereof, the letters Richard, were showed, which he wrote by the duke of Burgundy to the king Richard of Sicily. When the French king understood this, he first held his lil Tgeti peace, as guilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to answer. French 304 HAUGHTY CONDUCT OF THE POPE. Richardi. At length, turning his tale to another matter, he began to quarrel A D with King Richard, pretending as though he sought causes to break 1191. with him, and to malign him, and therefore he forged these lies (said king with * ie ) u P on mm > anc ^ au b ecause ne D y tnat means would void to {jjjjje- marry with Alice, his sister, according as he had promised : adding, Quarrel moreover, that if he would so do, and would not marry the said Alice marriage, ms sister, according to his oath, but would marry another, he would be an enemy to him and his, while he lived. To this King Richard said again, that he could by no means f marry that woman, forasmuch as his father had had by her a son : for proof whereof he had there presently to bring forth divers and Agree- sundry witnesses to the king's face, to testify with him. In conclu- tweemtLe s i° n > through counsel and persuasion of divers about the French Sgs king, agreement at last was made, so that King Philip did acquit with the King Richard from his bond of marrying his sister ; and King Sons!" Richard again should be bound to pay to him every year, for the space of five years, two thousand marks ; with certain other conditions besides, not greatly material in this place to be deciphered. Thus, The peace being between them concluded, on Saturday the thirtieth day king Ch °f tne sa id month of March the French king launching out of the cometh haven of Messina, on the two and twentieth day after, in Easter Api.2oth. week, came with his army to the siege of Acre. Beren- After the departure of the French king from Messina (King fras' Richard, with his army, yet remaining behind), Queen Elenor, can her° ^ ne king's mother, arrived, bringing with her Berengaria, the king of Berne- ' Navarre's daughter, to be espoused to King Richard. This done, daughter Elenor, leaving Berengaria behind her, departed, taking her journey Sngof toward Rome, to entreat the pope for Geffrey, her other son above Navarre, mentioned, to be consecrated in the archbishopric of York, he having to°be ght been before elected by the procurement of King Richard, his brother, S a King as y e near( h At this time, as Queen Elenor was travelling toward Richard. Rome, Pope Clement above mentioned died on the tenth day of Appendix. April, in whose room succeeded Pope Celestine III., who, the next day after his consecration, came from Lateran to St. Peter's church, where in the way met him Henry, the emperor, and Constantia, his wife, with a great rout of armed soldiers ; but the Romans, making fast their gates, would not suffer them to enter their city. Then Pope Celestine, standing upon the stairs before the church door of St. Peter, received an oath of the said Henry, king of the Almains (his army waiting without), that he should defend the church of God, and all the liberties thereof, and maintain justice; also that he should restore again the patrimony of St. Peter, full and whole, whatsoever hath been diminished thereof ; and finally, that he should re-surren- The pope der to the church of Rome the city of Frascati. Upon these Con- or Rome .. iii- i in the fun ditions and grants, the pope then took him to the church, and there toptfiua ano i nteo i ] inn f or em p eror? anc [ w if e for empress; who, there Pope sitting in his chair pontifical, held the crown of gold between his celestine feet, and so the emperor, bowing down his head to the pope's feet, Henry 6 1 received the crown ; and in like manner the empress also. The rar'wStT crown tnus being set upon the emperors head, the pope, immediately, The ft o t 'e n * s ^ 00 ^ stmc ^ ^ on<> a g a in from his head unto the ground, •trikeST declaring thereby, that he had power, to depose him in case he THE ENGLISH FLEET DISPERSED BY A TEMPEST. so deserved. Then the cardinals, taking up the crown, set it upon Richardi. his head again. 1 ~A~D~ Not long after the departure of King Philip from Messina, which 1191' was in the month of March, King Richard, in April following, about ^~the the tenth day of the said month sailing from the haven of Messina ™P e n ror ' 8 with a hundred and fifty great ships and three and fifty great with his galleys well manned and appointed, took journey towards Acre ; foot See who being upon the seas on Good Friday, about the ninth hour Appendix - rose a mighty south wind with a tempest, which dissevered and Richard scattered all his navy, some to one place and some to an- with a ken <)ther. The king with a few ships put into the island of Crete, te ^ e f & and afterwards in the haven of Rhodes cast anchor. The ship that Acre, carried the king's sister, the queen of Sicily, and Berengaria, the king of Navarre's daughter, with two other ships, were driven to the isle of Cyprus. The king, making great moan for the ship his sister was in, and Berengaria, his wife that should be, not knowing what had become of them, after the tempest was overblown, sent forth his galleys diligently to search for the rest of his navy dispersed, but especially for the ship wherein his sister was, and the maiden whom he should marry ; who at length were found safe and merry at Port Limisso, in the isle of Cyprus. Notwithstanding the two other ships, which were in their company before in the same haven, were drowned, with divers of the king's servants, and men of wor- ship ; amongst whom was Master Roger, called c Malus Catulus,' the king's vice-chancellor, who was found having the king's seal hanging about his neck. The king of Cyprus was then Isaac i saac , (called also the emperor of the Griffons), who took and imprisoned j^f ° s f all Englishmen who by shipwreck were cast upon his land, also a crue i' inveigling into his hands the goods and prizes of those who were English- 0 found drowned about his coasts ; neither would he suffer the ship men ' wherein the two ladies were, to enter within the port. The tidings of this being brought to King Richard, he, in great Richard wrath, gathering his galleys and ships together, boardeth the land of J^Sft? Cyprus, where he first in gentlewise signifieth to King Tsaac, how the kin s he with his Englishmen, coming as strangers to the supportation of iorS™ 8 the Holy Land, were, by distress of weather, driven upon his bounds ; captivity" and, therefore, with all humble petition besought him, in God's behalf, and for reverence of the Holy Cross, to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captivity, and to restore again the goods of those who were drowned, which he detained in his hands, to be employed for the behoof of their souls. And this the king, once, twice, and thrice, desired of the emperor. But he, proudly answering again, sent the The dis- king word, that he would neither let the captives go, nor render the answer of goods of them that were drowned. Isaac When King Richard heard how little the Emperor Isaac made of his so humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could be gotten without violent force ; immediately he giveth commandment through all his host, to put themselves in armour, and to follow him, to revenge such injuries received of that proud and cruel king (1) Ex veteri chronico manuscripto anonymo, de gestis Richardi Regis, cui initium, " Anno gratiae," &c. Item ex alio ejusdem vetustatis chronico manuscripto, cui initium, " vEiieas cum Ascanio," &c. VOL. IT. X THE KING OF CYPRUS TAKEN* PRISONER. Richardi. of Cyprus ; willing them to put their trust in God, and not to doubt A. D. Du t tnat the Lord would stand with them, and give them the victory. 1191. The emperor, in the mean time, with his people, stood warding the sea coasts, where the Englishmen should arrive, with swords, bills, and lances, and such other weapons as they had, setting boards, stools, and chests before them instead of a wall. Howbeit but few of them were harnessed, and for the most part all inexpert and unskilful Richard in the feats of war. Then King Richard with his soldiers, issuing upon jsa- out of their ships, first set his bowmen before, who with their shot JeVorof ma d e a wa ) r f° r others to follow. The Englishmen, thus winning the tons^ho ^ an( ^ u P on tnem 5 so fiercely pressed upon the Griffons, that after long- is put to fighting and many blows, at last, the emperor was put to flight ; flight. w ] lom King Richard valiantly pursued, and slew many, and divers he took alive, and had gone near also to have had the emperor, had not the night come on and parted the battle. And thus King Richard, with much spoil and great victory returning to the port town of Limisso, which the townsmen had left for fear, found there great abundance of corn, wine, oil, and victuals. The same day after the victory, Joan, the king's sister, and Beren- garia, the maiden, entered the port and town of Limisso, with fifty great ships, and fourteen galliots ; so that all the whole navy there meeting together, were two hundred and fifty-four tall ships, and above threescore galliots. Then Isaac the emperor, seeing no way for himself to escape by the sea, the same night pitched his tents five miles off from the English army, swearing that the third day after he would surely give battle to King Richard. But he preventing him before, suddenly, the same morning before the day of battle should The king be, setteth upon the tents of the Griffons early (they being unawares agSnpS an d asleep,) and made of them a great slaughter ; insomuch that the to flight, emperor was fain naked to run away, leaving his tents and pavilions to the Englishmen, full of horses and rich treasure, also with the imperial standard, the lower part whereof, with a costly streamer, was King covered and wrought all with gold. King Richard then returning manieth victory and triumph to his sister and Berengaria, shortly after, in SaSftfl ^he montn °f M a y following, and the twelfth day of the same month, isie of married the said Berengaria, daughter of Sancho, king of Navarre, C>P s™ s ' at Limisso in the isle of Cyprus. Append**. rpj^ 0 f Cyprus, seeing himself overmatched, was driven at Isaac length to yield himself with conditions ; to give King Richard twenty • thousand marks in gold, for amends of such spoils as he had gotten of yieldeth himself Richa"! tnem tnat were drowned ; also to restore all his captives again to the king ; and, furthermore, in his own person, to attend upon the king to the land of Jerusalem, in God's service and his, with four hundred horsemen, and five hundred footmen ; in pledge whereof he would give into his hands his castles, and his only daughter, and would hold J^uratiy ^ s kingdom of him. This done, and the emperor swearing fidelity breaketh to King Richard, before Guido king of Jerusalem, and the prince tionsV of Antioch (who were come thither to King Richard a little before), peace was taken, and Isaac was committed to the ward of certain Again keepers. Notwithstanding, shortly after, he, breaking from his submit- keepers, was again at defiance with the king. Whereupon King ►cif, and Richard, besetting the island of Cyprus round about with ships and CAPTURE OF THE CITY OF ACRE. 307 galleys, did in such sort prevail, that the subjects of the land were Rickardi. constrained to yield themselves to the king, and at length the A D daughter also of the emperor, and at last the emperor himself, whom U91*. King Richard caused to be kept in fetters of silver and gold, and to is kept in be sent to the city of Tripolis. fetters These things thus done, and all set in order touching the posses- Richard's sion of the isle of Cyprus, the keeping whereof he committed unto {TjSS. Radulph, son of Godfrey, lord chamberlain, being then the first day of June ; upon the fifth of the said month, King Richard departed from the isle of Cyprus, with his ships and galleys towards the siege of Acre, and on the morrow came unto Tyre, where, by procure- ment of the French king, he was constrained by the citizens to enter. The next day after, which was the seventh day of June, crossing the Saracens seas he met with a great bark, fraught with soldiers and men of war therescue to the number of one thousand five hundred ; who, pretending to be ^n\u£h Frenchmen, and setting forth their flag with the French arms, were ed on the indeed Saracens, secretly sent with wild-fire and certain barrels of King y unknown serpents, to the defence of the town of Acre. This King Ric 5f e rd ' Richard at length perceiving, eftsoons set upon them, and so van- Appendis - quished them ; of whom the most were drowned, and some taken alive ; which being once known in the city of Acre, as it was a great discomfort there, so it was a great help unto the Christians for winning the city. The next day after, which was the eighth of June, King Richard came to Acre, which at that time had been long besieged of the Christians ; after whose coming it was not long before the pagans within the city seeing their walls to be undermined and towers overthrown, were driven by composition to escape with The city life and limb, to surrender the city to the two kings. Another great yLmed to help to the Christians in winning the city was this : in the said city ^g 111 ' 8 " of Acre there was a secret Christian among the Saracens, who, in A J™ dix time of the siege there, used at sundry times to cast over the walls, into the camp of the Christians, certain bills written in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, wherein he disclosed unto the Christians, from Honest time to time, the doings and counsels of the enemies, advertising secret 1 a them how and in what way they should work, and of what to beware ; U™^" and always his letters began thus : "In nomine Patris, et Filii, et "tyof Spiritus Sancti ; Amen;" by reason whereof, the Christians were much advantaged in their proceedings. But this was a great heaviness unto them, that neither would he utter his name, nor, when the city was got, could they ever understand who he was. 1 To make of a long siege a short narration, upon the twelfth day of July in the year aforesaid, a.d. 1191, the princes and captains of the pagans, upon agreement, resorted to the tent of the Templars, to The form commune with the two kings touching peace and giving up of their coKd- city, the form of which peace was this : That the kings should have tweentne the city of Acre freely and fully delivered unto them, with all that kings, was within ; and that five hundred captives of the Christians should princes of be restored unto them, which were in Acre: also that the holy cross Acre- should be to them rendered, and a thousand christian captives, with two hundred horsemen, whosoever they themselves would choose out ^1) Ex chronico manuscripto, de gestis Richardi. X % 308 Tilt TWO KINGS DIVIDE THE SPOIL. Richardi. of all tliose which were in the power of Saladin : over and besides, " A.D. they should give to the kings, two hundred thousand bisants, so that 1191. they themselves would remain as pledges in the kings' hands for the " performance hereof ; that if, in forty days, these aforesaid covenants were not accomplished, they would abide the kings' mercy touching life and limb. These covenants being agreed upon, the kings sent their soldiers and servants into the city, to take one hundred of the richest and best of the city, to close them up in towers under strong keeping, and the residue they committed to be kept in houses and streets, ministering unto them according to their necessities : to whom not- withstanding, this they permitted, that as many of them as would be baptized, and receive the faith of Christ, should be free to go whither Religion they would. Whereupon, many there were of the pagans, who for uught 136 f ear °f death pretended to be baptized, but who, afterwards, as soon enacted as ^ e y could, revolted again to the Saladin ; on which account it was afterwards commanded by the kings, that none of them should be Appendix, baptized against their wills. me two The thirteenth day of July, King Philip of France, and King vSe Richard, after they had obtained the possession of Acre, divided AcVe° f • between them all things therein contained, as well the people, as aii the the gold and silver, with all other furniture whatsoever remaining in thereof; ^e city ; who, in dividing the spoil, were such good carvers unto them een themselves, that many knights and barons, with other soldiers, who selves, had there sustained the whole travail two years together about the common- siege, seeing the kings to take all unto themselves, and their part to whoso 1 ' ^e little, retracted themselves without the uttermost trench ; and taketh there, after consultation had together, sent word to the kings that pains. they would leave and forsake them, unless they were made partakers tobe ale also of the gains for which they had so long travailed. 1 o whom least. answer was sent again by the kings, that their wills should be satisfied: howbeit, because of long deferring of their promise, many, constrained by poverty, departed from them. King The twentieth day of July, King Richard, speaking with the requlmh French king, desired him that they two with their armies would bind of the themselves by oath to remain there still in the land of Jerusalem the kXg to space of three years, for the winning and recovering again of those thSt in countries. But he would swear, he said, no such oath : and so the years next day, King Richard, with his wife and sister, entereth into the army, but city of Acre, and placed there himself in the king's palace ; the not W ° uld French king remaining in the houses of the Templars, where he con- Appe^dix tinued till the end of the month. About the beginning of the month of August, Philip, the French king, after he and King Richard had made agreement between Guido and Conrad, the marquis, about the kingdom of Jerusalem, went from Acre to Tyre ; notwithstanding, King Richard and all the princes of the christian army, with great entreaty, desired him to tarry; showing what a shame it were for him to come so far, and now to leave undone that for which he came; and on the third of August he departed from TyTe, leaving his half part of the city of Acre in the hands of the aforesaid Conrad, the marquis. After Philip's departure, the pagans refused to keep their covenants ; who neither would restore the holy cross, nor the money, nor their captives, sending word to King Richard, that if he beheaded the A BRIEF STORY OF WILLIAM BISHOP OF ELY. 309 pledges left with him at Acre, they would chop off the heads of such mchardi captives of the Christians as were in their hands. Shortly after this, A D " Saladin, sending great gifts to king Richard, requested the time 1 191. limited for beheading of the captives to be prorogued, but the king ~ refused to take his gifts, and to grant his request ; whereupon the captivS" Sultan caused all the christian captives within his possession forth- Jjfgjj with to be beheaded, which was the eighteenth day of August, tan. Albeit King Richard understood this, yet would not he prevent the time before limited for the execution of his prisoners, being the twentieth of August. Upon that day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens, openly in the sight of the Sultan's army, to lose their heads ; the number of whom came to two thousand five hundred, Saracen save only that certain of the principal of them he reserved for pur- 335™ poses and considerations, especially to make exchange for the holy Jj"^ ard cross, and certain others of the christian captives. After this, King Richard purposed to besiege the city of Joppa ; where, by the way, between Acre and Joppa, near to a town called A p,lnd anc ^ picked him down to the ground, hauling and drawing him bide. by the sleeves and collar of his gown through stones and rocks, whereby he was shrewdly hurt. His servants once or twice made out to rescue their old master, or new mistress, but could not for the cast into press of the people ; who, beating him with their fists, and spitting rena? at him, drew him through the whole town, and so, with shame enough set at at length laid him in a dark cellar instead of a prison, of whom all John ear! the country about wondered and cried out. In conclusion, Earl ton Mor " J° nn ' hearing thereof, within eight days after sent word, that they should deliver him and let him go. The bishop then, set at liberty, sailed over as he could to Flanders, where he had but cold welcoming; from thence he went to Paris, where he gave Maurice, their bishop, threescore marks of silver to be received into the city with procession, and so he was. Then returned he into Normandy, but the archbishop of Rouen there gave com- mandment that the church doors should be locked, and no service com- said so long as he there remained. The bishop, seeing that, directed tl & ihQ th his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to King the pope* Richard into Syria, signifying to them how John, earl of Morton, and his accomplices, had handled him, and expelled him out of the realm ; requiring that he might be restored again to what was taken from him, and also offering himself to be tried by the law for what he had done ; so that if the king should dislike in any thing what he had done, he was ready to satisfy the king's contentation in all things wherein justly he could be charged. Letter Upon this, Pope Celestine, inflamed with an apostolical zeal in celestine behalf of the said bishop of Ely, his legate, wrote a sharp and thun- ofthe alf ' dering letter to the archbishops, bishops, and prelates of England; bishop commanding them, by his authority apostolical, that, forasmuch as the y- injuries, done to his legate, did redound to the contumely of the whole mother church of Rome, they should not fail therefore, but with severe censures of the church, that is, with book, bell, and candle, proceed as well against the said John, earl of Morton, as also against all others, whosoever had, or should attempt any violence or injury against the said his legate, the bishop of Ely, with no less severity than if the said injury should be offered to the person of the The pope himself, or any other of his brethren, the cardinals, bishop rpj ie kjgj^p 0 f -ftly^ legate, bearing himself bold upon upon the the favour and letters of the pope, who took his part, writeth to Henry, favour, bishop of Lincoln, charging and requiring, that he, in virtue of TIIOUBLES IN ENGLAND. obedience, should execute the pope's sentence and mandate in ex- m&kmM. communicating all such as were offenders in that behalf, and there a.D. reciteth the names of divers, against whom he should proceed, as the 1192. archbishop of Rouen, the bishop of Winchester, William Marshal, Geoffrey Fitz-Piers, Briwere and Bardolf, the earl of Salisbury, the J^JJJJJ 0 * earl of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, John, archdeacon of Oxford, and the bishop (^specially Hugh, bishop of Coventry; also Master Benet, and Stephen appointed Ridle, chancellor to Earl John, the king's brother ; to the which earl cJmmuni- hc reserved a further day of respite before he should be excommuni- cated. cate, with a number of other more beside these ; howbeit the said Appendix. bishop of Ely could find none to execute this commandment of the pope. Then they, with a general consent, wrote again to King Richard, complaining of the intolerable abuses of the said bishop, his chancellor. In like sort the said chancellor also, complaining of The them, wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earl John, his E^com- brother, went about to usurp his kingdom, and would also shortly set Pj a t ^ e et e ^ rl the crown upon his own head, unless he made the more speed home- ofMorton, ward. The king then was busy in repulsing Saladin, and was pre- ?her br ° paring to lay siege against Jerusalem, and had got Ascalon, with divers see other towns, from the Saracens, which was in the year a.d. 1192, Appendlx having divers conflicts in the mean time with Saladin, and ever put him to the worse. As the king was thus preparing to lay his siege against Jerusalem, Saladin, glad to fall to some composition with the king, sent unto him, that if he would reduce Ascalon to the same dismantled state in which it was when he took it, 1 he would grant to him, and to all Christians in the land of Jerusalem, truce for three years, and offered himself thereunto to be sworn. The king, seeing the duke of Burgundy and the Frenchmen to shrink from him, and his own men to decay, and also his money and health to diminish ; but especially for that he understood by the bishop of Ely, his chancellor, that the French king intended to set up John, his brother, to possess his kingdom ; being counselled thereto by the Templars, took the truce offered of the Saracens, and so began to draw homeward. In this mean while, much grudge and strife increased more and more strife be- between the bishop of Ely and the archbishop of Rouen above speci- Sop of 3 fled, insomuch that the archbishop, being excommunicate, sent up his Jjjj clerks to Pope Celestine to complain of the bishop ; but the pope ever bishop of stood in his purgation. At last he sent two of his cardinals, to wit, Kouen • Octavian, bishop of Ostia, and Jordan de Fossa Nova, 2 to break the strife between the bishop of Ely and the archbishop of Rouen. After this King Richard being taken, and in the custody of Henry the emperor, the bishop of Ely, resorting to him, was sent by him into England to Elenor, his mother, and other nobles ; who then return- ing into England again, not as chancellor, nor as legate, as he said, but as a simple plain bishop, so by that means was received. 3 But of this vain-glorious prelate enough and too much. Now to return again to Richard, concerning whose worthy acts done abroad in getting of Cyprus, and Ptolemais or Acre, and in pacifying Joppa, &c. is partly spoken of before. Many other valiant and famous acts whatdis were by him and the French king achieved, and more would have been, corddoth had not those two kings, falling into discord, dissevered themselves ; (1) See supra, p. 309, and Appendix. — Ed. (2) A Cistercian monistery in Latium, where Thomas Aquinas died. Hoflroan, — Ed. (3) Ex Matth. Paris. , et ex aliis incerti nominis manuscriptis codicibus, 316 RICHARD TAKEN BY THE DUKE OF AUSTRIA, Appen William, bishop of London, Eustace, bishop of to inter- Ely, and Manger, bishop of Worcester. Which said three bishops realm., went unto the king, and showed him their commission from the pope, as is above said, willing him to consent thereto ; but the said king refused the same, and would by no means grant to their request. Whereupon they, departing from his grace, went the morrow after the Annunciation of our Lady, and pronounced the said general interdiction throughout all England, so that the church-doors were shut up with keys and other fastenings, and with walls, &c. Now when the king heard of this, he began to be moved against them, and took all the possessions of the said bishops into his hands, appointing certain men to keep the livings of the clergy throughout Disci- the realm, and that they should enjoy no part thereof. This being the neof done, the bishops, seeing the same, cursed all them that kept, or See Appendix. church abused for pri- owned them : and understanding, for all that, that the king nothing venge." regarded their doings, they went over sea to the bishop of Canter- bury, and informed him what had happened : who hearing the same, willed them again to return to Canterbury, and he would come thither to them, or else send certain persons thither in his stead, that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the bishops heard this, they returned again to England, to Canterbury ; on which tidings came shortly to the king, that they were ccme again thither. And because he might not himself travel to them, he sent thither bishops, earls, and abbots, to entreat them that the Archbishop Stephen, whom he had chosen, might be admitted ; promising the prior and all the monks of Canterbury in his behalf, that he should never take any thing of the church goods against the will of them that owned them, but would make amends to them from whom he had should meddle with church goods, against the will of them that STEPHEN LANGTOS S OPPOSITION TO THE KING. taken any such goods, and that the church should have all her franchises John. in as ample manner as she had in St. Edward the Confessor's time. A jy "When the form of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed 1209. in a pair of indentures, and the afore-mentioned bishops to the one The in _ part thereof, set their seals ; and the other part the said bishops, ™* side " earls, and abbots, carried to show the king. When the king saw the stoutness order thereof, he liked it well, saving he would not agree to make if t S epre " restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the said bishops gjjjjj^ again that they should put out that point of restitution. But they answered stoutly, that they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the archbishop, by the said bishops, that he should come to Canterbury to speak with him, and for his safe conduct to come and go again at his will, he sent his justices as pledges, Gilbert Peitewin, William de la Briwere, and John Letfitz. This done, the Archbishop Stephen came to Canterbury, and the king, hearing thereof, came to Chilham ; from whence he sent his treasurer, the Stephen bishop of Winchester, to him, to have the king's name put out of JjJJjjf* on the indentures in the clause of restitution aforesaid : who refusing to against alter any word of the same, moved the king in such sort, that imme- hls kmg diately it was proclaimed throughout England, at the king's com- mandment, that all those that had any church-livings, and were over the sea, should come again into England by a certain day, or else lose their livings for evermore. And further in that proclamation, he charged all sheriffs within the realm, to inquire if any bishops, The kin „ abbots, priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) moved received any commandment that came from the pope, and that they hfm. nsl should take his or their body and bring it before him ; and also that they should take into their hands, for the king's use, all the church lands that were given to any man through the Archbishop Stephen, or by the prior of Canterbury, from the time of the election of the arch- bishop : and further charged that all the woods that were the arch- bishop's should be cut down and sold. When tidings came to the pope that the king had thus done, Two le _ being moved thereby with fiery wrath, he sent to the king two g^s sent legates, the one called Pandulph, and the other Durant, to warn him, pope, in the pope's name, that he should cease his doings to holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the archbishop of Canterbury, to the prior and monks of Canterbury, and to all the clergy of Eng- land. And further, that he should restore the goods again that he had taken of them against their will, or else they should curse the king by name ; and to do this, the pope gave them his letters in bulls patent. These two legates, coming into England, resorted to the king to Northampton, where he held his parliament, and, saluting him, said, they came from the pope of Rome, to reform the peace of holy church. And first, said they, " we admonish you in the pope's Restitu- behalf, that ye make full restitution of the goods, and of the lands, quhVd'of that ye have ravished from holy church ; and that ye receive Stephen, the kin e- the archbishop of Canterbury, into his dignity ; and the prior of Can- terbury and his monks ; and that ye yield again unto the archbishop all his lands and rents without any withholding ; and, sir, yet more- over, that ye shall make such restitution to them as the church si; all think sufficient." 328 PANDULPH SENT TO CURSE THE KING. Joh »- Then answered the king, as touching the prior and his monks of A D. Canterbury, " All that ye have said I would gladly do, and all things 1210. else that you would ordain ; but as touching the archbishop, I shall Fierce tell you as it lieth in my heart. Let the archbishop leave his tion r be" bishopric ; and if the pope then shall entreat for him, peradventure I tween the may like to give him some other bishopric in England ; and upon this king and j... t -n • i i t • r v> r Pan- condition 1 will receive and admit him. duiph. Then said Pandulph to the king, " Holy church was wont never to disgrade archbishop without cause reasonable; but she was ever wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her." ApgUi*. /' What ? How now," quoth the king; " threaten ye me ?" " Nay," said Pandulph, " but ye have now openly told us as it standeth in your heart ; and now we will tell you what is the pope's will ; and thus it standeth : he hath wholly interdicted and cursed you, for the wrongs you have done unto holy church, and unto the clergy. And, forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and will come to no amendment, you shall understand, that from this time forward the sentences upon you given have force and strength. And all those that with you have communed before this time, whether that they be earls, barons, or knights, or any other, whatsoever they be, we assoil The them safely from their sins unto this day : but from this time forward, gate curs- of what condition soever they be, we accurse them openly, and whVcom- specially by this our sentence, that do commune with you. And witiTthe we assou \ moreover, earls, barons, knights, and all other manner of king. men, of their homages, service, and fealties, that they should do unto you. And this thing to confirm, we give plain power unto the bishop of Winchester, and to the bishop of Norwich ; and the same power we give against Scotland unto the bishop of Rochester, and of Salis- bury ; and in Wales we give the same power to the bishops of St. David, and of Landaff, and of St. Asaph." Sflmrtf " Also, king," quoth Pandulph, " all the kings, princes, and the rebellion great dukes christened, have laboured to the pope to have license to cross themselves, and to war against thee, as upon God s great enemy, and to win thy land, and to make king whom it pleaseth the pope. Wards And we here now assoil all those of their sins that will rise against prince, thee here in thine own land." and dis obedience of sub- jects to- Then the king, hearing this, answered : " What shame may ye do more to me than this ?" Pandulph again : " We say to you in the name of God, that nei- ther you, nor any heir that you have, after this day shall be crowned." So the king said, " By him that is Almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this land, and that ye had brought me such news, I should have made you tarry out this twelve month." Then answered Pandulph, " Full well we thought, at our first coming, that ye would have been obedient to God and to holy church, and have fulfilled the pope's commandment, which we have showed and pronounced to you, as we were charged therewith. And now ye say, that if ye had wist the cause of our coining, ye would have made us tarry out a whole year; who might as well say, that ye like would have taken a whole year's respite without the pope's leave ; like man. but for to suffer what death ye caji ordain, we shall not spare to tell all the pope's message and will, that he gave us in charge." THE POPE'S GREAT CURSE. 329 In another chronicle I find the words between the king and Pan- John. dulph something otherwise described, as though the king should first A j) threaten him with hanging, if he had foreknown of his coming. To 1211. whom Pandulph again should answer, that he looked for nothing else at his hand, but to suffer for the church's right. Whereupon the king, being mightily incensed, departed. The king, the same time, being at Northampton, willed the sheriffs and bailiffs to bring forth all the prisoners there, that such as had deserved, should be put to death ; to the intent, as some think, to make Pandulph afraid. Among them was a certain clerk, who, for counterfeiting the king's coin, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered ; and, moreover, the king commanded (thereby to anger Pandulph the more, as may be thought) that this clerk should be hanged up highest, above the rest. Pandulph, hearing thereof, notwithstanding pandulph he somewhat began to fear lest he should be hanged himself ; yet, ^Sfd with such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out than hurt - book, bell, and candle, charging that no man, under pain of accursing, should lay hands upon the clerk. Upon this the king and the cardinal departed in no little anger, and Pandulph went to Rome, and reported to the pope and the cardinals what had been done. Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and clerks of Eng- land, to come and repair to Rome, to consult what was to be done therein. This council began the first day of October. It was therein decreed, by the pope and his assembly, that John, king of England, should be accursed, with all such as held with him, every day so long as that council endured ; albeit this was not yet granted, that the people should be crossed to fight against him, because as yet he had shed no blood. But afterwards the said Pope Innocent, seeing that The P o P e King John would by no means stoop under his subjection, nor under the rule of his popish see, sent unto the French king, upon remission French of all his sins, and those of all that went with him, that with all n™fde° the power they might, they should take with them the livery and En s land - badge of the cross, to invade the realm of England, and revenge him of the manifold injuries done to the universal church, by that cursed Turk or Pagan, King John. This occasion given, Pope Innocent yet once again commanded, The on pain of his great curse, that no man should obey King John, P°i } a e t ' s neither yet keep company with him : he forbade all persons to eat curse, and drink with him, or talk with him, to commune or counsel with him ; yea, his own familiar household to do him any kind of service either at bed or at board, in church, hall, or stable. And what followed thereof? The greater part of them, who after such sort fled The just from him, by the ordinance of God, of divers and sundry diseases the of same year died ; and between both nations, English and French, ■jjjjjjjj 1 ' fell, for that year, great amity ; but secret, subtile, and false, to the ent sub- bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content only Jects ' with this, but, moreover, the said Pope Innocent gave sentence de- finitive, by counsel of his cardinals, that King John should be put from his seat regal and deposed, and another put in his room. To the speedy execution of this he appointed the French king, Philip ; pro- mising to give him full remission of all his sins, and the clear 380 PETER THE FALSE PROPHET, John, possession of all the realm of England, to him and his heirs, if he d7~ did either kill him or expel him. 1212. The next year the French king began his attempt, in hope of the The pope crown of England ; being well manned with bishops, monks, prelates, murderer P r i es t s ? an d their servants, to maintain the same ; bragging of the ' letters which they had received from the great men there. But behold the work of God : the English navy took three hundred of Slips* French king's ships, well loaden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh, taken by armour, and such other like, meet for the war ; and an hundred ships English. they brent within the haven, taking the spoil with them. In the mean time the priests within England had provided them a certain ftisepro- ^ se counterfeit prophet, called Peter Wakefield, of Poiz, who was phet an idle gadder about, and a prattling merchant. This Peter they Appendix, made to prophesy lies, rumouring his prophecies abroad, to bring the king out of all credit with his people. They noised it daily among the commons of the realm, that Christ had twice appeared to this prophet of theirs in shape of a child between the priest's hands, once at York, another time at Pomfret ; and that he had breathed on him thrice, saying, "Peace! peace! peace!" and teaching many things which he anon after declared to the bishops ; and bade the people amend their naughty living. Being rapt also in spirit, they said he beheld the joys of heaven, and the sorrows of hell. For scant were AppeZix. there three, saith the chronicle, among a thousand that lived chris- tianly. This counterfeit soothsayer prophesied of King John that he should reign no longer than the Ascension Day, a.d. 1213, which was the fourteenth year from his coronation ; and this, he said, he had by revelation. Then was it of him demanded, whether the king should be slain, or expelled, or should of himself give over the crown? His sedi- He answered, That he could not tell ; but of this he was sure, he said, practices, that neither he, nor any of his stock or lineage, should reign, that day once finished. The king, hearing of this, laughed much at it, and made but a scoff thereof. " Tush," saith he, " it is but an idiot knave, and such a one as lacketh his right wits."" But when this foolish prophet had so escaped the danger of the king's displeasure, App^dix an< ^ *^at ^ e ma( ^ e no more of it, he gat him abroad, and prated Peter is' thereof at large, as he was a very idle vagabond, and used to tattle into W " and talk more than enough ; so that they who loved the king pnson. caused him anon after to be apprehended as a malefactor, and to be thrown into prison, the king not yet knowing thereof. The fame of this fantastical prophet soon went all the realm over, and his name was known every where, as foolishness is much regarded of people, where wisdom is not in place ; especially because he was then imprisoned for the matter, the rumour was the larger, their wonderings were the wantoner, their practising the foolisher, their busy talks, and other idle occupyings, the greater. Continually from thence, as the rude manner of people is, old gossips'* tales went abroad, new tales were invented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew upon lies ; so that every day new slanders were raised on the king, and not one of them true : rumours arose, blasphemies were spread, the enemies rejoiced, and treasons by the priests were maintained, and what in like manner was surmised, or whatever subtlety was practised, all was then fathered upon this foolish HANGED, WITH HIS SON. %%\ prophet : as, " Thus saith Peter Wakefield," " Thus hath he prophe- John, sied,"" and, " This shall come to pass yea, many times when he ^.D thought nothing less. When the Ascension Day was come, which 121.3. was prophesied of before, King John commanded his regal tent to The fals ; be spread abroad in the open field, passing that day with his noble p ™^ 1 . council, and men of honour, in greater solemnity than ever he did liar by " before, solacing himself with musical instruments and songs, most j 0 hn. in sight, amongst his trusty friends. When that day was passed in all prosperity and mirth, his enemies being confused, turned all to an allegorical understanding, to make the prophecy good, and said, " He is no longer king, for the pope reigneth, and not he yet reigned he still, and his son after him, to prove that prophet a liar. Then was the king by his council persuaded that this false prophet had troubled all the realm, perverted the hearts of the people, and raised the commons against him ; for his words went over the sea by the help of his prelates, and came to the French king's ear, and gave him great encouragement to invade the land: he had not else done it so suddenly ; but he was most foully deceived, as all they are, and shall be, that put their trust in such dark, drowsy The false dreams of hypocrites. The king therefore commanded that he should l™^ e f be drawn and hanged like a traitor, and his son with him, lest any more false prophets should arise of that race. After the popish prelates, monks, canons, priests, &c. saw this their crafty juggling by their feigned prophet would not speed, notwithstanding they had done no little harm thereby, to help the matter more forward, they began to travail and practise with Pope Innocent on the one side, and also with the French king on the other ; besides subtle treasons which they wrought within the realm, and by their confessions in the ear, whereby they both blinded the nobility and commons. The king thus compassed about on every side with enemies, and fearing the sequel thereof, knowing the King conspiracies that were in working against him, as well by the pope, rStteth^ in all that ever he might, as also by Philip, the French king, by his J^™^ 1 * procurement ; and moreover his own people, especially his lords and pope, barons, being rebelliously incited against him ; as by the pope's curses and interdictions against such as took his part ; and also by his absolutions and dispensations with all those that would rebel against him, commanding them to detain from him such homage, service, duties, debts, and all other allegiance, as godly subjects owe and are bound to yield and give to their liege lord and prince : all which things considered, the king, in the thirteenth year of his reign, because the French king began to make sharp invasion upon him within his own realm, sent speedy ambassadors to the pope, as to the foun- tain of all this his mischief, pretended to work and entreat his peace Entreat- and reconciliation with him, promising to do whatsoever the pope ^J° T should will and command him in the reformation of himself, and wit *i the restitution of all wrongs done to holy church, and to make due satis- P ° pe ' faction there-for unto all men that could complain. Then sent the pope again into England his legate Pandulph, with other ambassadors : the king also at Canterbury (by letters, as it should seem, certified from his own ambassadors) waited their coming; where, the thirteenth day of May, the king received 352 KING JOHN SUBMITS TO THE POPE. Joh "- them, making unto them an oath, That of and for all things wherein A.D. he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and satisfaction. 1213. Unto whom also all the lords and barons of England, so many as " there were with the king attending the legate's coming, sware in like manner; and That if the king would not accomplish in everything the oath which he had taken, that then they would cause him to hold and confirm the same, whether that he would or not, or " by strength," to use the author's words. * x The king, thus compassed about on every side with enemies, and seeing the great danger that was like to follow, and himself to be brought to such a strait, that no other way could be found to avoid the present destruction both of his person and the realm also, but utterly to be subverted ; and specially fearing the French king ; was enforced to submit himself to that execrable monster and Antichrist of Rome, converting his land into patrimony of St. Peter, as many other had done before him, and so became a sorry subject to the sinful seat of Rome, thinking thereby to avoid all dangers imminent ; for of this he was sure thereby, though not without shame, that being under his protection, no foreign potentate throughout the whole empire was able to subdue him.* submit- Then submitted the king himself unto the court of Rome, and to self, anT the P°P e > an d, resigning, gave up his dominions and realms of resigneth England and Ireland from him and from his heirs for evermore that crown, should come of him : with this condition, that the king and his heirs should take again these two dominions of the pope to farm, paying yearly there-for to the court of Rome a thousand marks of silver. Then took the king the crown from his head, kneeling upon his knees in the presence of all his lords and barons of England to Pandulph, the pope's chief legate, saying in this wise, " Here I resign up the crown of the realm of England to the pope's hands, Innocent III., and put me wholly in his mercy and his ordinance." Then took Pandulph the crown of King John, and kept it five days as a possession and seizin-taking of these two realms of England and Ireland, confirming also all things promised by his charter obligatory as followeth : — The Copy of the Letter Obligatory that King John made to the Pope, concerning the yielding up of the crown and the realm of England into the Pope's hands, for a certain sum of money yearly to be paid. Christ John, by the grace of God king of England, SfC, to all the faithful of Christ, offered a s ^ a ^ see ^ s c ^ ar ^ er > i* n ^ e Lord. — We wish it to-be known to your kingdom university by this charter, bearing our seal, that whereas we have in many and things offended God and our mother, holy church, and are in great need of the none of it divine mercy for our sins, and yet cannot offer anything worthily, due satis- Thepope' faction to make to God and the church, but if we meek ourselves and our realms: r°fu8eit we tnere f° re > desiring to meek ourselves for the love of him that meeked him re 1 ' even to death, moved by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and not enforced by the interdict or driven by fear, but of our own good and spontaneous wili, with the general advice of our barons, assign and freely grant to God and his holy apostles Peter and Paul, and to the holy Roman church, our mother, and (1) From the Edition 1563, p. (65).— Ed. CONDITIONS IMPOSED ON KING JOHN. SS3 to our lord pope Innocent and his catholic successors, the whole realm of Eng- John. land and the whole realm of Ireland, with all their rights and appurtenances, for — remission of all our own sins and the sins of all our kin, in behalf as well of *'Jy the living as of the dead: henceforth retaining and holding them from him IwI4, and the Roman church as secondary [or vicegerent], in presence of the wise King man Pandulph, subdeacon and familiar of our lord the pope. And we have John done homage and sworn allegiance to our foresaid lord the pope and his catholic ^farm* 1 successors, and to the Roman church, in the form hereunder written, in the his realm presence of Pandulph ; and we will repeat the same in presence of our lord the of thfc pope himself, if we shall be able to go before him : and we bind our successors P ° P ^ e and heirs by our wife, for ever, in like manner to do homage and render alle- Appendix. giance without gainsaying to the supreme pontiff for the time being and to the Koraan church. But in token of this our lasting bond and grant, we will and determine, that from our own special revenues, arising from the foresaid realms, the Roman church shall, for all service and custom which we owe to her, saving always St. Peter's pence, receive annually a thousand marks sterling The rent money ; that is to say, five hundred marks at Michaelmas and five hundred cliar S es - at Easter, to wit, seven hundred for the realm of England and three hun- dred for the realm of Ireland ; saving to us and our heirs all our rights, privileges, and royal prerogatives. And for that we desire to ratify and confirm all that is above written, we bind ourselves and our successors not to contravene it ; and if we or any one of our successors shall presume to oppose this, but if he being warned will amend him, whosoever he be let him leese his right in the realm. And let this charter of our bond and grant remain firm for ever. Witness myself at the house of the Knights Templars, near Dover, in presence of, &c, this fifteenth day of May, in the fourteenth year of our reign. Upon this obligation the king was discharged, on the second day of July, from that tyrannical interdiction under which he had con- tinued six years and three months. But, before the releasement thereof, first, he was miserably compelled, as hath been declared, to give over both his crown and sceptre to that antichrist of Rome for the space of five days ; and, as his client, vassal, feudary, and tenant, to receive it again of him at the hands of another cardinal ; being bound obligatory, both for himself and for his successors, to pay yearly for acknowledgment thereof, one thousand marks for Eng- a» land and Ireland. Then came they thither from all parts of the The un- realm, so many as had their consciences wounded for obeying their Senesfof liege king, as blind idiots, and there they were absolved, every one the clergy by his own bishop, except the spiritual fathers and ecclesiastical their"* soldiers, for they were compelled to seek to Rome, as captives reserved to the pope's own fatherhood. In this new ruffling the king easily granted that abbots, deans, and curates, should be elected freely every where, so that the laws of the realm were truly observed ; but against that were the bishops, alleging their canonical decrees and rules synodal, determining the king therein to have nothing to do, but only to give his consent after they had once elected. But among this shaven rabble, some there were who consented not to this wicked error ; a sort also there were of the prelates at that time, who were not pleased that the land's interdiction should cease, till the king had paid all that which their clergy in all quarters of the realm had demanded, without reason ; yea, what every saucy Sir John for his part demanded, even to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing of their apples, and their other occasional damages, which grew to an incredible sum, and impossible to be answered. Such was the out- rageous cruel noise of that mischievous progeny of antichrist, against their natural king. 354) CRAFTINESS OT THE POPE. jonn. Notwithstanding that which is uttered afore concerning the ^ rj .' bitter malice of the clergy against their prince, yet did the pope's 1215. legate, Nicholas, cardinal of Frascati, much favour his doings, and 1 allow of his proceedings ; wherefore they reported of him that he was exceedingly partial, and regarded not their matters ecclesiastical, as he should have done. For, leaving the account of their restitutions, he went with the king's officers, as the king's pleasure was, to the cathedral minsters, abbeys, priories, deaneries, and great churches vacant ; and there, for the next incumbent, he always appointed two, one for the king, another for the parties. But upon him only whom the king nominated he compelled most commonly the election to pass, which vexed them wonderfully. Upon this, therefore, they raised a new conspiracy against the king's person, by help of their bishops, seditious prelates, and such noblemen as they had drawn to division t ^ ie * r P ar ^ es - " We beheld," saith Hoveden, " about the same time of opinion many noble houses and assemblies divided in many places. The ingthe" fathers and the aged men stood upon the king's part, but the younger kin s- sort contrary ; and some there were that for the love of their kindred, and in other sundry respects, forsook the king again." " Yea, the fame went that time," saith he, " that they were confederated with Alexander, the Scottish king, and Llewellyn, the prince of Wales, to work him an utter mischief." A council at Oxford the archbishop called, whereat some would not tarry, considering the confusion thereof ; the other sort, having very obstinate hearts, reviled the king most spitefully behind his back, and said, that from thenceforth he ought to be taken for no governor of theirs. Their outrageous and frantic clamour so much prevailed in those days, that it grew to a grievous tumult, and a most perilous commotion. In the year of our Lord 1215, as witnesseth Paulus iEmilius, and other historians, Pope Innocent III. held a general synod at Rome, Lateral ca ^ e ^ * ne Council of Lateran. The chief causes of that council were hoiden these : — In the days of this Innocent, heresy (as he calleth the truth tonocent °f God, or the doctrine that rebuketh sin) began to rise up very high, andto spread forth his branches abroad, by reason whereof many princes were excommunicate; as Otho, the emperor; John the king of Eng- AppJndir. land ; Peter, king of Aragon ; Raimund, the earl of Toulouse ; and a great sort more: and many lands were interdicted, as England, Ireland, Provence, Toulouse, Aquitaine, Sataloni, and such other like, as is said afore : so that it could be no otherwise, saith Hoveden, but with the sharp axe of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they ought of necessity to have been cut off from the church. Therefore was this council provided and proclaimed, and prelates from all nations there- unto called. And, to colour those mischiefs which he then went about, Craft and he caused it by his legates and cardinals (very crafty merchants) to be Sr th? lkS noised abroad, that his intent therein was only to have the church uni- po; e. versally reformed, and the Holy Land from the Turks' hands recovered. But all this was craft and falsehood, as the sequel thereof hath manifestly declared ; for his purpose thereby was, to subdue all princes, and to make himself rich and wealthy. For there he made this antichristian The po r e act, and established it by public decree, that the pope should have, juristic- from thenceforth, the correction of all christian princes ; and that no cSSrches! em P eror should be admitted, except he were sworn before, and were also crowned of him. He ordained moreover, that whosoever he TRANSUBSTANTIATION FIRST INTRODUCED. 835 John. were that should speak evil of the pope, he should be punished in _ hell with eternal damnation. 1 He provided confession to help these A j) < matters ; he allowed their bread a pix to cover him, and a bell when 1215. he goeth abroad, and made the mass equal with Christ's gospel. In this council was first invented, and brought in, transubstantiation ; Transub- of which Johannes Scotus, whom we call Duns, maketh mention in ^n%%t his fourth book, writing in these words : — " The words of the Scrip- brought ture might be expounded more easily and more plainly without transubstantiation ; but the church did choose this sense, which is more hard ; being moved thereunto, as it seemeth, chiefly, because that of the sacraments men ought to hold, as the holy church of Rome holdeth," &c. And in the same place he maketh mention of Innocent III. Moreover, in the said council was established and ratified the Mar- wretched and impious act, compelling priests to abjure lawful matri- priests mony. Whereupon these metres or verses were made the same time £°£ den> against him, which here follow underwritten, in English thus : 2 — " Nocent, not innocent, he is that seeketh to deface By word the thing, that he by deed, hath taught men to embrace ; Who being now a bishop old, doth study to destroy The thing, which he, a young man once, did covet to enjoy. Priest Zachary both had a wife, and had a child also, By means of whom, there did to him great praise and honour grow. For he did baptize him, who was the Saviour of mankind : 111 him befal, that holdeth this new error in his mind. Into the higher heavens, good Paul was lifted from below, And many secret hidden things, he learned there to know : Returned at length from thence to us, and teaching rules of life, He said, Let each man have his own, and only wedded wife. For this and other documents, of them that learned be, Much better and more comely eke, it seemeth unto me, That each should have his own alone, and not his neighbour's wife, Lest with his neighbour, he do fall in hate and wrathful strife. Thy neighbour's daughters or their wives, or nieces to defile, Unlawful is ; therefore beware, do not thy self beguile. Have thou thine own true wedded wife, delight in her alway, With safer mind that thou mayst look, to see the latter day." Now let us return to king John again, and mark how the priests and their adherents were plagued for their homely handling of his majesty. In the aforesaid council of Lateran, and the same (1) Conradus Urspergensis, Hieronymus Marius. SeeApp. (2) " Non est innocentius, imo nocens vere, Qui, quod facto docuit, verbo vult delere : Et quod olim juvenis voluit habere, Modo vetus pontifex studet prohibere. Zacharias habuit prolem et uxorem, Per virum quem genuit adeptus honorem ; Baptizavit etenim mundi Salvatorem : Pereat qui teneat novum hunc errorem. Paulus ccelos rapitur ad superiores, Ubi multas didicit res secretiores ; Ad nos tandem rediens instruensque mores, Suas, inquit, habeant quilibet uxores. Propter haec et alia dogmata doctorum, Reor esse melius et magis decorum, Quisque suam habeat et non proximorum, Ne incurrat odium vel iram eorum. Proximorum fceminas, filias, tt neptes Violare nefas est, quare nil deceptes, Vere tuam habeas, et in hac delectes, Diem ut sic ultimum tutius expectes." 336 STEPHEN LANGTON SUSPENDED. John, year, was Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, excommum- A. D. ca ted by Pope Innocent, with all those bishops, prelates, priests, 12 J 5. barons, and commons, who had been of counsel with him in the " ^ former rebellion. And when the said archbishop had made instant Appendix. gu '£ £ Q ^ 0 k e a i3 SO i vea ^ a non he made him this answer with great indignation : " Brother mine, I swear by St. Peter, thou shalt not so soon at my hand obtain the benefit of absolution : for why ? thou hast not only done harm to the king of England, but also thou hast in a great many things injured the church of Rome here ; and there- fore thou shalt tarry my leisure.'' 1 The archbishop was also at that Stephen time suspended out of the church, and commanded to say no mass at Langton ^ ne ither yet to exercise any other ecclesiastical office ; because he pended. wou ](j no t ? a t time convenient, execute the pope's curse upon the rebellious barons. With them the said pope had been so deeply offended and angered a little before, that the great charter of the liberties of England, with great indignation and countenance most terrible, he rent and destroyed, by sentence definitive, condemning it for ever ; and, by and by thereupon, cursed all the other rebels, with book, bell, and candle. The greater captains of them, with the citizens of London, for that assay were pronounced excommunicate by name, and remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the council general. Appeal In the same year, a.d. 1215, were those great men also summoned general to appear at Rome in that general synod, who would not consent council. £ 0 their king's expulsion, nor yet tyrannical deposing. Though they were called, they said, thereunto by the archbishop of Canterbury and others, and required by oath to subscribe unto the same, yet could they not of their conscience do it, because he had humbled himself, and also granted to keep peace with all men. Thus was the whole realm miserably then divided into two factions, through the malice of the clergy, so that strifes increased in the land every where ; yet were there of the lords and gentlemen a great number at that time, who Gordbe" f° nowe d the king and allowed his doings. 1 But they who were on tween the the other side, not a little suspecting the state that they were in, fled Lidthe speedily to the French king, Philip, desiring him that he would grant kin s- them his eldest son Louis, and they would elect him, to be their king, and that without much tarriance. They besought him, moreover, that he would send with him a strong and mighty power, such as were able to subdue him utterly, that they might, they said, be delivered from such a wicked tyrant. Such was the report that those most wicked papists gave their christian governor, appointed over them by God, whom they ought to have obeyed, though he had been evil, even for very conscience' sake. [Rom. xiii. 7 ] And as certain of the lords and barons were busy to choose the said Louis for their Guaio, king, the pope sent thither one Gualo, the cardinal of St. Martin, to sentTnto stay those rash and cruel attempts ; charging the French king, upon England, jjjg allegiance, that he, with all power possible, should favour, maintain, (1 , Stowe, speaking of these times, confirms the account which our author gives of these internal commotions which unhappily prevailed in England, but especially of the revolting assaults to which the Jews were subjected, so frequently referred to by our author. " I read, that in the year 1215, the sixteenth of King John, the barons entering the city by Ealdgate (Aldgate), first took assurance of the citizens ; then brake into the Jews' houses, searched their coffers to fill their own purses ; and after, with great diligence, repaired the walls and gates of the city, with stones taken from the Jews' broken houses."— See Stowe's Hist, of Lond. p. 7.— Ed. CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE KING. 337 and defend King John of England, his feudary or tenant. The French John. king thereto made answer, as one not content with that arrogant a. D. precept : " The realm of England," said he, " was never yet any 1215. part of St. Peter's patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet, at any time, shall be hereafter. 11 Thus spake he, for that he was in hope to obtain it for his son, by treason of the barons. " No prince or potentate," said Philip, the French king, " may The pledge or give away his kingdom, which is (beside the realm) the and government of his whole commonwealth, without the lawful consent ^ s s 0 ™ n of his barons, who are bound to defend the same. If the pope shall about introduce or set up such a precedent in Christianity, he shall, at his EnglancL pleasure, bring all christian kings and their kingdoms to nought. I like not this example in these days begun. I cannot therefore allow this act of King John of England : though he be my utter adversary, yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realm, and hath brought that noble ground, and queen of provinces, under miserable tribute." The chief lords and men of his nobility standing by, when he uttered these words, being, as it were, in a fury, cried with one voice, " By the blood of God, by which we trust to be saved, we will stick to this article to the losing of our heads. Let the king of England do therein what him liketh : no king may put his land under tribute, and so make his nobility captive servants." With that came in Louis, the king's eldest son, and said unto them all there present, " I beseech you, let not my purposed journey : the barons of Eng- land have elected me for their lord and king, and I will not surely lose my right, but I will fight for it even to the very death, yea, so long as heart shall stir within my breast ; and I doubt not but I shall well obtain it, for I have friends among them." His father, the king, stood still as if he had been in a dump, and answered never a word, but fared as though he had dissembled the matter. Belike he mis- trusted something therein, as he might well enough ; for all was pro- cured by the priests, that they might live licentiously, in all wealth, and in freedom from the king's yoke. About the same time, were such treasons and conspiracies wrought by prelates the bishops, priests, and monks, throughout all the realm, that the king p^ sts knew not where to become, 1 or find trusty friends ; he was then com- co »; # * spiring" pelled, by the uncertainty of his subjects, to travel from place to against place, but not without a great army of men, looking, every day, when the his barons and their confederates would cruelly set upon him. At last he came to Dover, and there looked for aid from other quarters, which loved him better than did his own people. And thither resorted to him from Flanders, Brabant, and Holland, on one side, and from Guienne, Gascony, and Poictou, on the other side, and from other countries besides, a wonderful number of men. The report then went, that the pope had written unto those countries mightily to assist him, for divers considerations : one was, for that King John had both submitted himself and his dominions, to his protec- tion ; another was, because he had taken upon him, a little before, the livery of the Cross, to win again Jerusalem ; the third was, because the pope had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland, and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the space of three months the king remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad (1) See Todd's Johnson VOL. II. Z Appendix. 838 THE FRENCH KINg's SON CURSED. Jokn - in the air, to quiet himself for a time from all manner of tumults, and A. D. tad there a solitary life among rivers and watermen, where as he rather 1216. counted to die than to live, being so traitorously handled of his bishops and barons, and not knowing how to be justly avenged of them. Upon the Purification day of our Lady, therefore, he took upon him the Cross, or viage against the Turks, for recovery of Jerusalem ; moved thereto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, than for any other devotion else. And thus he said to his familiar ser- vants : " Since I submitted myself and my lands, England and Ire- land, to the church of Rome (sorrow come to it !) never a thing hath prospered with me, but all hath gone against me. 11 In the same year, a.d. 1215, was Simon Langton chosen arch- bishop of York ; but that election soon after was dissolved ; for information was given to the pope, that the said Simon was brother to Stephen Langton, the archbishop of Canterbury, who had been the occasion of all the tumults which were at that time in England. The pope had the more hate unto him, for that he had brought him up from nought, and did find him, at that time, so stubborn ; wherefore he placed in his brother's place Walter Gray, the bishop of Wor- cester. Guaio, ( In the next year Gualo, the pope's legate, renewed his great curse legate? 6 8 upon Louis, the French king's son, for usurping upon King John ; thegreat n ^ ew i se upon Simon Langton, and Gervais Hobruge, for provoking curse him to the same, and that with a wonderful solemnity ; for in doing French that, he made all the bells to be rung, the candles to be lighted, the Bon gs doors to be opened, and the book of excommunications or interdic- Appendix tions publicly to be read, committing them wholly to the devil, for their contumacy and contempt. He also commanded the bishops and curates to publish it abroad over all the whole realm, to the terror of The , all his subjects. The said Simon and Gervais laughed him to scorn, pope's o i o ^ 7 curse and derided much his doings in that behalf, saying, that for the just to U S corn. title of Louis, they had appealed to the general council at Rome. 1 The magistrates and citizens of London did, likewise, vilipend and disdainfully mock all that the pope had there commanded and done ; and, in spite both of him and his legate, they kept company with them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church ; showing themselves, thereby, as open contemners both of him and his laws. Louis, at London, taking himself for king, constituted Simon Langton for his high chancellor, and Gervais Hobruge for his chief preacher ; by whose daily preachings (as well the barons as the citizens them- selves being excommunicated) he caused all the church doors to be opened, and the service to be sung, and the said Louis was in all Pan- points fit for their hands. About this time Pandulph, the cardinal, the pope's Was collecting the Peter-pence, that old pillage of the pope, taking Sad? 01 ' great pains therein ; and for his great labours in those affairs of holy Norwkrf cnurcn ' an( ^ °ther great miracles besides, he was then made bishop of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignity and expenses. It chanced, about this time, that the viscount of Melun, a very noble man of the realm of France, who came thither with Prince Louis, fell deadly sick in London, and being moved, in conscience, to (1) Radulphus Niger, cap. 43, 44. THE PERPLEXITY OF THE BARONS. 339 call certain of the English barons unto him, such as were there John. appointed to the custody of that city, said unto them : " I lament "aTdT your sorrowful case, and pity, with my heart, the destruction that is 1216. coming towards you and your country. 1 The dangerous snares, which The gre a« are prepared for your utter confusion, are hidden from you ; you do J™"- f not behold them ; but take you heed of them in time. Prince Louis God for hath sworn a great oath, and sixteen of his earls and noblemen are of S Eng? counsel with him, that, if he obtain the crown of England, he will - and banish all them from service, and deprive them of lands and goods, as many as he findeth now to go against their liege king, and are traitors to his noble person. And, because you shall not take this tale for a fable, I assure you on my faith, lying now at the mercy of God, that I was one of those who were sw r orn to the same. I have great conscience thereof, and, therefore, I give you this warning. I pity poor England, which hath been so noble a region, that now it is come to such extreme misery." And when he, with tears, had lamented it a space, he turned again unto them and said : " My friends, I counsel you earnestly to look to yourselves, and to provide the remedy in time, lest it come upon you unawares : your king for a season hath kept you under, but if Louis prevail, he will deprive you of all ; of two extreme evils, choose the more easy, and keep that secret which I have told you of good will." With that he gave over, and departed this life. When this was once noised among the barons, they were in great Perpiex- heaviness, for they saw themselves bytrapped every way, and to be in ^tresis exceeding great danger. And this daily augmented that fear which jJJJSfc then came upon them ; they were extremely hated of the pope and his legates, and every week came upon them new excommunications. Daily detriments they had besides in their possessions and goods, in their lands and houses, corn and cattle, wives and children, so that some of them were driven to such need, that they w r ere enforced to seek preys and booties for sustaining their miserable lives. For look, whatsoever Prince Louis obtained by his wars, either territories or castles, he gave them all to his Frenchmen, in spite of their heads, and said that they were but traitors, like as they had warning before ; and this grieved them worst of all. At last, perceiving that in seeking to avoid one mischief, they were ready to fall into another much worse, they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit themselves wholly, with all humility, unto the mercy of their late sovereign and natural liege lord, King John ; and, as they were some- what in doubt of their lives for the treason before committed, many of the friends of those who were of most credit with him, made suit for them ; so that a great number of them were pardoned, after instant and great suit made for them. I here omit his recovery of Rochester castle and city, with many other dangerous adventures against the aforesaid Louis, both at London, York, Lincoln, Win- chester, Norwich, and other places, as things not pertaining to my purpose. And now I return to my matter again. Into Suffolk and Norfolk he consequently journeyed, with a very strong army of men, and there with great mischief he afflicted them, because they had given place and w r ere sworn to his enemies. After (1) Matth. Paris ; Radul. Niger, cap. 47 z 2 . 340 KING JOHN POISONED BY A MONK. nocent Ill.dieth Appendix See Appendix, John, that, he despoiled the abbeys of Peterborough and Crowland, for the A D great treasons which they also had wrought against him ; and so he 1216. departed from thence into Lincolnshire. Pope in- I n this year, a.d. 1216, about the seventeenth day of July, died Pope Innocent III., and was buried in a city called Perugia, in Italy ; SIT whither he had travelled to make a peace between the Genoese and Pisans, for his own commodity and advantage. After him, anon, succeeded one Centius, otherwise called Honorius III., a man of very great age ; yet lived he, in the papacy, ten years and a half, and more. When this was once known in England, all those greatly rejoiced who were King John's enemies, especially the priests ; yet had they small cause, as will appear hereafter. They noised it all the realm over, that this new pope would set up a new order, and not rule all things as the other pope did ; thinking, thereby, that he would have done all things to their commodity, but they found it otherwise. For he made all those who were excommunicated, pay double and treble, ere they could be restored again to their former livings. King And, in the self-same year, as King John was come to Swineshead poisoned abbey, not far from Boston, he rested there two days ; where, as monk. most writers testify, he was most traitorously poisoned by a monk of that abbey, of the sect of the Cistercians, or St. Bernard's brethren, called Simon of Swineshead. As concerning the noble personage of this prince, this witness giveth Roger Hoveden thereon : " Doubt- less, 1 saith he, " King John was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate as many were ; not altogether unlike to Marius, the noble Roman, he tasted of fortune both ways ; bountiful in mercy ; in wars sometime he won, sometime again he lost." " He was also very bounteous and liberal unto strangers, but of his own people, for their daily treason's sake, he was a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to foreigners than to them.'" 1 Among other divers and sundry conditions belonging to this king, one there was, which is not in him to be reprehended, but commended rather ; for that, being far from the superstition which kings at that time were commonly subject to, he regarded not the popish mass, as in certain chronicles writing of him may be collected ; for this I find testified of him by Matthew Paris : that the king, once upon a time, in his hunting, coming where a very fat stag was cut up and opened King (or how the hunters term it, I cannot tell), the king beholding the rideth 6 " fatness and the liking of the stag : " See," saith he, " how easily and the mass na ppj]y fte na th lived, and yet for all that, he never heard any mass. 1 '' It is recorded and found in the chronicle of William Caxton, called " Fructus temporum," and in the seventh book, that the aforesaid monk Simon, being much offended with certain talk that the king had at his table, concerning Louis, the French king's son, who then had entered and usurped upon him, did cast, in his wicked heart, how he most speedily might bring him to his end. And, first of all, he counselled with his abbot, showing him the whole matter, and wo be to what he was minded to do. He alleged for himself the prophecy of can good Caiaphas (John xi.), saying, " It is better that one man die, than *vii, and all the people should perish." " I am well contented," saith he, " to lose my life, and so become a martyr, that I may utterly destroy (1) Ex chronico cui titulus " Eulcgium." OPINIONS RESPECTING HIS DEATH. 341 this tyrant. 1 "' With that the abbot did weep for gladness, and much John. commended his fervent zeal, as he took it. The monk, then, being ^.D. absolved beforehand of his abbot for doing this act, went secretly 1216. into the backside of the garden, and finding there a most venomous S ;mon toad, he so pricked him and pressed him with his penknife, that he ^JJJJJJ made him vomit all the poison that was within him. This done, he by his conveyed it into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and nattering poisoning countenance he said thus to the king : " If it shall like your princely his king - majesty, here is such a cup of wine as ye never drank better before, in all your lifetime ; I trust this wassail shall make all England glad; 11 and, with that, he drank a great draught thereof, the king pledging him. The monk anon after went to the farmary, and there Dieth of died, his entrails gushing out of his body, and had continually from p 0 i S on. n thenceforth three monks to sing mass for his soul, confirmed by their general chapter. What became, after that, of King John, ye shall know right well in the process following. I would ye did mark well the wholesome proceedings of these holy votaries, how virtuously they obey their king, whom God hath appointed, and how religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions, and masses. The king, within a short space after, feeling great grief in his body, asked for Simon, the monk ; and answer was made that he was departed this life. " Then God have mercy upon me, 11 said he, "I suspected as much, after he had said that all England should thereof be glad; he meant, now I perceive, those of his own generation. 11 With that he commanded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So went he from thence to Sleaford castle, and from Death of thence to Newark-on-Trent, and there, within less than three days, fjgf> he died. Upon his death-bed he much repented his former life, and forgave all them, with a pitiful heart, that had done him injury; desiring that his elder son, Henry, might be admonished by his a prince example, and learn by his misfortunes to be natural, favourable, Jjjgj gentle, and loving to his native people. When his body was to Ms embalmed and spiced, as the manner is of kings, his bowels or subjects entrails were buried at Croxton abbey, which, was held by the sect of Premonstratenses, or canons of St. Norbert. His hired soldiers, King both Englishmen and strangers, were still about him, and followed his corpse triumphantly in their armour, till they came to the cathedral church of Worcester, and there honourably was he buried by Silvester, the bishop, betwixt St. Oswald and St. Wolstan, two bishops of that church. He died a.d. 1216, the nineteenth day of October, after he had reigned in such calamity, by the subtile contrivance of his clergy, eighteen years and six months and odd days. Now, as soon as King John was dead and buried (as is said before), the princes, lords, and barons, as many as were of his part, as well of strangers as of them that were born here, by counsel of the legate Gualo, gathered themselves together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henry, his son, for their king. Of him more shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter. Many opinions are among the chroniclers of the death of King comra- J ohn. Some of them do write that he died of sorrow and heaviness opifis of heart, as Polydore ; some of surfeiting in the night, as Radulphus •JJ'JJJ" Niger ; some of a bloody flux, as Roger Hoveden ; some of a end. John buried at Wor cester. THE FIRST MAYOR OF LONDON. See Appendix Appendix. John, burning ague, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, sonic of A D eating pears, some of plums, &c. 1216. Thus you see what variety is among the writers concerning the ~" death of this King John. Of which writers, although the most agree in this, that he was poisoned by the monk above named, yet Matthew Paris, 1 something differing from the others, writeth thus concerning his death : that he, going from Lynn to Lincolnshire, and there hearing of the loss of his carriage and of his treasures upon the washes, gave way to great heaviness of mind, insomuch that he fell thereby into a fervent fever, being at the abbey of Swineshead. This ague he also increased, through evil surfeiting and naughty diet, by eating peaches and drinking new ciser, or, as we call it, cider. Thus, being sick, he was carried from thence to the castle of Sleaford, and from thence to the castle of Newark ; where, calling for Henry, his son, he gave to him the succession of his crown and kingdom, writing to all his lords and nobles to receive him for their king. Shortly after, in the night following St. Luke's day, he departed this life, and was buried at Worcester. Another In Gisburn I find otherwise, who, dissenting from others, saith, ofSg that he was poisoned with a dish of pears, which the monk had death* prepared for the king, therewith to poison him ; who, asking the king whether he would taste of his fruit, and being bid to bring them in, according to the king"^ bidding, so he did. At the bringing in whereof (saith the story) the precious stones about the king began to sweat ; insomuch that the king misdoubting some poison, demanded, of the monk, what he had brought. He said, of his fruit, and that very good ; the best that ever he did taste. " Eat," said the king. And he took one of the pears, which he did know, and did eat. Also, being bid to take another, he did eat that likewise, savourily, and so likewise the third. Then the king, refraining no longer, took one of the poisoned pears, and was therewith poisoned, as is before narrated. 2 The first In the reign of this King John, the citizens of London first Lo a ndon° f obtained of the king to choose yearly a mayor. In this reign also the bridge of London was first builded of stone, which before was of wood. 3 HENRY THE THIRD. 4 A.D. After King John had reigned, as some say, seventeen years, or 1216 - as others say, though falsely, nineteen years, he was, as is above stated, poisoned, and died. This king left behind him four sons and three daughters ; the first, Henry ; the second, Richard, who was earl of Cornwall; the third, William of Valentia; the fourth, Guy de Lusignan: he had also another son, who afterwards was made bishop. Of his daughters, the first was Isabella, married afterward to Frederic, the emperor; the second, named Elenor, was married to William, earl marshal; the third, to Mountfort, the earl of Leicester, &c. Another story saith, that he had but two daughters, Isabella and S*e (i) Matth. Paris, in Vita Johannis Regis. (2) Ex Hist. Gualt. Gisburn. (3) Rastal. Appendix. (4) Edition 1563, p. 72. Ed. 1583, p. 257. Ed. 1596, p. 234. Ed. 1684, vol.i. p. 290.— Ed HENRY III. CROWNED AT GLOUCESTER. 343 Elenor, or, as another calleth her, Joan, who was afterwards queen of ff««r» Scotland. 1 _ This King John being deceased, who had many enemies both of earls and barons, and especially of the popish clergy, Henry, the 1 216, eldest son, was then of the age of nine years, at which time, most of the lords of England did adhere to Ludovic, or Louis, the French king's son, whom they had sent for before, in displeasure of King John, to be their king, and had sworn to him their allegiance. Then William, earl Marshal, a nobleman, and of great authority, and a grave and sound counsellor, friendly and quietly called unto him divers earls and barons, and taking this Henry, the young prince, son of King John, setteth him before them, using these words : " Behold," saith he, " right honourable and well-beloved, although saying we have persecuted the father of this young prince 2 for his evil Marshal, demeanour, and worthily ; yet this young child, whom here ye see before you, as he is in years tender, so is he pure and innocent from these his fathers doings : wherefore, inasmuch as every man is charged only with the burden of his own works and transgressions, neither shall the child, as the scripture teacheth us, bear the iniquity of his father ; we ought, therefore, of duty and conscience, to pardon this young and tender prince, and take compassion of his age, as ye see. And now, forasmuch as he is the king's natural and eldest son, and must be our sovereign and king, and successor of this kingdom, come, and let us appoint him our king and governor, and let us remove from us this Louis, the French king's son, and suppress his people, which is a confusion and a shame to our nation ; and the yoke of our servitude let us cast off from our shoulders." To these words spake and answered the earl of Chester : " And by what reason or right," Av ^ii • • i 1 • t P English- to the ears ot the barons, as is said, gave them to consider more with STdmit themselves, whereby many of them were the more willing to leave mifi 11 Louis, and apply to their natural king and prince ; which, no less, into the may also be an admonition to all times and ages for Englishmen to !eam ' take heed, and not to admit or to place foreign rulers in the realm, lest, perhaps, it follow that they be displaced themselves. a bad After the happy departure of Louis and his Frenchmen out of the bbweth^ land, a.d. 1217, whereby the state of this realm, long vexed before, profit" 1 was now somewna t more quieted ; immediately Gualo, the legate, looking to his harvest, directeth forth inquisitors through every shire to search out all such bishops, abbots, priors, canons, and secular priests, of what order or degree soever they were, who, with any succour or counsel, did either help, or else consent unto Louis ; for all these were exempted out of the charter of pardon and absolution made before, between the king and Louis. By reason of this, no small gain grew to the pope and the cardinal, for all such were either put out of their livings and sent up to the pope, or else were fain to biSpof ^ ne swee ^y f° r them. Among whom (besides a great number of Lincoln, other clerks, both religious and secular) was Hugh, bishop of Lincoln, ethhS 1 who, for the recovery of his bishopric, disbursed one thousand marks fo? h o°ne ric ^° ^ ne P°P e 5 an( i one hundred marks to the aforesaid Gualo, the thousand legate, who now (as Paris recordeth) by this time had gathered in a marks, crQ p Q £ which he did never sow. 1 Death of About this season, or not much before, died Pope Innocent III., nocent n ~ m the nineteenth year of his popedom, to whose custody Frederic, IIL the nephew of Frederic Barbarossa, being yet young, was committed Appendix, by the empress his mother, of whom more shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter. After this Innocent succeeded Pope Honorius IIL, who, writing to young King Henry in a special letter, exhorteth him to the love of virtue, and to the fear of God ; namely,, to be circum- spect with what familiars and resort he acquainted himself ; but principally, above all other things, he admonisheth him to reverence the church, which is the spouse of Christ, and to honour the minis- ters thereof, in whom Christ himself, saith he, is both honoured or despised. — And this seemeth the chiefest article of that his writing to him. 2 tai s e tr of nge ^ ^ n * s P°P e Honorius the abbot of Ursperg (who lived in the Pope Ho- same time) reporteth a strange wonder, more strange peradventure rt 0 be U true. than credible ; which is this : Honorius being priest in Rome (whose name was then Centius) and procurator to Jacinth, a cardinal so it befel, that his master sent him abroad about Rome, to borrow and (1) Ex Matth. Paris, in Vita Reg. Henr. III. (2) Ex Matth. Taris. KING HENRY CONFIRMS MAGNA CHART A. 347 procure money for him against his journey into Spain ; for Pope Henry Clement then intended to send this Jacinth, as his legate, into Spain. ! — As this Centius was walking by himself, all sad and solicitous to speed A - his master's message, there cometh to him a certain aged and reverend 1218 , father, and asketh him, what cause he had to walk so heavily and carefully ? To whom he answered again, and signified the occasion of the business that he then had to do. Then the old father said to him, " Go and return home again, for thy master," saith he, u shall not, at this time, go to Spain." " How so," quoth the other ; " how, is that true?" u As true," saith he, "as it is certain that the pope shall die, and thy master shall be pope after him." Centius, thinking that to be unlikely, said, " He could not believe that to be true." To whom the other inferreth again, " So know this," said he, " to be as certain, as it is true that the city of Jerusalem, this day, is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recovered again from them before the time of thy papacy." And thus speaking, he vaded suddenly away. 1 All this, saith the same author, came afterwards to pass, and was testified of the same Honorius, being pope afterwards, Appendix in his public sermons at Rome. All which I grant may be ; and yet, notwithstanding, this fabulous narration may be a piece of the pope's old practices, subtilely invented, to drive men forth to Jerusalem to fight. Again, after Honorius (when he had governed ten years) followed Gregory IX., which two popes were in the time of this King Henry III. and of Frederic II. the emperor; of whom we mind (Christ willing) further to touch, after that we shall have prosecuted more concerning the history of King Henry, and matters of England. After that, it so pleased the merciful providence of Almighty God to work this great mercy upon the stock of King John (notwith- standing the unkind prelates, with their false prophets, had declared before, that never any of them should succeed in the throne after that king), and also unto the whole commonwealth of the realm, in delivering them from the dangerous service of Louis, and the afore- said Frenchmen. After their departure, the following year, a.d. 1218, which was the second of this king's reign, the Archbishop Stephen App s e n di3 ., Langton, and the bishops, earls, and barons, resorted to London unto the king at the Michaelmas next following, and there held a great parliament, wherein were confirmed and granted by the king all King the franchises which were made and given by King John, his father, Srms at Runnemede, and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter ; ^ e e s liber " which, long time after (saith mine author) unto his days did con- granted tinue, and were holden in England. For this cause, by the nobles John!" 8 and commons were given and granted again unto the king two shillings for every plough-land throughout England. At this time Hubert de Burgh was made chief justice of England, of whose troubles Ap pmMx. more is to be said hereafter. This was the third year of King Henry,and the forty-ninth year after the death of Thomas Becket : wherefore the said Becket, in the year following, was taken up and Thomas shrined for a new saint made of an old rebel. Thither came such fhSitd. resort of people of England and of France, that the country of Kent was not sufficient to sustain them. 2 About the same time, Isabella, Appe e n e dix _ the king's mother, was married to the earl of March ; and William (1) Ex Abbate Ursperg. in Chronico. (2^ Ex Historia D Scales. 348 ALIENS BANISHED FROM THE LAN'D. Appendix. Henry Marshal, the good earl, who was the governor of the king and the _ realm, died, not without great lamentation of the people of England. A. D. Then was the king committed to the government of Peter, bishop " l ' of Winchester. This noble earl left behind him five sons and five Appendix, daughters. ♦'This year, which was 1218 from Christ's incarnation, Gualo made a general inquisition, nigh all the realm over, for them who did not observe the interdiction published for rebels in the first year of this young king ; for whose transgression, both to priests and monks he appointed divers and many penalties grievous ; some he suspended from their offices, and some he deprived of their benefices; so that, as well the unguilty as the guilty were compelled largely to pay.* a.d.1219. In the next year, a.d. 1219, it was ordained and proclaimed Aliens through all the land, that all aliens and foreigners should depart the manded realm, and not return to the same again ; such only excepted as used England, traffic or trade of merchandise under the king's safe conduct. This proclamation was thought chiefly to be set forth for this cause, to rid See the land of Foukes de Breant, Philip de Marks, Engelard de Ci- conia, William earl of Albemarle, Robert de Vipount, Brian de ITsle, Hugh de Bailluel, Roger de Gaugi, with divers other strangers, who kept castles and holds of the king's, against his will. Of these, the Rebels beforenamed Foukes, was the principal, who fortified and held the against cas t] e 0 f Bedford, which he had by the gift of King John, with Henry, might and strength against the king and his power, nearly the space of three months. Moreover, he went about to apprehend the king's justices, at Dunstable ; but they, being warned thereof, escaped, all except Henry Braybroke, whom he imprisoned in the said castle. The king, hearing hereof, and consulting with his clergy and nobles, made his power against the same ; which, after long siege and some slaughter, at length he obtained, and hanged almost all that were within, to the number of ninety-seven; which was, as Paris writeth, about the seventh or eighth year of his reign. Foukes, at that time, was in Wales ; who, hearing of the taking of the castle, conveyed himself to the church of Coventry. At length, submitting himself to the king's mercy, upon consideration of his service done before to the king's father, he was committed to the custody of Eustace, bishop of London ; and afterwards, being deprived of all his goods, possessions, and tenements, within the realm, was forced to perpetual banishment, never to return to England again. Here, by the way, I find it noted in Matthew Paris, that after this aforesaid Foukes had spoiled and rased the church of St. Paul in Bedford, for the building up of his castle, the abbess of Helvestue, 2 hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the image of St. Paul standing in the church, so long as Foukes remained unpunished. Afterwards, hearing that he was committed to the custody of St. Paul in London, she caused the sword to be put into the hands of the image again. 3 a.d 1220 About this year the young king was crowned the second time at "ow?ed Westminster, about which period began the new building of our tne * e : Ladv church at Westminster. Shortly after Gualo, the legate, was condtime >> f ' 0 J at West- minster. (1) For this passage see Edition 1.563. p. 70 * i. v.-Eb. See (2) Now called Elstow — En. (3) Matth. Paris, in Vita Hen. III. Appendix DECREES OF POPE INNOCENT III. 349 called home again to Rome ; for the holy father (as Matthew Paris Henry reporteth) being sick of a spiritual dropsy, thought this Gualo I£L - (having such large occupying in England, and for so long a time) AD - would be able somewhat to cure his disease. **For that legate, 1 by that time, had well favouredly unloden the purses of the bene- ficed fathers and cloisterers.* And so this Gualo returned with all his bags well stuffed, leaving Pandulph behind him to supply that bailiwick of his great grandfather, the pope. *Hugh Wells, Appendix. then bishop of Lincoln, not long before, paid a thousand marks for the recovery of his office, and a hundred marks to the legate for his favour also in that case : other holy bishops and prelates, likewise, Heat, 0 r were taught, by his good example, to qualify that great heat, or dry oJ y t ^ irSt thirst of the pope ; Robert Curson at that time being a priest cardinal pope, in Rome.* The life and acts of Pope Innocent III. are partly described Deeds before, how he intruded Stephen Langton, against the king's will, into cries of the archbishopric of Canterbury, stirring up also sixty-four monks Sent 11 of the same church of Canterbury privily to work against the king. m« Moreover, how he did excommunicate the said king as a public enemy of the church, so long as the said king withstood his tyran- nical doings, putting him and his whole kingdom under interdiction for the space of six years and three months, and at length deposing Appendix. and depriving him of his sceptre, and keeping it in his own hands for five days. How he absolved his subjects from their due obe- dience and subjection unto him. How he gave away his kingdoms and possessions to Louis, the French king's son, commanding the said Louis to spoil him both of lands and life. Whereupon the king, being forsaken of his nobles, prelates, and commons, was forced, against his will, to submit himself, and swear obedience to the pope, paying him a yearly tribute of one thousand marks, for receiving of his kingdom again ; whereby both he, and his successors after him, were vassals afterwards unto the pope. These were the apostolical acts of this holy vicar in the realm of England. More- over, he condemned Almeric, a worthy learned man and a bishop, Aimeric for a heretic, for teaching and holding against images. Also he chSncon- condemned the doctrine of Joachim the abbot, of whom we spake demned. before, for heretical. This pope brought first into the church the tithes e paying of private tithes ; he ordained the receiving once a year at j£ ou s ht Easter ; unto the papal decretals he added the decree, " Omnes utriusque sexus," &c. ; also the reservation of the sacrament, and the Ben and going with the bell and light before the sacrament was by him Thecanon appointed. In the said council of Lateran he also ordained that the of the canon of the mass should be received with equal authority as though thorised. it had proceeded from the apostles themselves. He brought in tran- SSG?" substantiation. 2 tion - Item, the said Innocent III. ordained that none should marry Marriage in the third degree, but only in the fourth degree, and so under. IhirdW The said pope stirred up Otho against Philip, the emperor, Sen*" because the said Philip was elected emperor against his will ; upon the occasion whereof followed much war and slaughter in Germany. (1) For this, and the sentence next but one, see Edition 1563, p. 70, * I. v.— Ed. '2) See the decretals, titulo, I. "De Summa Trinit. et fide Catholica," cap. "firmiter credimus." 350 MARTYRDOMS IN ALSACE. Henry And afterwards, against the said Otho, whom he had made emperor, r _he set up Frederic, king of Sicily, and caused the archbishop of A. D. Mayence to pronounce him excommunicate in all his titles, and to be 1220 - deposed of his empire ; for the which cause the princes of Germany The pope did invade his domains, spoiling and burning his possessions. The Lings and cause why the pope so did accurse and depose him, was that the said teethe? Otho did take ancl 0CCU Py cities, towns, and castles, which the pope by the appertained to him. Item, the said pope ordained, that if any princes offended one another, the correction should appertain unto the pope. In the of°La Ci! fourth council of Lateran, a. d. 1215, were archbishops and primates teran. sixty-one, bishops four hundred, abbots twelve, priors and con- See ventuals eight hundred, besides other ambassadors, legates, and doc- Appendt*. _ an( ^ Q £ j aw y ers an innumerable sort, &c. Martyrs I n the history of Huldricus Mutius, we read how, a. d. 1212, in this pope's time divers noblemen and others in the country of Alsace, contrary to the tradition of the Romish popes, did hold that every day was free for eating of flesh, so it be done soberly ; also that exces- day!" sive eating of fish was as bad as excessive eating of flesh ; also that they did wickedly, who restrained priests and ministers from their lawful wives ; for which cause (as is in the aforesaid author) through the means of this Pope Innocent III. and his bishops, a hundred of them in one day were burned and martyred by the archbishop of Strasburg. coiiec- Nauclerus, another historian, recordeth, that the authors of the «ons sent ga ^ d oc t rm e dwelt at Milan, and that the aforesaid saints of Alsace from the 7 brethren used yearly to send them a collection. of AlSclC6 to them In the chronicle of Waiter Hemingford, otherwise called Gisburn- obser laD ens i s > * s recorded, that in the days of this King John and Pope Inno- vant cent, began the two sects, or orders of friars, one called 4 the preachers 1 of Alsace to the number of one hundred burned in one friars be gan order, and black friars of St. Dominic the other called ' the mi- dppmdiR nor ites of St. Francis.** The preachers of the black friars' 1 order began from one Dominic, a Spaniard, about the parts of Toulouse, who, after he had laboured ten years in preaching against the Albigenses, 1 and such others as did hold against the church of Rome, afterward coming up to the council of Lateran with Fulco, bishop of Toulouse, desired of the aforesaid Innocent III. to have his order of preaching friars confirmed, which the pope a great while refused to grant. At length he had a dream, that the church of Lateran was ready to fall ; which when he beheld, fearing and much sorrowing thereat, cometh in this Dominic, who, with his shoulders, under-propped the church, and so preserved the building thereof from falling. And right well this upholders dream may seem verified, for the friars have always been the chief of the pillars and upholders of the pope's church. Upon this, the pope, chmch. waking out of his dream, called Dominic to him, and granted his (1) It may be proved from the writings of Romish ecclesiastics, and from the canons of councils, for two hundred years before the preaching of Dominic, that religious doctrines, in opposition to the corruptions of the Latin church, prevailed very generally in the south of France, particularly in Languedoc, and in that part of it which was called Albigensium, or Pays d'Albigeois. But the name Albigenses, as applied to designate the religious body opposed to the authority of the pope, does -not occur in any document before the end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century. A letter of Innocent III., to Simon de Montfort, in 1215, is one of the earliest authentic records, which gives the appellation Albigenses to the unhappy people, against whom papal vengeance was directed until they were exterminated. Peter of Vaux Sernay, who had put forth his work againtt the Albigenses in 1218, states, that the heretics of Languedoc were usually called the heretics of Toulouse and Provence, until the strangers who assumed the Cross and took up arms against them in the year 1068, styled them generally Albigenses ; the diocese of Albi being the centre of the heretical population. See " Vaissette, Histoire Generale de Languedoc," vol. iii. p. 553. " Note surl'origine du nom d'Abi- geois."— Ed, DIFFERENT SECTS OF FRANCISCANS. 351 petition : and so came up this wolfish order of the Dominies. I call Henry it 4 wolfish, 1 for his mother, when she was great with this Dominic, — dreamed that she had within her a wolf, that had a burning torch in jjMjJ- its mouth. This dream the preachers of that order do greatly ad- vance, and expound to their order's glory, as well as they can ; never- theless, howsoever they expound it, they can make a wolf but a wolf, and this, a wolfish order. The rule which they follow seemeth to be taken out of St. Augustine, as who should say, that Christ's rule were not enough to make a christian man. Their profession standeth upon three principal points, as thus described : 44 Having charity, holding humility, and possessing wilful poverty." 1 Their habit and clothing is black. The order of the minors or minorite friars descended from one Minorite Francis, an Italian of the city of Assisi. This Assisian ass, who desSnd- I suppose was some simple and rude idiot, hearing, upon a time, how l^ from Christ sent forth his disciples to preach, thought to imitate the same Francis, in himself and his disciples, and so left off his shoes : he had but one coat, and that of coarse cloth. Instead of a latchet to his shoe, and of a girdle, he took about him a hempen cord, and so he apparelled his disciples ; teaching them to fulfil (for so he speaketh) the perfec- tion of the gospel, to apprehend poverty, and to walk in the way of holy simplicity. He left in writing, to his disciples and followers, his rule, which he called " Regulam Evangelicam," the rule of the gospel. As though the gospel of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all christian men, but it must take its perfection of frantic Francis. And yet, for all that great presumption of this Francis, and notwith- standing this his rule, sounding to the derogation of Christ's gospel, he was confirmed by this Pope Innocent. Yea, and such fools this Francis found abroad, that, not only he had followers of his doltish religion, both of the nobles and unnobles of Rome, but also some there were, who builded mansions for him and his friars. This Francis, as he was superstitious in casting all things from him, as his girdle, girding a cord about him ; so, in outward chastising of him- self, so strait he was to his flesh, leaving the ordinary remedy appointed by God, that in the winter season he covered his body with ice and snow. He called poverty his Lady ; he kept nothing over- night. So desirous he was of martyrdom, that he went to Syria to the Sultan, who received him honourably ; whereby it may be thought, that surely he told not the truth, as St. John Baptist did in Herod's house, for truth is seldom welcome in courts, and in the world. But it is hard to make a martyr of him who is no true confessor. I will here pass over the fable, how Christ and his saints did mark him with five wounds. These Franciscan or begging friars, although they were Diver? all under one rule and clothing of St. Francis, yet they be divided Sncis- into many sects and orders; some go on treen shoes or pattens, some can8 - barefooted ; some are regular Franciscans or observants, some minors or minorites, others be called 4 minimi,' others of the gospel, others 4 de caputio.' They all differ in many things, but accord in super- stition and hypocrisy. And forasmuch as we have here entered into the matter of these two orders of friars, by the occasion hereof, f thought a little, by the way, to digress from our story, in reciting the (1) " Charitatem habantes, humilitatem servantes, et paupertatem voluntariam possidentes." 852 THE NAMES OF THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. Henry III. A.D. 1220. whole catalogue or rabblement of monks, friars, and nuns, of all sects, rules and orders, set up and confirmed by the pope. The names of whom here in order of the alphabet follow. The Rabblement of Religious Orders. Augustinians, the first order Ambrosians, two sorts Antony's Heremites . . Austin's Heremites . . Austin's Observants . . Armenians' sect. Ammonites and Moabites. A.D. 490 324 498 490 Basilius' order 384 Benet's order 524 Bernardus' order 1120 Barefooted Friars 1222 Bridget's order 1370 Beghearts, or White Spirits . .1399 Brethren of Jerusalem . . .1103 Brethren of St. John de civitate, Black Friars 1220 Brethren of wilful Poverty. Cluniacensis order . . . . 913 Canons of St. Augustine . . .1080 Charterhouse order .... 1086 Cisterciensis order 1098 Crossbearers, or Crossed Friars . 1216 Carmelites or White Friars . . 1212 Clara's order 1225 Celestine's order 1297 Camaldulensis order . . . . 950 Cross-starred Brethren. Constantinopolitanish order. Crossbearers. Chapter Monks. Dutch order 1216 Dominic Black Friars . . .1220 Franciscans 1224 Grandmontensis order . . . 1076 Gregorian order 594 George's order 1407 Gulielmites 1246 Gerundinensis order. Galilei, or Galileans. Heremites. Helen's brethren. Humiliati . 1166 Hospital Brethren. Holy Ghost order. Jerom's orders, two sorts . . 1412 John's Heremites. Justin's order 1432 John's order, Joannitcs, or Knights of the Rhodes . . . 380,1308 lajesuati 1365 Jerome's Heremites .... 490 Joseph's order. Jacobites' sect. James's Brethren order. James's Brethren with the Sword. Indians' order. Katharine of Sienna's order. . 1455 Keyedmonks, Knights of Rhodes. Lazarites, or Mary Magdalenes, our Lady Brethren .... 1034 Lords of Hungary. Minorites, which be divided into Conventuales, Observantes, Reformate, Collectane, De Caputio, De Evangelio, Amedes, Clarini, and others. Minors, or Minorites .... 1224 Mary's Servants 1304 Monks of Mount Olivet . . .1046 Marovinies sect. Minorites' sect. Monachi and Monachse. Morbonei and Meresti. Menelaish and Jasonish sect. New Canons of St. Austin . . 1430 Nestorini. Nalheart Brethren. New Order of our Lady. Nazarsei. Paul's Heremites 345 Prasmonstratensis order . . .1119 Preacher order, or Black Friars. Peter the Apostle's order . . 1409 Purgatory Brethren. Rechabites. Sarrabites. Sambonites 1199 Scourgers, the first sect . . . 1266 Soldiers of Jesus Christ . . . 1323 Scopenites, or St. Salvator's order, 1 367 Specularii, or the Glass order. Sepulchre's order. Sheer order. Swerd's order. Starred Monks. Starred Friars. Sclavony order. THE PROPHECY OF HILDEGARD. 352 A. D. Scourgers, the second sect, called Ninevites. Stool Brethren. Scotland Brethren order. Sicarii. St. Sophy's order. A. D. Henry The Vale of Josaphat's order. iLL - A D Vallis Umbrosse 1400 12W Waldensis' sect. 1 - Wentzelaus' order. Wilhelmer order White Monks of Mount Olivet 1406 Templar Lords 1110 Templar Knights 1120 Zelotes' order. Thus liast thou, if thou please, gentle reader, the means of know ing what orders and what sects of religion have been set up by the pope ; the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could search them out, not only in books printed of late in Germany, namely, by the reverend father Martin Luther ; but also conferred with another English book which came to our hands, containing the "... . " same like notes of ancient antiquity, the number of which rabbi em ent of religious persons came to a hundred and one. Now as I have reck- oned up the names and varieties of these prodigious sects, it cometh to mind consequently to refer to the prophecy of Hildegard, as well against the whole rout of Romish prelates, and the fall of that church, as especially against the begging friars and such other unprofitable bellies of the church. This Hildegard is holden, of the papists themselves, to be a great prophetess, whose prophecy proceedeth in this manner ; first, against the priests and prelates of the Romish church, as followeth. THE PROPHECY OF HILDEGARD OF THE RUIN OF ROME, AND AppfSdU AGAINST THE BEGGING FRIARS. 2 Hildegard, a nun, and, as many judged, a prophetess, lived a. d. 1146. In her prophecies she doth most grievously reprehend, not only the wicked and abominable life of the spiritual papists, but also the contempt of the ecclesiastical office, and the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certain place she hath these words : "And now is the law neglected among the spiritual people, who neglect to teach and to do good things; the masters likewise, and the prelates do sleep, despising justice and laying it aside." In a certain vision the church appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complaining that the priests had bewrayed her face with dust, and rent her coat, &c, and that they did not shine over the people, either in doctrine or in example of life ; but rather the contrary, and that they have driven the innocent lamb from them. She said moreover, " That all (1) The reader may he surprised at seeing " Waldensis' sect " placed by Foxe among the " rabble- ment of religious orders." But the fact is, that in the year 1207 at a public disputation held at Pamiers against the Waldenses, a Waldensian named Durand, of Osca or Huesca in Aragon, ab- jured his Waldensian profession, and obtained a license from Pope Innocent III., dated December 13th of that year, for the establishment of a fraternity to be called " the Order or Society of Pool Catholics." Durand established, his sect in Aragon, and also propagated it with great industry in Languedoc ; where he became, however, suspected of a leaning towards his old opinions, and he was comph ined of to the pope by the bishops of those parts. His sect seems to have dwindled away. Gulielmus de Podio Laurentii, cap 8, in " Recueil des His'toriens des Gaules et de la France," -vol. xix. p. 200 ; and Vaissette " Hist. Gen. de Languedoc," vol. iii. p. 147. Binius, in a note in Labbe's Cone. Gen. torn. x. col. 1533, seems to refer to this sect. " Waldensis' sect," therefore, means "Durand's fraternity of Poor Catholics," a monastic body quite distinct from the Waldenses, though founded by a Waldensian. — This is not the only sect in this list which needs such an explanation. The " Injesuati" or " Jesuali," mentioned p. 352, are not to be confounded with the followers of Ignatius Lovola : see infra, p. 775, note (1). — Ed. (2) This version of Hildegard's Prophtcy has been collated with that in the Edition of p. 72 \ and some words introduced from thence. — Ed. VOL. II. A A $54 THE PROPHECY AGAINST THE RUIN OF ROME Henry ecclesiastical order did, every day, become worse and worse, and that u ' priests did not teach, but destroy the law of God ; and for these A - D - horrible crimes and impieties, she threateneth and prophesieth unto t 22Q - them God's most heavy wrath and displeasure, and doleful punish- ments. 11 There is no cause why the spiritual papists should flatter themselves upon this, that she promised again to the ministers of the Ap^ndis. church those good things to follow, like as Johannes de Rupe scissa doth, and other such like prophets ; for they say, it will come to pass, that they must repent before the times be amended. By which thing, undoubtedly, they mean the godly ministers in the reformed churches, who, for the most part, were of the spiritual number, and yet did forsake the dishonest life and those wicked idolatries. Now, whereas the priests and monks, that is, the whole rabble and spi- ritualtv, do account Hildegard for a true prophetess, they ought to consider that by her they are more severely accused, not as by a woman, but as by God himself. And I pray you, what abomination, impietv, and idolatry have not been committed, since that time, by the spiritualty ? I will note here a certain prophecy of hers, taken Appendix ou<; °f the " Common Places 11 of Henry Token, because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophesieth of the reformation of religion, and saith that it shall be most godly. a pro- " Then shall the crown of apostolical honour be divided, because fbedecay there shall be found no religion among the apostolical order, and Romish f° r tna ^ cause sna ^ tne ) T despise the dignity of that name, and shall set church, over them other men and other archbishops ; insomuch, that the apo- stolic see of that time (by the diminution of his honour) shall scarce have Rome, and a few other countries thereabout, under his crown. And these things shall partly come to pass by incursion of wars, and partly, also, by a common council and consent of the spiritual and secular persons. Then shall justice flourish, so that, in those days, men shall honestly apply themselves to the ancient customs and dis- cipline of ancient men, and shall observe them as the ancient men did. 11 The gloss agreeth therewith. Appendix. These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophecy of the aforesaid Hildegard, concerning the begging friars above men- tioned, reciting her words, not only as they are in a book printed lately in Germany, but also, as myself have seen and read, and still have the same to show written in old parchment leaves, agreeing to the same book word for word, in such sort, as the thing itself most evidently declareth a great iniquity of time. The words of her prophecy be these : — Hilde- j n those days shall arise a senseless people, proud, greedy, without faith, and phesying subtle, that shall eat the sins of the people ; holding a certain order of foolish of friars devotion under the dissimulated cloak of beggary, preferring themselves above moLks aU ot i iers by their feigned devotion; arrogant in understanding, and pretending holiness, walking without blushing or the fear of God, in inventing many new mischiefs strong and sturdy. But this order shall be accursed of all wise men, and Christ's faithful. They shall cease from all labour, and give themselves over unto idleness, choosing rather to live through flattery and begging. More- over they shall altogether study how they may perversely resist the teachers of the truth, and, with the mighty, kill them ; how to seduce and deceive AND THE BEGGING FRIARS. 355 the nobility, far the necessity of their living, and pleasures of this world: Henry for the devil will graft in them four principal vices ; that is to say, flattery IH - envy, hypocrisy, and backbiting. Flattery, that they may have large gifts " ^ j) given them. Envy, when they see gifts given to others, and not to them. J 9 ' 9 q' Hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation they may please men. Backbiting, that — '- they may extol and commend themselves, and dispraise others, for the praise of men, and seducing of the simple. Also they shall instantly preach, but without devotion or example of the martyrs; and shall report evil of secular princes, taking away the sacraments of the church from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable ; and also associating themselves with the common people, having familiarity with women, instruct- ing them how they may deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery and deceitful words, and rob their husbands to give it unto them, for they will take all these stolen and evil-gotten goods, and say, " Give it unto us, and we will pray for you;" so that they, being curious to hide other men's faults, do utterly forget their own. And alas, they will receive all things of rovers, 6 pickers, spoilers, thieves, and robbers ; sacrilegious persons, usurers, and adulterers ; heretics, schismatics, apostates, 1 noblemen, perjurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers, tyrants, princes living contrary to the lav/, and of many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetness of sin, a delicate and transitory life, and satiety even unto eternal damnation. All these things shall manifestly appear in them unto all people, and they, day by day, shall wax more wicked and hard-hearted : and when their wicked- ness and deceits shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, and they shall go about their houses hungry, and as mad dogs looking down upon the earth, and drawing in their necks as doves, 2 that they might be satisfied with bread. Then shall the people cry out upon them : " Woe be unto you, ye miserable children of sorrow ! the world hath seduced you, and the devil hath snaffled your mouths ; your flesh is frail, and your hearts without savour ; your minds have been unstedfast, and your eyes delighted in much vanity and folly ; your dainty bellies desire delicate meats ; your feet are swift to run unto mischief. Remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious ; poor in sight, but rich; simple to see to, but mighty flatterers, unfaithful betrayers, perverse detractors, holy hypocrites, subverters of the truth, overmuch upright, proud, shameless, unstedfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gain ; meek, but slanderers; religious, but covetous ; humble, but proud; pitiful, but hard- hearted liars; pleasant flatterers, peacemakers, persecutors, oppressors of the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves ; merciful thought, but found wicked ; lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefice? unprofitable orators, 14 seditious conspirators, drunkards, desirers of honours, maintainers of mischief, 4 robbers of the world, unsatiable preachers, men- pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord; of whom Moses, the glorious prophet, spake very well in his song, " A people without counsel or understanding : would to God they did know and understand, and foresee the latter end to come." You have builded up on high; and when you could ascend no higher, then did you fall, even as Simon Magus, whom God over- threw, and did strike with a cruel plague ; so you, likewise, through your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions and wickedness, are come to ruin. And the people shall say unto them, " Go, ye teachers of wickedness, subverters of the truth, brethren of the Shunamite, fathers of heretical pravity, 5 false apostles, which have feigned yourselves to follow the life of the apostles, and yet ye have not followed their steps, not in the least : ye sons of iniquity, we will not follow the knowledge of your ways; for pride and presumption hath deceived you, and insatiable concupiscence hath subverted your erroneous hearts." And when you would ascend higher than was meet or comely for you, by the just judg- ment of God, you are fallen back into perpetual opprobrium and shame This Hildegard, whose prophecy we have mentioned, lived about a.d. 1146, as we read in Chronico Martini. (.1) A coarse epithet is here omitted ; in Latin. " scorta et lense." — Ed. [2) " Doves"—" Turtles," Edition 1563.— Ed. (3) " Orators," "makers of prayer," Idem. (4) " Maintainers," &c. "curious in men's faults," Idem. (.5) " Heretical pravity," " Heresies," Idem. ^6) " Rovers, pickers ;" " rohers, pillers," Idem. A A % 356 ERRONEOUS OPINIONS RESPECTING THE ALBlGENSEb. Henry About the time that these Franciscans and Dominic Friars, above IIL mentioned, began, sprang up also the Cross-bearers, 1 or Crutch ed A. D. Friars, taking their original and occasion from Innocent III. ; which 122Q - Innocent raised up an army (signed with a cross on their breast) beaS *° a © amst tne Albigenses, whom the pope and his sect &iais. e accounted for heretics, about the parts of Toulouse. What these Albigenses were, it cannot be well gathered by the old popish his- tories : for if there were any who did hold, teach, or maintain against the pope, or his papal pride, or withstand and gainsay his beggarly traditions, rites, and religions, &c. the historians of that time, in writing of them, do, for the most part, so deprave and misreport them (suppressing the truth of their articles), that they make them and paint them forth to be worse than Turks and infidels. This, as I suppose, caused Matthew Paris, and others of that sort, to write so of them as they did : otherwise it is to be thought (and so I find in some records) that the opinions of the said Albigenses were sound enough, holding and professing nothing else, but against the wanton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the prelates, denying the pope's autho- rity to have ground of the Scriptures : neither could they away with their ceremonies and traditions, as images, pardons, purgatory of the Romish church, calling them, as some say, blasphemous occupyings, &c. Of these Albigenses were slain, at times, and burned a great A Pl lnd,r multitude, by the means of the pope and Simon Ecclesiasticus with others more. It seemeth that these Albigenses were chiefly abhorred of the pope, because they set up a contrary pope against him about the coasts of Bulgaria : for the which cause Conrad, bishop of Porto, being the pope's legate in those quarters, writeth to the archbishop of Rouen and other bishops, as hereunder written. 2 (1) The Albigenses hare been represented by some authors under the most revolting colours, and have been accused of every crime against religion, morality, and social order. But it is a singular testimony in their favour, that after the people, designated by this name, had continued to attract public notice by their opposition to the church of Rome, for many years, and -when Pope Innocent III. first resolved to put them down by fire and sword, by stirring up a crusade against them, he denounced them as enemies to the orthodox faith, and inveterate heretics, but made no allusion whatever to their moral turpitude ; on the contrary, he spoke of their professed rectitude and virtue. Innocent was elected pope in the beginning of the year 1198. In the April of that year he addressed a letter to the archbishop of Auch, inviting him to pursue the heretics of Gas- cony and the neighbouring regions with the temporal sword — " et etiam si necesse fuerit per principes et popuium eosdem facias virtute materialis gladii coerceri," — but not a word against their moral conduct. In the same month and year Innocent sent another letter to the archbishop of Aix, and letters also to all the bishops and archbishops of the south of France, to awaken their zeal against the innumerable adversaries of the Romish church ("innumeros populos") who peopled their dioceses. In these we have the following description of the objects of his displeasure : " Qui, iniquitatem suam justitiae specie palliantes, ut salutentur in foro, et vocentur ab hominibus Rabbi, et soli recta sapere ac juste vivere videantur, magisterium ecclesiae Romanae refugiunt." &c. See Recueil des Hist, des Gaules, vol. xix. p. 350; and Epist. InnoceiUii. III. lib. i. Ep. 81. 94.— En. (2) A Letter of the Bishop of Porto concerning the Albigenses.— ■" Venerabiiibus patribus, Dei gratia Rothomagensi archiepiscopo et ejus suffraganeis epLscopis, salutem in Domino JesuChristo. Dum pro sponsa veri Crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potius compellimur lacerari singultibus et plorare. Ecce quod vidimus loquimur. et quod scimus testificamur. Ille homo perditus, qui extollitur super omne quod colitur, aut dicitur Deus. jam habet perfidiae suae praeam- tmlura haeresiarcham, quern haeretici Albigenses papam suum nominant, habiiantem in finibus Bulsarorum et Croatiae et Dalmatiae. juxta Hungarorum nationem. Ad eum confiuunt haeretici A.bigenses, ut ad eorum consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius anti- papae gerens Bartholomaeus. haereticorum episcopus, funestam ei exhibendo reverentiam sedem et Jocum concessit in villa quae Porlos appellatur, et seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas. Iste Bartholomaeus. in literarum suarum undique discurrentium tenore, se in primo salutationis alloquio intitulat in hunc modum: Bartholomaeus, servus servorum sanctae fidei, M. saiutem. Ipse etiam intei a.las enormitates creat episcopos, et ecclesias perfide ordinare contendit. Roga- mus igitur attentius et per aspersionem sanguinis Jesu Christi. et propensius obsecramur, authori- tate domini panae qua fungimur in hac parte districte praecipientes, quatenus veniatis Senonas in octavis aposroforum Petri et Pauli proxime futuris, ubi et alii praelati Franciae favente Domino congregabuntur. parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto, et cum aliis qui ibidem aderunt provi- dere super negotio Albigensi. AJioqui inobedientiam vestram deminopapae curabimus significari. Datum apud Plauvium, 6 nonas Julii." A TREATISE OE GEOFFERY CHAUCER. 357 Forasmuch as mention is here made of these superstitious sects of Henry friars, and such other beggarly religions, it might seem not alto L_ gether impertinent, being moved by the occasion hereof, as I have A -D- done in Hildegard before, so now to annex also to the same, a certain 122Q * other ancient treatise compiled by GeofFery Chaucer, by the way of a dialogue or questions, moved in the person of a certain uplandish and simple ploughman of the country. That treatise, for the same, the author entitled Jack Upland, wherein is to be seen and noted, to all the world, the blind ignorance and variable discord of these irreligious The wind religions, how rude and unskilful they are in matters and principles of of n fria? s ce our christian institution, as by the contents of this present dialogue descnbed - appeareth ; the words whereof in the same old English wherein first it was set forth, in this wise do proceed. Wherein also thou mayest see, that it is no new thing, that their blasphemous doings have by divers good men, in old time been detected, as there are many and divers other old books to show. A Treatise of GeofFery Chawcer, intituled, Jacke Upland. I, Jacke Upland, make my raone to very God and to all true in Christ, that Thefruits antichrist and his disciples (by colour of holines) walkyn and deceivyn Christes ^^"J: 1 * church by many false figures, where through (by Antechrist and his) many vertues bene transposed to vices. But the fellest folke that euer antechrist found, bene last brought into the Anti- church and in a wonder wise, for they bene of diuers sectes of antechrist, sowne s of diuers countreys and kindreds. And all men knowne well, that they be not obedient to byshops, ne liege men to kinges : neyther they tyllen, ne sowne, weden, ne repen, woode, corne, ne grasse, neither nothing that man should helpe : but onely themselues their lyues to sustayne. And these men han all maner power of God as they seyn in heuyn and in yerth, to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches wete neuer where to bene themselfes. And therefore (frere) if thine order and rules bene grounded on Goddys law, Patience tell thou me, Jacke Upland, that I aske of thee, and if thou be, or thinkest to P r ovetn be, on Christes side, keepe thy paciens. trier!^ Saint Paule teacheth, that all our deedes should be do in charite, and els it is The friar nought worth, but displeasing to God and harme to our owne soules. And for ™^ er that freres challenge to be greatest clerkes of the chnrche, and next followingaccording Christ in liuing : men should for charite axe them some questions, and praye them ^° 0 ^° d s to grounde theyr aunsweres in reason and in holy write, for els their aunswere w or woulde nought bee worth, be it florished neuer so fayre : and as methinke men might skilfully axe thus of a frere : — 1. Frere, how many orders be in erth, and which is the perfitest order? Of Friars what order art thou ? who made thyne order ? What is thy rule ? Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himselfe made ? If Christes rule be most perfite, why God'fla* rulest thou thee not therafter ? Without more why, shall a frere be more than punished if he breke the rule that hys patron made, then if he breke the heestes j^ 11 s that God hymselfe made? 2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one, that S. James speaketh There is of? If he approueth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest an other? region. Why is a frere apostata that leuyth his order and taketh an other sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ ? 3. Why be ye wedded faster to your habites then a man is to hys wife ? ^ e ftiar For a man may leaue his wife for a yeare or two as many men done : and if bound to youleue your abite a quarter of a yeare, ye should be holden apostatase. than the 4. Makith your habite you men of religion or no 1 If it do, then euer as it m an to 6 wereth, your religion wereth, and after that your habite is better, your religion his wife, is better, and when ye haue liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion beside j^make 358 JACKE UPLAND S PITHY DEMANDS, AND Henry you, and bynye apostatas : why bye ye you so precious clothes? sith no man In - seekith such but for vayne glory, as S. Gregory sayth. A. I). What betokeneth your great hood, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and 1220. y our wide cope? ; — 5. Why use ye all one colour, more then other christen men do ? What refi^ious betokeneth that ye bene clothed all in one maner of clothing ? as Ms ' If ye say, it betokenith lone and charite, certes then ye be oft hipocrites, vveareth wnen an y °^ y ou hateth other, and in that ye woole be sayd holy by your r o e doth' clothing. his reli- Why may not a frere weare cloathing of an other sect offreres, sith holiness Holiness stondetn not in tu e clothes ? of all hy- 6. Why hold ye silence in one house more then an other, sith men ought consist 8 ouer a ^ ^° s P e k e the good and leaue the euil ? eth in " Why eate you flesh in one house more then in an other? if your rule and your clothing, order be perfite, and the patron that made it ? vrardap- ^' Why gete ye your dispensations to haue it more esy? Certes, other it pearance. seemeth that ye be unperfite, or he that made it so hard, that ye may not hold All friars it i And seker, if ye holde not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her freres, found ii i liars. ano - so y e ly e upon your selues. Friars he 8. Why make ye you as dede men when ye be professed, and yet ye he not dead men dede, but more quicke beggers then ye were before ? And it seemeth euil a beggars? dede man to goe about and begge. 9. Why will ye not suffer your nouices heare your councels in your chapter house ere that they haue bene professed, if your counsels byn true and after Gods law ? Graves 10- Why make ye you so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so, become and dede men should haue hut grauesj as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye an^not" 1 ' haue more courtes then many lordes of England : for ye mowe wenden through courtly the realme, and each night well nigh lyg in your owne courts, and so mow but houses. r ight few lordes do. 11. Why hyre ye to ferme your limitors, getting therefore ech yeare a cer- tayne rent, and will not suffer one in an others limitation, right as ye were your selfes lordes of countreys ? Friars not Why be ye not under your bishops visitations, and liege men to our king ? the king's Why axe ye no letters of hrether heds of other mens prayers, as ye desire FrfarT 611 ' that other men shoulde aske letters of you ? need on If your letters be good, why graunt ye them not generally to all maner of men's men f or fa e more charitie ? Friars 55 ' 12. Mow ye make any man more perfite brother for your prayers then God greater hath by our beleeue ? By our baptisme and his own graunt ? If ye mow, than God! CerteS then y e be ab0Ue God ' o uncha- Why make ye men beleue that your golden trentall song of you, to take friars? therefore ten shillings, or at the least five shillings, wole bring soules out of hel, or out of purgatory ? If this be soth, certes ye might bring al soules out of payne, and that wull ye nought, and then ye be out of charitie. 13. Why make ye men beleue that he that is buryed in your habite shall neuer come in hell, and ye wyte not of your selfe whether ye shall to hell or no ? and if this were sothe, ye shuld sell your hye houses to make many habites for to saue many mens soules. Friars 14. W T hy steale ye mens children for to make hem of your sect, sith that theft steal is against Gods hestes, and sith your sect is not perfite ? ye know not whether children ^e riue taa ^ y e D ynde hym to, be best for him or worst. 15. Why underneme ye not your brethren for their trespas after the law of the gospell, sith that underneming is the best that may be ? But ye put them in prison oft when they do after God's law, and by Saint Augustines rule, if Shrift and an y e did amisse and would not amend him, ye should put hym from you. burials 16. Why couete ye shrifte and burying of other mens parishens, and none JJ^™ other sacrament that falleth to christen folke ? gainful Why bussy yee not to here to shrift of pore folk as wel as of rich lords and than the ladyes ? sith they mowe haue more plenty of shrift fathers then poore folke minister „ mow, sacra- Why say ye not the gospell in howses of bededred men. as ye do in riche ments mens that mow go to churche and heare the gospell ? QUESTIONS, ADDRESSED TO THE FRIARS. S5.9 Why couete you not to bury poore folke among you? sith that they bene Henry most holy (as ye fayne that yee beene for your pouerty.) 17. Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye have bene at rich mens ? sithe * jj God prayseth him more then he doth other men. 1220* What is thy prayer worth ? sithe thou wilt take therefore, for of all chapmen ye nede to be most wise for dread of simonie. ™ Q en What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gospell, as God sayth sou i s that thou shouldst? sith it is the best lore and also our beleue. saith my Why be ye evil apayd that secular priests shuld preach the gospell ? sith God himselfe hath bodden hem. These be 18. Why hate ye the gospell to be preached, sithe ye be so much hold ^•j ] y ^ t at therto ? For ye wyn more by yere with ' In Principio,' then with all the rules enter ° that euer your patrons made, and in this minstrels bene better then ye, for they them- contrarien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the gospell J^JJj^, both in word and deede. other men 19. Frere, when thou receuest a pen)'' for to say a Masse, whether sellest thou that ld Gods body for that peny, or thy prayer, or else thy trauell ? If thou sayest T he friar thou w r olt not trauell for to say the mass, but for the peny, that certes if this be getteth soth, then thou louest to little mede for thy scule, and if thou sellest Gods P y in *f. body, other thy prayer, then it is very simonie, and art become a chapman p i 0 ,' and worse then Judas that solde it for thirty pence. yethateth 20. Why writest thou her names in thy tables that yeueth the mony? sith gospel. God knoweth all thing : for it seemeth by thy writing, that God would not Judas, reward him, but thou write in thy tables ; God wold els forgetten it. f enc^but Why bearist thou God in honde and sclaundrest hym that he begged for hys the C priest meet? sithe he was Lorde ouer all, for then had he bene unwyse to haue begged, and Iriar and haue no neede thereto ? pence™" Frere, after what law rulest thou thee ? Where findest thou in Gods law seiieth that thou shouldest thus beg ? Jurist. 21. What maner men needeth for to beg ? writeth For whom oweth such men to beg? because Why beggest thou so for thy brethren ? getteth!" If thou sayest, for they haue neede, then thou doest it for the more perfec- tion, or els for the lest, or els for the meane. If it be the most perfection of all then should al thy brethren do so, and then no man needed to beg but for him- pe " '*' selfe, for so should no man beg but him neded. And if it be the lest perfection, why louest thou then other men more then thy self? For so thou art not wel in charitie, sith thou shouldst seeke the more perfection after thy power, liuing thy selfe most after God. And thus leauing that imperfection thou shouldest Bettert0 not so beg for them. And if it is a good meane thus to beg as thou doest, then labour should no man do so, but they bene in this good meane, and yet suche a meane an{i give, graunted to you may neuer be grounded on Gods law ; for then both lerid and joiterand lewd that bene in meane degre of this world, shoulde goe about and beg as ye beg, Mas- do. And if all shoulde doe so, certes well nigh all the world should goe about ter Friar - and beg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggers against one yeuer. Why procurest thou men to yeue thee their almes, and sayest it is so neede- full, and thou wilt not thyselfe wynne thee that mede ? 22. Why wilt not thou beg for poore bedred men that bene poorer then any of youe sect ? That liggen and mow not goe about to helpe himselfes, sith we be all brethren in God, and that bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any man coulde make, and where most neede were, there were most perfection, either els ye hold them not your pure brethren, but worse, but then ye be unperfit in your begging. Why make ye so many maysters among you ? sithe it is agaynst the teaching of Christ and his apostle ? 23. Whose bene all your rich courtes that ye han, and all your rich juells ? sithe ye seyne that ye han nought ne in proper ne in common. If ye sayne they bene the popes ? why gether ye then of poore men and lords so much out of the kinges hand to make your pope riche ? And sithe ye sayne that it is Friars great perfection to have nought in proper ne in commen ? why be ye so fast j[fj[ r e 0 ° about to make the pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection ? to make sithen ye sayne that your goodes bene all hys, and he should by reason be the ^ c e h pope most perfite man, it seemeth openlich that ye ben cursed children so to 860 PITHY DEMANDS AND QUESTIONS Henry sclaunder your father and make hym imperfect. And if ye sayne that the ni - goodes be yours, then do ye ayenst your rule, and if it be not ayenst your rule. ^ then might ye haue both plough and cart, and labour as other good men done, j9 0 q' and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say that it is more — _ "_ perfection to beg, then to trauell or to worch with your hand, why preach ye if it be not openly and teach all men to doe so? sithe it is the best and most perfite tio^tobe ^ 6 to tne ne ip e of their soules, as ye make children to beg that might haue rich, why bene riche heyres. fr^arsde Why make ye not your festes to poore men and yeueth hem yenes. as ye sire to done to the rich? sitli poore men han more nede then the rich, make the What betokeneth that ye go tweyne and tweyne together \ If ye be out of tecT? Per ~ charitie, ye accord not in soule. Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other priestes? sith he that most taketh, most charge hath. If Fran- 24. Why hold ye not S. Frauncis rule and his testament? sith Frauncis sayth, be'corf 61 *^ a t ^ oc ^ snewe0 ^ mm this lhiing and this rule : and certes if it were Gods will, trary to the pope might not fordoe it ; or els Frauncis was a Iyer that sayd on this wise. Christ's And but this testament that he made accorde with Gods will, or else erred he merit" * s a b* er that were out °f charitie : and as the law saith, he is cursed that then 'is letteth the rightfull last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will accursed °^ Fraunces that * s a °^ ea ^ man 5 it seem.et& therefore that all his freres bene s ' cursed. He that 25. Why will you not touch no coy ned mony with the crosse, ne with the hoh-'hi kings hed, as ye done other juels both of gold and siluer ? Certes if ye despise haridthan the crosse or the kinges hed, then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the in heart, king ; and sith ye will receiue mony in your harts, and not with your handes, to God. it seemeth that ye holde more holines in your hands then in your hartes, and then be false to God. A subject 26. Why haue ye exempt you from our kinges lawes and visiting of our Mmseif Pt by s h.°P 3 more then other christen men that linen in this realm, if ye be not from the gilty of traitory to our realme, or trespassors to our byshops? But ye will haue lays of the kinges lawes for the trespasse do to you, and ye wyD haue power of other smeiieth 6 byshops more then other priestes, and also haue leaue to prison your brethren, of trea- as lordes in your courtes, more then other folkes han, that bene the kinges son. liege men. Friars are 27. Why shall some sect of your freres pay eche a yeare a certayne to her t° r 0 e d generall prouinciall or minister, or els to her souereignes ? but if "he steale a thieves, certayne number of children (as some men sayne) and certes if this be sothe, then ye be constreined upon a certayne payne to do theft agaynst Gods commandment, " Non furtum fades." Works of 28. Why be ye so hardy to graunt by letters of fraternitie to men and women, auperero- ^} iat t | ie y s ] ia }| naue p art an( j mer ite of all your good dedes, and ye witten neuer whether God be apayd with your dedes because of your sinne ? Also ye witten neuer whether that man or woman be in state to be saued or damned, then shall he haue no merite in heuyn for hys owne dedes ne for none other God is the mans. And all were it so, that he should haue part of your good ded«s : yet meecfand snu ld he haue no more then God woulde geue him after that he were worthy, reward, and so mich shall ech man haue of Gods yeft without your limitation. But if and net ye sa y t ] iat „ e ^ ene q 0 ^ s fellowes, and that he may not doe without vour the friar. J , . J , 3 , . . M _ ' assent, then be ye blasphemers to God. Friars 29. What betokeneth that ye haue ordeyned, that when such one as ye haue praj^but made your brother or sister, and hath a letter of your sealej that letter m ought for them be brought in your holy chapter and there be rad, or els ye will not praye for tha^be of him. And but ye willen praye especially for all other that were not made your te'niity? 1 " brethren or sistren, then were ye not in right charitie, for that ought to be commen. and namely in ghostly thinges. 30. Frere, what charitie is this, to ouercharge the people by mighty begging under color of preaching or praying or masses singing ? sith holy write biddeth not thus, but euen the contrary : for all such ghostly dedes shuld be done freely, as God yeueth them freely ? 31. Frere, what charitie is this to beguile children or they commen to discre- tion, and bynde hym to your orders that byn not grounded in Gods law against her frende8 will ? sithen by this folly bene many apostataes, both in wil and dede, ADDRESSED TO THE F It I A It S S61 and many bene apostataes in her will during al her lyfe, that would gladly be Henry discharged if they wist how, and so many bene apostataes that shoulden in other ni - states haue byn true men. ^ j) 32. Frere, what charitie is this, to make so many freres m euery country to \22Q the charge of the people, sith persons and vicares alone, ye secular priests — alone, ye monks and chanons alone, with bishops aboue them, were inough to Friars do the church to doe priestes office. And to adde moe then inough is a foule "po^ ates error, and great charge to the people, and this openly agaynst Gods will that The num- ordayned all thinges to be done in weight, number, and measure. And Christ j> e * of himselfe was apayd with twelve apostles and a few disciples, to preach and to peffluous, doe priestes office to all the whole worlde, then was it better do then is now and as at this tyme by a thousand dele. And right so as foure fingers with a thumbe ag 0 ^ 3,17 in a mans hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one fingers on hand should let hym more, and so the more number that there were passing the one "ad- measure of Gods ordinaunce, the more were a man letted to worke : Right so (as it seemeth) it is of these new orders that ben added to the church without grounde of holy write and Gods ordinaunce. 33. Frere, what charitie is this to the people, to lye and say that ye follow ^ g e t ^^ Christ in pouerty more then other men done, and yet in curious and costly f ^ ar bowsing, and fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, and loweth^ in treasure and iewels, and rich ornamentes, freres passen lordes and other rich £j s lls *_ m worldly men, and soonest they should bryng her cause about (be it neuer so v my. costly) though Gods la w be put abacke. 34. Frere, what charitie is this, to gather up the books of holy write, and Friars are put hem in treasory, and so emprison them from secular priestes and curates, jierersof and by this cautel let hem to preach the gospell freely to the people without preaching worldly mede, and also to defame good priestes of heresie, and lyen on hem t]ie § os - openly for to let hem to shew Gods law by the holy gospell to the christen pe ' people ? 35. Frere, what charitie is thys, to fayne so much holines in your bodely What ho- clothing (that ye clepe your habite) that many blynd fooles desiren to die therein j^"^^^ more than in another : and also that a frere, that leuith his habite late founden coat> of men, may not be assoyled till he take it agayne, but is apostata as ye seyn, and cursed of God and man both : The frere beleueth truth, and patience, chastitie, meeknes and sobriety, yet for the more part of his life he may soone be assoyled of his prior, and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the yeare (be it neuer so falsly begged and pilled of the poore and nedy people in countries about) he shal be hold a noble frere. O Lord whether this be charitie ? 36. Frere, what charitie is this, to prease upon a riche man, and to entice him to w ^y be buryed among you from hys parish church, and to such riche men geue letters much S ° of fraternitie confirmed by your generale seale, and thereby to beare him in hand desire to that he shall haue part of all your masses, mattens, preachinges, fastinges, ha vericli wakinges, and all other good dedes done by your brethren of your order (both buried whiles he liueth, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wytten neuer whether in their your dedes be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be friaries - able by good liuing to receiue any parte of your deedes, and yet a poore man (that ye wyte well or supposen in certaine to haue no good of) ye ne geuen to such letters, though he be a better man to God than such a rich man : neuerthelesse, Friars' this poore man doth not retche thereof. For as men supposen suche letters and ^re false many other that freres behotten to men, be full false deceites of fryers, out of deceits, all reason, and Gods law and christen mens fayth. 37. Frere, what charitie is this, to be confessours of lordes and ladies, and to Friars de- other mighty men, and not amend hem in her liuing, but rather as it seemeth, ^ r ^ tob ^ to be the bolder to pill her poore tenauntes, and to liue in lechery, and there to ladies^" dwell in your office of confessour for wynning of worldly goodes, and to be confes- holde great by colour of suche ghostly offices ; this seemith rather pride of freres, sors * than charitie of God. 38. Frere, what charity is this to sayne, that who so liueth after your order, liueth most perfitely, and next followeth the state of apostles in pouertie and penaunce, and yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you wend or sed, or ancfpha- procure to the court of Rome to be made cardinals or bishops of the popes risees say chaplaines, and to be assoyled of the vowe of pouertie and obedience to your ™^ l ^j n ^ ministers, in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merites of another. 362 JACKE UPLAND'S COMPLAINT AGAINST your orders, and thus ye faren as Phariseis that sayen one and do an other to the contrary. Why name ye more the patrone of your order in your Confiteor when ye heginne masse, then other sayntes, apostles, or martyrs, that holy churche hold more glorious then hem, and clepe hem your patrons and your auowries. Dilemma. Frere, whether was S. Frauncis in making of hys rule that hee set thine order in, a foole and a Iyer, or else wyse and true ? If ye sayne that he was not a foole, hut wise ; ne a Iyer but true : why shewe ye contrary by your doyng 1 whan by your suggestion to the pope ye sayde that your rule that Fraunces made was so hard? that ye might not liue to hold it without declaration and dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deede ne lete your patrone a foole that made a rule so harde that no man may well keepe, and eke your dede proueth him a Iyer, where he saith in his rule, That he tooke and learned it of the Holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the pope undoe that the Holy Ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardnes of your order ? Which is Frere, whiche of the foure orders of freres is best to a man that knoweth not the best which is the best, but would fayne enter into the best, and none other? If thou friars ? f sa y st that thine is the best, then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as thine ; and in this ech frere in the three other orders wolle say that thou lyest, for in the selfe maner eche other freere wolle say that hys order is best. And thus to eche of the four orders bene the other three contrary in this poynt : in the which if anye sayth sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best of foure. So followeth it that if each of these orders aunswered to this question Friars ne- a s thou doest, three were false, and but one true, and yet no man should wyte one wTth wno that were. And thus it seemeth, that the most part of freeres byn or another, should be lyers in this poynt, and they should aunswere thereto. If you say that an other order of the freres is better than thine, or as good ; why tooke ye nat rather therto as to the better, when thou mightst haue chose at the beginning. And eke why shouldest thou be an apostata to leaue thine order and take thee to that is better, and so why goest thou not from thine order into that? The friar Frere, is there any perficter rule of religion than Christ Gods sonne gaue in hK-'nTie 1 & os P e ^ to ms brethren ? Or then that religion that Sainct James in his perfecter epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that than is the wisdom e of God, the Father) unkunning, unpower, or euil will : for than because ne cou ^ not make his rule so good as an other did his. And so he had unkun- heleaveth ning, that he might not so make his rule so good as an other man might, and the one so we re he unmighty, and not God, as he would not make his rule so perfite Toweth as an other did his, and so he had bene euil willed, namely to himselfe. the other. For if he might, and could, and would, haue made a rule perfite without default, and did not, he was not Gods Sonne Almighty. For if any other rule be perfiter then Christes, then must Christes rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had fayled in making of his rule : but to put any default or failing in God is blas- phemie. If thou say that Christs rule, and that religion of that S. James maketh mention of, is the perfitest ; why boldest thou not thilke rule without more. And why clepest thou the rather of S. Francis or S. Dominickes rule or religion or order, then of Christes rule or Christes order ? Frere, canst thou any default assigne in Christs rule of the gospell (with the which he taught al men sekerly to be saued) if they kept it to her ending ? Dilemma. If thou say it was to hard, then sayest thou Christ lyed ; for he sayd of his rule: " My yoke is soft, and my burthen light." If thou say Christes rule was to light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou sayest that there is no default in Christes rule of the gospell, sith Christ himselfe saith it is light and easy : what neede was it to patrons of freres to adde more thereto? and so to make an hardar religion to saue fryers, then was the Friars religion of Christe9 apostles and his disciples helden and were saued by. But would sit if they wolden that her freres saten aboue the apostles in heauen for the harder iho've^he' ren gion that the kepen here, so wold they sitten in heauen aboue Christ him- epostles. selfe, for they mo and straight observaunces, then so should they bee better then Christ himselfe with mischaunce. Go now forth and frayne your clerkes, and ground ye you m God : s law, and THE fltlARS. THE COVETOUSNESS OF THE POPE. 363 gyf Jack an aunswere, and when ye han assoiled me that I haue sayd sadly Henry in truth, I shall soile thee of thine orders, and saue thee to heauen. IU - If freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these questions asked of hem, it ^ ^ seemeth that they be horrible gilty against God, and her euen chrisen. For -j . ; \> ^ which giltes and defaultes it were worthy that the order that they call theyr — - — - order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustayne hem or suffer hem lyue in such maner. For holy writ biddeth, that " Thou doe well to the meke, and geue not to the wicked, but forbed to giue hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through you." After these digressions, now to return to the course of our story again. As this King Henry succeeded King John, his father, so after Innocent, the pope, came Honorius III, a.d. 1216, then Gre- gory IX., a.d. \227. And after Otho IV., the emperor (whom the otho, the pope had once set up, and after deprived again), succeeded Frederic SJupand II. a.d. 1212, as is partly before touched. 2 In the days of these kings, deposed popes, and emperors, it were too long to recite all that happened ufe'pope. in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt popes Honorius and Gregory and Frederic, the emperor ; the horrible tragedy whereof were enough to fill a whole book by itself. But yet we mean 3 (God willing) somewhat to touch concerning these ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realm of England. After the kingdom of England had been subjected by King John, as hath been said, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish church, it is incredible how the insatiable avarice and greediness of the Romans did oppress and wring the commons and all estates and degrees of the realm, especially beneficed men, and such as had any thing of the church; who, what for their domestical charges within the realm, what for the pope, what for the legates, what for contributing to the Holy Land, what for relaxations, and other subtle sleights to get aw r ay their money, were brought into such slavery, captivity, and penury ; that whereas the king neither durst, nor might remedy their exclamations by himself, yet notwithstanding, by his advice Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, with other noble- App s e e n diXl men, not forgetting what great grievances and distresses the realm was brought into by the Romans, thought to work some way how to bridle and restrain the insatiable ravening of these greedy wolves. Wherefore they devised their letter, giving strait commandment to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to farm, that henceforth they should not answer the Romans on account of such farms and rents any more, but should pay the said farms or rents unto their own proctors appointed for the same purpose ; as by their writings sent abroad to bishops or chapters, and other ecclesiastical houses, may appear, in this form and effect as followeth. A Complaint of the Nobles of England against the intolerable Covetousness of the Pope and Prelates of Rome. 1 To such and such a bishop, and such a chapter, all the university and A.D. 1231. company of them, that had rather die than be confounded of the Romans, wisheth health. How the Romans and their legates have hitherto behaved themselves toward you and other ecclesiastical persons of this realm of England, it is not unknown to your discretions, in disposing and giving away the (1) The Latin copy of this complaint of the nobles of England is at p 72, in the Edition of 1563. —Ed. (2) See p. 349. (3) See pp. 455—509. 364 INSOLENT CLAIMS MADE BY THE POPE. Henry benefices of the realm after their own lust, to the intolerable prejudice and ///. grievance both of you and all other Englishmen. For whereas, the collation of ^ -J benefices should and doth properly belong to you and other your fellow-bishops 1226 ( ecc ^ es i ast i ca l persons), they, thundering against you the sentence of excom- . " munication, ordain that you shoidd not bestow them upon anv person of this realm, until in every diocese and cathedral-church within the realm, five Romans (such as the pope shall name) be provided for, to the value of, every man, an hundred pounds a year. Besides these, many other grievances the said Romanists do inflict and infer, both to the laity and "nobles of the realm, for the patronages and alms bestowed by them and their ancestors, for the susten- tation of the poor of the realm, and also to the clergy and ecclesiastical persons of the realm, touching their livings and benefices. And yet the said Romanists, not contented with the premises, do also take from the clergv of this realm the benefices which they have, to bestow them on men of theirown country, Sec. ^Vherefore, we, considering the rigorous austerity of these aforesaid Roman- ists, who, once coming in but as strangers hither, now take upon them not only to judge, but also to condemn us, laying upon us importable burdens, whereunto they will not put one of their own fingers to move ; and laving our heads together upon a general and full advice had among ourselves concern- ing the same ; have thought good (although very late) to resist or withstand them, rather than to be subject to their intolerable oppressions, and to the still greater slavery hereafter to be looked for. For which cause we straitly charge and command you, as your friends going about to deliver you, the church, the king, and the kingdom, from that miserable yoke of servitude, that you do not intermeddle or take any part concerning such exactions or rents to be required or given to the said Romans. Letting you to understand for truth, that in case you shall (which God forbid) be found culpable herein, not only your goods and possessions shall be in danger of biuning, but vou, also, in your persons shall incur the same peril and punishment as shall the said Romish oppressors themselves. Thus fare ye well. Cardinal Orho le Example Thus much I thought here to insert and notify concerning this "akepart matter, not only that the foul and avaricious greediness of the ti?ekin°- R° m i sn church might the more evidently unto all Englishmen with fo- appear ; but that they may learn by this example how worthy they pJler. be so to be served and plagued with "their own rod, who, before, would take no part with their natural king against foreign power, by which now they are scourged. To make the story more plain ; in the reign of this Henry III. (who succeeding, as is said, King John his father, reigned fifty-six years), came divers legates from Rome to England. First, Cardinal gate. Otho, sent from the pope with letters to the king, like as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money. The king opening the letters, and perceiving the contents, answered, that he alone coidd say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergy and commons of the whole realm. Not long after a council was called at Westminster, where the letters being opened, a/d. 'the form was tins: 1 " We require to be given unto us, first, of all 1226 - ] cathedral churches two prebends, one for the bishops 1 part, the other ^equS f° r the chapter : and likewise of monasteries, where be divers portions, two pre- one f or the abbot, another for the covent : of the covent, so much as ships in appertaineth to one monk, the portion of the goods being proportion- thedraT" ally divided ; of the abbot likewise as much. 11 The cause why he church, required these prebends was this: M It hath been, 11 saith he, i; an old (1) " Petimus imprimis ab omnibus ecclesiis cathedralibus duas nobis pnebendas exhiberi. unam de portione episcopi, et alteram de capitulo : et similiter de coenobiis ubi diversae sunt portioned abbatis et conventus ; a conventibus quantum pertinet ad unum monachum, sequali facta distri- butione bonorum suorum, et ab abbate tantundem." A COUNCIL HELD AT LONDON. 305 slander, and a great complaint against the church of Rome, that it iienry hath been charged with insatiable covetousness, which, as ye know, is HI ' the root of all mischief, and all by reason that causes be wont com- A.D. monly not to be handled, nor to proceed in the church of Rome, 123 "' other ountrirs. without great gifts and expense of money. Whereof seeing the Note the poverty of the church is the cause, and the only reason why it is so fhe^ope 31 slandered and evil spoken of, it is therefore convenient that you, as ^J^to natural children, should succour your mother. For unless we should crave receive of you and of other good men as you are, we should then ™° n lack necessaries for our life, which were a great dishonour to our 0 dignity,^ &C. Appendix. When those petitions and causes of the legate were propounded in the aforesaid assembly at Westminster on the pope's behalf (the bishops and prelates of the realm being present), answer was made by the mouth of Master John Houghton, archdeacon of Bedford, on Apr s „Zic this wise : ' that the matter there proponed by the lord legate in especial concerned the king of England, but in general it touched all the archbishops, with their suffragans the bishops, and all the prelates of the realm. Wherefore, seeing both the king by reason of his sickness was absent, and the archbishop of Canterbury with clivers other bishops also were not there, therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neither could they so do without prejudice of them which were lacking.' — And so the assembly Ap p e n d i*. for that time brake up. Eleven years after, the said Otho, Cardinal of St. Nicholas de car- a counca cereTulliano, coming again from Rome with full authority and power, fJ^ &on indicted another council at London, and caused all prelates, arch- j N t ° v - bishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and other of the clergy to be warned a d.' unto the same council, to be held in the church of St. Paul's at London 1237-1 the morrow after the octaves of St. Martin. The pretence of which ^JSm. council was for redress of matters concerning benefices and religion ; but the chief and principal intent was to hunt for money : for putting them in fear and in hope, some to lose some to obtain spiritual promo- tions at his hand, he thought gain would rise thereby, and so it did, for in the mean time (as Matthew Paris in his life of Henry III. writeth) divers precious rewards were offered him in palfreys, in rich plate and jewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coin, in victuals, * ] and such like things of value well worthy of acceptation ; wherein one endeavoured to go beyond another in munificence, not considering, by means of the servility wherewith they were oppressed of those popish shavelings and shameless shifters, that all was mere pillage and extortion.* Insomuch that the bishop of Winchester, (as the story reporteth), on only hearing that he would winter in London, sent him fifty fat oxen, a hundred coombs of pure wheat, Great and eight tun of chosen wine, toward his housekeeping. Likewise g^iTto other bishops also for their part offered unto the cardinal's box after the card! their ability. s «- The time of the council drawing nigh, the cardinal commanded, at 4ppend * the west end of Paul's church, an high and solemn throne to be prepared, rising up with a glorious scaffold upon mighty and sub- stantial stages strongly builded, and of great height. Thus, against (1) These words are not in the editions of Foxe previous to 159(5.— Ed. 866 THE SERMON OE OTHO THE CARDINAL. /f*«'!/ the day assigned, came the said archbishops, bishops, abbots, and ' other of the prelacy, both far and near throughout all England, A. D. wearied and vexed with the winter's journey, bringing their letters * 23/ - procurators ; who being together assembled, the cardinal beginneth conten- his sermon. But before we come to the sermon, there happened BOD about -11-1 o s> i Bitting o.> a great discord between the two archbishops of Canterbury and handof 1 York, about sitting at the right hand and the left hand of the Jjj carcL " glorious cardinal, for the which the one appealed against the other. The cardinal, to pacify the strife between them both, so that he would not derogate from either of them, brought forth a certain why st. bull of the pope : in the midst of which bull was pictured the standeth figure of the cross. On the r : ght side of the cross stood the right 6 image of St. Paul, and on the left side that of St. Peter : u Lo," thTpopes sa ^ tn tne car dinal (holding open the bull with the cross), " here you whTthe See ®k P eter on tne nan d °f the cross, and St. Paul on the arcribi- right side, and yet is there between these two no contention, for carter- °oth are of equal glory. And yet St. Peter, for the prerogative of bury hath Ins kevs. and for the pre-eminence of his apostleship and cathedral the right . . • ' t r r hand, and dignity, seemetli most worthy to be placed on the right side. But vet MsbopToV because St. Paul believed on Christ when he saw him not. therefore York the h a j-h } ie the right hand of the cross : for blessed be they (saith Christ) who believe and see not," &c. From that time forth the archbishop of Canterbury enjoyed the right hand, and the archbishop of York the left ; wherein, however, this cardinal is more to be commended than the other Cardinal Hugo mentioned a little before, who, in a like contention between these archbishops, ran his way. Thus, the controversy having ceased and been composed between these two, Otho the cardinal, sitting aloft between these two arch- bishops, beginneth his sermon, taking this theme of the prophet ; Note the " In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the seat, were n!e n pro- f f° lir Deasls fnll of eyes before and behind," Sec. Upon this theme pnetap- the cardinal proceeded in his sermon, sitting like a god in the Sod" how midst. He compared those about him to the four beasts about nai appn- tne seat ' declaring how they ought to have eyes both before and Smseif 0 ^ enm d » tnat tnat tne . v must De provident in disposing of secu- lar things, and circumspect in spiritual matters, continuing and sc ipture joining wisely things past with things to come ; and this was the applied, greatest effect of this clerkly sermon. That done, he giveth forth certain statutes for ordering of churches, as for the dedication of temples, for the seven sacraments, for the giving of orders, for the firming of benefices, for collations and resignations of bene- fices and vicarages, priests' apparel, and single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, and for archdeacons, bishops, proctors, and other like matters. But the chief intent of all his proceed- ing was this, that they should be vigilant, provident, and circum- spect, with all their eyes (both before and behind), to fill the pope's pouch, as appeared not only by this, but all their other travails besides ; insomuch that the king, dreading the displeasure of his commons for the doings of the leg-ate, willed him to repair home to Rome again, but yet could not so be rid of him, for he, receiving new commandments from the pope, applied his harvest, still gleaning and raking whatsoever he might scrape ; writing and ROMISH PRELATES PROWLING FOR MONEY. mi sending to bishops and archdeacons in the form and tenor hereunder Bmrg © r III. expressed. 1 And moreover, note again the wicked and cursed trains of these A. I). Romish rakehells, who, to pick simple men's purses, first send out J their friars and preachers to stir up, in all places and countries, men ^ y the to go fight against the Turks : whom when they have once bound with practice* a vow, and signed them with the cross, then send they their bulls to pr Satesto release them both of their labour and their vow, for money, as by their own style of writing is hereunder to be seen. 2 The cause whv the pope was so greedy and needy of money, was this : because he had mortal hatred and waged continual battle the same time against the good emperor, Frederic II., who had to wife King John's daughter, sister to King Henry III., whose name was Isabella. And therefore, because the pope's war could not be sus- tained without charges, that made the pope the more importunate to take money in all places, but especially in England; insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of every ecclesiastical man's living, Fifth p „ rt as Matthew Paris writeth. And not only that, but also the said Pope JJjJJJJ, Gregory, converging with the citizens of Rome, so agreed with them, man's u* that, if they would join with him in vanquishing the aforesaid Frederic, !o^he^ n he would (and so did) grant unto them, that all the benefices in Eng pope - land which were or should be vacant (namely, pertaining to religious houses), should be bestowed at their own will and commandment on their children and kinsfolks. Whereupon it followeth in the afore- Three named history, 3 that u the pope sent in commandment to the arch- a^ans bishop of Canterbury, and four other bishops, that provision should be j^^" made for three hundred Romans in the chiefest and best benefices i n ber.efices all England at the next voidance, so that the aforesaid archbishop and °a„d" g " bishops should be suspended in the mean time from all collation or gift of benefices, until the aforesaid three hundred were provided for;" whereupon, the archbishop the same time, seeing the unreasonable op- pression of the church of England, left the realm and went into France. Again, mark another as much or more easy sleight of the pope in a Romish procuring money. He sent one Petrus Rubeus the same time with 2,e*JJJ| f a new device, which was this : not to work any thing openly, but privily Jjj* h to go betwixt bishop and bishop, abbot and abbot, &c, telling in their money, ears, such a bishop, such an abbot, hath given so much and so much unto the pope's holiness, " trusting that you also will not be behind fl) A Letter of the Cardinal to Bishops and Archdeacons, in which the censure of the Church is well applied. — "Otto miseratione divina, &c. Discreto viro N. episcopo vel 2V. archidiaeono salutem. Cum necesse habeamus de mandato summi pontificis moram trahere in Anglia longiorem, nec possimus propriis stipendiis militare, discretionem vestram qua fungimur automate rogamus, ut procurationes vobis debitas in episcopatu. vel arehidiaconatu vestro colligi faciatis nostro nomine diligenter, eas quam citius poteritis nobis transmissuri, contradictores per censuram ecciesiasticam compescendo. Proviso, quod quaelibet procuratio summam 4. marcarum aliquatenus non excedat. et ubi una ecclesia non sufficiet ad procurationem hujusmodi hab=ndam, duae pariter unam solvant." (2) " N. episcopus dilectis in Christo filiis omnibus archdiaconis perdiocesim suam constitutis, salutem. Literas domini legati suscepimus in haec verba; Otto miseratione divina, &c. Cum sicut intelleximus nonnulii cruce si^nati regni Angliae, qui sunt inhabiles ad pugnandum, ad sedem apostolicam accedant, ut ibidem a voto crucis absolvi valeant, et nos nuper recepimus a sumnio pontifice in mandatis, ut tales non solum absolvere, verum etiam ad redimenda vota sua [note the style of Rome] compellere debeamus, volentes eorum parcere laboribus et expensis, fra- ternitatem vestram qua fungimur autoritate monemus, quatenus potestatem praedictam a sumnio pontifice nobis concessam faciatis in nostris diocesibus sine mora qualibet publican, ut prelati cruce-signati ad nos accedere valeant, beneficium [immo maleflcium et naufragium pecuniae.] super his juxta formam nobis traditam accepturi." [This and the preceding letter are in M. Paris, Ed. Lond. 1640, p. 52i ; both dated "Londini 15 Kal. Mart, anno Pont. D. Gregorii Papas 13."— Ed.] (3) " Unde infra paucos dies misit Dom. Papa sacra praecepta sua domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi et Lincol. et Salisb. episcopis, ut trecentis Romanis in primis beneficiis vacantibus providerent, scientes se suspensos a bem-ficiorum collatione donee tot cornpetenter provideretur." [M. Paris, p. 532, with the omission of " Eliensi et" : see infra, p. 427. — Ed.] THE PRELATES DEMUR AT THE POPe's EXACTIONS. Henry on your part,' 1 &c. By the means whereof it is incredible to think . — \ — what a mass of money was made out of the realm unto the pope. A. D. At length. 1 the abbots, feeling their own smart, eame to the king, 1245, whose father before they did resist, with their humble suit, lamentably complaining of the immeasurable exactions of the pope, and espe- cially against Petrus Rubeus and his fellow, Otto the legate ; desiring the king to prohibit such extortion : who, notwithstanding, received them with frowns, and even offered the legate one of his castles to imprison them. The bishops, warned by the ill success of the abbots, assembled at Northampton, and answered the legate, that, seeing the matter touched not themselves alone, but the whole church, and seeing the valuation of churches was known better to their archdeacons than to themselves, therefore they desired a general calling and talk to be had in the matter. The octaves of St. John the Baptist were assigned as the time when they should deliver their final answer; on which day the prelates of England, conventing together, durst not give any direct denial of that contribution, but after a modest sort did insinuate certain exceptions against the same. Ex"01, 708, 70') —Ed. (2) See them stated infra, p. 432.— Ed. THE KING'S LETTER TO THE BISHOPS. 36.9 liberties, and rights of the realm, and in spite of their appeal and remonstrance Henry on the subject made by their proctors in the late general council. In - If. The church and kingdom of England is aggrieved, that the patrons of the A ^ churches cannot present fit persons to the same, though the pope by his letters 2246* agreed they should ; but the churches are given to Romans, who are quite igno- L rant of the native tongue, to the great peril of souls ; besides that they, carrying away the money out of the realm, exceedingly impoverish the same. III. It is aggrieved in the requiring of pensions and provisions, for that after the pope had promised by his late letters, that in the realm of England he would give away only twelve benefices more, now, contrary to the tenor thereof, many more benefices and provisions have been bestowed by him. IV. The realm is aggrieved, that in the benefices in England one Italian succeed eth another as a matter of course, while Englishmen are compelled, for the securing of their induction, to seek to Rome, contrary both to the customs of the realm, and also to the privileges granted by the pope's predecessors to the king and kingdom of England. V. The fifth grievance is, for the oft arrival of that infamous nuncio " Non Obstante," whereby both the sacred obligation of an oath, the ancient customs of the realm, and the authority of old grants, statute laws, and privileges, are embezzled and abrogated j 1 whereby an infinite number in England be grievously afflicted and oppressed. The pope, in thus resuming the plenitude of his power, does not act with that attention to law and moderation which he promised our proctors, with his own mouth, he would observe. VI. The said realm is also aggrieved by general tallages, collections, and assessments, made without the king's consent; the appeal and remonstrance of the king's and the nation's proctors, to the contrary, notwithstanding. VII. The aforesaid realm complaineth and is aggrieved, that in the benefices given to Italians, neither the old ordinances, nor relief of the poor, nor hospi- tality, nor any preaching of God's word, nor care of men's souls, nor service in The Ba- the church, nor yet the walls of the churches, be kept up and maintained, as oylonish decency and the manner of the same realm requireth. O ver and above these an ^ s ] a . aforesaid grievances, there came, moreover, from the pope, other fresh letters, ver y of charging and commanding the prelates of England to find of their proper costs ^°der tlL and charges, for one whole year, some ten armed soldiers, some five, some pope, fifteen, to be ready at the pope's commandment where he should appoint. After these and other grievances and enormities of Rome, the states of England, consulting together, direct their letters to the pope, for reformation thereof. First, the bishops and suffragans ; then, the abbots and priors ; afterwards the nobles and barons ; last of all, the king himself. But as the proverb is, " Venter non habet aures," 2 Mar. 28th. so the pope's purse had no ears to hear. And, as our common saying * M &« ns goeth, " As good never a whit, as never the better," so went it with Appen,1ix - the pope, who not long after the same sent for new tallages and exactions to be collected ; 3 which thing when it came to the king's ear, he, being moved and disturbed vehemently withal, writeth in this wise to the bishops severally, to every one in his diocese. The Letter of King Henry III. to the Bishops. Henry III., by the grace of God, &c, to the reverend in Christ, the bishop cf Kin £ N., health. Whereas we have heretofore written unto you, once, twice, thrice, as ni"com- well, under our privy seal as by our letters patent, that you should not exact for mandeth the pope's or any one else's behalf any tallage or aid of our subjects, either of the that no religious orders, or of the clergy, or of the laity, for that no such tallage or aid tallage 1 be either can or is used to be exacted in our realm without great prejudice to our sent to royal dignity, which we neither can nor will endure : yet you contemning and the pope ' vilipending our commandment, and contrary to the provision made in our last council at London, granted and agreed upon by our prelates, earls, and barons, have, that notwithstanding, proceeded in collecting the said your taxes and tallages. Whereupon, we do greatly marvel and are moved, especially seeing ( 1 ) " Debilitantur et evanescunt :" ' embezzled,' i.e. imbeciled, or weakened. Todd's Johnson.— Ed. (2) The French say, " Ventre affame n'a point d'oreilles." — Ed. (3) This was for 6,000 marks. Walter, bishop of Norwich, was authorised to collect it : his letter to St. Alban's is in M. Paris, dated Mar. 24, and one of the king's, forbidding it, dated April 1.— Eo . See d VOL. IT. EE ^ '* 370 EXORBITANT DEMANDS OF THE POPE S LEGATE. S<-e Appendi The pope's saying against Henry you are not ashamed to run counter to your own act and deed ; whereas you and 1U - other prelates at the said council in this did all agree and granf, that you would jy l ev y no more sucn exactions until the return of our and your ambassadors, with | 9 '^g* those of the nobles and of the whole realm, from the court of Rome, who were — - — 1- sent thither purposely, as you know, to provide redress against these oppres- sions. Wherefore we straitly will and command you, that you no further proceed in collecting and exacting such tallages or aids, as you desire to enjoy your baronies, and such possessions of yours as within this our kingdom you have and hold ; and if you have already taken any thing on this account, that you suffer not the same to be transported out of our realm, but cause it to be kept in safe custody, till the return of" the said ambassadors ; and be assured that, in case you disobey, we shall extend our hand upon your possessions, further than you may be inclined to believe. Moreover, we will and charge you that you communicate this our inhibition to your archdeacons and officials, which we here have set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as God k noweth, &c. At length, the ambassadors who were at Rome came home about the seventh day of July, bringing word that the pope, hearing what was done in the council of London 1 by the king, was greatly dis- pleased with him and the realm, saying, " Rex Anglorum, qui jam recalcitrat et frederisat, suum habet consilium ; ego vero et meum habeo, quod et sequar," &c. "Whereupon, when the ambassadors began Henry, to speak in the king's behalf, from that time they were half counted for schismatics, and could no more be heard in the court of Rome. Henry The king, hearing this, was marvellously incensed therewith, com- sSeth manding, by general proclamation throughout all his realm, that no tixe P s° pe s man sn °Lild hereafter consent to any tax or subsidy of money for the The pope court of Rome. When this came to the pope's ear, upon a cruel rage a^aSt 011 ' he directed his letters to the prelates of England, charging that under the king. p a in of suspense or interdiction, they should provide the same sum of money to be collected against the feast of Assumption, the charge being given to the bishop of Worcester, to be executor of the said The king curse. The king, who lately intended to stand to the liberties of the pened c ] lurc h aric [ kingdom, now, for fear of the pope, and partly for the menaces of his brother, earl Richard, 2 and of the said bishop of Wor- cester and other prelates, durst not stand to them, but gave over. Moreover, the greedy gulf of the Romish avarice waxed so immea- surable, that at length the pope shamed not, upon the censure of his curse, to ask the third part of the church goods, and the yearly fruit The pope of all vacant benefices. The chief doers and legates in England, tJeYhird were Otho, Stephen the pope's chaplain, Petrus Rubeus, the nuncio, pan of the Mag. Martin, and Mag. Marin us, and Johannes Anglicus, bishop of goods'. Sabino ; of whom to speak further (for that I have much more to .^,1^^. write), I think best for the present to defer, lest in opening all the detestable doings and pestilent workings of those men, I might, per- haps, not only molest good ears, but also infect the air. Yet one thing concerning the said Otho I cannot well overpass. a story of This Otho, as he left no place unsought, where any vantage might otho'at 1 be got : so, amongst all others, he came to Oxford, where lying in oxford, the house of Osney, he was received with great honour ; the scholars Apr'ndiT. presenting him honourably with such dishes and rewards as they had, thinking to gratify the cardinal after the best manner. This being done before dinner, and the dinner ended, they came reverently to see and welcome him, supposing that they also should again, of him, with like courtesy be entertained. As they came to the gate, the (i) Foxe says " Winchester," whereas it was the council of Winchester which was assembled July. 7th, to hear this report of the ambassadors. M. Paris, p. 709.— Ed. (2) M. Paris, p. 709.— Ed. com to gi over to the pope AFFRAY WITH THE OXFORD SCHOLARS. 371 porter, being an Italian, with a loud voice, asketh what they would Henry have ? They said, they came to see the lord legate. But Cerberus, _L. ' _ the porter, holding the door half open, with proud and contumelious language thrust them out, and would not suffer them to enter. The 1238, scholars, seeing that, by force thrust open the gate and came in ; skimush whom when the Romans, who were within, would have repelled with the scho- their fists, and such staves as they had in their hands, they fell to oxford alarum and by the ears together, with much heaving and shoving, ^SaTs and many blows on both sides. In the mean time, while some of men. the scholars ran home for their weapons, there chanced a poor scholar, an Irishman, to stand at the gate waiting for his alms, whom when the master-cook saw at the gate, he, taking hot scalding water out of the A Jenar pan where the meat was sodden, did cast it in his face. One of the scholars, a Welshman, who came with his bow and shafts, seeing that, letteth drive an arrow, and shooteth this Nabuzfirdan (that is, master of cooks) clean through the body, and slayeth him out of hand. Th« cook falling dead, there was a mighty broil and a great clamour throughout all the house. The cardinal, hearing the tumult and The great noise about him, like a valiant Roman, runneth as fast as he runneth could into the steeple, and there locketh the doors fast unto him, awav - where he remained till midnight. The scholars, in the mean while, not yet at all pacified, sought all corners about for the legate, exclaiming and crying oat, " Where is that usurer, that simoniac, that piller and poller of our livings, that prowler and extortioner of our money, who perverteth our king, and subverteth his kingdom, enriching aliens with our spoils?" All this heard the cardinal, and Appendix. held his peace. When the night approaching had broken up the field, the cardinal coining out of his fort, and taking his horse, in the silence of the night, was privily conveyed over the river towards the king, conveying himself away as fast as he could. After the king heard this, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliver the Romans who were there hidden for fear of the scholars. Then Thirty was Master Otho, a 1 awyer, with thirty other scholars, apprehended, takeifand and carried to Wallingford castle, and from thence had in carts to ha . d t0 London, where, at length, through much entreaty of the bishops, pnson ' they, being brought barefoot to the legate's door, had their pardon, ^ Ia J J™J- and the university was released from interdiction. Thus much con- cerning the pope's legate in England. Thus partly you have heard, and do understand the miserable thraldom and captivity of this realm of England and the clergy of the same, who before refused to take part with King John their natural prince against the foreign power of the pope, and now how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope; whose insatiable extortion and rapacity did so exceed in pilling and polling of this realm long after this, that neither the king now could help Three- them, nor could the pope with any reasonable measure be content ; thousand insomuch that writers record, that in the days of Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, a.d. 1360, the pope by his proctors gat from the buted to clergy, in less than one year, more than sixty thousand florins, of in e 0 Se Pe ' mere contribution ; besides his other avails and common revenues y*f> b y out of benefices, prebendaries, first-fruits, tributes, Peter-pence, colla- clergy lions, reservations, relaxations, and such merchandize, &c. B b 2 TOULOUSE BESIEGED. THE BESIEGERS REPULSED. Henry *And yet the state of this realm of England, although most mise- IIL rable, was not so lamentable, but that the case of Germany and of the A.D. Emperor Frederic II. was then as much or more pitiful, who in the 122 °- same time of King Henry IIL was so persecuted and disturbed by popes Innocent, Honorius, Gregory, Celestine, and Innocent IV., that not only with their curses and excommunications most wretchedly they did infame, impugn, and assault him, but also in open field con- tinually did they war against him, and all with Englishmen's money. Appendix. Albeit, concerning the troubles of this emperor, being a foreign story and pertaining to other countries, I have not much to do nor to write therein, having enough already to story at home. Yet I cannot but lament and marvel to see the ambitious presumption and tragical fury of those popes against the emperor.* 1 Appendix. Mention was made a little before of the Albigenses keeping about the city of Toulouse. These Albigenses, because they began to smell the pope, and to control the inordinate proceedings and disci- pline of the see of Rome, the pope therefore recounting them as a people heretical, excited and stirred up about this present time Louis, the and year, a.d. 1218, Louis, the French king's son, through the kfng'Son, instance of Philip II., his father, to lay siege against the said city of afaiS Toulouse to expugn and extinguish these Albigenses, his enemies ; the aim- whereupon Louis, according to his father's commandment, reared a gen ^ s " puissant and mighty army to compass about and beset that city, and Appendix, go did. Here were the men of Toulouse in great danger ; but see Toulouse 1 ^ 10W m ig n ty protection of God fighteth for his people against the The hand might of man : for after that Louis, as Matthew Paris testifieth, 2 had fighteth l° n g wearied himself and his men in waste, and could do no good 'people w ^ n a ^ ^ ne * r en gi nes ano ^ artillery against the city, there fell, more- over, upon the French host, by the hand of God, such famine and pestilence both of men and horses, besides the other daily slaughter of the soldiers, that Louis was forced to retire, and, with such as were left, to return again home to France, from whence he came. In the slaughter of his soldiers, besides many others, was earl Simon Mont- fort, general of the army, to whom the lands of the earl of Toulouse were given by the pope ; he was slain before the gate of the city The siege with a stone ; and so was also the brother of the said Simon, at the uieAibi- same time, while besieging a castle near Toulouse, slain with a stone genses m ]i] ce manner. And thus was the siege of the Frenchmen against broken & ft up. loulouse broken up. Appendix. While the siege of these Frenchmen could do no good against the city of Toulouse, it happened at that time that the Christians, march- ing towards the Holy Land, had better success in laying their siege to a certain tower or castle in Egypt, near to the city Damietta, that seemed by nature, for the situation and difficulty of the place, inex- pugnable : which, being situate in the midst of the great flood Nilus, hard by the city called Damietta, could neither be come to by land, nor be undermined for the water, nor by famine subdued, for the nearness of the city ; yet, notwithstanding, through the help of God and the policy of man, erecting scaffolds and castles upon tops of (1) This paragraph in single asterisks is from the Edition of 1563, p. 73, and is followed by a ehort abstract of the ecclesiastical and civil history of this country to the time of Wickliff, given more fully in later Editions.— Ed. (2) Ex Matth. Paris, in Vita Hen. III. (3) Ex Matth. Paris. THE STORY OF ST. ELIZABETH. 873 masts, the Christians at last conquered it, and after that also the city Henry Damietta, albeit not without great loss of christian people, (a.d. — 1219.) In the expugnation of this city or fort, among others that AD - there died was the landgrave of Thuring, named Louis, the husband 1221- of Elizabeth, whom we use to call St. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth, Damietta as my story recordeth, was the daughter of the king of Hungary, and tSchrL married in Almain, where she lived with the aforenamed Louis, land- ^ S story grave of Thuring, whom she, through her persuasions, provoked and of st. eh- incensed to take that voyage to fight for the Holy Land, where he za in the same voyage was slain. After his death, Elizabeth, remaining a widow, entered the profession of cloisterly religion, and made her- self a nun ; so growing and increasing from virtue to virtue, that after her death all Almain did sound with the fame of her worthy doings. Matthew Paris addeth this also, that she was the daughter of that queen, who, being accused to be naughty with a certain arch- The mo- bishop, was therefore condemned with this sentence pronounced against Ej^abeth her ;* although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in ^} t S g r d y of Latin, — " To kill the queen will ye not to fear, that is good ; and if all men consent thereunto, not I myself do stand against it." Which sentence being brought to Pope Innocent, thus in pointing the sen- tence, which otherwise seemeth to have a double understanding, he The saved the queen; thus interpreting and pointing the same, " Regi- saved by nam interficere nolite, timere bonum est, et si omnes consenserint, aweSter- non ego, contradico." That is, " To kill the queen will ye not, to ^ e ^ ation fear, that is good : and if all do consent thereto, yet not I, I myself double do stand against it," and so escaped she the danger. This queen was Elizabeth the mother, as is said, of Elizabeth the nun, who, for her holy nun- ™»™ d nishness, was canonized of the pope's church for a saint in Almain, Almain about a.d. 1220. 2 And this by the way. Now to proceed further in the years and A.D.1221. life of this King Henry. The next year following, which was a.d. 1221, the king went to Oxford, where he had something to do with William, earl of Albemarle, who had taken the castle of Biham : but at last, for his good service he had done in the realm before, he was released by the king, with all his men, at the intercession of Walter, archbishop of York, and of Pandulph, the legate. 3 About that year The Grey entered first the Friars Minorite, or Grey friars, into England, and JJJJJ first had their first house at Canterbury, whose first patron was Francis, England, who died a.d. 1127. His order was confirmed by Pope Honorius III., Jon 6 . 01 ' 1 " a.d. 1224. " firmpd - About the first coming of these Dominic and Grey friars Franciscan App s e e n dix . into the realm (as is in Nicolas Trivet testified), many Englishmen at that time entered into their orders, among whom was Johannes de Sancto Egidio, 4 a man famously expert in the science of physic and astronomy, and Alexander de Hales, both Englishmen and great divines. This Johannes making his sermon (i ad clerum," in the house of the Dominic friars, exhorted his auditory with great persuasions unto wilful poverty, and to confirm his words the more by his own example, in the midst of his sermon he came down from the pulpit and put on his friar's habit ; and so, returning into the pulpit again, (1) M Reginara interficere nolite timere bonum est, et si omnes consenserint non ego contradieo." (2) Ex Matth. Paris. (3) Ex tabula pensili in sede divi Pauli. (4) See infra, p. 828.— Ed. 374 DISSENSION BETWEEN LONDON AND WESTMINSTER. Henry made an end of his sermon. Likewise Alexander Hales entered the ' order of the Franciscans, of whom remaineth yet the book entitled A. D. " De Summa Theologise," in old libraries. 1221 - Moreover, not long after, by William Longspey, who was the Charter- bastard son of King Henry II. and earl of Salisbury, was first monks founded the house of the Carthusian monks at Hethorp, a.d. 1222. founded. ^ft er w hose death his wife Ela translated them to the house of Hen- Appendix. ton ^ m Somersetshire, a .d. 1227 ; which Ela also founded the house of nuns at Lacocks, and there continued herself abbess of the place. The bishop of London, named William, the same time gave over bis bishopric, after whom succeeded Eustace in that see. 1 Two con- In the town of Oxford, where the king then kept his court, Stephen atTcoun- Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, held a council, where was con- oxford demned and burned a certain deacon, as Nicholas Trivet saith, for apostasy ; also another rude countryman, who had crucified himself, and superstitiously bare about the wounds in his feet and hands, was condemned to be closed up perpetually within walls. 2 About the same year also, Alexander, king of Scots, married Joan, sister to King Henry. Not long after began the new building of the minster of Salisbury, whereof Pandulph, the pope^ legate, laid the first five stones ; one for the pope (such was the fortune of that church to have the pope's stone in its foundation) ; the second, for the young King Henry ; the third, for the good earl of Salisbury ; the fourth, for the countess ; the fifth, for the bishop of Salisbury ; which was about the same year above mentioned, a.d. 1221. 3 Dissen- In the same year, about St. James's tide, arose a dissension betwee i tweelTthe the citizens of "London and the men of Westminster, the occasion London ° f wnereo ^ was tHis : — A certain match between these two parties was and west- appointed, to try which party, in wrestling, could overcome the other. Thus, in striving for mastery, each party contending against the other, as the manner is in such pastime, it happened that the Londoners got the victory, and the other side was put to foil, but especially the steward of the abbot of Westminster ; who, being not a little con- founded therewith, began to forethink in his mind how to be revenged again of the Londoners. Whereupon, another day was set, which was at Lammas, that the Londoners should come again to wrestle ; and whoso had the victory should have the bell-wether, 4 which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, the steward suddenly bringeth upon the Londoners, unawares, a company of harnessed men prepared for the same before- hand, and letteth drive at the Londoners ; who, at length, being wounded and grievously hurt, after much bloodshed were driven back again into the city. This contumely thus being received, the citizens, eagerly struck with ire and impatience, ran to the common bell, and by ringing thereof assembled their commons together, to consult with some 6 themselves what was to be done in that case so contumelious ; wherein, counsel when divers sentences were given diversely, Serle, at that time mayor mayor of of London (a wise and discreet man), gave this counsel, that the London. arjD0 t 0 f Westminster should be talked withal, who if he would rectify See (1) Flor. Historiae. (2) Nicholas Trivet. (3) Ex Chion. de Sal. Appendix. (4) Usually, the best sheep in the flock.— Ed. minster See Appendix CONTENTION AMONG CHURCHMEN. 375 the injury done, and satisfy for the harm received, it should be to Henry them sufficient. But contrary, one Coustantine, a great man then in 1_ the city of London, in much heat exciting the people, gave this A. D. sentence, that all the houses of the abbot of Westminster, but espe- 1222 - cially the house of the steward, should be cast down to the ground. J^jjJ In fine, that which he so unadvisedly counselled, was as madly per- heads, formed, for the furious people, according to his counsel, did. This tumultuous outrage, as it could not be privy, coming to the know- ledge of Hubert de Burgh, lord chief justice of England, above mentioned, he coming with a sufficient strength of armed soldiers to the city of London, sent to the mayor and aldermen of the city to will them to come unto him ; who so obeying his commandment, he required of them the principal beginners of the riot. To whom Con- stantine, there being present, answered, that he would warrant that which was done ; sorrowing, moreover, that they had not done more constan- than they did in the matter. The justice, upon this his confession, cuted at commanded him, with two others, without any further tumult, to be j^ 1 ^ 1 taken ; and so, along with the same two, he was hanged, he offering for his life fifteen thousand marks. Appendix The said Hubert, earl of Kent, and lord chief justice, although he was a faithful and trusty officer to his prince, and had the whole guiding of the realm in his own hands, the king, as yet, being in his minority, yet afterwards, what indignation he sustained for this his severity and other things, both of the nobles and of the commons, and how sharply he was tossed and trounced of his prince, it is a wonder to see, as in its due place and time (by the Lord's leave) hereafter shall appear. 1 As mention hath been made of the wrangling between the com- Discord moners of London and Westminster, both time and occasion bring fentkm me in remembrance something to speak likewise of the ecclesiastical conflicts among churchmen ; nothing inferior in my mind, nor less worthy to be noted than the other. For so I read in Matthew Paris, and in the Flowers of History, that at what time this wrestling was among the citizens for the sheep, the like contention kindled and inflamed between Eustace, bishop of London, and the chapter of Paul's, on the one side, and the abbot of Westminster, with his covent, on the other, about spiritual jurisdiction and subjection ; to wit, whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subjection and jurisdiction of the bishop of London or not. This controversy at last coming to a compromise, was committed to the arbitrement of Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, Peter, bishop of Ap plZi, c Winchester, Thomas, prior of Merton, and Richard, prior of Dun- stable ; and at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of West- minster should be utterly exempted from the jurisdiction of the bishop of London, and that Staines, with the appurtenances thereto belonging, should appertain to the monastery of Westminster. Also, that the manor of Sunbury should be due and proper to the church of St. Paul, and also that the church of St. Margaret, with all the lands belonging to the same, should be exempted from all other jurisdiction, but of the bishop of Rome only : and so was this matter decided. a.d. l^. 1 (1) Ex Matth. Paris. (2) Ibid.; ex Flor. Historiarum. among church men. 376 HORRIBLE TEMPEST IN ENGLAND. Henry The same year, as writeth Matthew Paris, horrible tempests, with '. — thundering and lightning and whirlwinds, went throughout all the A.D. land, so that much harm was done ; churches, steeples, towers, houses, and divers trees, with the violence of the winds, were blown up by the tei°npe b st e ro °t s - I* 1 Warwickshire, a certain wife, and eight others in her house, in Eng- were slain. In Grantham, the church was set on lire by lightning most an ' terrible, with such a stink left behind, that no man could, for a long time after, abide it. The author addeth, that manifest marks of the tempest did remain long after in that monastery to be seen. Some also write that fiery dragons and spirits were seen then flying in the air. , a.d. 1223. A.D. 1223, Philip, the French king, died, after whom his son ki°ng S of Louis succeeded to the crown ; to whom King Henry, sending his eaSto mes sage, and desiring him to remember his promise and covenant his pro- made of rendering again the lands lost in Normandy, could obtain nothing at his hands. Whereupon Richard, earl of Cornwall, also William, the king's uncle, earl of Salisbury, with divers other nobles, made over into France, where they recovered Poictou, and kept Gascony under the king's obedience. 1 wSdsMp ^ n same y ear ' or as Fabian giveth it, the next year following, srst which was a.d. 1224, by virtue of a certain parliament, it was granted fo a tne ed °f the lords and barony of the land, that the king and his hens should have the ward and marriage of their heirs, which then was called, and afterwards proved to be, ' initium malorum,*' the beginning of harms. In the same year, according to Gisburn and other writers, the said king, holding another parliament at Oxford, by the advice of his council and his clergy, did grant and confirm, under his great seal, two charts of the old liberties and customs of this realm, for ever to be kept and observed, the one called 4 Magna Charta,' the other 4 Charta de Foresta the contents whereof fully in the beforenamed author be expressed. For this cause was granted again by the whole parliament, a fifteenth of all his subjects, as well of laymen as also of the clergy. Here is to be noted, that these liberties were afterwards broken, and confirmed again by the said king, a.d. 1236. A. D. 1226 2 died Louis VIII., the perjured French king, at App^ix. the siege of Avignon, whom the pope now the second or third time had set up to fight against Reimund, the good earl of Toulouse, and the heretic Albigenses of that country ; for so the pope calleth all those who hold not in all points with his glorious pride, usurped power, and ungodly proceedings. The origin whereof was this, as in Matthew Paris appeareth. In the days of Philip, the French king, this Reimund, earl of Toulouse, was disdained by the pope for holding with the Albigenses ; and therefore, by the instigation of the pope, the lands of the earl were taken from him, and given to Simon Montfort, and instruments were made upon the same ; but when the said earl Reimund would not be removed from the right of his possessions by unrighteous dealing, the pope setteth Philip II., the French king, to make open war against him. Where- (1) Ex Matth. Paris.; Nich. Trivet. Flor. Hist. (2) For two lines of text omitted here, see infra, p. 383.— Ed. THE POPE'S MALICE AGAINST EARL REIMUND. 877 upon Louis, tlie French king's son, 1 was sent with a great power, as Henry is above declared, to besiege the city of Toulouse ; but being repulsed from thence by the marvellous hand of God fighting for his people, A.D. he could not prevail, and so returned home, after he had lost the most 1226 - part of his army by pestilence and other calamity, as hath been before J^gJ 56 described. Thus continued the good earl still in quiet possession till war. this present time, a.d. 1226 ; in the which year the pope, not for- A.D.1226. getting his old malice against the earl, and no less inflamed with pope's insatiable avarice, directeth down his legate, Master Romanus, to the Malice parts of France, for two several purposes ; one to extirpate the earl, Jg 1 ^ the other to enlarge his own revenues. Thus the legate, being entered tian ear?" into France, beginneth to summon a council, willing the French king, °\IZT~ with the archbishops, bishops, and clergy of France, to appear before him at Bourges ; to whom eftsoons repaired six archbishops, with the bishops and suffragans of nine provinces, to the number of a hundred, besides the abbots, priors, and proctors of all the covents of France, to hear the pope's will and commandment. But because there was a Mark, discord feared to rise, saith Matthew Paris, about pre-eminence of bright sitting, for that the archbishop of Lyons challenged the superior place nature of above the archbishop of Sens, also the archbishop of Rouen above striving the archbishops of Bourges, Aix, and Narbonne, and their suf- chief 16 fragans ; therefore the session was holden there not in manner P lace * and form of a council, but of a certain parley or consultation. Thus The pope the meek and holy council being set, and the pope's majesty's letters rig5 h p 0 h s e read and declared, appeareth before them Reimund, earl of Toulouse, session of the one part, and Simon Montfort, on the other part. This Simon from the required to be restored unto him the lands and possessions of the said Reimund, which the pope and Philip, the French king, had given to him and to his father before, having good evidences to show for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope and of the king; adding moreover, that the earl Reimund was deprived and disin- herited in the general council at Rome for heresy, which is called the heresy of the Albigenses. At least, if he might not have the whole yielded unto him, yet the most part of his lordships he required 10 be granted him. To this the earl Reimund answered again, offering himself ready Heimmid to all duty and office both toward the French king and to the church eari of° d of Rome, whatsoever to him did duly appertain. And moreover, an S U wer- e touching the heresy wherewith he was there charged ; he did not J*jj^g f only there offer himself, in that council, before the legate, but most humbly did crave of him, that he would take the pains to come into every city within his precinct, to inquire of every person there the articles of his belief; and if he found any person or persons holding Aibigen- that which was not catholic, he would see the same to be corrected suspected and amended, according to the censure of holy church, to the utter- of heresy, most. Or if he should find any city rebelling against him, he, to .the uttermost of his might with the inhabitants thereof, would compel them to do satisfaction there-for. And as touching himself, if he had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembereth not (1) This Louis (afterwards Louis VIII. of France) was the eldest son of Philip II. To him the barons of England offered the crown, in the miserable days of King John. John died a.d. 1216, and Louis was defeated on the 20th of May in the following yea,r, by the Lord Protector Pembrok?, and compelled to evacuate the kingdom.— Ed. owners. See Appendix. 378 DELIBERATIONS CONCERNING EARL REIMUND. iienry that he had done), he offered there full satisfaction to God and the church, as became any faithful christian man to do ; requiring, ///. A.D. moreover, there, before the legate, to be examined of his faith. . 1226, But all this, saith Matthew Paris, the legate despised ; neither could the catholic earl, saith he, there find any grace, unless he would depart from his heritage, both for himself, and for his heirs for ever. In fine, when it was required by the contrary part, that he should stand to the arbitrement of the twelve peers of France, to that Reimund answered, that if the French king would receive his homage, which he was ready at all times to exhibit, he was contented therewith. For, else, they would not, said he, take him as one of their society and fellow-subject. After much altercation on both sides about the matter, the legate willeth every archbishop to call aside his suffragans to deliberate with them upon the cause, and to give up in writing what was concluded. This being done accordingly, the legate denounceth excommunica- tion on all such as did reveal any piece of that which was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence thereof. These things, thus in hudder mutter among themselves, concluded, the legate gave leave to all proctors of covents and chapters to return home, only retaining with him the archbishops, bishops, and abbots, and certain simple prelates, such as he might be more bold withal, to open, and of them to obtain, the other part of his commission ; which was indeed, to obtain of every cathedral church two prebendships, — Agenda* one of the bishop, the other of the chapter. In monasteries also, after the like sort, where the abbot and covent had divers and several portions, to require two churches ; one of the abbot, the other of the covent ; keeping this proportion, that how much should suffice for the living of one monk, so much the whole covent should find for their part, and as much the abbot likewise for his. And, forasmuch as he would not seem to demand this without some colour of cause, his reason was this : that because the court of Rome had long been blotted with the note of avarice, who is mother of all evil, for that no man could come to Rome for any business, but he must pay for the expedition of the same ; therefore, for the removing away of the occasion of that slander, the public help of the church must necessarily be required. Mark, The proctors and parties thus sent home by the legates, marvelling reader, w ^h themselves why the bishops and abbots should be staid, and the prac- J . r ' ticeof they sent home, and suspecting no less than as the matter was fortily 8 ' indeed, conferred their counsels together, and devised with them- i earning se ] ves ^ 0 sen( j cer tain unto him in the behalf of all the cathedral and conventual churches in France; and sent to the said legate this message, to signify to him, that they were credibly informed he came with special letters from the court of Rome for the obtaining of certain prebendaries in every cathedral and conventual church ; which being so, they much marvelled that he would not in the The public council make manifest to them those letters which specially ErSe° f concerned them, as much as the others. Wherefore, their request ingTo the was ^° m tne Lord, that no such offensive matter might arise legate, by him in the French church; knowing this, that the thing he enterprised could not be brought to effect without great offence IBS FRENCH CLERGY OBJECT TO PAPAL EXACTIONS. 379 taken, and inestimable damage to the church of France. " For Henry grant, 1 '' said they, " that certain will assent unto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect concerning such matters as touch the A.D. whole ; especially seeing both the states of the realm, with all the A 226 ' inferior subjects, yea, and the king himself, they are sure, will with- stand the same, to the venture, not only of their honour, but of their life also ; considering the case to be such, as upon the offence whereof standeth the subversion both of the realm public, and of the whole church in general. ,, Declaring, moreover, the cause of this fear to arise hereof, for that in other realms such communication hath been with bishops and prelates for the procuring of such prebend- ships, whereas neither the prince nor the subjects were made any thing privy thereto. In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the legate, Inferi0j ' 9 , . . . 1 1 o ' ever mo! e the objections of the inferior parties against the cruel exaction were bold to these in brief effect, as in Matthew Paris are noted. tharuhe First, They alleged their great damages and expenses which they g^ c _ were like to sustain thereby, by reason of the continual procurators of of the pope, who, in every diocese, must not live of their own, but clergy of be sustained by the charges of the cathedral churches, and other agaSSt churches also ; and many times they, being but procurators, will be Jjjggj found as legates. Item, By that means, they said, great perturbations might ensue to the covents and chapters of cathedral churches in their elections ; forasmuch as the pope's agents and factors being in every cathedral church and chapter-house, perhaps the pOpe would command the agent or factor in person to be present at their elections, and so might trouble the same in delaying, and deferring, till it might fall to the court of Rome to give ; and so there should be placed more of the pope's clientels in the churches of France, than of the proper inhabitants of the land. Item, By this means they affirmed, that all they in the court of Rome should be richer, and should receive more for their propor- tion than the king of the realm : by reason of which abundance of riches, it was like to come to pass, that as the worm of rich men is pride, so, by the means of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay and drive off great suits, and would scarcely take any pains with small causes ; the experiment whereof is evident, for that now also they use to delay their matters, when they come with their gifts, and being in assurance to receive. And thus should justice stand aside, and poor suitors die at the gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in full abundance of all treasure and riches. Item, Forasmuch as it is meet and convenient to have friends in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes ; therefore they thought to keep them needy, whereby their gifts may be the sweeter, and their causes sooner despatched. Item, As it is impossible to stop the fountain of greedy desire, it was to be feared, either that they would do that by others, which they were wont to do by themselves, or else, that they should be forced to give greater rewards than before ; for small gifts, in the sight of great rich men, are not looked upon. Item, Where he alleged the removing away of the slander which 880 THE CARDINAL DEFEATED IN FRANCE. Henry goeth on the court of Rome : by this means rather the contrary were to be feared, wherein they alleged the sentence of the verse, A. D. that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mind contented 1226 - with a little : " Quod virtus reddit, non copia, sufficientem ; Et non paupertas, sed mentis hiatus, egentem." Further, they alleged that great riches would make the Romans mad, and so might kindle among them sides and parts-taking ; so that, by great possessions, sedition might follow to the ruin and destruction of the city, whereof some experiment they had already. Item, They added, that although they would condescend and oblige themselves to that contribution, yet their successors would not be so bound, nor yet ratify that bond of theirs. Lastly, They conclude the matter by desiring that the zeal of the universal church, and of the church of Rome, would move him : for, if this oppression of the church should be universal, it were to be God doubted lest an universal departing might follow from the church of say we. Rome, which God forbid, say they, should happen. The legate hearing these words, being therewith something moved, as seemed, excused himself, that he, being in the court, never agreed The car- to this exaction ; and that the letters, hereof, came not to him before repulsed ne was m France, whereat he said he was greatly sorry : adding defeated ^is withal, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning m France, in them, thus to be understood and taken, " so far forth as the empire and other realms would agree unto the same and as for him, he would stir no more in the matter, before it were proved what other countries would say and do therein. And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commis- sion of this legate, touching his exaction of prebendships in every cathedral and conventual church ; wherein, as ye hear, he was repulsed. 1 The pope Now to return to the first part of his commission again, which w ar eth was concerning Reimund, the godly earl of Toulouse, — thus the the eS s t° rv proceedeth : that while the legate was in hand with this matter and of the pope^ money, in the mean season, certain preaching friars Toulouse, were directed by the said Romanus, the pope's legate, into all France, to incite and stir up the Frenchmen to take the cross upon them, and to war against the earl of Toulouse, and the people thereof, whom they accounted for heretics. At their preaching, a great number of prelates and laymen signed themselves with the cross, to Testi- fight against the people of Toulouse, being thereto induced, as the Se ny ° f story saith, more for fear of the French king, Louis VIII., or favour the clear- °^ ^ ne ^ e S^ e -> ^ nan f° r an y true zea ^ °^ j us ^ ce - For so it followeth «*g of in the words of Matthew Paris: 2 "For to many, 11 saith he, "it andSthe seemed an abuse to move war against a faithful christian man, Aibigen- especially, see ing in the council of Bourges, before all men, he entreated the legate, with great instance, that he would come into (1) Ex Matth. Paris, p. 62. (2) " Videbatur enim multis abusio, ut hominem ridelem Christianum infestarent, prascipue cum constaret cunctis, eum, in concilio nuper Bituriensi, multis precibus persuasisse legato, ut veniret ad singulas terrae suae 'civitates, inquirens a singulis articulos fidei: et si quempiam contra fidero inveniret." &c. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF TOULOUSE. 381 every city within his dominions, and there inquire of every person Wmry the articles of his faith ; where, if he found any man to hold any thing contrary to the catholic faith, he promised a full satisfaction to A - D« be had thereof, according to the censure of the church, to the utter- 1226, most." Yet all this notwithstanding, the proud legate, contemning this SO The un- honest and reasonable purgation of the earl Reimund, ceased not by ^le 0 "" all manner of means to prosecute the pope's fury against him and his ^ an £ y e of subjects, stirring up the king and the Frenchmen, under pain of against excommunication, to war against them. Louis, the French king, S Tou°- ple thus being enforced by the legate, answered again, that he, for his louse - own safety, would not achieve that expedition, or adventure against the earl, unless it were first obtained of the pope to write to the king of England ; commanding him, that, during the time of that expe- dition, he should invade and molest no part of his lands and posses- sions which he at that time did hold, whether by right or by wrong, or howsoever they were holden, while the time of the said war against the heretics (as they were then termed) did endure, but rather should aid and assist him with counsel and money in that enterprise. All this being done and accomplished, the French king and the legate (crossing themselves to the field) appointed a day peremptory for the French army to meet together at Lyons, under Excom- pain of the pope's excommunication, and, with horse and harness, to tion set upon- the people of Toulouse, namely the Ascension day next abused - ensuing. When the Ascension day was come, which was the day peremp- Louis, th« torily appointed, the French king, having prepared at Lyons all £fng C a nd things necessary for his army, marcheth forward with a great and ^°™ a he mighty host ; after whom also cometh the legate, with his bishops pope's and prelates. The number of fighting men in his army, besides the victuallers and waggoners, was fifty thousand men. The legate, Jg^M by the way, openly excommunicated the earl of Toulouse, and all genses. that took his part ; and, furthermore, interdicted his whole land. Toulouse Thus the king marched forward till he came into the province of ^JJ™" Toulouse ; and the first city which he came unto there of the eaiTs cated. was Avignon, which city they thought first to besiege, and so in order afterwards, as they went to destroy and waste all the whole province belonging to the earl. And first the king demanded of them to have his passage through their city ; feigning himself in peaceable wise, but for the expedition of his journey, to pass through the same. The citizens, consulting with themselves what was to be done, at length gave answer, that they mistrusted their coming, and supposed that, in deceit, they required the entrance of their city, and for no necessity of their journey. The king, hereat being much offended, swore an oath, that he city of would not depart thence till he had taken the city ; and immediately, ^lieged. in those places where he thought most meet, he began to make sharp attacks, with all manner of saultable engines ; the citizens again within manfully defended themselves, and casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, slew and wounded many of the French- men. Thus, when they had long besieged the city, and could not win the same, at length victuals in the French camp began to fail, 382 THE DEATH OF LOUIS VIII. Henry and many of them died for hunger ; for the earl of Toulouse, as a wise man of war, hearing before of their coming, took into the town A.D. all the provision that was abroad, and left nothing, without, to serve " for their defence and succour ; he ploughed up the fields, that there should no stover 1 be found to serve their horses ; he put out of the town all the old people and young children, lest they should want victuals that kept the town, and before their coming sent them far away, so that within the town they had plenty, and without, they died for famine. And, besides, in seeking far for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the city, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad, and slew many of them ; besides that, a great number Famine of cattle and horses died for want of forage ; and also poor soldiers, felfcein 1 who had no great store of money, died for want of victuals. By the French mortality and the stench, both of men and cattle, grew great infection camp. and pestilence among them ; insomuch that the king himself, and also the legate, were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no little shame, as well to the realm of France, as also to Rome, that they should so depart and break up their siege. Thus again thought the soldiers, that much better it were for them to end their lives by battle, than thus to starve and die like dogs ; wherefore, with one consent, they purposed to give a new assault at the bridge that goeth over the Rhone into the town, to which place they came in such numbers, that either by the debility of the bridge, or by the subtlety The of the soldiers that kept the town, three thousand of them, with soldiers bridge and all, fell armed into the violent stream, and were drowned, at the yed What was there, then, but joy and gladness on the citizen's part, siege of and much lamentation and heaviness on the other part ? Shortly Avignon. a £ ter ^ c jj-j zens Q f Avignon (when they saAv a convenient time, whilst their enemies were eating meat) came suddenly upon them out of the town, and slew of them two thousand, and took to the town again with safety. But the legate, with his company of pi elates, A PP S endix like good men of war, practised no other martial feats, but all to-be- Louis, the cursed the earl of Toulouse, his cities, and his people. Louis VIII. king, ch the king, to avoid the pestilence that was in the camp, went into an thelsiege aDDev n °t ^ ar °^ where, shortly after, he died. Of his death of _ " there are sundry opinions ; some saying, that he was poisoned ; vignon. gome ^ j.j ia £ j ie ^- ec | 0 £ a I)] 0 0 dy-fTiix, a. d. 1226 ; whose death, notwithstanding, the legate thought to keep secret and conceal, till the town might be surrendered and given up : for he thought himself shamed for ever if lie should depart before the town were won. The false Wherefore, after he had encouraged the soldiers afresh, and yet thepope° s f after many sharp assaults could not prevail, he bethought him how betra e - in falsehood he might betray them, and sent unto them certain tne cityof heralds, to will them that they should among themselves consult v lg non. U p 0n ar ti c ]es of peace, and bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduct they faithfully promised and warranted, both of coming, and going. When they had given their pledges for the same, the messengers from the citizens talked with the legate, who promised them, if they would deliver up their city, they should have their lives, goods, and possessions in as ample manner as now they enjoyed thc- (!) " Stover," fodder.~F.D PERJURY OF THE PAPISTS. same. Bat the citizens and soldiers refused to be under the servi- Hewy tude of the French king, neither would so deliver up their city to those of whose insolent pride they had so good experiment. After much talk on both sides, and none likely to take effect, the legate 122 ^ requested them, and friendly desired, that he and his prelates who were about him, might come into their city to examine what faith and belief they were of, and that he neither sought nor meant any other thing thereby, but their own safeties, as well of body as soul, which thing he faithfully swore unto : " For," saith he, " the rumour of your great infidelity hath come to the lord pope's ear, and therefore desired he to make true certificate thereof.'''' Hereupon the citizens, pe r j Ur yof not mistrusting his faithful oath and promise made unto them, granted *V e ts pa TbA entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no city of weapon, into the town. The soldiers of the camp, as it was agreed tiken!° u before, made themselves ready, so that at the entrance of the prelates Ap ^ diT ^ in at the gate, nothing regarding their oath and fidelity, the others suddenly were ready, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and warders, and, at length, won the city and destroyed the same, and slew many of them that were within. When by falsehood and policy they had thus gotten this noble city, they carried the king's corpse to Paris, where they buried the same. Of the whole number of the French soldiers who in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, and drowning, be recounted more than two and twenty thousand : " Whereby, 11 saith Matthew Paris, " it may evidently appear that the war was unjustly taken in hand. 11 After these things finished, and after the funeral of the king cele- brated at Paris, it followeth more in the said history of Matthew Paris, that the said legate, Romanus, was vehemently suspected and griev- ously infamed as having abused himself with Blanche, the king's «sed im- mother: " But it is ungodly, 11 saith he, " to suspect any such thing J^^f' of him because his enemies so rumoured the same abroad ; but a Jre^quia gentle mind expoundeth things doubtful in the better part." ejus hoc To pass further to the year next following, which was a.d. 1827, first nk\ S e™m; is to be noted, that in this year 1 died Pope Honorius III., a great adver- ^J^ us sary against Frederic the emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory IX., animus more grievous than his predecessor. In th is year also King Henry, be- melius in- ginning to shoot up unto the twentieth year of his age, came from Read- [^ r r p » et "" ing to London, where he began to charge the citizens of London for old reckonings; namely, for giving or lending five thousand marks to Louis, the French king, at his departing out of the realm, to the great pre- judice of him and of his kingdom ; for the recompense whereof they were constrained to yield to the king the full sum of the like money. That done, he removed to Oxford, where he assembled a great The kin g council, there denouncing and protesting before them all, that he to be freed was come to sufficient age no more to be under tutors and governors, Gemots, but to be his own man, requiring to be freed from the custody of 'aM ^obe others. This being protested against and resisted, forthwith he, by man. the counsel of Hubert the chief justice, whom he then made earl of Kent, removed from his company the bishop of Winchester, and others, under whom he was moderated ; and immediately, in the same council, by the sinister persuasion of some, he doth annihilate d make void the charters and liberties, before by him granted, an (1) The next two lines, to "this year also," are brought from p. 376. — En. 884 NO PEACE IN THE POPE*S CHURCH. Hep pretending this colour, for that they had been granted and sealed _ in the time of his minority, at a time when he had the rule neither °f himself nor of his seal ; whereupon much muttering and mur- — _ muring was among the multitude, who did all impute the cause to th e e v iibe? Hubert > tne justice. Moreover, it was at the same time proclaimed, ties which that whosoever had any charter or gift sealed in the time of the graS. king's minority, should come and renew the same again under the new seal of the king, knowing otherwise, that the thing should stand in no effect. And finally, for renewing of their seals, they were taxed not according to their ability, but according as it pleased the justice and others to levy upon them. Moreover, besides a general subsidy of the fifteenth granted to the king through the whole realm, and besides also the contribution of the Londoners, divers other parcels and payments he gathered Append^, through several places ; as, of the burgesses of Peterborough and Northampton he required an aid of twelve hundred pounds, and so of others likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the furnishing of his voyage to recover Normandy. And yet, because he would gratify the city of London again with some citizens pleasure, he granted that the citizens thereof should pass toll- freedffom ^ ree ' sa ^ tn Fabian, throughout all England ; and if, of any city, ton. borough, or town, they were constrained at any time to pay their a.d.1228. toll, then the sheriffs of London were to attach every man coming to London of the said city, borough, or town, and him with his goods to withhold, till the Londoners were again restored of all such money paid for the said toll, with all costs and damages sustained for the same. 1 I declared before, how after the death of Honorius succeeded Pope Gregory IX., between whom and the people of Rome this year arose a great sedition, insomuch that about the feast of Easter they thrust the pope out of the city, pursuing him unto his castle at Viterbo, where also they invaded him so valiantly, that they chased him to Perugia. Then having no other- remedy wherewith to revenge his persecutors, fiercely he did excommunicate them. 2 The f Here, by the way, is to be observed and considered, christian church reader, not only by this sedition, but by so many other schisms, divi- Sedby s i° ns 5 tumults, fightings, brawls, and contentions in the church of their dis- Rome from the first beginning of the pope's usurped power, and and that not only within the city of Rome, but universally almost in all No^eace P°P lsn monasteries, colleges, churches, and covents under the pope in the subjected, continually reigning amongst them, what is to be thought cimrch. of their religion and holiness, having so little peace, so great disquiet- ness, dissensions, and wrangling amongst them, as in stories manifest it is both to behold, and wondrous to consider. Dissen- Forasmuch as I have here entered into the mention of this schis- tween e the niatical commotion between the pope and his citizens, it followeth more- prior and over, in the History of Matthew Paris, who maketh relation of a like CO VCli t Ol * Durham brawling matter, which befell the same year and time, a.d. 1228, Mng! he between the prior and covent of Durham, and this King Henry III., upon this occasion. After the death of Richard, bishop of Durham, the prior and chapter of the said church came to the king, to obtain (1) Ex Fahiano, par. 7. (2) Ex Matth. Paris, p. 69 DEATH OF STEPHEN L A NGTON. 385 license for the electing of their bishop. The king offered them one Hem, Lucas, a chaplain of his, requiring them instantly to e^ect him for their bishop. To this the monks answered, that they would receive A.D. no man, but by their order of canonical election ; meaning, belike, 1228 by their canonical election, when they either elect some monk out of their own company, or else some monkish priest after their own liking. Contrary, the king again sendeth word unto them, and bound it with an oath, that they should tarry seven years without a bishop, unless they would admit the aforesaid Lucas to that place of dignity. All which notwithstanding, the monks, proceeding in their election, refused the said Lucas ; and preferred another clerk of theirs, named William, archdeacon of Worcester, and him they presented to the king : but the king, bringing in exceptions and causes against that party, would not admit him. Then the monks, in The all hasty speed, sent up to Rome certain of their coven t, to have m £rham f their election ratified by the authority apostolical. On the other s £^° side, the king likewise hearing sendeth also to Rome against the against monks the bishop of Chester 1 and the prior of Lanthony on his behalf, king, to withstand the purpose of the monks. And so the matter, being Ap^endn. traversed with great altercation on both sides, did hang in suspense, saith mine author ; till at length thus it was concluded between both, that neither Master William nor yet Lucas should be taken, but that Richard, bishop of Sarum, should be translated to Durham, and be bishop there, a.d. 1228. 2 The like stir also happened, both the same year, and for a like matter, between the monks of Coventry and the canons of Lichfield, about choosing their bishop, which of them should have the superior voice in the election of their prelate. After much ado, the cause, at length being hoisted up to Rome, had this determination ; that the monks of Coventry, and the church of Lichfield, should choose their bishop by course, each party taking turn, the one after the other : provided, notwithstanding, that the prior of Coventry should always have the first voice in every election ; whereas the old custom was, saith mine author, that the covent with the prior of Coventry was wont to have the whole election of the bishop without the canons. This was a.d. 1228. 3 In that year died Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, Thecnap by whom, as is recorded by Nicholas Trivet, the chapters of the BiSefirat Bible, in that order and number as we now use them, were first dis- dis . ti "* CII1SI16Q tinguished. The said Langton also made postils 4 upon the whole by ste- Bible. The same prelate, moreover, builded the new hall, in the Langton. palace of Canterbury. After the death of this Langton ensued another variance about the Dissen- election of the archbishop of Canterbury, between the monks of t s ^ e n e J e t " he Canterbury and the king; the perturbation whereof as it was no less ™™ t g* of seditious, so the determination of the same was much more costly, bury and After the death of Langton, the monks of Canterbury, obtaining the king ' license of the king to proceed in the election of a new archbishop, did choose one of their own society, named Master Walter Heme- sham ; whom, when the monks had presented unto the king, he, after long deliberation, began to object against that election, saying, first, ( 1 ) See p. 343, note (4).— Ed. (2) Ex Matth. Paris. (3) Ibid. fol. 68. (4) " Postils," see Appendix.— Ed. VOL. II, C C 386 WALTER ELECTED ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. Henry that the monks had elected such a one as was neither profitable to him, nor his kingdom. Secondly, he objected against the party elect, A.D. ^at his father was convicted of felony, and hanged for the same. ' Thirdly, that he stood in causes against his father, King John, in the AppZdix. time of the interdict. Moreover, the bishops, his suffragans, charged t the party elect, that by a certain nun he had had children ; adding further, that the election of the archbishop was without their presence, which ought not to be. But the archbishop, stoutly standing to the election, appealed up to Rome, and eftsoons taking with him certain monks, presented himself to the pope's own proper person, there to sue his appeal, instantly entreating that his election might stand confirmed by his authority pontifical ; but the pope, under- standing that the said election was resisted by the king and the bishops, deferred the matter until he did hear further of the certainty thereof. The king and the bishops, having intelligence that the archbishop with his monks were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the aforesaid objections above alleged, in writing ; and, King sealing the same with the seals both of the king and of the bishops, lendeth to exhibit them to the bishop of Rome. The messengers of these pope 6 letters were the bishops of Rochester and Chester, 1 and Master A^tndix J° nn Houghton, archdeacon of Bedford, who, coming to Rome and exhibiting their message with their letters unto the pope (considera- tion being had upon the same), were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash Wednesday, then to have a resolute see answer concerning the cause, which was the first day of March the Tithe of year following; that is, a.d. 1229. In the mean season, the king's abiegoods proctors ceased not with all instance to labour the pope and his in Eng- cardinals to be favourable to the king's side ; but finding them some- jq^jh and - Ireland what hard and strict in the matter, as is the guise of that court, they to°the lsed began to misdoubt their speeding. Wherefore, consulting together pope. with themselves upon the premises, they came to the pope, promising in the king's behalf, to be given and granted to him out of the realms both of England and Ireland, the tithe or tenth part of all the goods within the said realms moveable, to sustain his wars against the emperor, so that he would incline favourably to the king's suit and petition herein. " But the pope,' 1 saith Matthew Paris, " who boiled with desire above all measure to have the emperor, his enemy, it is pity cast down, being cheered with such great promises," (O auri sacra waitake f ames 0 " granted his consent to them j" 2 who, sitting then in his no bribes, consistory, had these words which here follow. The Pope's Answer to the Election of Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury. There hath come alate to our intelligence the election of a certain monk named Walter, to be archbishop of Canterbury ; whereupon, after that we heard and advised, as well those things which the said monk hath said for himself and for his election ; as also, on the contrary side, the objections and Mo, but exceptions of the bishops of England, alleging against him and against his when election, namely, of the bishop of Chester and the bishop of Rochester, and John, fingVh^s. archdeacon of Bedford : we, upon the same, committed the examination touching Becket the person of the man unto our reverend brethren the lord bishop of Albano, (1) See p. 385, note (1).— Ed. (2) " Ad dominus papa, qui rebellem imperatorera super omnia asstuabat dejicere, tantis promis- sionibus evhilaratus, trahitur ad consensum." THE POPE DISSOLVES THE ELECTION. 387 and Thomas, lord bishop of Sabino, and Master Peter, cardinals. And when the Henry aforesaid elect, coming before them, was asked of them, first concerning the HI - Lord's descending into hell, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, a. D. he answered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of 1229. Christ on the altar, he answered, likewise, not soundly. Being asked, moreover, how Rachel wept for her children, she being dead before, he answered not ^heard well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication de- without nounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Again, being required such . com - of matrimony, if one of the married parties be an infidel, and do depart, he tion. answered thereto not well. Upon these articles, he was (as is said) diligently The elec- examined of the cardinals ; to the which we say he answered not only not well, ^ >n lt of but also very ill. Forasmuch, therefore, as the church of Canterbury is a noble ar ch- Cr ' church, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discreet and modest, and such as bishop of ought to be taken out of the bosom of the church of Rome ; and forasmuch as £ury ""is- this new elect (whom not only here we pronounce to be unworthy, but also solved by should say more of him, if we would proceed with him by the rigour of the the pope, law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a room : we do k°^ lg 'g utterly infringe, annihilate, and evacuate his election, always reserving to money, ourselves the provision of the said church. 1 Thus, the election of Walter being frustrated and dissolved, the king's procurators, bringing forth the letters of the king and of the suffragans of the church of Canterbury, presented the same unto the pope for the ratification of Richard, chancellor of Lincoln, to be appointed archbishop of Canterbury; whom they, with great commen- dation of words, did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge, of an honest conversation, and, which was greatest of all, that he was a man much for the profit of the church of Rome, as also for the realm of England. The said Richard being thus commended to the pope by the letters procuratory of the king and of the bishops, had the consent of the pope and of the cardinals, and so was made bishop of Canterbury before he was elected. Whereupon the said Pope Gregory, in his behalf, directeth down his letters to all and singular the suffragans of the church of Canterbury, declaring thus, The effect and beginning first with a lie, that ' forasmuch as, by the fulness of pipe's ecclesiastical power, the charge of pastoral office is committed to him SSJJJJ, in general upon all churches, he, therefore, for the solicitude he g»ns of beareth, as well to all other churches in general, as in an especial bury? r ~ manner to the metropolitan church of Canterbury, repudiating and J^mS disannulling the former election of Walter, the monk, upon just witn a lie - causes, hath provided for that see a man, as in all other good gifts perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him, so, for that function very fit and commodious ; and willeth and com- mandeth them, and all others, by his authority apostolical, with all devout reverence to receive him, and humbly to obey him. a.d. 1229.' 2 These things thus finished at Rome, the pope, not forgetting the This was sweet promises made of the English silver which he so greedily gaped l^^f for, omitting neither time nor diligence, in all speedywise sendeth c^\° e p r of unto the king of England Master Stephen, his own chaplain and bury, trusty legate, to require and collect the aforesaid tithes of all the w°ith ht moveable goods both of England, Ireland, and Wales, which were JJ e a ii ithei promised to him before ; therewith to maintain his war against England. Frederic, the emperor. And, to the intent he might inflame all christian realms with the like hatred which he bare against Frederic, (I) Haec ex Matth. Parisiensi ad veibum. (2) Mallh. Paris. C C 2 388 EXTORTION OF THE POPE. Hrnry the emperor, he sendeth also with the said Stephen special letters, full of manifold complaints and grievous accusations against the said A.D. emperor, whereof more (Christ granting) shall be showed hereafter. 1229 - Upon the coming of this Stephen, the legate, the king assembled all his earls and barons, with the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, templars, hospitallers, parsons, vicars, and others, such as held of ^ him in capite. to appear before him at Westminster, to hear and to The pope 1 > I r . tipi 1 1 requiieth comrrmne of the matter ; m the assembly 01 whom the pope s patent of She letters were brought forth and read ; wherein he required the tenths ablest of all the moveables in England, Wales, and Ireland, as well of the England, clergy as of the laity, to maintain his expedition against the aforesaid and ire- Frederic, the emperor. As he pretended to achieve and to take in land " hand this expedition for the cause of the universal church, and False happily had begun the matter already ; and forasmuch as the riches 5 the" 56 °f tne a P os tolic see did not suffice for the accomplishing of so great under the an en ^ er P r i se : ne therefore, enforced by mere necessity, did implore name of the aid and help of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church church of Rome, lest the members thereof, together with the head, ETown 8 snou ld be subverted. These letters of the pope, to this effect, being cankered openly recited and explained by the pope's chaplain, which he, with mahce. m \ic]i more allegation and persuasion of words, did amplify to his uttermost, the king, saith mine author, in whom all men did hope for help to their defence, became then as a staff of reed ; for, much as he £ he , had obliged himself to the same before for the election of his arch- mouth bishop, now could he say nothing against it, but held his peace. The stopped. ear | g ^ b aron g 5 anc [ a i} the laity utterly refused so to bind their baronies to the church of Rome : but the bishops, abbots, priors, with other prelates of the church, first, requiring- space and respite to deliberate for three or four days ; at length, for fear of the pope's curse (although they durst not utterly withstand) had brought to pass to have concluded for a sum of money much less, had not Stephen Segrave, one of the king's counsellors, craftily convented with the legate, and by subtle means brought it so to pass, that the whole tenths were gathered and paid, to the inestimable damage, saith Matthew Paris, both of the ecclesiastical and temporal state ; the means whereof, saith the author, were these : the legate showing to the prelates his procurators letters, to collect and gather up all the aforesaid tenths in the name and authority of the pope, declared, Excom- moreover, the full authority to him granted by the virtue of his com- SmS* mission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdict their churches, bused, whosoever did gainstand or go contrary to the said collection. Whereupon, by the said virtue legantine, he sendeth to every shire The , his proctors, to gather the pope's money, or else to excommunicate them who refused to pay. And, forasmuch as the present need of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreover to the bishops and prelates of the realm, on pain of interdiction, forth- with to procure and send to him either of their own, or by loan or usance, or by what means soever, so much money, in all post speed, for the present use of the pope ; and after, to take up again the said money of the tenths of every single person, by the right taxing of their goods. Upon this, the prelates, to avoid the danger, having no other remedy, were driven to sell their chalices, cruets. pope s extortion USURERS BROUGHT INTO ENGLAND. 389 See Appendix copes, jewels, and other church plate, and some to lay to mortgage Henry such things as they had, some also to borrow upon usance, to make IIL the money which was required. Moreover the said Stephen, the A. D. pope's chaplain, as reporteth Matthew Paris, brought with him into 1229> England, for the same purpose, such bankers and usurers ; who, lend- Usurers ing out their money upon great usury, did unreasonably pinch the fXIng- English people, which merchant usurers were then called Caursini. JheVope. Briefly, such strait exaction was then upon the poor Englishmen, that not only their present goods were valued and taxed, but also the corn yet growing in the field against the next harvest was tithed, com Only the earl of Chester, named Ranulph, stood stoutly against the ^°^ e pope, suffering none within his dominion, either layman or clerk, tithed t0 to yield any tenths to the pope's proctors. 1 And this was the end of JldSS! the strife between the monks of Canterbury and the king for the election of their archbishop, which was about a. d. 1229 ; in which year was finished the new church of Coventry by Alexander, bishop of the said city, and partly by the help of the king, which church Richard, a former bishop of Coventry, had begun. The Frenchmen about this time again prepared themselves The towards Provence, to war against the aforesaid Reimund, earl of^P^' o s h Toulouse, and to drive him out of his possessions ; and, hearing that army, he was in the castle of Soretze they marched thither all their power, todStroy thinking there to enclose and compass him about ; but the earl, being ^ e ( j™ und * privy to their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing ^ T0 ^ certain ambushments in woods, not so secretly as strongly, there to way. e wait and receive the coming of the Frenchmen, and to give them > Ap £ndi*. their welcome. Thus when the French were entered the wood, the earl, with his train of well armed and able warriors, suddenly did fly upon them unawares, and gave them a bitter meeting, so that, in that conflict, five hundred of the French soldiers were taken and many slain. Of their servitors, to the number of two thousand men with their armour were taken, of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their ears, some their legs, and so were sent home ; the rest were carried away prisoners into the castle. " And to be brief, 1 ' saith the history, " thrice in the same summer were the Frenchmen discomfited, put to flight, and taken and imprisoned by the aforesaid Reimund the godly earl. 2 Wherein is to be seen and to be praised the gracious protection of the Lord our God against the furious papists, who is glorious always in his saints. 3 (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 74. (2) Ibid. p. 69. (3) We must conclude that our author extols rather the goodness of God in giving the victory, than the cruel manner in which earl Reimund improved it. But while we shrink with disgust at these excesses inflicted upon the French soldiery, it must he remembered that Reimund, the seventh earl, was influenced more by political motives, than by the force of that love, which is taught in the pure doctrines of the gospel of Christ. Without this holy principle, we cannot be surprised that the atrocious severities which his predecessor suffered, and which he saw inflicted upon his swn people by the papal power, fostered within him a spirit of unrelenting rigour, which might in time become the dominant principle of his nature. Let us for a moment glance at some of the hideous scenes to which a most bitter persecution had familiarised his mind, and then let any candid reader judge whether the papists have not more cause to blush at the name of pope Inno- cent IIL, the founder of the Inquisition, than the Albigenses have at the name of the earls Reimund. " The subjects of Raymund [Vlth] earl of Toulouse, and of some other great personages in his neighbourhood, so generally professed the Waldensian doctrines, that they became the peculiar objects of papal vengeance. The inhabitants of Toulouse, Carcassone, Beziers, Narbonne, Avignon, and many other cities, who were commonly called the Albigenses, were exposed to a persecution more cruel and atrocious than any recorded in history."— (Milner, Ch. Hist. vol. iiL p. 484.) The first victims of the destructive and insidious machinations of the Inquisition, instituted about this period (a. d. 1206), were the people of the earl Reimund. " The beginning of the thirteenth century" (continues the above author), "saw thousands of persons hanged or 390 INCONSTANCY OF ROYAL FAVOUR. Henry III. A.D. 1229. See Appendix. Incon- stancy of princes towards those that be chief about them. See Appendix. The same year, the king, being at Portsmouth, had assembled together all his nobility, earls, barons, and knights of England, with such an army of horsemen and footmen, as hath not been lightly seen, thinking to recover again the countries of Normandy, and other possessions which King John, his father, before, had lost; but when the captains and marshals of the field would take shipping, there were not half ships enough to receive the host. Hereupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault on Hubert, the lord chief justice, who, under the king, had all the government of the realm, calling him ' old traitor, 1 charging him that he would be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when he took of the French queen five thousand marks to stay the king's journey into Normandy. In so much was the rage of the king kindled against him, that, drawing his sword, he made at him to run him through, had not Ranulph, the earl of Chester, stopped the king. Hubert withdrew himself away till the king's rage was past. This was about Michael- mas, at which time arrived Peter, earl of Bretagne, in the haven of Portsmouth, in the month of October ; who should have conducted burned by these diabolical devices, whose sole crime was, that they trusted only to Jesus Christ for salvation, and renounced all the 'vain hopes of self-righteous idolatry and superstition." We will not relate details too terrible and disgusting to peruse ; they may be found elsewhere : but a brief extract from Stockdale's History of the Inquisition (p. 191) will give the reader some idea of the horrors of this ordeal. " When the accused was condemned to the torture, they conducted him to the place destined for its application, which was called The Place of Torment. It was a subter- raneous vault, the descent to which was by an infinite number of winding passages, in order that the shrieks of the unhappy sufferers should not be heard. In this place there were no seats but such as were destined for the inquisitors, who were always present at the infliction of the torture. It was lighted only by two gloomy lamps, whose dim and mournful light served but to show to the criminal, the instruments of his torment : one or more executioners attended, as the case required. These executioners were clothed nearly in the same manner in which penitents are dressed,— in a large robe of black buckram ; their heads and faces concealed under a cowl of the same colour, with holes for the eyes, the nose, and the mouth. This spectre-like figure seized the criminal, and stripped him of his clothes," &c. The same author (p. 47) observes, in reference to the persecutions of the Albigenses, " The siege of Beziers commenced : it was urged by all the fury of persecution, and sustained with all the energy of despair. The contest was too unequal : upon the 22d of July, 1209, a day ever memorable in the annals of Europe, the ramparts were forced, and the crusaders entered the city. Bleeding humanity attempts in vain to discredit the sad story of the scene which followed. Men, women, children, old and young, were murdered, without mercy and without distinction. Not even the temples of the Almighty were respected ; the unhappy victims were slaughtered upon the very altars to which they had fled for refuge ; and when the troops were wearied with massacre, they fastened the doors of the churches, wherein thousands were immured, and setting fire to the buildings, the conflagration completed the destruction of those whom the sword had spared." — " After this, we need not be astonished to hear, that upwards of sixty thou- sand victims perished on that day." Nor are these cruelties to be attributed to the spirit of an uncultivated age, for the reader may now be referred to one of the enemies of the Albigenses, who defends the enormities here described : we mean the Right Rev. John Milner, D.D. In the Seventh Edition of his " Letters to a Prebendary," p. 72, this Romish writer, in speaking of the Albigenses, observes,—" It was against these pests of society and human nature, that fires were first lighted in the West, &c. ; and it was to repress and rout out these, &c. that the crusade of our Simon de Montfort and the Inquisition were set on foot, and that the canons, &c. were passed." And in the next page, this writer (who assures us that persecution is no tenet of the Romish church,) speaks of the " much lamented persecution of the Albigenses, to which, however, we are indebted for the continuance of society and the human race,"&c. — "Three hundred thousand pilgrims, induced by the united motives of avarice and superstition, filled the country of the Albigenses with carnage and confusion for a number of years." " The castle of Menerbe, on the frontiers of Spain, for want of water, was reduced to the necessity of surrendering to the pope's legate. A certain abbot under- took to preach to those who were found in the castle, and to exhort them to acknowledge the pope : but they interrupted his discourse, declaring that his labour was to no purpose. Earl Simon (Montfort) and the legate then caused a great fire to be kindled : and they burned a hundred and forty persons of both sexes. These martyrs died in triumph, praising God that he had counted them worthy to suffer for the sake of Christ." — (Milner's Church History, vol. iii. p. 492.) The sixth earl Reimund, after a life of suffering and persecution, died in peace, a.d. 1222. His succes- sor, the subject of the present history, pressed on all sides by the enemies of the truth and " the sinful seat of Rome," was constrained, a.d. 1229, to purchase an ignominious peace, by sacrificing a portion of his possessions to Louis IX., the French king, and making the accustomed peace offering to Pope Gregory IX. We come then to this conclusion : Our author, who, only on a foreign shore could escape the sanguinary rage of the papists in Queen Mary's reign, praises God for their defeat, and attaches to them the epithet " furious," in his recollections of wrongs and injuries suffered by his fellow-protestants. Reimund, the victim of papal cruelty, insult, and rage, in the flush of victory, surrounded by an infuriated soldiery, permitted the barbarities here related, against his prisoners. The church of Rome, in the written decrees of her councils — in the calm deliberations of her primates — in the mournful dungeons of the Inquisition - in cold blood— in premeditated crime, has made herself "drunk with the blood" of innocent millions, whoae " witness is in heaven, and whose record is on high."— Ed. JEALOUSIES AGAINST HUBERT. the king, upon his allegiance and oath, into Normandy, but he, w ith others of the king's army, counselled the king not to take that — voyage towards winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter following ; A. wherewith the king was stayed and well contented, and pacified again — — L- with Hubert, the justice, &c l Fabian recordeth this year the liberties and franchises of the city of London to be confirmed by the king ; and to each of the sheriffs to be granted two clerks, and two officers, without any more. 2 Then followed a. d. 1230, in which, upon the day -of the conver- sion of St. Paul, as saith Matthew Paris, as a great multitude of people for the solemnity of the day were congregate in the temple of St. Paul, the bishop then being at his mass, a sudden darkness with snch thickness of clouds fell in the air, that scarcely one man might see another in the church. After that followed cracks of thunder A sudden and lightning s0 terrible, leaving such a scent in the church, that the terror a - o o 7 o * mors" tli6 people, looking for doomsday, thought no less but that the steeple people in and whole church would have fallen upon their heads ; insomuch that fhirchby running out of the church, the people fell down together by thou- th ^ nder sands, as men amazed, not knowing tor the time where they were ; lightning, only the bishop and his deacon stood still at their mass, holding fast by the altar. 3 Of the death of Stephen Langton, and of the troublesome election A.D.1231. of the next archbishop, also of the costly and chargeable bringing in of Richard to succeed in his room, which did cost the whole realm of England the tenths of all their moveables, sufficient hath been declared before. This Richard, being now confirmed in his seat, Com . came to the king, complaining of Hubert, the lord chief justice, oft JjJjJ^J mentioned before, for withholding from him the castle and town of arch- Tunbridge, with the appurtenances to the same belonging, and other cantS-° f lands of the earl of Clare, late deceased, which lands appertain to the ^Sist right of his see, and to the church of Canterbury ; for which the said Hubert, earl with his ancestors were bound to do homage to him and to justice, his predecessors : and, therefore, he required the keeping of the aforesaid castle, with the domains thereof, to be restored to him. To this the king answered again, that the said earl did hold of him in capite, and that the castles of earls and barons during their vacancy, and the Ap ££ 4lll wardship of heirs till the lawful age of the said heirs, did belong to his crown. The archbishop, when he could get no other answer of the king, did excommunicate all such as invaded the aforesaid possessions, Excom with all others that took their part, the king only excepted. Which done, munica- eftsoons he speedeth himself to Rome, there to prosecute his suit abused, before the pope. The king hearing thereof, not long after sendeth up master Roger Cantelu, with certain other messengers, unto Rome against the archbishop. Thus Richard the archbishop, coming before the pope's presence, beginneth first to complain of his king, for that he committed all the affairs of his realm to the disposition and government of Hubert, his justice, using only his counsel, all his other nobles despised. Against the said justice, moreover, he complained, laying to his charge : first, that he had married a wife, being the kinswoman of her whom he had married before ; also that the said Hubert, the fl) Ex Matth. P&ris. (2) Ex Fabiano. (3) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 75. 392 THE POPE, A RESPECTER OF PERSONS. justice, did invade, hold, and wrongfully detain such possessions !_ as belonged to the see and church of Canterbury. A. D. As touching the wife of this Hubert, here is to be noted, that he 123 *' married the elder sister of the king of Scots : which, as it seemeth, could be of no great kin to her whom he married before. Further, he complained of certain bishops, his suffragans, who, neglecting their pastoral function, did sit on exchequer matters belonging to the king, and exercised sessions and judgments of blood. Over and besides, he complaineth of beneficed persons, and clerks in orders, for having many benefices joined with cure of soul : and that they also, taking example of the bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in judgments of laymen. Of these and such other defaults he required redress to be had. The pope, weighing the cause -of the archbishop, and considering it to stand upon right and reason, at leastwise seeming so to his purpose, commanded incontinent his petitions and requests to be despatched according to justice. Against these complaints of the archbishop, the king's attorneys alleged and defended as much in favour of the king as they might, Respect but could do no good: such favour found the archbishop in the ofpersons p 0 p e ' s sight, being, as the story reporteth, of a comely personage, withthe a °^ an e l°°L Uen t tongue, that he obtained whatsoever he asked, pope. Thus the archbishop, with all favourable speed being despatched from Rome after his own will and desire, returned homeward ; who, in his journey, within three days of his setting forth, departed in the house of Grey friars at St. Gemmes, and so his cause departed with him : who, winning his suit, lost his life ; for whom it had been better, I suppose, to have tarried at home. And here of him an end, with all his complaints also. 1 After the death of this Richard, the monks of Canterbury, accord- ing to the manner, address themselves to a new election, at which was chosen Radulph Nevil, bishop of Chichester, who was the king's chancellor, much commended in stories as a man faithful, upright, and constant, who from the way of justice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left, but was upright and sincere both in word and deed. 2 This Radulph, thus chosen of the monks, was presented unto the king to be their archbishop, wherewith the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election, and forthwith invested a rare ex- him for archbishop of the church of Canterbury. But this investing a^ood Cf of the king was not enough, unless he should also be confirmed Sshop ky the pope. Wherefore the monks, ready to take their journey unto Rome, came to the new archbishop, requiring his help for their expenses by the way, and to know what service he would command them to the court of Rome. But he, fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scruple of simony and ambition, said, he would not give a halfpenny, and, holding up his hands to heaven, thus prayed, saying, " O Lord God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called, although indeed unworthy, to the seat and office of this church, so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if, otherwise, in this troublesome office of chancery, and this my inferior ministery, where- unto I have been assigned, T shall seem more necessary for this (1) Ex Matth. Paris. (g) Ibid. TWO ELECTIONS REFUSED BY THE POPE. 393 thy kingdom and people, I refuse not my labour ; thy will be Henry. done !" ! — The monks, beholding the constancy of the man, notwithstanding A. D. they had of him no money, yet refused not their travail and journey 1231 - to Rome, to have their election confirmed by the pope^ authority. Simon The pope inquiring of Simon Langton 1 (brother of Stephen Langton, ^f ton ' archbishop of Canterbury, before mentioned) respecting the person bishop of this man, it was reported to him by the said Simon (maliciously malicious depraving the good man behind his back), declaring to the pope, that ^ ^iph, he was a courtier, unlearned, hasty and fervent in his doings, and one »rch- who, if he should be promoted to that dignity, would go about, with eiect° P the help of the king and of the whole realm, to remove and bring the realm of England from under the yoke of the pope and the church of Rome, and so to bereave the see of Rome of the tribute, to which King John had once subjected himself and his realm, at the time he yielded his crown to the hands of Pandulph, the legate. With these and such other words Simon Langton falsely and maliciously depraved the godly bishop. The pope hearing with one ear, and crediting Rash what he heard, without further inquisition made of the other party J 0 f d t |^ ent accused, sendeth immediately to the monks of Canterbury to proceed P°P e - in a new election, and to choose them another archbishop, such as was an wholesome pastor of souls, profitable unto the church of England, and devoted to the church of Rome : and thus was the lawful election of this good archbishop made frustrate ; too good, peradventure, to serve in that place whereunto he was elected. After the repulse of this Radulph, the Canterbury monks, entei - Two eiec- ing on a new election, agreed for John, their prior, to be their {gj-JJ ^ metropolitan, who, going up to Rome to have his election confirmed the P°P e - by the pope, was for three days together examined of the cardinals ; and when they could find no insufficiency in him, touching those things wherein they tried him, yet, notwithstanding, the pope, finding fault with his age (he peradventure being more aged himself), repealed him, for that he said he was too old and simple to sustain that dignity. 2 What was the age of this person, I find not in the author expressed ; yet it is to be supposed, that he, who was able to take that journey to Rome and home again, was not so greatly to be complained of for his age, but that he was able sufficiently to take pains in keeping the chair of Canterbury. In the former parts of the preceding story partly, before, hath been The declared, partly, hereafter, shall further appear (Christ willing) how pope^ the church of England and the commons of the same were grieved awe ex- and miserably afflicted by the intolerable oppressions of the pope, EngX™ who, through his violent extortion, had procured the best benefices to be given to his Romans, and the chief fruits of them to be reserved to his own coffers. What complaints thereof have been made, ye have heard before ; but yet no redress could be had. Such was the insati- able avarice of these Roman rake-hells, prolling, and polling, whereso- ever they came, with their provisions and exactions out of measure, and never satisfied ; insomuch that here in England, whosoever lacked, their barns were always full of corn ; and what penury soever pinched the people, they were sure to have enough. And these importunate (1) See Appendix.— Ed. \2) Ex Matth. Paris. 394 DEVICE TO STOP THE POPE*S PLUNDER. R**pi exactions and contributions of these Italian harpies, besides the Peter- '—- pence, besides the common tribute, daily more and more increased. A. D. to the great grievance of the realm, insomuch that the wealth of this — ; land was almost clean sucked up, and translated to the court of Rome, N either was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherefore it was devised by some of the nobles, as appeareth in the story of Matthew Paris, 1 this aforesaid year, a.d. 1231, that certain letters, under the pretensed colour of the king's authority, should be sent abroad, willing and commanding, that such corn and grain, with other revenues, as were taken up for the pope, should be staid and forthcoming by a certain day in the said letters appointed; Srd chief v, ^ cn ^ etters axe thought to proceed chiefly by the means of Hubert, justice, a lord chief justice of England, who then, next under the king, ruled asauist most of the affairs of the realm. The words and contents of the tt: pope, letters be these : — Copy of a Letter, written under the King's authority, to restrain the Benefices of the Romans within the Realm. In consequence of sundry griefs and oppressions -which this realm, as you know, hath sustained by the Romanists, anc. y doth, as well to the prejudice of the king himself, as also of the nobility of t e same, concerning the advow- sons of their churches, and about their tithes : vrho also go about to take from the clerks and spiritual men their benefices, and to bestow them upon their own nation and countrymen, to the spoil and confusion both of us and our realm : we, therefore, by our common consents, have thought good (although very late) now, rather than any longer to suffer their intolerable oppressions and extortions, to resist and withstand the same ; and, by the taking from them their benefices through all England, in like manner to cut short and bridle them, as they had thought to have kept under and bridled others : whereby they may desist any longer to molest the realm. Wherefore, we straitly charge and command you, as touching the farming of their churches, or else the rents belonging to them, which either you have presently in your hands, or else do owe mi to the sdd Romanists, that, from henceforth, you be no more accoimtabie to them, or pay to them from henceforth the same ; but that you have the said your rents and jjijjnMffT revenues ready by March 3rd, to pay and deliver unto our procurators thereunto by our letters assigned ; and that all abbots and priors have the same in readi- ness at the time appointed, in their own monasteries : and that all other priests, clerks, and laymen, at the churches of the Romanists, be there ready to pay. And further, know ye for certainty, that if ye refuse thus to do, all that you have besides shall be by us burned and spoiled. And besides, look, what danger we purpose shall fall upon them, the same shall light upon your necks, if you refuse thus to do. Farewell. Apr*ndix. When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certain soldiers thereunto appointed, to the which letters they had devised a new seal with two swords engraved, and between the swords was written in Latin, " Ecce gladii duo, 11 " Behold two swords/* implying their determination to take vengeance of all those that should with- stand the form and order in these letters contained. a.d.1232. At that time, the sixteenth day before the kalends of Januarv, priest^ aDout tne beginning of the year a.d. 1232. there was held at PaurV* Alban's a great consistory of abbots, priors, and archdeacons, with robbed a b d ^ vers b° tn °f tne nobility and clergy, by the pope's commandment, soldiers. 7 for the celebration of a divorce between the countess of Essex and her husband. At the breaking up of which consistory, when every man (1) Ez Matth. Paris, fol. V. AND TO DISTRIBUTE IT TO THE POOR. 395 was about to depart thence, there was a certain clerk, whose name Henry was Cincius, a Roman, and also a canon of Paul's in London, taken by some of the said university 1 not far off from St. Alban's, and was A.D. carried away from his company by the soldiers. But Master John, 1232, archdeacon of Norwich, a Florentine, hardly escaping from that company, got to London, where he hid himself, and durst not be seen. Cincius, after five weeks, when they had well emptied his bags, was safely sent again without any more hurt to London. Not long after this, about the beginning of January, the barns of Bams of a certain beneficed man, a Roman, and parson of Wingham, being paSo™ full of corn, were broken up by a like company of armed soldiers, Jjp 0k a e n n d and the corn brought out to be sold, and given away to the poor the com people. The farmer, seeing this, and not able to resist, complaineth buted to to the sheriff of the shire of this injury done to his master, and of the the poor ' breaking of the king's peace : whereupon the sheriff sent certain of his men to see what was done. Who, coming to the empty barns, and there finding the aforesaid soldiers, to them unknown, wdio had sold away the most part of the corn at an easy price, and some for charity had given to the poverty of the country about, required of them what they were, who so durst presume to break the king's peace. Whom the others then called secretly apart, and showed them the king's letters patent (pretending at least the king's name and seal), wherein was forbidden that any man should presume to stop or hinder them in that purpose. Of this the sheriff s servants being certified, quietly returned from whence they came. This coming to the knowledge of Roger, bishop of London, he, with the assistance of other bishops, proceedeth in solemn excommu- nication, first against them that robbed Cincius, the Roman ; then of them who spoiled the barns of the parson of Wingham, another Roman ; thirdly, he excommunicated them that forged the letters and seal of the king above specified. Neither yet, for all this, did that cease, but the same year, about General the Easter following, all the barns in England which were in the theiio- hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corn ^sST sold to the best commodity of the poor commons; of the which, great England, alms were distributed, and many times money also, together with corn, was dispersed for the needy people to gather up ; neither was there any that would or durst stand against them. As for the Romans and Italians themselves, they were stricken in such fear, that they hid themselves in monasteries and cells, not daring to complain of their injuries received ; but held it better rather to lose their goods, than to lose their lives. The authors and workers of this feat were, to the number of fourscore, armed soldiers, of whom the prin- cipal captain was one naming himself William Withers, surnamed Avp l%, a Twing. This coming to the pope's knowledge, he was not a little stirred The therewith, and sendeth his letters immediately to the king upon the gj^ e ei s same, with sharp threatenings, and imperious commandments, charging A fumigh him for suffering such villany within his realm, straitly enjoining him, vicar of J under pain of excommunication, to search out the doers hereof with Christ, all diligence, and so to punish them that all others by them may take example. Likewise he sendeth the same charge to Peter, bishop of (1) Probably meaning the combination under Hubert, mentioned p. 394 : see Appendix— Ed. 396 T WING, CALLED TO ACCOUNT Henry Winchester, and to the abbot of St. Edmund, to inquire in the south . '. — parts. Also to the archbishop of York, and to the bishop of Durham, and to Master John, canon of York, a Roman, to inquire in the * 232, north parts for the said malefactors, and, after diligent inquisition made, to send them up to Rome, there to appear before him. inquisi- Thus, after earnest inquisition made of all parties, and witnesses tion made 7 , , * r> i i -i i • i for the sworn and examined, many were tound culpable m the matter, of o? thT g whom some were factors, some consenters, some bishops and chap- s' 8 ^ ams ^° ^ e k m o> some archdeacons and deans, with others who were soldiers and laymen. Among them were certain sheriffs and under- sheriffs, who, with their servitors under them, were apprehended and cast into prison by the king. Many for fear fled and escaped away, who, being sought for, could not be found ; but the principal of this number aforesaid, was supposed to be Hubert, the lord chief justice ; who, both with the king's letters and his own, fortified the doers Twing thereof, that no man durst interrupt them. Moreover, in the society Rpoiled of of those who were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing ScebyThe above mentioned, a comely young man and a valiant knight; who, Romans. 0 f hi s own voluntary accord, with five other servitors whom he took Appendix, with him abroad to work that feat, came unto the king, openly pro- testing himself to be the author of that deed-doing ; and said he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romans, because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumvention of the Italians, he was bereaved of the patronage of his benefice, having no more to give up than one ; wherefore, to be revenged of that injury, he enterprised that which was done ; preferring rather justly to be excommunicated for a season, than to be spoiled of his benefice for ever. Then the king, and other executors of the pope's command- ment, gave him counsel, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the pope's sentence, he should offer himself to the pope to be absolved of him again, and there to make his declaration unto him, that he, justly and canonically, was possessed of that church. The king, Moreover, with him sent his letters testimonial unto the pope, witness- ing with the said knight, and instantly desiring the pope in his behalf, that he might with favour be heard; at the request whereof, Pope Gregory afterwards both released him from the sentence, and restored unto him his patronage, writing unto the archbishop of York, that he might again enjoy the right of his benefice, in as ample a manner as he did, before it was taken from him. Sshops Hubert de Burgh, lord chief justice, being one of those who held go about against the Romish priests, as is before signified, was there-for not a Hubert n ^le noted of the bishops ; who, to requite him with the like despite the king's a o am 5 a ^ er their accustomed manner of practice, went about b} favour, subtle working to shake him out of the king's favour. And first cometh Peter, bishop of Winchester, to the king, grievously com- plaining of certain about the king ; but especially of the aforesaic Hubert, the king's justice: insomuch that he caused him to bt 0bjec . removed from his office, notwithstanding he had the king's seal and ti°nsjaid siting for the perpetuity of the same, and procured Stephen Segrave Hubert to be placed in his function. And after a few days, the king, more kij,g he and more incensed against him, called him to give account of all the treasure for which he was accountable by his exchequer office : Also, OBJECTIONS AGAINST HUBERT. of all such debts by him due, from the time of his father till his time : Henry Also of all the lordships of which he had been in possession since the death of William, earl of Pembroke, chief justice before him : Item, A. D. of the liberties which he did hold at that time in forests, warrens, 1232 - shires, and other places, how they were kept, or how they were made Append^. away with : Of fines likewise, also of losses committed through his negligence, and of wastes made contrary to the king's profit ; of his liberties, how he did use them : Item, of injuries and damages wrought against the clerks of Rome and other Italians, and the pope's legates ; for the redress whereof he would never adjoin his counsel, according as pertained to his office, being then chief justice of England : Also of scutages, gifts, presents, scapes of prisoners : Item, of mari- tages which King John committed to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed unto him. To Note that these Hubert answered, that he had King John's own hand to show *" Wi "- Chester for his discharge, who so approved his fidelity, that he never called the king's him to any, but clearly discharged him from all such counts. Where- notaager unto answered again the bishop of Winchester, saying, " The charter j h l a f ° rce of King John hath no force after his death, but that ye may now whilst he be called to a reckoning of this king for the same.' 1 Over and besides these, other greater objections were laid to his other charge by the king; as, for sending and writing unto the duke of^™ e t s ed Austria (to the prejudice of the king and of the realm), dissuading toHubert that he should not give his daughter in marriage to the king : Item, for counselling the king not to enter into Normandy with his army, which he had prepared for the recovery of lands there be- longing to his right, whereby great treasure was there consumed in vain : Item, for corrupting the daughter of the king of Scots, whom King John, his father, committed unto his wardship for him to marry : Item, for stealing from him a precious stone, which had a virtue to make him victorious in war, and for sending the same unto Lewellyn, prince of Wales ; and that by his letters sent to the said Lewellyn, William de Braose, a noble man, was caused there traitorously to App ^ d{s be hanged. These, with other crimes, whether true or false, were suggested to the king against the said Hubert by his adversaries ; whereunto he was required to answer by order of law. Hubert then, seeing himself in such a strait, refused to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king objected to him : which was granted to him till the fourteenth day of September ; but, in the mean time, Hubert, being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. " And thus Api s fnj^ Hubert, who before, for the love of the king, and the defence of the realm," saith mine author, " had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the king's favour, was destitute of comfort on every side ; save only that Lucas, archbishop of Dublin, with instant prayers and tears laboured to the king for him." By this Princes' example, and many like, is to be seen, how unstable and variable a n 0 Ytobe thing the favour of mortal and mutable princes is : to teach all such justed as have to do about princes, how to repose and plant their trust, not in man, but in their Lord God, by him to find help in Christ, the true prince of all princes, who never faileth. A like example was Clito, servant of King Alexander; also Joab, of King David; PROCEEDINGS AGAINST HUBERT. The kin Henry Belisarius, of Justinian ; Harpagus, of Astyages ; Cromwell, of ! — King Henry, with innumerable more, who in histories are to be A - D - found. 1232 -_ When the day was come that this Hubert should answer, keeping among the canons of Merton, he durst not appear. Then was it dispiea- signified unto him from the king, that he should come up and appear against in the court, there to answer to his charge. Whereunto he answered Hubert. a g am? t j ia t ne misdoubted the king's anger, and therefore he did fly to the church, as the uttermost refuge for all such as suffer wrong ; from whence he would not stir, till he heard the king's wrath to be to the age m itigated towards him. With this the king, moved and sorely mayor of displeased, directed his letters, in all haste, to the mayor of London, commanding him, at the sight thereof, to muster and take up all the citizens that could bear harness in the city, and to bring to him by force of arms the aforesaid Hubert, either quick or dead, out of Merton. Whereupon, the mayor immediately causing the great bell to be rung, assembled together the people of London, and opening before them the king's letters, commanded them to prepare and arm themselves in all readiness for the executing of the king's will and Old Cruel counsel of Peter, The citizens, hearing this, were therewith right glad and ready, for bomfin tne y all had great hatred to Hubert, because of the execution of mind - Constantine, their citizen, before mentioned. Notwithstanding, advice of cer t am of the citizens, namely, Andrew Buckerell, John Travers, and discreet others, men of more grave and sage discretion, wisely pondering with themselves, what inconvenience might rise hereof, went in haste to the bishop of Winchester, lying then in Southwark, and, waking him out of his sleep, desired his counsel in that so sudden and dangerous distress ; declaring unto him what peril might thereby ensue, as well to the church of Merton, as also to the city, by the fury of the inordinate and fierce multitude, which would hardly be bridled from robbing and spoiling, neither would spare shedding of blood. Unto whom again, the bloody bishop gave this bloody counsel, saith Mat- wiicL^ tn ew Paris : " Dangerous it is," quoth he, " both here and there ; but ter. yet see that you obey and execute the precept of the king ; I counsel you plainly ? At this counsel of the bishop, they, being amazed, went with an evil will about the business enjoined ; but the people, inflamed with hatred, gladly coveted to be revenged, and to shed the blood of Hubert. causes of The cause why Peter, bishop of Winchester, was so cruelly set eiSebel against the justice, was partly for the damages he had done to the Hubert ^ oman priests, as before is touched ; partly, also, for the old grudge, and the because the king coming to his lawful age before (through the counsel winched of this Hubert) loosed himself from the government of the said ter - bishop, who had him then in custody. And thus rose up the grudge and displeasure of this bishop towards him. On the morrow, the Londoners, issuing out of the city, to the number of twenty thousand, set forth toward the abbey of Merton, where Hubert was lying prostrate before the high altar, commending himself to God. In the mean season, while the citizens were on their journey, raging against the poor earl of Kent, it was suggested to the king by PROVIDENTIAL DELIVERANCE IN TIME OF DANGER. 399 Radulph, bishop of Chichester, and lord chancellor, that it was Henry dangerous to excite the vulgar and unruly multitude, for fear of. sedition ; lest, peradventure, the rude and heady people, being stirred A.D. up, will not so soon be brought down again, when the king would 1232, have them. Moreover, what shall be said, quoth he, among the sage Frenchmen and other nations, which of great things love to make c ° unsel ' o o of an earl greater, and of evil things to make them worse than they are ? but to the thus jestingly and mockingly : " See what a kind bird is the young KSa king of England, who seeketh to devour his old nurse, under whose JfjXthe wings he had been brought up and nourished in his youth." And st0 . r y> thus the king, by this persuasion, changing his counsel, sent in all aiasaiis hasty wise after the army again, willing them to retract their journey, Jjjjjajj 6 and to retire. And thus the Londoners, although much against their ales - wills, returned home, missing their purpose. 1 Herein is to be observed The mar another notable example of God's working providence ; for when the working king, saith the history, had sent by two messengers or pursuivants to £ f 0 J|}? s revoke and call back again the army of the Londoners, going with h .^p in greedy minds to shed the blood of the innocent justice: one of need, the messengers, posting with all speed possible with the king's letters, App s e e * diT overtook the army ; and coming to the fore-ward where the captains were, by virtue of the king's letters stayed their course and bloody purpose, whereby they could proceed no further. But the other messenger, crafty and malicious, bearing hatred to the said Hubert, and rather wishing him to be slain than to be delivered, lingered by the way on purpose, although commanded to make haste ; and when he came, went only to the middle sort; more like a messenger meet to serve a dead man's errand, than to serve the turn of those who be alive. And so in like manner, by the just hand of God it fell upon him ; for this messenger stumbling with his horse, riding A notable but at a soft or foot pace, and rather walking than riding, fell down a ^^ s backwards from his horse's back, and there brake his neck and died, just This merciful message of the king was (as is said) sent by the insti- ment sh ~ gation of Radulph, bishop of Chichester, lord chancellor, a virtuous and a faithful man, and one that could skill to have compassion on the miseries of men ; of whom it was declared before, that he, being elected archbishop of Canterbury, would not give one halfpenny to their expenses by the way, to get his election confirmed by the pope ; and who afterwards by the said pope was defeated and frus- trated of his election, as relation was made before. Thus, through God's providence, by the means of the king's letters, the army returned, and Hubert's life (contrary to this expectation) was preserved. After this, the archbishop of Dublin with much labour and great The arch- suit entreated and obtained of the king to grant unto the said D „^ of Hubert respite, till the thirteenth day of January, to provide himself ^ n . ma " with his answer to such things as were commenced against him. tercession Then Hubert, trusting to enjoy some safety, by the king's permis- £ r rt Hu ' sion to him granted, to breathe himself a little, and to walk abroad, App s e e n e di ^ took his journey towards St. Edmundsbury, where his wife was ; and, passing through the county of Essex, was inned there in a certain town belonging to the bishop of Norwich. Of this when Arp s f n e dix die king was certified, fearing lest he would raise up some commotion (1) Ex additamentis Matth. Paris, fol. 81. 400 HUBERT COMMITTED TO THE TOWER. Henry in the realm, he sendeth in hasty anger after him Sir Godfrey Craucombe, knight, with three hundred men ; commanding, under See Appendix. A.D. pain of hanging, that they should apprehend him, and bring him to 1232 - the tower of London : which commandment to accomplish, there Hubert lacked no haste. Hubert, having intelligence of their coming (rising the ° out of his bed, naked as he was) ran unto the chapel standing near refug C e hfor unto tne mn > where he holdeth with the one hand the cross, with the other hand the sacrament of the Lord's body. Then Godfrey, with his aforesaid armed soldiers, entering into the chapel, willed him to violently come out. When he would not do this, with violent hands he drew o^t o? the mm out °f tne chapel, and taking the cross and the sacrament out of and'cast ^ s hands, fast bound him with fetters and gives under a horse's belly, into the and brought him, as they were commanded, to the tower. And so, London* certifying the king what they had done (who then tarried up waking for them), he rejoiced not a little thereat, and went merrily to his bed. On the morrow, Roger, bishop of London, having knowledge how, and in what order, he was taken violently out of the chapel, cometh unto the king, blaming him boldly, for violating the peace of holy church, and protesting, that, unless the party were loosed again, and sent to the chapel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentence of excommunication against all the deed doers. The king The king, as he did not deny his transgression herein, so he peiTed to sen d etn nmi ? albeit against his will, out of the tower, unto the said send hu- chapel again, and by the same soldiers who brought him out before, t d Ms Sa,n This done, he giveth straight charge and commandment, under pain tualy. °f hanging, to the sheriffs of Hertford and Essex, that they, in their own persons, with the strength of both shires, should watch and com- pass about the chapel, and see that the said Hubert might no ways escape ; which commandment of the king was accomplished with all diligence. But Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in the chapel praying both night and day, and commending his cause unto the Lord ; whom he desired so to deliver him from that instant danger, as he always sought the king's honour by his faithful and trusty service. And, as he continued in his prayer, so the king, continuing in his rage, commanded that no man should entreat for Example mm > ° r make any mention of hun in his presence. Notwithstanding sfant c ° n ^is, Lucas, archbishop of Dublin, his true, and almost only friend, friend in ceased not to pray and weep to the king for him, desiring the king ured.° at least to intimate to him, what he purposed should be done with Hubert. Whereunto the king answering, said, That of these tbrr* 1 Three things, one he should choose : Whether he would abjure the realm of pu\ n fo England for ever, or be condemned unto perpetual prison, or else, Hubert. CO nfess himself openly to be a traitor ? But Hubert hereunto said, That he would choose none of these articles, as one who knew him- self neither guilty nor worthy of any such confusion : but, to satisfy somewhat the mind of the king, he would be contented to depart the realm for a season ; but to abjure the realm, he would not so do. In this mean time it befel that Ranulph, earl of Chester and Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies, died. Hubert all this while remained in the chapel, enclosed and guarded about with the power, Appendix. See Appendix, BEREFT OF ALL HIS TREASURES. 401 as is said, of two shires, and so continued, till at length, by the com- nenry mandment of the king, his two servitors, who ministered unto him ///. within the chapel, were taken from him. Then Hubert, seeing no A.D. other remedy but there to starve for famine, offered himself of his 1232, own accord to the sheriffs, saying, that he would rather put himself Jjgjjj^ in the king's mercy, than there desperately perish for hunger. And again to so was he taken, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought again, thetower - and clapped, by the king's commandment, in the tower of London. Not long after this, word was brought unto the king by certain, that the said Hubert had much treasure lying in the house of the new Templars in London. Whereupon, the king, to try out the truth thereof, sendeth for the prior or master of the house ; who, not daring to deny, confessed that there was indeed treasure brought into the house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The king, desirous to seize upon the treasure, required and charged the master with his brethren, with threatening words, to bring forth the treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolen out of his trea- sury. But they answered again, that the treasure was committed with trust and faith unto their hands, and therefore they neither would, nor ought, to let it go out of their hands, being trusted withal, without the assent of him who committed the same unto them. When the king could get no other answer at their hands, neither durst show any further violence against them, he sendeth unto Hubert in the tower, requiring of him the aforesaid treasures. To whom he, answering again mildly, yielded both himself, his treasures, and all that ever he had, unto the king's will and plea- sure ; and so, sending word unto the master and brethren of the temple, willeth them to take all the keys, and deliver the goods, with all that there was, unto the king, who, receiving the same, and taking an inventory of that which was received, caused it to be Bereft of brought to his treasury, whereof the number both of the plate, Secures, of the coin, and of the jewels, was of price unknown. The enemies of Hubert, supposing thereby to take advantage against him to bring him to his end, came with open complaint unto the king, crying out against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the king's treasure, and, therefore, by right was worthy to be hanged : and thus cried his accusers daily in the king's ear. " But the hearts God of kings," saith the wise man, " are in the hands of the Lord," to be hearts of i tiled, not after man's will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them. kmgs ' And so this king, having now his will and fill upon poor Hubert, and somewhat coming more unto himself, answered again in thiswise: "That there was no such need to deal so straitly with him, who from the time The of his youth first served mine uncle, King Richard, then my father, Se? in" King John, in whose service (as I heard say) beyond the seas, he jfjjjj °* was driven to eat his horse; 1 and who, in my time, hath stood so A Jj£ dix constantly in defence of the realm against foreign nations ; who kept the castle of Dover against King Louis, and vanquished the French- men upon the seas ; also at Bedford and at Lincoln he hath done such service. And if against me he hath dealt any thing untruly, Aworthy which yet is not evidently proved, yet he shall never be put by me word of to so villanous a death. I had rather be counted a king foolish and aking- (1) Matth. Paris. foL 81. VOL. II. D D THE KING RELENTS TOWARDS HUBERT. Henry simple, than be judged a tyrant or a seeker of blood, especially of sucn as have served me and mine ancestors, in many perils so dangerously, A.D. weighing more the few evils which yet be not proved, than so many 1232, good deserts of his evident and manifest service, done both to me and to the whole realm/' Thus the king, somewhat relenting to poor Hubert, his old servant, granted unto him all such lands as he had had given him by King John, his father, and whatsoever else he had by his own purchase. The Thus Hubert, after long trouble, a little cheered with some piece mhffre- of comfort, set Lawrence, his trusty friend that never left him, one toward that belonged to St. Alban's, to be his steward and overseer of those Hubert, possessions granted to him by the king. Shortly upon the same, after the king's mind was seen thus something to relent, the envy also of the nobles, being now partly satisfied, began to turn to mercy; insomuch that four earls, to wit, Earl Richard, the king's brother ; William, earl of Warren ; Richard, earl Marshal ; and William, earl Ferrers, became sureties to the king for him ; upon whose puuTthe surety he was transferred to the castle of Devizes, where he was DeviL°s f una ^ er the keeping of four soldiers by them appointed, having the liberty of the castle. But the bishop of Winchester, who always hunted after the life of Hubert, craftily cometh to the king, and desireth the custody of that castle, making no mention of Hubert, to the intent, that by the keeping thereof he might the sooner despatch A.D.1233. him. Hubert having thereof some inkling, breaketh the matter to two of his servants ; who, with compassion tendering his misery, ,i r^W. matched their time, the keepers being asleep, and conveyed him by night upon their backs, fettered as he was, into the parish church conveyed of the town, and there remained with him. The keepers, when ^ris? 6 they missed their prisoner, were in great perplexity, and, after church, diligent search, finding him at length where he was in the church, Brought with violent force drew him from thence to the castle again ; for thecastie. ^hich injury to the church, the bishop of Sarum, understanding the order of the matter, cometh to the castle where the keepers were, and required that Hubert should be brought again into the church from whence he was taken. Which when the keepers refused to do, saying, they would rather he should hang than they, the bishop gave sentence of excommunication against them. This done, he, with the bishop of London, and other bishops, goeth immediately to the king, complaining of the injury done to Hubert, and especially of the con- tumely against holy church ; neither would they leave the king before they had obtained that he should be brought back again into the church, and so he was. Xot long after, the king, in great displeasure, sendeth to the sheriff of the shire to keep him well watched in the church, till he either came forth, or there perished with famine. Delivered It befel, in the mean season, that great dissension arose between the sonant?" ^ m n an d the nobles of the realm, by reason whereof Hubert was taken carried and carried away by Richard, earl Marshal, into Wales, and there re- waies mained until the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so received, along with the rest, the said Hubert again into his favour. 1 Of this dissension more shall be showed (Christ willing) hereafter. ;i) Ex Matth. Paris., et ex Floribus Historiarum THE POPE, THE MASTER OF USURERS. 403 As the beginning of this trouble of Hubert's first sprang out of Henry vexing the pope's barns, so likewise Roger, bishop of London, suspected for the same cause, was forced to travel up to Rome, A.D. there to purge himself before the pope ; where, after much money ' consumed, and being robbed also by the way, he got nothing else, JJSp'of but lost his labour, and so came home again. There, doing the part of London, a good bishop, after his return from Rome, he attempted to expel and fTome to exclude out of his diocese all those Italian usurers, called, as is before ^f^ e el{ said, Caursini. These Caursinites coming with the pope's legates before the into England, and lending their money to religious houses, colleges, v ° ve See and churches, had their debtors bound unto them in such sort as was A PP endix - of much advantage to them, and much injury to the others, as in the form of their obligations in the story of Matthew Paris is largely expressed. 1 Against these Caursinites the bishop of London being usurers worthily inflamed with zeal of justice, first, with loving admonition, went about to reclaim them for the wealth of their souls, and after- cated and wards with sharp words he began to charge them. But they, by the* disregarding christian counsel, and despising the bishop's threatenings, Lo£don° f would not leave the sweetness of their occupation ; wherefore the bishop, proceeding to the sentence of excommunication, precisely and strictly charged them to depart his diocese. Rut they, again, being confident and emboldened upon the pope's defence, not only set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such ways with the pope that they caused the said bishop of London, being both aged and sicldy, to be cited peremptorily to appear beyond the seas, there to answer to such objections as they should infer against him. And thus, the bishop, minding rather to cover than to open the faults of the church, and partly being let with infirmity and age, was com- pelled to let the cause fall. And thus much of the pope's merchants here in England, who were not so busy here for their part, but the pope, the great master of these merchant usurers, was as busy for his. And although his barns here in England were destroyed, and his bank something decayed, yet he thought to win it up in another way, for he proclaimed, the same year, a general visitation through all the religious houses, exempt or General not exempt, universally pertaining to his jurisdiction ; where, by the H%l non cruel dealing of the visitors, many were compelled to appeal and to P°P Q e ugh travel up to Rome, to the great expenditure of their money, and the a ii reii- filling of the pope's coffers. Rut as touching this visitation, to make louses, short, saith the story, it tended not to any reformation so much as to the deformation of the universal order : 2 " While all those who before, J^J*.^ through all parts of the world, followed only the rule of Benedict, among * now, through new devised constitutions, are found in all places so 0 rfi us divided and divers, that of all monasteries, and other churches of religion, scarce may two be found which do agree in one rule and institution of life." All the while that Hubert, above mentioned, was secluded from the king, Peter, bishop of Winchester, bare all the rule, and above all other alone was accepted. This bishop being in such principal (1) Matth. Paris, fol. 65. ,(2) " Dum omnes, qui in diversis orbis partibus unicam Benedicti secuti fuerant regulam, per novas constitutiones ita inveniantur ubique discordes, quod ex omnibus ccenobiis, vel aliis religio- sorum ecclesiis vix duo habeantux in norma vivendi Concordes." — Ex Parisiensi. X> D 2 404 WICKED COUNSELLORS ABOUT THE KING. Henry favour with the king, as by whose counsel all things were admi- nistered, removed the natural servitors who were Englishmen, out of A - D. their offices, and placed other strangers, namely, of Poictou, and of 123.3._ 0 t ner countries, in their room. Among those who were thrust out, vUorTof was William, under-marshal, who supplied the room of Richard, the king lord great Marshal of England ; for which cause the said Lord Richard K dis- was mightily offended. Also Walter, treasurer of the king's house, charged. wag not on iy eX p e H e( j ? Du t also amerced in a hundred pounds, and put from all his holds and munitions, which he had by the king's patent granted to him. Moreover, by the counsel of the said bishop of Winchester, all the old counsellors, as well bishops, as other earls and barons, and all the nobles, were rejected from the king in such sort, that he would hear and follow no man's counsel, but only the said Peter, bishop' of Apre'dir. Winchester, and his cousin, Peter deRivaulx ; whereby it came to pass, that all the greatest holds and munitions in the realm were taken from the old keepers, and committed to the custody of the said Peter. Then the bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himself more strongly in the king's favour, adjoined to his fellowship Stephen Segrave, succeeding in the place of Hubert, the justice : also Robert Passelew, who had the keeping of the treasure under the aforesaid Peter Rivaulx. So by these three all the affairs of the realm were The king ordered. Moreover, to make their party more sure, by them was hEobies provided, that soldiers and servitors from beyond the sea, as Poicte- eth to ick " vms anc ^ Bretons, were sent for, to the number of two thousand, who strangers, were placed partly about the king, partly were set in castles and holds within the realm, and had the oversight and government of shires and baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing them to the king for traitors ; whom the simple king did easily believe, committing to them the custody of his treasures, the sitting in judg- ments, and the doing in all things. When the nobles, thus oppressed, came to complain of their injuries to the king, by the means of the bishop of Winchester, their cause was nothing regarded ; insomuch that the said Winchester, moreover, accused certain bishops also to the king, so that he did flee and shun them as open traitors and rebels. Richard, These things standing thus out of order, Richard, the noble shaw-" Marshal of England, with others of the nobles joining with him, eththe seem & these oppressions and injuries daily growing, contrary to the king. laws and wealth of the realm, came to the king, and blamed him for retaining such perverse council about him of the Poictevins and other foreigners, to the great prejudice of his natural subjects, and of the liberties of the realm ; humbly desiring and beseeching him, that he, with as much speed as might be, would reform and redress such excesses, whereby the whole realm seemed to lie in danger of sab- version. Otherwise, if he refused to see correction thereof, he, with other peers and nobles, would withdraw themselves from his council, so long as he maintained the society of those foreigners and strangers about him. Disdain- To this Peter Winchester, answering again, said, that the king ful an- Bwer of right well might call unto him what foreigners and strangers him Sshop. listed, for the defence both of his kingdom, and of his crown ; and THE KING WARNED OF HIS DANGER. 405 what number of them he would, as by whom he might be able to Henry bridle his proud and rebellious subjects, and so to keep them in awe and good order. — When the earl and the nobles could get no other answer of him, in great perturbation they departed, promising among themselves, that in this cause, which so touched the state of the whole [jjjjjjf realm, they would with constancy join together, to the parting with their lives. After this, the aforesaid Peter, bishop of Winchester, with his Petrus de accomplices, ceased not by all means to inflame the king's heart to Sopor hatred and contempt of his natural people, whom they so vehemently ^ r inc ^ s " perverted, that he, accounting them no other than his enemies, sought, verter of by all diligence, the utter destruction of them, sending daily for backed more garrisons of the Poictevins, till in short space they replenished °° unsel - well near the whole land, whose defence the king only trusted unto : neither was any thing disposed in the realm, but through the guiding of this Peter, and of the Poictevins. The king, thus guarded and strengthened with these foreign aliens and strangers, proclaimed a parliament to be holden at Oxford, Ap ^,kx. where the nobles were warned to be present. They, considering the indignation of the king conceived, would not appear. Again, they were required the first, second, and third time to present themselves. The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king looked. In this assembly or parliament, it was plainly told the king, by a Dominic friar preaching before him, that unless he removed from him the bishop of Winchester, and Peter Rivaulx his kinsman, he should not, neither could, long enjoy peace in his kingdom. This although it was bluntly spoken by the friar against the bishop, yet this remedy he had ; the friar had nothing to lose. Yet was there another chaplain of the court, who perceiving the king somewhat mitigated by the former preaching, and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter, being a pleasant conceited man, thus merrily came to the king, asking a question, " What is the thing most per- Merry nicious and dangerous of all other things to them that travel by the of the egm seas ?" " That," said the king, " is best known to such as travel Jj£ g £j in that kind of traffic." " Nay," saith he, " this is easy to be told." ° &P m< The king demanding what it was, " Forsooth," quoth he, " stones and rocks ;" alluding merrily, but yet truly, to the bishop of Winchester, whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus, for 4 Petrse" in Latin signifieth stones, and * Rupes,' rocks. Notwithstanding, the king, either not perceiving the meaning, or not amending the fault, again sendeth to his nobles, to have them come and speak with him at West- minster. But they, fearing some train to be laid for them, refused to appear, sending plain words to the king by solemn message, that ^JJfsj' his grace, without all delay, should seclude from him Peter, bishop of bies t 0 n Winchester, and other aliens of Poictou, or, if he would not, they, the king ' with the common assent of the realm, would displace him with his wicked counsellors from his kingdom, and have, within themselves, tractatiou for choosing a new king. The king, at the hearing of this message, being mightily moved, War partly to fear, partly to indignation, especially having the late example of King John, his father, before his eyes, was cast into JjjJ^* great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester, Me" 0 " 406 WAR BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. Henry with his wicked counsel, so wrought with the king, that he pro- 111 eeeded with all severity against them • insomuch that, in a short A.D. time, the sparkles of poisoned counsel kindling more and more, 1233> grew to a sharp battle between the king and Richard, earl Marshal, with other nobles, to the great disquietness of the whole realm. Great This war was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning, andfloods heard all England over in the month of March, with such abundance iand ng °^ ra * n anc ^ fl° 0( i s accompanying the same, as cast down mills, overcovered the fields, threw down houses, and did much harm through the whole realm. To prosecute here, at large, the whole discourse of this war between the king and the earl marshal, which continued near the space of two years ; to declare all the parts and circumstances thereof ; what troubles it brought, what damages it wrought unto the whole realm, what trains were laid, what slaughter of men, what waste of whole countries ensued from Wales unto Shrewsbury, how the marshal joined himself with Llewellyn, or Leoline, prince of Wales, how the Poictevins were almost all slain and destroyed, how the king was distressed, what forgery wily Winchester wrought by the king's letters to entrap the Marshal, and to betray him to the Irishmen, amongst whom he was at length slain : for all this I refer to other authors, who at large do treat of the same, as Matthew Paris, Florilegus. and others. 1 This is to be noted and observed (which rather pertaineth to our ecclesiastical history), to see what sedition and continual disquietness there was in those days among almost all christian people, being under the pope's catholic obedience ; but especially, to mark the corrupt doctrine then reigning, it is to be marvelled, or rather lamented, to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principal point and article of their salvation, as we find in stories, which, making mention of a house or monastery of converts builded the same year by the king at London, do express in plain words, why mo- that he then did it " for the redemption of his soid, of the soul of King John, his father, and for the souls of all his ancestors : 1,2 whereby may be understood in what palpable darkness of blind ignorance the silly souls redeemed by Christ were then enwrapped, who did not know, nor yet were taught, the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption. Mention was made a little before of dissolving the election of nasteries were builded. Arch- bishop of Canter- John, prior of Canterbury, who was chosen by the monks to be elected archbishop of the said church of Canterbury, but by the pope was defeated. After him one John Blund was elected, who, travelling up by the Cted to R° me tn is vear > A - D - 1233, to be confirmed of the pope, was also pope. repealed and unelected again, for that it was thought in Em: land, by the chapter (1) A brief abstract of fifty years of these melancholy times will serve to recal. to the recollection of the reader, the events to which our author here alludes. The king, at an early age. came to the throne, a.d. 1216. Excess and extravagance pervaded the court. The people were oppressed — the clergy suffered the most disgraceful extortion from Pope Gregory IX.— violence and rapiiie troubled the realm— the baronial aristocracy seconded the ambitious designs of the earl of Leicester, a.d. 1258— they usurped the power of the throne — a civil war, accompanied with its usual horrors, succeeded — the king and his brother Richard were defeated and taken prisoners, at Lewes, on the 14th May, a.d. 1264 — in the following year the earl of Leicester called a parliament, distinguished as the one to which deputies from the boroughs were first summoned— and on the 4th of August that nobleman fell in the battle of Eresham, fighting against Prince Edward (after- ward* Edward I ), upon which King Henry was restored to the throne. — Ed. (2) " Proredemptione animae suae et Regis Johannis patris sui, et omnium antecessorum suorum * —Ex Matth. Taris. fol. 86. FAITHFUL COUNSEL OF THE BISHOPS. 407 and so complained of to the pope, that he had received of Peter, Henry bishop of Winchester, a thousand marks, and had another thousand _L_ promised him of the said Winchester, who by his money thought to A.D. make him on his side, and also wrote to the emperor to help forward 1233, his promotion in the court of Rome. Notwithstanding, both he, gorrup- with his giving, and the other, with his taking of bribes, were both bribes, detected and disappointed of their purpose. For the pope, hating then the emperor, for the same cause, admitted not the election ; pretending as the cause, that he was proved to hold two benefices without his dispensation. After him, by the commandment of the pope, one Edmund, canon of Salisbury, was ordained archbishop, and had his pall sent to him from the pope. This Edmund, for his virtues, was afterwards canonized by the popish monks there for a saint, and called St. Edmund. About this time, also, Robert Grost- head was made bishop of Lincoln. This Edmund, accompanied with other bishops, during this trouble between the king and his nobles, being in council at Westminster, in the year next ensuing (a.d. 1234), came, uttering A.D.1234. their minds boldly, in the name of the lords, and declaring unto the s^pnn* king, as became his faithful servants, that the counsel, which he then followed, was not sound or safe, but cruel and dangerous, both to him, and to the state of the realm ; meaning the counsel of Peter Winchester and Peter Rivaulx, with other adherents. Faithful Counsel of the Bishops given to the King. 1. For that they hate and contemn the English nation, calling them traitors and rebels, and turning the king's heart from the love of his natural subjects, and the hearts of them from him, as appeareth by the earl marshal and others, sowing discord among them. 2. Item, By the said counsel, to wit, by the aforesaid bishop and his fellows, King John, the king's father, lost first the hearts of his barons, after that lost Normandy, and afterwards, other lands also, and in the end wasted all his treasure, so that since that time the regiment of England had never any quiet after. 3. Item, By the said counsel also, in their time and memory, the kingdom of England had been troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, she that was before the prince of provinces, became tributary ; and so, war ensuing upon the same, the said King John, his father, incurred great danger of death, and at last was extinguished, after lacking both peace of his kingdom and of his own heart. 4. Item, By the said counsel the castle of Bedford was kept a long time against the king, to the great loss both of men and treasure, beside the loss of Rochelle, to the shame of the realm of England. 5. Item, Through their wicked counsel, at this present, great perturbation seemed to hang over the whole realm ; for else, if it had not been for their counsel, and if true justice and judgment might have been ministered unto the king's subjects, these tumults had never been stirred, and the king might have had his land unwasted, and his treasure unconsumed. 6. Item, In that faith and allegiance, wherewith they were obliged unto him, they protested Unto him, that his said council was not a council of peace, but of division and disquietness, to the end that they who otherwise, by peace, could not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting others, might be exalted. 7. Item, For that all the castles, forts, munitions, also all the officers of the exchequer, with all other the greatest escheats of the realm, were in their hands, of the which if the king would demand account, he should prove how true they were. 8. Item, For that neither by the king's seal nor commandment, except it 4<)8 THE KING THREATENED WITH EXCOMMUNICATION. Ht'try Iff. A.D. 1234. Excom- munica- tion de- nounced by the bishops against the king. His an- swer. The pity of the king to- ward the wife of Hubert. Edmund conse- crated arch- bishop of Canter- bury, af- terwards canonized by Pope Innocent IV. Excom- munica- tion rightly practised. bore withal the seal of Peter Rival, almost any business of any weight could be despatched in the realm, as though they counted their king for no king. 9. Furthermore, by the aforesaid counsel, the natural subjects and nobles of the realm were banished the court, which it was to be feared would grow to some inconvenience both to the king and to the realm ; forasmuch as the king seemed to be more on their side, than they on his, as by many evident con- jectures may appear. 10. Item, It was not well to be taken and liked, the said council standing of strangers and aliens, that they should have in their power both the king's sister, and many other noblemen's daughters, and other women marriageable, with the king's wards and marriages, which they bestowed and divided among them- selves and men of their affinity. 11. Item, The said council, regarding neither the laws nor the liberties of the realm, confirmed and corroborated by excommunication, did confound and pervert all justice : wherefore it was to be feared, that they would run under excommunication, and the king also, in communicating with them. 12. Item, Because they kept neither promise, nor faith, nor oath with any person, neither did observe any instrument made, never so formal, by law, nor yet did fear any excommunication ; wherefore they were to be left for people desperate, as who were departed from all truth and honesty. " These things," said the bishops, " we, as your faithful subjects before God and men, do tell and advertise your grace, desiring and beseeching you, that you will remove and seclude from you such counsel : and as the custom is of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so govern in like manner your kingdom by your own natural liege people, and such as be sworn unto you of your own realm. For thus," said they, " in verity we denounce unto you, that unless in short time you will see these things reformed, we, according to our duty, will proceed by the censure of the church against you and all others that gainstand the same, tarrying no other thing, but only the consecration of this our reverend archbishop." These words of the bishops thus said and finished, the king re- quired a little time of respite, wherein to advise with himself about the matter, saying, that he could not, on such a sudden, remove from him his council, before he had entered with them account of his treasure committed to them ; and so that assembly brake up. It followed then, after this communication so broken up, that the king resorted to the parts of Norfolk, where, coming by St. Edmunds- bury, where the wife of Hubert, the justice, was, he being moved with zeal of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaved herself to the king, did grant her eight manors, 1 which her husband before with his money had purchased, being then in the custody and possession of Robert Passelew, one of the king's new counsellors above specified. It was not long after this, that Edmund, the archbishop, was invested and consecrated in the church of Canterbury ; who, shortly after his consecration, about the month of April, coming with his suffragans to the place of council, where the king with his earls and barons were assembled, opened to him the cause and purpose of his coming, and of the other prelates, which was, to put him in remembrance of their former talk had with him at Westminster; denouncing, moreover, to him expressly, that unless with speed he woidd take a better way, and fall to a peaceable and godly agreement with the true and faithful nobles of his realm, he immediately, with the other prelates there present, would pass the sentence of excom- munication against him, and against all them that would be enemies to the same peace, and maintainers of discord. The king, after he heard the rncanirg of the bishops, with humble (1) " Manor places. "—Old editions. — Ed. « RICHARD, EARL MARSHAL, FRAUDULENTLY SLAIN. 409 1234. and gentle language answered them, promising to condescend to them Henry in all things. Vv hereupon within few days after, the king, coming !_ to some better remembrance of himself, commanded the aforenamed A. D bishop of Winchester to leave the court, and to return home to his bishopric, there to attend unto the spiritual charge and care of his flock committed to him. Moreover, he commanded Peter Rivaulx, the bishop's cousin, some stories say his son, who had then the disposing of all the affairs of the realm, to render unto him his castles, and to Peter Rivaulx called to account give account of all his treasures whereof he had the keeping, and so king's to void the realm ; swearing, moreover, unto him, that if he had not treasures been beneficed, and within orders of the church, he would have caused both his eyes to be plucked out of his head. Henry likewise expelled the Poictevms out of the court, and from p 0 icte- the custody of his munitions, sending them home into their country, Angers and bidding them no more see his face. Thus the king, wisely sent home despatching his wicked counsellors, first did send Edmund, the king. 6 archbishop, with the bishops of Chester 1 and of Rochester, into Wales to Llewellyn, and to Richard, earl Marshal, and others, to treat with them of peace. Also he received back to his service men of his natural country, to attend about him, offering himself willing to be ruled by the counsel of the archbishop and the bishops, by whose prudence he trusted his realm should be reduced again to a better quietness. But in the mean time, while these things were doing in England, Richard, the aforesaid Richard, earl Marshal, by the falsehood of the bishop of |JJ| Jjf a a £ Winchester, and Peter Rivaulx, forging the king's letters to the Irish- duientiy men against him, and partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco, irSuS, being circumvented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and wounded, was by them, through the means of his surgeon, slain. Great slaughter at the same time there was of them who were catini called Catini, about the parts of Almain. These Catini were jjjjj|[ t esteemed of Pope Gregory and the papists to be heretics, but what Almain, their opinions were, I find it not expressed in Matthew Paris. the pa*- ° f In like sort the Albigenses before mentioned, accounted also by hectics the pope's flock to be heretics, with their bishops, and a great number Aibigen- and company of them, were slain by commandment of Pope Gre- ^spaS gory IX., at the same time, in a certain plain in Spain. 2 Appendix. How the archbishop of Canterbury, with two other bishops, was sent into W ales for entreaty of peace, ye heard before ; at whose return, after, the time of Easter, the king going toward Gloucester to meet them by the way, as he was in his journey at Woodstock, there came messengers from Ireland, declaring to the king the death of Richard, earl Marshal, and the order thereof, through the forged letters of Winchester, and others ; whereat the king made great lamentation and mourning, to the great admiration of all them that were by, saying and complaining, that he left not his like in all the realm again. After this, the king proceeding in his journey, came to Gloucester, The say where the archbishop, with the other bishops, coming to the king, jjf^*^ declared to him the form and condition of peace, which they had *mg of concluded with Llewellyn, which was this: — If the king would be ae!> (l) See p. 386, note (1).— Ed. (2) Ex Matth. Pc.ris., fol. 87. [Ed. Paris" 1644, p. 271. J 410 HUBERT RESTORED TO THE ROYAL FAVOUR. Henry reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate, ! such as the king had banished out of his realm, to the end that the A. D. concord might be the more firm between them : thus, said they, was Llewellyn contented, although with much ado and great difficulty, to receive the league of peace, saying and protesting this unto them, that he feared more the king's alms than all the puissance both of him and of all his clergy in England. Peace This done, the king, there remaining with the bishops, directed his 5etweSf d liters to all the exiles and banished lords, and to all his nobles, that and h\ n s g ^ le F snou ld. repair to him about the beginning of June, at Gloucester, nobles, promising to them his full favour, and reconcilement to them and to their heirs ; and, that they might suspect no fraud therein, they should H^ert, have their safe conduct by the archbishop and bishops. Whereupon, Kent, re- through the mediation of the said archbishop and the bishops, first Sungs cometh to the king Hubert, earl of Kent, offering himself to the favour, king's good will and favour, whom the king, with cheerful counte- nance, received and embraced, restoring him not only to his favour, but also to his household and counsel, with his livings and possessions, SanS from which he had been disseized before. Then Hubert, lifting up to God. his eyes to heaven, gave praise and glory to God, by whose gracious providence he, being so marvellously preserved through so great dis- tresses and tribulations, was again so happily reconciled to the king and to his faithful friends. After him, in like sort, came in Gilbert Basset, a nobleman ; Richard Suard ; also Gilbert, the brother of Richard earl Marshal, who was slain ; which Gilbert recovered again his whole inheritance, as well in England as in Ireland, doing his homage to the king, and his service due for the same ; to whom also was granted the office of the high marshal court, belonging before to his brother Richard. Faishood In the same council or communication, continuing then at Glou- dCTcom-" cester, the said Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, bringing the Kings*' f° r 8' e( l letters, wherein was betrayed the life of Richard, earl Marshal, many sealed with the king's seal, and sent to the great men of Ireland, read abused by the same openly, in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At counsel. tne hearing whereof, the king, greatly sorrowing and weeping, con- fessed there in truth, that being forced by the bishop of Winchester and Peter Rivaulx, he commanded his seal to be set to certain letters presented unto him, but the tenor thereof he said and sware he never heard ; whereunto the archbishop answering, desired the king to search well his conscience, and said, that all they who were procurers, or had knowledge of those letters, were guilty of the death of the earl Mar- shal, no less than if they had murdered him with their own hands. Bisbop of Then the king, calling a council, sent his letters for the bishop of teraiid 8 * Winchester, for Peter Rivaulx, Stephen Segrave, and Robert Passelew, otbers to appear and yield account for his treasures unto them committed, answer. 0 an d f° r his seal by them abused. But the bishop and Rivaulx, keeping themselves in the sanctuary of the minster church of Winchester, neither durst nor would appear. Stephen Segrave, who succeeded after Hubert, the justice, and was of the clergy before, after became a layman, and now, hiding himself in St. Mary's church, in the abbey of Leicester, was turned to a clerk again. Robert Passelew covertly hid himself in a certain cellar of the New Temple, so secretly, that VARIANCE BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE CITIZENS. 411 none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At Henry length, through the aforesaid Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, . J L means was made that a dilatory day was granted by the king, for A. D. them to answer. At which day, first appeared Peter Rivaulx, then 1230 , Stephen Segrave, after him Robert Passelew, each of them severally one after another, showed themselves ; but, not able to answer for them- selves, like traitors were reproved, and like villains were sent away. VARIANCE BETWEEN POPE GREGORY IX. AND THE CITIZENS OF ROME. 1 While peace thus between the king and the nobles was reconciled in England, dissension and variance the same time and year began in Rome between the pope and the citizens of Rome. The cause was, for that the citizens claimed by old custom and law, that the bishop of Rome might not excommunicate any citizen of the city, nor sus- pend the said city with any interdiction, for any manner excess. To this the pope answered again, " Quod minor Deo est, sed quolibet homine major" (to use the very words of mine author); " Ergo, major quolibet cive, nee, etiam rege vel imperatore :" that is, i( That he is less than God, but greater than any man : ergo, greater than any citizen, yea also, greater than king or emperor. 11 And for so much as he is their spiritual father, he both ought, and lawfully may, chastise his children when they offend, as being subjected to him in the faith of Christ, and reduce them into the way again, when they stray out of course. Moreover, thecitizens allege again for themselves, that thepotestates Thepope of the city and the senators do receive of the church of Rome yearly {5°^ t0 tribute, which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay unto them, Rome both by new, and also ancient laws. Of the which yearly tribute tribute, they have been ever in possession up to the time of this Pope Gregory IX. Hereunto the pope answered, and said, that although the church of Rome in time of persecution, for her own defence and for the sake of peace, was wont to aid the head rulers of the city with gentle rewards, 2 yet ought not that now to be taken for a custom ; for that custom only ought to stand, which consisteth not upon examples, but upon right and reason. Further, a thing unheard of and never before done, the citizens wanted, at the commandment of the Senator, 3 to appropriate their country within new and larger limits, and to subject the same, being so enlarged, to new assessments. To this the pope again made answer, that certain lordships, and even cities and castles, of his own be contained within the compass of the said limits, as the city of Viterbo and the town of Montalto, which they presume to appropriate within their precinct ; but, to ascribe to themselves and usurp that which pertaineth to others, is against right and justice. For these and such other controversies rising between the pope and Fiieth the the Romans, such dissension was kindled, that the pope with his Some, cardinals, leaving the city of Rome, removed to Perugia, as partly before is recited, thinking there to remain and to plant themselves ; (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 91. [Edit. 1640, p. 408.] (2) " Donis gratuitis." Lat.— Er>. (3) The title of the chief magistrate of Rome: see Ducange in vocem.— Ed. 412 DEGENERACY OF THE CHURCH OF ROME. Henry but the Romans, prevailing against him, overthrew divers of his houses in the city, for the which he did excommunicate them. The A.D. Romans then, flying to the emperor, desired his aid and succour 123Q - but he, belike to pleasure the pope, gathering an army, went rather warreth against the Romans. Then the pope's army, whose captains were the STiio- earl of Toulouse (to purchase the pope's favour) and Peter the afore- mar.s. ga j^ D j s } 10 p 0 f Winchester (whom the pope for the same end had sent for from England, partly for his treasure, partly for his practice and skill in feats of war), and the emperor's host joined together, and cast down the villages belonging to the citizens in the suburbs bordering about the city of Rome, to the number of eighteen, and destroyed the vineyards. Whereat the Romans, being not a little offended, brast out of the city with more heat than order, to the number of one hundred thousand (as the story reporteth), to destroy Viterbo, the pope's city, with sword and fire. But the multitude, being unordered and out of battle-array, and unprovided for jeopardies which by the way might happen, fell into the hands of their enemies, who were in wait for them, and of them de- stroyed a great number; so that altogether 1 were slain to the number of thirty thousand ; but the most part was of the citizens. And this dissension thus begun was not soon ended, but continued long after. 2 church of By these, and such other stories, who seeth not how far the church ^nerated °f R° me natH degenerated from the true image of the right church [rom the 0 f Christ, which, by the rule and example of the gospel, ought to be the true a daughter of peace, not a mother of debate ; not a revenger of church, herself nor a seeker of wars, but a forgiver of injuries, humbly and patiently referring all revenge to the Lord ; not a raker for riches, but a winner of souls ; not contending for worldly mastership, but hum- bling themselves as servants; and not vicars of the Lord, but jointly like brethren serving together, bishops with bishops, ministers with ministers, deacons with deacons, and not as masters, separating th cm- Differ- selves by superiority one from another ; and briefly communicating twSen the together in doctrine and counsel, one particular church with another:, church of not as a mother one over another, but rather as a sister church one that was, Wl th another, seeking together the glory of Christ, and not their own. churSTof And such was the church of Rome first in the old ancient beginning thatTs °^ ^ er P r i m itive state, especially while the cross of persecution yet kept the bishops and ministers under, in humility of heart and fervent calling upon the Lord for help ; so that happy was that Christian then, who with liberty of conscience only might hold his life, how barely soever he lived. And as for the pride and pomp of the world, striving for patrimonies, buying of bishoprics, gaping for benefices, so far was this off from them, that then they had little leisure, and less list, so much as once to think upon them. Neither did the bishops, then, of Rome, fight to be consuls of the city, but sought how to bring the consuls unto Christ, being glad if the consuls would permit them to dwell by them in the city. Neither did they then presume so high, to bring the emperors 1 necks under their girdles, but were glad to save their necks in any corner from the sword of the emperors. Then lacked they outward peace, but abounded in inward consolation, (1) " Hinc inde," between both parties. — Ed. '2) Ex M. Paris, fol. 92, [p. 408, whence the text has been in several instances corrected.— Ed.] RUPTURE AND SCHISM OF THE CHD1ICH. 413 God's Holy Spirit mightily working in their hearts. Then was one Henry citholic unity of truth and doctrine amongst all churches, against errors and sects ; neither did the east and west, nor distance of place, A - D - divide the church, but both the east church and the west church, the : ~ Greeks and the Latins, made all one church. And, albeit there were ^J ch then five patriarchal sees appointed for order sake, differing in regions, West^ and perad venture also in some rites one from another ; yet all these consenting together in one unity of catholic doctrine, having one God, one Christ, one faith, one baptism, one spirit, one head, and linked together in one bond of charity, and in one equality of honour ; they made altogether one body, one church, one communion, called one catholic, universal, and apostolic church. And so long as this knot £*jj°jj c of charity and equality did join them in unity together, so long the church of Christ flourished and increased, one being ready to help and harbour another, in time of distress, as Agapetus and Vigilius, flying to Constantinople, were there aided by the patriarch ; so that, all this while, neither foreign enemy, neither Saracen, nor soldan or sultan, nor caliph, nor Chorasmian, nor Turk, had any power greatly Api s ;^ ix _ to harm it. But through the malice of the enemy, this catholic unity did not Schism long continue, and all by reason of the bishop of Rome, who, not the^reek contented to be like his brethren, began to extend himself, and to ^tie claim superiority above the other four patriarchal sees, and all other church of churches in the world. And thus, as equality amongst christian Equality, bishops was by pride and singularity oppressed, so unity began, by ™° 1 t c h 0 e /d° f little and little, to be dissolved, and the Lord's coat, which the soldiers left whole, to be divided. Which coat of christian unity, albeit of long time it hath been now seam-ript before, by the occasion aforesaid, yet notwithstanding, in some sort it held together in some mean agree- ment, in subjection to the see of Rome, till the time of this Pope Gregory IX., a.d. 1230, at which time this rupture and schism of the church brake out into a plain division, utterly dissevering the east church from the west church, upon this occasion. There was a certain archbishop elected to an archbishopric among The cause the Greeks, who, coming to Rome to be confirmed, could not be ^ why" admitted unless he promised a very great sum of money. Which when ^^ eek he refused to do, and detested the execrable simony of the court of utterly Rome, he made his repair home again to his own country, uncon- S^the firmed, declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, the case Rom a ns - how it stood. For the further confirmation of this, there were also *mm**. others, who, coming lately from Rome, where they had proved the same, or worse, came in and gave testimony to his saying. Where- upon all the churches of the Greeks, at the same time hearing this, departed utterly away from the church of Rome, which was in the days of this Pope Gregory IX., insomuch that the archbishop of AiiGreece Constantinople, coming afterwards to the general council at Lyons, theobed?- there openly declared, that whereas before-time he had under him Xrch^f above thirty bishoprics and suffragans, now he had not three ; adding, Rome, moreover, that all the Greeks, and certain others, with Antioch, and aw^'ux. the whole empire of Romania, even to the gates, almost, of Constan- tinople, were gone from the obedience of the church of Rome, &c l (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 112, &c. fol. 186. 414 SUBSTANCE OT A LETTER OF THE PATRIARCH Henry By the occasion of tlie aforesaid separation of the Greeks from Pope Gregory, it happened shortly after (a.d. 1232), that Germanus, A - D - archbishop and patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the said Pope 1 232, Gregory IX., humbly desiring him to study and seek some means of Germa- un itv, how the seamless coat of the Lord Jesus thus lamentablv rent, nus, pa- 7 • 7 triarch of not with hands of soldiers, but by discord of prelates, may be healed tinopie? again ; offering this, moreover, that if he will take the pains to stir PopeGre? out ' ne > f° r n ^ s P art > notwithstanding his old age and feeble body, gory ix. would not refuse to meet him in the mid way, to the intent that the truth on both sides being debated by the Scriptures, the wrong part may be reduced, the slander stopped, and unity re-formed between them. This request of the patriarch, as it was both godly and reasonable, so it had been the bishop's part again, with like humility, to have condescended to the same, and to have been glad with all his might to help forward the reformation of christian unity in the church of Christ, and so to have showed himself the son of peace : but the proud bishop of Rome, more like the son of discord and dissension, standing still upon his majesty, refused thus to do ; but wrote again in answer to his letters with great disdain, seeking nothing else but how to advance his see above all other churches ; and not only that, but, also, shortly after, he sent forth his preaching friars, to move all The pope Christians to take the sign of the cross, and to fight against the Greeks, no otherwise than against the Turks and Saracens ; insomuch that, in the Isle of Cyprus, many good men and martyrs were slain for the same, as by the letters of the said Germanus, patriarch of Constan- tinople, is to be seen. 1 The patriarch's letter to the pope, and the pope's answer thereto, being long and tedious to read, are omitted here, but are extant in the history of Matthew Paris ;* 2 the summary effect whereof, notwith- standing, I thought here briefly to notify, for the simple and unlearned multitude, who, not understanding the Latin, may hereby perceive the fault of tins schism not so much to rest in the Greek church, as in the church of Rome, as by the contents of this letter may appear. setteih the west church to fight against the east church. AppeZlix SUBSTANCE OF A LETTER OF GERMANUS, THE PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE, TO POPE GREGORY IX., A.D. 1232. In this letter the said Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, writing to Pope Gregory, first after his reverend salutation and pre- amble following upon the same, entering then upon the matter, showeth the occasion of his writing, which was by five observant friars repairing thither, whom he, gently receiving into his house, had conference with them touching this discord between the two churches, how it might be reduced again to unity ; and afterwards, perceiving the said friars to make their journey towards Rome, he thought, therefore, by them to write his letters, wherein first lamenting this division in The in- the house of God, and reciting the inconveniences which come there- ence oT " of, by the example of Judah and Israel, Jerusalem and Samaria, Cain discord. an( j Abel, Esau and Jacob, also of other such like, both private and public societies, where brother fighteth against brother, like as among (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 112, (2) Ibid. fol. 3, et 111. OF CONSTANTINOPLE TO POPE GREGORY IX. 415 fishes the greater devoureth the lesser ; he proceedeth then further Henry gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of unity. And forasmuch as the pope had accursed, belike, those churches AD - of the Greeks before, he therefore, taking his ground upon the words _J 232, _ of St. Paul, [Gal. L] where he accurseth every such person and persons, whatsoever they be, either man or angel of heaven, that shall preach any other gospel than hath been preached, willeth the pope to stand with him upon the same ground of the apostle's curse ; so that if the stroke of that curse have lighted upon him or his churches, he desireth him to show the wound, and to help to wipe away the blood, to minister some spiritual plaster, to bind up the sore, and to save his brethren from perishing who lay in danger, according to the saying of the wise man, " A brotherly friend is tried in adversity." " But if we (saith hej, of the Greek church be free from the stripe of this Whether curse of the apostle, and you Italians, and of the Latin church, be stricken Church therewith and lie thereby in danger of destruction, I trust that you, through of the ignorance and wilful obstinacy, will not so suffer yourselves to be separated ^f^ 3 from the Lord, but rather will suffer a thousand deaths before, if it were pope's possible for a man so often to die." church And as touching this great discord between us, if either contrariety of ^de^the doctrine, or swerving from the ancient canons, or diversity of rites received of danger of our forefathers, be any cause thereof, we here take heaven and earth to witness, God ' s that we for our parts are ready, and desire also, upon due trial of profound curse ' truth of God's word, and invocation of the Holy Ghost, to join hands with you, or you to join with us. But, to say the very truth, and to tell you plainly, this we suppose, that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner incline to Greeks your obedience, were it not that they feared your unjust oppressions, your afraid of insatiable exactions, and inordinate provisions wherewith you wring your the P°P e ' s subjects, by reason whereof have risen amongst us cruel wars, one righting "ions. 8 " against another, desolation of cities, bulls and interdictions set upon church- The pa- doors, division of brethren, and churches of the Grecians left without service, constan 0f where God shouldbe praised. So that now only one thing lacketh, which I believe tinopie to be predefined and appointed from above long before to us Grecians, the time prophe- I mean of martyrdom, which also now hasteneth fast upon us, that the tribunal the mar- of tyrants should be opened, and the seats of torments be set, that the blood of tyrdom of martyrs should be spilled, and we brought to the stage of martyrdom, to fight ^ ^ re for the crown of glory." " This that I do speak, and wherefore I speak it, the noble island of Cyprus The doth already know and feel, which hath made many new martyrs, and hath pope's seen valiant soldiers of Christ, who of long time before, passing through water ti^nln^ and tears of sorrow, now at last have also passed through fire, and so entered the isle of into the heavenly rest. How say you, be these good and seemly, O holy pope ! c yP rus : the successor of St. Peter, the apostle ? Is this the bidding of that good Peter, The ty- the meek and humble disciple of Christ ? Doth he thus instruct the seniors and ^ ny elders in his epistle, where he writeth in this wise ? " The elders which are rice of the among you, I beseech, which am also a fellow-elder with them, and witness of popechaa- the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shall be opened : the^onlB feed the flock of God which is amongst you, having care and sight over it, of St. not of coaction, as compelled against your wills, but willingly, of your own Peter - accord ; not for filthy lucre' sake, but freely and heartily ; neither as bearing dominion and lordship over the church, but showing yourselves as an example to the flock : and when the chief Pastor shall appear, you shall receive an incor- ruptible crown of eternal glory." [1 Pet. v. 1, 4.] And this is the doctrine of Peter, as they shall see who do not obey it. As for us, the other part of the said epistle is sufficient : wherein he willeth them to rejoice which are in heaviness through manifold temptations, that the trial of their faith being much more precious than gold that perisheth, and is tried in fire, maybe their laud, honour, and glory, at the appearing of the Lord Jesus. [1 Pet. i. 7.] But bear with me, 416 ANOTHER EPTSTLE OF GERMANUS. The Greek church sound and sin- Henry I pray you, O holy father, and of all your predecessors most meek, and suffer Iu - my words though they be something sharp, for they be sighings of a sorrowful A D heart." 1232* " Wherefore, gird about your loins with fortitude, and light up the candle of - your discretion, and seek the groat that is lost, of the unity, I mean, of faith, ho^teth And we will also with like compassion join with your holiness, and I will not the pope spare this weak body of mine, in pretending any excuse either of age or the andmeet hmgth °f the wa y • Mr tne more laborious the travail is, the more crowns with him, it bringeth. And St. Paul saith, ' Every man shall receive reward according that they to his travail.'" confer to- " Neither are we ignorant, if it please your holiness, that like as we Grecians, gether for our parts, do labour in all respects to keep and observe the sincerity of true unit 1 * of 16 an d doctrine, not to err, nor swerve in any part or point from the statutes faith. of the blessed apostles and ancient fathers, so the church, likewise, of old Rome doth, for her part, labour also, we know well, to follow the sincere verity of christian doctrine, and thinketh herself to err in nothing, nor to need any remedy or reformation. And this we know is the judgment and sayings of both the churches, as well of the Greeks as of the Latins. For no man can see any cere in spot in his own face, without he stoop down to the glass, or else be admonished doctrine, by some other, whether his face be blotted or no. Even so have we many great and fair glasses set before us : first, the clear gospel of Christ, the epistles He ex- of the apostles, and divinity books of ancient writers. Let us therefore horteth i 00 k into them well; they will show every man's mind and judgment, whether church of he go right or wrong. The God of peace tread down Satan speedily under our Rome to feet. The Author of peace confound the sower of discord. He that is the face in 6r cause 0I> an " goodness destroy the hater of all that which is good, and which God's giveth cause of offence and slander. And he who is God of all joy and peace, that* is to seno - us ' wno are shepherds of his sheep reasonable, the angel of peace, and the try their ° messenger of great glad tidings, as he did in the Nativity of Christ to the doctrine shepherds of brute sheep and unreasonable ; and make us worthy to sing that word° dS j°y^ son g of God's praise, " Glory to God in the highest; on earth peace; good-will to men ;" and to receive one another with an holy kiss. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the peace of God the Father, and the communion of the Holy Spirit, be with you always. Amen." 1 SUBSTANCE OF ANOTHER EPISTLE OF GERMANUS, PATRIARCH OI< CONSTANTINOPLE, AND PRIMATE OF THE GREEK CHURCH, TO THE CARDINALS OF ROME. Appendix. Another letter the said Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, wrote also the same time to the pope's cardinals, wherein he first commendeth them for their wisdom and counsel, and then, showing what utility cometh by giving good counsel, he saith : " Forsomuch as God, many times, that which he hideth from one, inspireth to another, so that that good thing which by the Almighty God is sunderly dispensed to divers, through common counsel and conference spreadeth to the public utility of many," &c. After this, eftsoons, he beginneth to exhort them, that they, like charitable ministers and discreet counsellors, should take in hand the spiritual armour of God, to cast down the stop and partition wall of the old discord between the Greek and Latin church, and that they should be a means to the bishop of Rome, that they who so long have been dissevered by dissension, may now be conjoined in unity of peace, in brotherly charity and communion of faith. " Concerning which matter, I have (saith he) already written to his holiness. And now, I beseech the King of heaven, who took the shape of a servant to help his miserable servants, and was exalted upon the cross to raise them up (1) Ex libro Matth. Paris manuscripto, if. 3 et 111. TO THE CARDINALS OF ROME. 417 who were fallen into the profundity of desolation, that he will vouchsafe to put Henry from your hearts all elation of mind, extolling itself over and above the unity of 111 ■ your brethren and fellow-servants, and to enlighten your consciences with the ^ j> true light of understanding, that we may altogether agree in one, and that there j 232 be no schism amongst us. Let us, therefore, as we are instructed, so abide in 1 one mind, that it be not said of us, as it was of the Corinthians before us, 4 I hold of Paul, I of Apollos, I of Cephas, and I of Christ ;' [1 Cor. i. 12 ;] but that all vve, as we hold the name of Christ, and are called Christians, so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed, in one mind ; that is, to follow love and charity in Christ Jesus, having always in our hearts the words of the apostle, saying, 4 One Lord, one faith, one baptism.'" " And now to be plain with you in that I have to say, I shall desire you not to be offended with me in uttering the truth as a friend unto you. 1 The words,' saith Solomon, 1 of a wise man telling truth, be like to nails which be driven in deep:' and truth for the most part breedeth enemies; and, therefore, though I am partly afraid, yet will I simply confess the truth unto you. Certes, this The ty- division of christian unity amongst us, proceedeth of no other cause but only of rani »yand the tyranny, oppression, and exactions of the church of Rome, who of a mother sum of the is become a stepdame, and hath put her children from her whom long time she church of nourished (after the manner of a ravening bird, which driveth her young from ^o-rdy her) ; which children, how much the more humble and obedient they are to her, cause of the less she esteemeth them, and treadeth them underfoot, not regarding the breaking • » • 00 unity DC" saying of the gospel, 1 Whoso humbleth himself shall be exalted.'" [Luke tweenthe xviii. 14.] Greek " Let modesty, therefore, something temper you, and let the avarice of the court ^ndThe of Rome, although that cannot well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone, Latin. yet surcease a while, and let us together condescend to the trial of the truth ; which truth being found out on both sides, let us constantly embrace the same." " For why ? we have been altogether sometimes, both Italians and Greciaas, in The old one faith, and under the same canons, having peace with each other, and amity and defending one another, and confounding the enemies of the church. At what between time, many flying out of the west parts (while the tyranny of the heretics en- the east dured) made their concourse to us, and were received ; and part fled unto you, ^ r ^ e that is, old Rome, as to a strong tower of refuge, and so received they comfort west, in both places, and one brother was thus received into the bosom of another, by mutual love for their defence." " Then, afterwards, when Rome had been often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations, the Grecians were ever ready to rescue and deliver them. Did not Agapetus and Vigilius flee unto Constantinople by reason of the dissen- Agapetus sions then at Rome, and being honourably received, were here defended under a . nd vig- our protection? although the like kindness was never yet showed on your part t^Con- to us again in our like necessities. Notwithstanding, we ought to do good to stantino- them also that be ungrateful ; for so doth the sea participate her smooth and ple for calm tides even unto the pirates, and so ' God causeth the sun to shine upon the just and unjust.' But, alas for sorrow, what bitter division is this, that hath thus sequestered us asunder ? One of us detracteth another, shunning the company one of another, as the damnation of his soul. What a mortal hatred is this that is come among us ? If you think we are fallen, then do you help to lift us up, and be not to us a stumbling-block to our bodily ruin, but helpers unto the spiritual resurrection of our souls ; so shall we acknowledge ourselves bound unto you to give you condign thanks accordingly." " But if the blame and first origin of all this offence proceedeth from Rome, and the successors of Peter, the apostle ; then read ye the words of St. Paul to the Galatians, saying, 1 When Peter came to Antioch I withstood him to the face, Faul re- because he was to be rebuked.' [Gal. ii. 11.] Howbeit this resistance was no buketh cause of any discord, or breach between them, but the cause rather of further e r * search and profounder disputations, provoking temporal agreement ; for they were fast joined together in the bond of charity in Christ, agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine, separated by no ambition or avarice, in which points, would God we also were like unto them ! This to us, in our minds, gendereth a great offence, that you gaping so greedily after terrene possessions, scrape together all that you can scratch and rake. You heap up gold and VOL. II. E E 418 WAR PROCLAIMED AGAINST THE GREEK CHURCH. Henry silver, and yet pretend that you be the disciples of Him who said, ' Gold and IIL silver I have none,' &c. [Acts iii. 6.] You make whole kingdoms tributary y> *° you, and kings and princes your vassals. You augment your money by usury, -j 9 'g2 and by feats of merchandise. You unteach by your deeds that which you — - — — teach in words." He mean- " Moderate yourselves, therefore, with more temperance, that you may be an kingdom 6 exam P^ e ^° us an ^ to an " tne wor ld. You see how good a thing it is for one of Eng- brother to help another. Only God alone needeth no help or counsel, but men land, and need to be holpen one of another. And were it not that I do reverence the which blessed apostle Peter, the chief of Christ's apostles, the rock of our faith ; I were would here put you in remembrance how greatly this rock was shaken and butar ^to remove ^ fr° m foundation at the sight of a silly woman ; and Christ of his the see of secret purpose permitted the same, who, by the crowing of the cock, brought Home. him again to remembrance of that which was foretold him, and raised him from Theim- fa e s l umoer of desperation. Then he, beine thus waked, washed his face with moderate „ r ' » ' avarice cf tears, confessing nimseli, before God and all the world, to be a true pattern of Romf °^ re P entance ' before bare the keys of the kingdom, saying thus unto us, Peter'T 6 ' not ^ e w ^ c ^- ^ a ^ etn ) rise again? Oh you which are fallen, rise up and faith behold me, and hearken unto me, travelling towards Paradise ; the gates where- shaken, of to open I have received power.' " " And thus do I write unto you, not for any instruction, but only to put you in remembrance : for I know how God hath endued you with all wisdom and Peter an knowledge ; as Solomon saith, ' Give only occasion to the wise, and he will of repent- l earn wisdom : teach the just man, and he will be glad to take instruction.' " ance. " This one thing more I will say, and so make an end : There be great and Christian mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with us. First, the Ethiopians, andn™ 6 mna °it the chief part of the east. After that the Syrians, and others tioi-s in besides, of greater number than they, and more disposed to virtue, as the Hiberi, \ h h ch S are ^ an *' Gothi, Chazari, with innumerable people of Russia, and the kingdom of not un der g rea t victory, that of the Bulgarians. All these are obedient unto us as their the bishop mother church, persisting hitherto constantly in the ancient and true orthodox of Rome. faith immoveable." Christ the " The God of all holiness, who for our sakes became man, and who only is the only head head of his church and congregation, vouchsafe to gather us again together in chuj-ch un *ty> an( l g ran t that the Grecian church, together with her sister church of old Rome, may glorify the same Christ, the Prince of Peace, by the unity of faith, to the restitution of sound and wholesome doctrine, wherein many years agone they have agreed and were united. God grant unto you brotherly charity, and the hand of the most mighty God govern you all, holy cardinals, till that ye joyfully arrive in the haven of everlasting tranquillity. The grace of God be with you all. Amen." 1 The pope Shortly after the sending of these letters, pope Gregory prepared ethwar 1 to sen( ^ men °f war > signed with the cross, to fight against the the Greek Grecians ; whereupon the archbishop of Antioch, with the said Ger- churcn. manus, solemnly excommunicated the pope, after he first had excom- bishopB of municated them. 2 In the mean time, by the tenor of these letters of ^och thx patriarch sent to the pope and to the cardinals, it is evident to all and Con- r ■ • i • i i 7 ^ stantino- men who have eyes m their heads to see : b irst, how the whole commit- universal church of Christ, from the east parts to the west, in ancient nicate the times, was altogether united in one consent of doctrine, and linked Five' together in brotherly charity, one church brotherly to help another, both be con-* 6 with temporal aid and spiritual counsel, as the case required. Neither sidereij. wag ^ en an y one mother-church above other churches, but the whole Arrerrdig. un i V ersal church was the mother-church, and spouse of the Lord, to every faithful believer ; under which universal church, in general, were comprehended all other particular churches in special, as sister churches together ; not one greater than another, but all in like equality, as O) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 111. (2 Ibid. JoL 118 THE CATHOLIC CHURCH DEFINED. 419 God gave his gifts, so serving one another, ever holding together the Henry unity of faith and sisterly love. And so long was it, and righ tly ., might so be called, the catholic church, having in it true unity, uni- A.D. versality, and free consent. Unity in doctrine, universality in com true catholic church. municating and joining together of voices, consent in spirit and The judgment. For whatsoever was taught at Rome, touching faith and salvation, it was no other than was taught at Antioch, Syria, &c. waTInd Secondly, how in process of time, through occasion of the tyranny what, and violent oppression of the bishops of Rome, this ring of equality, universa- being broken, all flew in pieces, the east church from the west, the JjJJiSj Greek from the Latin ; and that which was one before, now was made J^ rch two ; unity turned to division, universality to singularity, and free hath her consent to dissension. SoiSj Thirdly, here is also to be noted, after this pitiful breach of equa- ^"JJjJgj lity, how many and what great nations departed from the communion of the church of Rome, and especially about this time above specified of pope Gregory IX., a.d. 1230 ; so that both before and after that time, many councils were holden, and many things concluded in the west church, whereunto the one half of Christendom, lying in the east parts, did never agree ; and contrary, many councils holden by them* which in the Latin church were not received ; so that the church now, as she lost the benefit of universal consent, so also she lost the name of ' Catholic.'' Whereupon this question is to be asked, namely, whether, whether when the council of Lateran, under pope Innocent III., ordained the Sne of" doctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession, here, in the transub- west church, without the free consent of the east church, the same tion.made doctrine is to be counted catholic or not ? thefree Fourthly, in the departing of these churches from the bishop of s e e a "[ <>f Rome, here also is to be noted, that the same churches of the Greeks, churches, notwithstanding they sequestered themselves, and fell out with the h c or no? church of Rome, and that justly, yet they kept their unity still with Ap ^d%x. their God, and retained still the true 6 opQo^o^iav^ that is, the true and sincere doctrine of faith ; ready to debate and try the truth of their religion by the Scriptures, as they here, in their own writings, desire to have the truth examined, according as ye have heard. Wherefore the church of Rome hath done them open wrong, which being offered so gently to try, and to be tried, by the truth of God's word, not only would stand to no trial, nor abide conference, but also hath excom- municated those as heretics, who appear here to be more orthodox Christians than themselves. Fifthly, these things thus standing, then have we to conclude that the The church of Rome falsely pretendeth itself to be catholic : for if the name ^jjj^ of 'catholic' must needs import an universal consent of the whole, how proved can that be catholic where the consent of so many famous and true catholic, christian churches hath been lacking ; and, furthermore, where the consent that hath been amongst themselves, hath rather been coacted Thepro- than any true or free consent ? Which is easy to be proved ; for let SrSS these fires and faggots cease, let kings and princes leave to press their subjects with the pope's obedience, let the Scripture and the bishops *e« alone, every one in his own diocese, govern their Hock after the are rule of God's word, and how few be there in this west end of the ?tted world, trow you, that would not do the same that these Grecians^ E F. % no ee con- sent, but 420 the pope's unreasonable gatherings. Henry Ethiopians, and Syrians, have done before us ? — And thus much of in, this patriarch's letters, sent to pope Gregory, concerning the Greek A.D. church. 1235 - When I consider the doings of these Grecians, as I cannot but com- rawestate menc ^ ^ ne i r wisdom, and judge their state happy and blessed, in of the shaking off from their necks the miserable yoke of the pope's tyranny ; ofchri? 5 so 5 on the other hand, considering with myself the wretched thraldom underthe °^ tnese our churches here in the west part of the world, under the pope. bishop of Rome; I cannot tell whether more to marvel at, or to lament, Excom- their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression and slavery tions like under him, that neither could they abide him, nor yet durst cast him Sagger. on °- So intolerable were his exactions, so terrible was his tyranny, The false his suspensions and excommunications so much like a madman's Sof dagger, drawn at every trifle, that no christian patience could suffer suprema- nor na ^ on abide it. Again, so deeply did he sit in their con- ey, cause sciences, they falsely believing him to have the authority of St. Peter, wretch- 1 that for conscience' sake neither king nor Csesar durst withstand him, odness. mucn less p 0or subjects once mute against him. And although his takings and spoilings, namely, in this realm of England, were such, that neither the laity nor spiritualty could bear them, yet was there no remedy ; but bear them they must, or else the pope's sentence was upon them, to curse them as black as pitch. In reading the histories of these times, any good heart would lament and rue to see the miserable captivity of the people ; what they suffered under this thraldom of the bishop of Rome, whereof part hath been showed before ; more, God willing, shall follow here- after, and some part here presently I express. A BRIEF TABLE OR DECLARATION OF THE POPE's UNREASON- ABLE GATHERINGS, EXACTIONS, AND OPPRESSIONS, IN THE REALM OF ENGLAND, IN THE DAYS OF KING HENRY III. 1 And first, to begin with the elections of the bishops, abbots, deans, and priors within this realm : it cannot be told what mass of money grew to the pope's coffers thereby, especially in this king's days ; for- asmuch as in his time scarcely any election happened, either of arch- bishop, bishop, abbot, or any room of dignity, but, when the covent or chapter had chosen one to their mind, the king, who had married a stranger, and sought therefore to prefer strangers, would set up another. By reason of this, when the other part was fain to appeal to Rome, and there to plead the case, no small rivers of English money, besides expenses and travel by the way, went flowing to the pope's see. And though the election went never so clear, yet the newly elect must needs respect the holy father with some gentle reward, and further, by his oath was bound every three years, either in his own person, or by another, to visit ' limina apostolorum.' So in the house of St. Alban's, when John Hertford was elected abbot, their public election was not enough, but for the confirmation of the same, the monks were fain to send Reinold, the physician, Append*?. (1) The substance of the facts here recorded appear to he contained in the Harl. MSS. Brit. Mus. No. 419, Art. 9: " Concerning the wicked and unreasonable demeanour of divers popes, against christian princes, the foundation of divers orders, beginning of new ceremonies, and some other historical observations," with a note: " Written probably by Matthew Paris."— Ed. UNPRINCIPLED PAPAL EXACTIONS. 421 and Nicholas, a monk, to Rome, with a sufficient bag of money, Henp through the mediation whereof the election might stand, and the new abbot was sworn every third year, by himself or another, to visit the A - D - dorsels 1 of the apostles. 1237 ' Another such contention happened between the king and the App % iifi monks of Winchester, about the election of William Rale, whom the monks had chosen, but the king refused, willing to place a stranger, and therefore sent to Rome his messengers, namely, Theobald, a monk of Westminster, and Master Alexander, a lawyer, with no small sum of money, to evacuate the election of the aforesaid William Rale ; commanding, moreover, that the gates of Winchester should be shut Eight against him, and that no man should be so hardy, there, as to receive marks"* 1 him into his house. Whereupon the said William, being excluded, j£ v t e " fthe after he had laid his curse upon the whole city of Winchester, made bishopric his repair to Rome, where, for eight thousand marks promised to the chester to pope, his bishopric (spite of the king's heart) was confirmed, and he the B °P e - received. 2 a.d. 1243. After the death of Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, ye Appendix. heard before how the monks had elected Walter, a monk of Canter- bury. But the king, to stop that election, sent up his proctors, Alexander Savensby, bp. of Coventry, and Henry Sanford, bp. of Rochester, to the pope, to evacuate that election, and to place Richard chancellor of Lincoln. Which proctors perceiving at first how hard and unwilling the pope and cardinals were thereunto, and considering Tenth how all things might be bought for money, rather than the king should j^J fail of his purpose, they promised on the king's behalf to the pope, in Eng- for maintaining his wars against Frederic, the emperor, a disme, or inland tenth part of all the moveables in the realm of England and Ireland. £rpope At the contemplation of this money, the pope, eftsoons, thinking to pass with the king, began to pick quarrels with the aforesaid Walter, for not answering rightly to his questions about Christ's descending to hell, the making of Christ's body on the altar, the weeping of Rachel for her children, she being dead before ; also about the sen- tence of excommunication, and certain causes of matrimony ; his answers whereunto, when they were not to the pope's mind, he was put back, and the king's man preferred, which cost the whole realm of England and Ireland the tenth part of their moveable goods, by reason whereof, what money was raised to the pope's Gazophylacium, 3 I leave to the estimation of the reader.* a.d. 1229. And yet, for Money all this, the said Richard, the costly archbishop of Canterbury, within SCe he- less than two years after, falling out with the king about the castle J7nj"nd. e and lordship of Tunbridge, went and complained of him to the pope ; *e ^ch- in the traverse whereof it cost the king a great piece of money, and cante?- 0 yet missed he his purpose. In that journey the said archbishop, bury * returning homeward, by the way, departed, a.d. 1231. Of the like dissension ye heard before, between the king and the Thecostw covent of Durham, for not choosing Master Lucas, the king's chap- ofWhops. lain, whom the king offered to be their bishop ; about the suit whereof, (1) " The dorsels of the apostles." " Limlna apostolorum." The arrival of the abbot, every third year, to visit, with a full purse, the seats of the apostles, was both agreeable and advantageous Anpt'iiix to the pope.- Ed. (2) Ex Matth. Paris, fols. 164, 240. (3) The ecclesiastical treasury.— En (4) Ex Mattb Paris, fol. 71.) / U 422 EXPENSES OF ECCLESIASTICAL LITIGATIONS. First, the archbishop was fain to travel himself to the pope, and so thou- did the covent also send their proctors, who, probably being better Henp when much money was bestowed on both sides well-fa vourodly, the ; — pope, defeating them both, admitted neither Master William nor A - Master Lucas, but ordained the bishop of Sarum to be their bishop. Money Between the monks of Coventry and the canons of Lichfield, arose the n pope° an °ther like quarrel, which of them should have the superior voice in Section of cnoos ^ n §' tnen ' bishop ; m which suit, after much money bestowed in the the bishop court of Rome, the pope, to requalify each party with some retribution try C and. n f° r their money received, took this order indifferently between them, Lich ^ ld - tnat eacn P ar ty by course should have the choosing of their bishop. Appendix. A.D. 1228. 2 arch Umd ' What business arose likewise between Edmund, archbishop of bishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Rochester, about the election oi bSyfeon* Richard Wendour, to be their bishop ; and what was the end thereof? demned at Rome in a mirks, moved, weighed down the cause, so that the good archbishop in that affair against the monks, and partly in another cause against the earl of Arundel, was condemned of the pope in a thousand marks, whereof the greatest part, no doubt, redounded to the pope's coffers, a.d. 1238. 3 The fifth After the return of the said Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, goods"? 6 from Rome, it chanced that the monks of Canterbury had elected th autedto ^ eu * V Il0Y without his assent ; for which he did excommunicate the in* pope, monks, and evacuate their election. Not long after this, the pope's Appendix, exactors went about to extort from the churchmen the fifth part of their goods to the pope's use, fighting then against the emperor. This cruel exaction being for a great while resisted by the prelates and clergy, at length the aforesaid archbishop, thinking thereby to get the victory against the monks, was contented to yield to the said exaction ; adding, moreover, of his own, for an overplus, eight hundred marks, whereupon the rest of the clergy were fain to follow after, and con- tribute to the pope's exactors, a.d. 1240. 4 Great ex- In the church of Lincoln (which see, before the Conquest, was at money°L Dorchester, and afterwards by William Rufus translated from thence S e Rome to Lincoln) rose a grievous contention between Robert Grosthead, between ' then bishop, and the canons of the cathedral church, about their visi- bishop of tation, whether the bishop should visit them, or the dean ; which andThe matter being put to arbitrators, could not be composed before the chare? 81 msno P an d the chapter, after their appeal made unto the p^ope, had both gone to Rome, where, after they had well wasted their purses, they received at length their answer, but paid full sweetly for it. a.d. 1239. 5 At what time the canons of Chichester had elected Robert Pas- selew to be their bishop, at the king's request, the archbishop with certain other bishops, taking part against the king's chaplain, repelled him, and set up Richard Witch. Upon this, what sending and going there was unto Rome, and what money bestowed about the matter, as well on the king's part as on the bishop's, read the story thereof in Matthew Paris. 6 (1) Ex Matth. Paris. (4) Ibid. fol. 132. b. (2) Ibid. fol. 68. (5) Ibid. fol. 119. (3) Ibid. fol. 114. (6) Ibid. fols. 182, 184, 186. PERVERSION OF JUSTICE. 423 Robert Grostliead, bishop of Lincoln (of whom relation was made before), having a great care how to bring the privileged orders of L_ religious houses within his precinct under his subjection and dis- A.D cipline, went unto Rome, and there, with great labour and much Jl'^L effusion of money, as the story saith, procured of the pope a mandate, whereby all such religious orders were commanded to be under his power and obedience. Not long after, the monks, who could soon weigh down the bishop with money, not abiding that, sent their factors to the pope, who, with their golden eloquence so persuaded him, and stirred his affections in such sort, that soon they purchased to themselves freedom from their ordinary bishop. Robert Grost- liead having intelligence of this, made up to Rome, and there com- plaining to the pope, declared how he was disappointed and confounded in his purpose, contrary to promises and assurance made to him before ; to whom Pope Innocent, looking with a stern countenance, how made this answer • " Brother," said he, " what is that to thee ? Thou {Jfjjjje hast delivered and discharged thine own soul. It hath pleased us to show favour unto them. Is thine eye evil, for that I am good hands. And thus was the bishop sent away with a flea in his ear, murmuring with himself, yet not so softly, but that the pope heard him say these words : " O money ! money ! what canst not thou do in the court of Money Rome? Wherewith the pope bt*ing somewhat pmched, gave this much at answer again : " O ye Englishmen ! Englishmen ! of all men most The 16 ' wretched ; for all your seeking is how ye may consume and devour ]^' s t o n " one another." 1 a.d. 1250. Robert It happened moreover the same year that the said Robert Grost- head, head excommunicated and deprived one Ranulph, a beneficed person in his diocese, being accused of incontinency ; who, after the term of forty days, refusing to submit himself, the bishop wrote to the sheriff of Rutland to apprehend him as one contumacious. The sheriff, be- cause he deferred or refused so to do (bearing favour to the party), and being there-for solemnly excommunicated by the bishop, uttered his complaint to the king. Whereat the king taking great displea- sure with the bishop for excommunicating his sheriff, and not first making Ins complaint to him, sendeth forth a substantial messenger, Master Moneta, such as he was sure would speed, unto Pope Inno- cent ; by virtue of whose words, the pope, easy to be entreated, sendeth Justice down a proviso to the abbot of W estminster, charging that no b y r the led prelate or bishop in the realm of England should molest or enter ferity"* action against any of the king's bailiffs or officers, in such matters for as to the king's jurisdiction appertained. And thus was the strife money * ended, not without some help and heap of English money ; so that no wind of any controversy here stirred in England, were it never so small, but it blew some profit for the pope's advantage. 2 a.d. 1250. In like manner no little treasure grew to the pope's coffers by the Money election of Boniface, the queen's uncle, a Frenchman, to be arch- the^opef bishop of Canterbury, a.d. 1243, and of Ethelmare, the queen's Action brother, to be bishop of Winchester, against the wills of the prior and of two covent there, a. d. 1250, besides many such other escheats, which bcth tes ' madf England poor, and the pope rich. Granger*. M Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 2,irt. nji ( | fol. 23} 424 EVILS CAUSED BY THE POPE^S DISPENSATIONS, Henry I come now something likewise to touch briefly of the pope's dis- ! pcnsations, provisions, exactions, contributions, and extortions in gland in this king's days, for to discourse all, it is not one book 1237 - will hold it. JJ*™e« Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, had married Elenor, the king^s Eienor sister, and daughter of King John, who by report of stories had taken siSi^a s the mantle and ring ; wherefore the king, and his brother Richard, gSod™y de ^ °^ Exeter, were greatly offended with the marriage. The earl the pope Simon seeing this, made a hand of money, and posting over to Rome, money, after he had talked a few words in Pope Innocent's ear, the marriage Appendix. wa s good enough ; and letters were sent to Otho, the pope's legate here, to give sentence solemnly with the earl. Notwithstanding, the Dominic friars, and others of the like religious fraternity, withstood that sentence of the pope stoutly, saying, that the pope's holiness was therein deceived, and souls were in danger; that Christ was jealous over his wife ; and that it could not be in anywise possible that a woman who had vowed marriage with Christ, could afterwards marry with another, &c. a,d. 1238. 1 what in- As there was nothing so hard in the wide world, wherewith the encecom- pope would not dispense for money, so, by the said dispensations, tie pope's muen mischief was wrought abroad ; for, by reason thereof, the people dispensa- relying upon the pope's dispensation, little regarded what they did, what they promised, or what they swore. This well appeared in Appendix, the case of this King Henry III. ; who, being as great an exactor of the poor commons as ever was any king before him or since, and thinking thereby to win the people sooner to his devotion, most faith- fully promised them once or twice, and thereto bound himself with a solemn oath, both before the clergy and laity, to grant unto them the old liberties and customs as well of Magna Charta, as of Charta de Foresta, perpetually to be observed ; whereupon, a fifteenth was granted to the king. But, after the payment was sure, the king trusting, by the pope's dispensation, for a little money, to be dis- charged of his oath and covenant, went from what he had before promised and sworn. In like manner, the said king, another time, being in need of money, signed himself with the cross, pretending and swearing deeply in the face of the whole parliament, that he would himself personally fight wnfui in the Holy Land against the Saracens. But, as soon as the money mail£ y was taken, small care was had for performance of his oath, it being th?popeethe ^ him, the king answered them, that he neither would, nor durst rifth part stand against the pope in any case; and so without all hope of or then- succour } ie sen t them away. 5 Then were the archbishops, bishops, (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fols. 106. 123. b. (2) Ibid. fols. 123, 128, 132. (3) Ibid. fols. 116, 119. (4) Ibid. fol. 128. a. (5) Ibid. fol. 132. Rubeus, the pope carrier. All bene ENGLISH BENEFICES BESTOWED ON ROMANS. 427 abbots, and prelates of the church commanded to assemble together Henry at Reading, there to hear the pope's pleasure and commandment concerning the payment of this fifth part, where, in the end, the A. D. matter concluded thus : the prelates desired a further time to be 12t0 - given them to advise upon the matter, and for that season the ]J v t ^ ues assembly brake up. 1 Many excuses and exceptions were alleged by p0 pe. the clergy ; first, that whereas the money was gathered to fight against A.D.1240. the emperor, they ought not to contribute their money contrary to ^h^ 66 the liberties of the church. Item, that forasmuch as they had paid ^they a tenth not long before unto the pope, upon condition that no more would not such payments should be required of them, much less now the fifth Juteto part should be exacted of them, because an action twice done, maketh the pope - a custom. Item, that seeing they had oftentimes to repair unto the court of Rome, if they should give this money against the emperor, it would turn to their danger when going through his land. Item, that seeing their king had many enemies, against whom they must needs relieve the king with their money, they could not so do if the realm were thus impoverished. All these excuses, with divers others, notwithstanding, they were compelled at length to conform themselves to the pope's good pleasure, through the example given by Edmund, /lpp s e %n z . archbishop of Canterbury, who, to obtain his purpose against the monks of Canterbury, with whom he was then at strife, began first to yield to the legates eight hundred marks for his part, whereby the rest also were fain to follow after. 2 Furthermore, the same year, the pope agreed with the people of Three Rome, that if they would aid him against Frederic the emperor, cMidren whatever benefices were to be given in England, the same should be pf a ^f2 at their arbitrement to be bestowed upon their children. Where- benefices upon commandment was sent to the aforesaid Edmund, archbishop, iand" g ~ and to the bishops of Lincoln and Sarum, that all the collations of benefices within the realm should be suspended, till provision were arch- Und ' made for three hundred children of the citizens of Rome to be first Jj} 8 £°Jj ter . served. Upon this so miserable request, the said Edmund, arch- bury, bishop of Canterbury, for sorrow to see the church so oppressed, exile, departed the realm, and so continuing in France, died at Pontigny. 3 This Edmund was afterwards made a saint, and canonized by pope canon- Innocent IV. This done, Peter Rubeus, the pope's nuncio, and Ruffinus, went into Scotland, from whence they brought with them three thousand pounds for the pope's use about All-hallow-tide the same year. At Twenty that time, moreover, cometh another harpy from the pope to Romans England, named Mumelius, bringing with him three and twenty Jj^gj" Romans here into the realm to be beneficed. Thus, what by the jjjj^tj J king on the one side, and what by the Cardinal Otho, Peter Rubeus, en %*\ Ruffinus, and Mumelius, on the other side, poor England was in a *' wretched case. 4 Another pretty practice of the pope to prowl for money, was this : the aforesaid Peter Rubeus, coming into religious houses and into their chapters, caused them to contribute to the pope's holiness, by the example of this bishop and that abbot, pretending that he and he, of their own voluntary devotion, had given so much and so much, (1) Matth. Paris, fol. 122. (2) Ibid. fols. 132, 136. (3) Ibid. fol. 134. b. (4) Ibid. fol. 137 428 TREATMENT OF THE ABBOT OF PETERBOROUGH. iienry and so seduced them. 1 Also the pope craftily suborned certain friars, authorized with full indulgence, that whosoever had vowed to fight in A. D. the Holy Land, and was disposed to be released of his vow, needed 1241 • noc to repair to Rome for absolution, but paying so much money as pe pope }n S charges would come to in going thither, he, resorting to the said for money 0 . • i i mi i 1A A ° reieaseth. friars, might be assoiled at home. a.d. 1^40. tiaSof *Now all these troubles laid together, were enough to vex the vows meekest prince in the world, besides which, by way of access to the king's molestation, he had much ado with the prelates and clergy of his realm, who were always tampering with his title, especially in their assemblies and councils ; to whom the king, to restrain them from that presumption, did both send and write, as appeareth by the evidence of record, commencing, " Rex misit Galfridum de Langley," 2 &c. That is, the king sent Geoffry Langley to the archbishop of York and to other bishops purposed to meet at Oxford, to appeal for him, lest, in the said council there called, they should presume to ordain something against his crown and dignity. This was done a.d. 1241. 3 * In the same year came a commandment apostolical to the house of Peterborough, that they, at the pope's contemplation, must needs grant him some benefice lying in their donation, the fruits whereof were worth at least an hundred pounds, and if it were more it should be the better welcome ; so that they should be as the farmers, and he to receive the profits. In fine, the covent excused themselves by the abbot being then not at home. The abbot, when he came home, excused himself by the king being the patron and founder of the house. The king being grieved with the unreasonable ravening of these Romanists, utterly forbade any such example to be of b peter- given. 4 But what happened? The abbot, being for this accused to borough the pope by one of the legates, and coming up about four years after, thrust out r r . * 7 T ° ' ° r J ' of the m the time of Jrope Innocent, to the council of Lyons, was so rated court S and reviled, and so shamefully thrust out of the pope's court, that for sorrow he fell sick upon the same, and there died. 5 The ob- In the time of this council of Lyons, pope Innocent IV., foras- of king mucn as the instrument or obligation, whereby the realm of England tribute to s t°°d tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in the pope's the pope chamber a little before, brought forth either the same, or another bn ™e?' chart like unto it ; whereunto he straitly charged and commanded Appendix. everv English bishop there present at the council, severally to set his hand and seal. This unreasonable petition of the pope, albeit it went sore against the hearts of the bishops, yet (see in what miserable subjection the pope had all the bishops under him) none of them The durst otherwise do, but accomplish the pope's request therein, both Engia P nd° f to their own shame, and with prejudice to the public freedom of the halids eir reami - Amongst which bishops, the longest that held out, and last and seals that put to his seal, was the bishop of London. This act, when the ^pe's king and the nobility understood, they were mightily and worthily therewithal offended. 6 a.d. 1245. After that time Cardinal Otho was sent for by pope Gregory in all haste to come to the general council ; two others in his room (1) Matth. Paris, p. 134. (2) Turris T.ond. (8) The passage in asterisks is not found in the Editions previous to 15PG. (*) Kx Matth. Paris, fol. 143. to) Ibid. fol. 184. (6) Ibid. fo'. 192. CRAFTY POLICY OF THF POPE. 429 here remained, whose names were Peter Rubeus and Petrus de Su- Henry pino. Of whom the former, bearing himself for the pope's kinsman, L. brov.ght out his bills and bulls under the pope's authority, to such an A.D. abb( t, or to such a prior, or to such and such a bishop, and so 1244 extorted from them a great quantity of gold and silver. The other, A th ™- ,o •it t i i 1 in l sand live to wit, Petrus de Supmo, sailed to Irelana, from whence lie brought hundred with him a thousand and five hundred marks for the pope's use, Sought a.d. 1241. 1 All which money notwithstanding, gotten by both the JJ^iand collectors, in the carriage of it up to Rome, about the death of pope for the Gregory, fell into the hands of Frederic, the emperor ; who caused it pope to be restored, as nearly as he could, to those from whom it was taken. 2 After these came in Master Martin, a new merchant from the Another new pope Innocent IV. (a. d. 1244) armed with full power to ™^ n " suspend all prelates in England from giving benefices, till the the pope's pope's kinsmen were first preferred ; neither would he take the a°d.1l244. fruits of any benefice, unless it were above the value of thirty marks. At his first coming, he required prelates, and especially religious houses, to furnish him with horses and palfreys, such as were convenient for the pope's especial chaplain and legate to sit upon ; also with plate, raiment, provision for his kitchen and cellar, &c. ; and such as refused, or made excuses, he suspended^ as the abbot of Malmesbury, and the prior of Merton. All prebends that His ex- were void he sought out and reserved for the pope's behoof ; among upon the which was the golden prebend of Sarum, belonging to the prsecentor EngfancL of the choir, whom he preferred to the bishopric of Bath, and so Ap ^ e ldix seized upon the prebend, being void, against the wills both of the bishop and the chapter. 3 Moreover, he brought with him blanks in paper and parchment, signed in the pope's chamber with his stamp and seal ; wherein he might afterward write to whom, and what he would, 4 requiring, furthermore, of the king, in the pope's behalf, to contribu- help his holiness with a contribution to be taxed amongst his clergy, Jhousand of at least ten thousand marks ; 5 and, to the end that the pope ™ rk s f ° r might win the king sooner to his devotion, he writeth in the king's The pope behalf to the nobles and commons of the realm, that they should not hoMeth fail, upon pain of his great curse, to confer such subsidy of money to Jjjji 1 ^ the assistance of the king, as he then had demanded of them ; but the king they stood stiff in not granting it him. how'with While the insatiable avarice of the pope thus made no end in J™ ma gathering riches and goods together in England ; the nobles and tion given barons, with the community as well of the clergy as the laity, j^g 6 weighing the miserable state of the realm, and particularly of the touching ill i r> i • i • i i i"i if i theinsup- cnur :n, the clergy of which now neither had liberty left them to portable choo e their own ministers, nor yet could enjoy their own livings, sEfthe laid cheir heads together, and so exhibited an earnest intimation to ^pope, the king ; beseeching him to consider the pitiful affliction and oppression of his subjects under the pope's extortion, living in more thraldom than ever did the people of Israel under Pharaoh. Where- upon, the king beginning at last to look up, and to consider the injuries and wrongs received in his realm, through the avarice of the court of Rome, directeth to pope Innocent IV. the following letter. (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 247 .b. (4) Ibid. fol. 178. b. (2) Ibid. fol. 151. (5) Ibid. [i) Ibid. fois. lo7, 180. 430 KING HENRY REMONSTRATES WITH THE POPE. H iu^ King Henry's Letter to Pope Innocent IV. 1 Appendix. A. D. To the most holy father in Christ, and lord Innocent, by the grace of God, 1244. chief bishop: Henry, by the same grace, king of England, &c, greeting and Thekin~ hissings °f n ' s blessed feet. The more devont and obsequious the son showeth offerethto himself in obeying the father's will, the more favour and supportation doth he kiss the deserve to find again at his father's hands. This therefore I write, for that feeT S whereas both we and our realm have ever and in all things been, hitherto, at thfc devotion and commandment of your fatherhood; and that, although in some caused by certain affairs of ours and of our kingdom, we have found your fatherly favour the pope and grace sometimes propitious unto us, yet in some things again, as in pro- realm of vlslons given and granted to your clerks of foreign nations, both we and our England, kingdom have felt no small detriment; by reason of which provisions, the church of England is so sore charged and burdened, that not only the patrons of churches, to whom the donations thereof do appertain, are defrauded of their right, but also many other good works of charity thereby do decay, for that such benefices as have been mercifully bestowed upon religious houses to their sustentation, are now wasted and consumed, by your provisions. Wherefore, forasmuch as your see apostolic ought to be favourable to all that be petitioners to the same, so that no person be wronged in that which is his right, we thought therefore to be suitors to your fatherhood, most humbly beseeching your holiness, that you will desist and surcease for a time from such provisions to be exacted. In the mean season, may it please your fatherhood, we beseech you, that our laws and liberties (which you may rightly repute none other but your own) you wi 1 receive to your tuition, to be preserved whole and sound, nor to suffer the san e, by any sinister suggestion in your court, to be violated and infringed. Nei her let your holiness be any whit moved there-for with us, if, in some such cases as these be, we do or shall hereafter resist the tenor of your commandments ; foi ismuch as the complaints of those who daily call upon us, do necessarily enfon e us thereunto ; who ought, by the charge of this our office and kingly dignity c*. mmitted to us of Almighty God, to foresee that no man, in that which is his rig\t, be injured, but truly to minister justice to every one, in that which duly tc him appertaineth. — This letter wau sent the eight and twentieth year of the king's reign. 2 A man would think that this so gentle and obedient letter of the king to the pope, would have wrought some good effect in Pas apo- stolical breast, to withdraw his provisions, and to have tendered the king's so reasonable and honest request : but, how little all this prevailed to stop his insatiable greediness and intolerable extortions and oppressions, the sequel well declareth. For, besides that shortly Appendix, after the pope sent Master Martin with blanks, being bulled for con- tribution of ten thousand marks, in all haste to be paid also, even immediately upon the receiving of this letter — * it followeth in mine author, that the said pope Innocent IV., after all this great sub- mission of the king, and such manifold benefits and payments yearly out of this realm received, was not ashamed to take of David, prince of North Wales, five hundred marks a year, to set him against the The pope king of England, exempting him from his fealty and obedience due weffh- to n i s own ne o e l° r d an d king, to whom both he and all other men Welshmen had sworn subjection before, as by the seals and obliga- te king tions as well of that David himself, as of other Welsh lords, in thi* i°and ng behalf doth appear. 4 In the mean while Master Martin did not let sleep his business, ir making up his market for the pope's money of ten thousand marks, but was still calling upon the prelates and clergy, who, first excusing (1) " Sanctissimo In Christo patri, ac Domino Innocentio, Dei gratia suran pontifici : Henricus eadem gratia rex AngHae, &rc, salutem et pedum oncula beatorum," &c. (2) Ej* Mam* Parfs To; 171 (r$ bury, afterwards being called again by new letters, made their answer by the dean of Paul's, their prolocutor : — A - D- First, That the poverty of the realm would not suffer them to 1244 ' consent thereto. Item, Whereas they had given before a contribution to cardinal Excuses Otho, for paying the pope's debts, and knew the said money to be sons™*' employed to no such end as it was demanded for, more cause they JgjjJJjJ^ had now to misdoubt, lest this contribution in his hands, who was Hons, a much inferior messenger than the cardinal, would come to the same or a worse effect. Item, If they should now agree to a new contribution, they feared lest it would grow to a custom, seeing that one action twice done maketh a custom. Item, Forasmuch as a general council is shortly looked for, where Appends. every prelate of the realm must needs bestow both his travel and expenses, and also his presence, to the pope, if the prelates now should be bound to this tax, they would not be able to abide this burden. Item, Seeing it is alleged, that the mother church of Rome is so far in debt, reason and right it were, that the mother so oppressed should be sustained by all her devout children meeting together in the general council ; as by help of many, more relief might come than by one nation alone. Lastly, They alleged, that for fear of the emperor and his threat- ening, they durst not consent to the said contribution. While these things were thus in talk between the pope's priests and the clergy of England, cometh in John Mariscal and other messengers from the king, commanding, in the king's name, that no bishop, that held his baronage of the king, should infief his lay fee to the court of Rome, which they owed only to him. 1 Not long after this (a.d. 1245), the whole nobility of the realm, An in. by general consent, and not without the king's knowledge also, caused Eon" an injunction to be laid on all the ports by the sea-side, that no JJjJJj^ messenger with the pope's letters and bulls from Rome, should be land, to permitted to enter the realm ; whereupon, some were taken at Dover, poke's* 5 and there stayed. Notwithstanding, when complaint thereof was ye"®™ 1 brought to the king by Master Martin, the pope's legate, there was would not no remedy but the king must needs cause these letters to be restored again, and executed to the full effect. 2 Then the king, upon advice, caused a view to be taken through sixty every shire in England, to what sum the whole revenues of the Sarks" 3 Romans and ItaUans amounted, which, by the pope's authority, jJJJjj*^ went out of England : the whole sum whereof was found yearly to of Eng- be threescore thousand marks, to the which sum the revenues of the the pope whole crown of England did not extend. 3 SS£? The nobles, then, understanding the miserable oppression of clerks, the realm, and being assembled together at Dunstable for certain causes, sent one Fulco, in the name of the whole nobility, unto Master Martin, the pope's merchant, with this message : That he, without delay, upon the same warning, should prepare himself to be (1) Matth. Paris, fol 129. (2) Ibid. foL 1£3 (3) Ibid. fai. 185. a. 482 A SUPPLICATION ADDRESSED TO THE POPE, king an the king of Eng- land. Heya gone out of the realm, under pain of being cut all to pieces. At which ! — message the legate being sore aghast, went straight to the king, to 1245 know whether his consent was to the same or not. Of whom when — he found little better comfort, he took his leave of the king, who bade him adieu in the devil's name, saith Matthew Paris, and thus was the realm rid of Master Martin. 1 a.d. 1245. As soon as pope Innocent IV. had hereof intelligence by the complaint of his legate, he was in a mighty rage ; and furthermore, remembering how the French king and the king of Arragon, not The proud long before, had denied him entrance into their land, and being, thepope therefore, in displeasure with them likewise, he began in great anger against to knit his brows, and said, "It is best that we fall in agreement French ^ with our prince, whereby we may the sooner bring under these little petty kings (istos regulos), and so the great dragon being pacified, these little serpents we shall handle at our own pleasure as we list;' Immediately after this followed the general council of Lyons, to which the lords and states of the realm, with the consent of the Appendix, commonalty, sent two bills ; one containing a general supplication to the pope and the council ; the other, with the articles of such grievances as they desired to be redressed, whereof relation is made sufficiently before. The other bill of the supplication, because it is not before expressed, I thought here to exhibit for two causes : First, that men, now in these days, may see the pitiful blindness of those ignorant days, wherein our English nation here did so blindly humble themselves and stand on courtesy to the pope, whom rather they should have shaken off, as the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride of the pope might the better appear in its true colours, who so dis- dainfully rejected the humble suit of our lords and nobles, when they had much more cause rather to disdain and stamp him under their feet. The tenor of the supplication was this. Appendix. The Copy of the Supplication written in the names of all the Nobles and Commons of England, to Pope Innocent IV. in the General Council at Lyons, a.d. 1245. To the reverend father in Christ, Pope Innocent, chief bishop ; the nobles, with the whole commonalty of the realm of England, send commendation, with kissing of his blessed feet. Our mother, the church of Rome, we love with all our hearts, as our duty- is, and covet the increase of her honour with as much affection as we may, as to whom we ought always to fly for refuge, whereby the grief lying upon the child, may find comfort at the mother's hand; which succour the mother is bound so much the rather to impart to her child, how much more kind and beneficial she fmdeth him in relieving her necessity. Neither is it to the said our mother unknown, how beneficial and bountiful a giver the realm of England hath been now of long time for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as appeared by our yearly subsidy, which we term by the name of Peter-pence. Now the said church, not contented with tins yearly subsidy, hath sent divers legates for other contributions, at divers and sundry times, to be taxed and levied out of the same realm : all which contributions and taxes, notwith- stiUous standing, have been lovingly and liberally granted. founding Furthermore, neither is it unknown to your fatherhood, how our forefathers, of monas- \fc e g 00( j catholics, both loving and fearing their Maker, for the soul's health England, as well of themselves, as of their progenitors and successors also, have founded '1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 185. b. COMPLAINT OF THE DEALINGS OF THE POPe's LEGATE. 433 monasteries, and largely have endowed the same, both with their own proper Hen-y lan Is, and also with patronages of benefices, whereby such religious persons, 111 professing the first and chief est perfection of holy religion in their monasteries, ^ ^ might with more peace and tranquillity occupy themselves devoutly in God's 2245 service, as to the order appertained : and also the clerks, presented by them to 1_ their benefices, might sustain the other exterior labours for them in that second order of religion, and so discharge and defend them from all hazards : so that the said religious monasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and collations of benefices, but the same must touch us also very near, and work intolerable grief unto our hearts. And now see, we beseech you, which is lamentable to behold, what injuries injuries we sustain by you and your predecessors, who, not considering those our sub- jj ec ^ ed sidies and contributions above remembered, do suffer also yoUr Italians and p 0 pe. foreigners, who be out of number, to be possessed of our churches and benefices Benefices in England, pertaining to the right and patronage of those monasteries afore- wickedly said : which foreigners, neither defending the said religious persons whom they f^yto Ought to see to, nor yet having the language, whereby they may instruct the Italians, flock, take no regard of their souls, but utterly leave them of wild wolves to be devoured. Wherefore, it may truly be said of them, that they are not good shepherds, whereas they neither know their sheep, nor do the sheep know the voice of their shepherds ; neither do they keep any hospitality, but only take up the rents of those benefices, carrying them out of the realm, wherewith our brethren, our nephews, and our kinsfolks, might be sustained, who could and would dwell upon them, and employ such exercises of mercy and hospitality as their duty required, of whom a great number now for mere necessity are lay- men, and fain to fly out of the realm. And now, to the intent more fully to certify you of the truth, ye shall under- Three- stand that the said Italians and strangers, receiving of yearly rents out of ^° u e sand England not so little as threescore thousand marks a year, besides other avails marks" and excises deducted, do reap in the said our kingdom of England more emolu- yearly ments of mere rents than doth the king himself, being both tutor of the church, f^nans and governor of the land. out of the Furthermore, whereas at the first creation of your papacy we were in good church 01 hope, and yet are, that by means of your fatherly goodness we should enjoy our ^ t "^ n 1 s d ' franchises and free collation of our benefices and donatives, to be reduced again reC eived to the former state ; now cometh another grievance which we cannot but signify more in unto you, pressing us above measure, which we receive by Master Martin , 0 f^^g^ who, entering late into our land without leave of our king, with greater power rents, than ever was seen before in any legate, although he beareth not the state and ^^.fa^s show of a legate, yet he hath doubled the doings of a legate, charging us every C ro W n lg day with new mandates, and so most extremely hath oppressed us : First, in Detest- bestowing and giving away our benefices, if any were above thirty marks, as able deal- soon as they were vacant, to Italian persons. Secondly, after the decease of the the pope's said Italians, unknown to the patrons, he hath intruded other Italians therein, legate in whereby the true patrons have been spoiled and defrauded of their right. England. Thirdly, the said Master Martinus yet also ceaseth not to assign and confer such benefices still to the like persons ; and some he reserveth to the donation of the apostolic see ; and extorteth, moreover, from religious houses, immoderate pensions, excommunicating and interdicting whosoever dare gain-stand him. Wherefore, forasmuch as the said Master Martin hath so far extended his Com- jurisdiction, to the great perturbation of the whole realm, and no less derogation to our king's privilege, to whom it hath been fully granted, by the see apostolic, legate, that no legate should have to do in his land, but such as he by special letters did send for : with most humble devotion we beseech you, that as a good father will always be ready to support his child, so your fatherhood will reach forth your hand of compassion to relieve us, your humble children, from these grievous oppressions. And, although our lord and king, being a catholic prince, and wholly given to his devotions, and to the service of Christ Jesus our Lord, so that he respecteth not the health of his own body, will fear and reverence the see apostolic ; and, as a devout son of the church of Rome, desireth nothing more than to advance the estate and honour of the same : yet, we who travail in his affairs, bearing the heat and burden of the day, and whose duty, together with him, is VOL. II. F F HENRY'S CHAKGE TO THE PBELATES OF ENGLAND. Henry to tender the preservation of the public wealth, neither can patiently suffer such In - oppressions, so detestable to God and man, and grievances intolerable, neither A. D. by God's grace will suffer them, through the means of your godly remedy 1245. which we well hope and trust of you speedily to obtain. And thus may it please your fatherhood, we beseech you to accept this our supplication, who in words of so doing s ^ a H worthily deserve of all the lords and nobles, with the whole com- the lords monalty of the realm of England, condign and special thanks accordingly. tothe a. d. 1245.1 pope. Appendix. This supplication being sent by the hands of Sir R. Bygot, Knight, and W. de Powick, Esquire, Henry de, la Mare, with other knights and gentlemen, after it was there opened and read, pope Innocent, first keeping silence, deferred to make answer thereunto, making haste to proceed in his detestable excommunication and curse against the good emperor Frederic. Which curse being done, and the Eng- lish ambassadors waiting still for their answer, the pope told them flatly they should not have their request fulfilled. At this thf Englishmen, departing in great anger, swore, with terrible oaths, that they would never more suffer any tribute, or fruits of any benefices (speaking of those whereof the noblemen were patrons^ to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court of Rome, worthy to be detested in all worlds. 2 The pope The pope, hearing these words, albeit making them no answer, with'ing- thought to watch his time, and did. First, incontinently upon the The' same, during the said council, he caused every bishop of England to ofEnT P ut ^ s ^ an( ^ anc * sea ^ to ^ e °k% a ti° n made by king John for the land set pope's tribute, as is above specified ; threatening, moreover, and saying, that if he had once brought down the emperor Frederic, s he would bridle the insolent pride of England well enough. * 3 But here, by occasion of this council at Lyons, that the reader may see upon what slippery uncertainty and variableness the state of the king did depend ; it is material here to interlace the form of a letter, sent by Henry III. to the prelates of his land, before they were transported over sea to Lyons ; wherein may be gathered, that the king doubted they would be shoving and heaving at his royalty, and, therefore, directed these letters unto them, otherwise to prepare their affections, — the tenor whereof followeth Charge to the Prelates of England about to assemble in the Council at Lyons, that they should ordain nothing to their King's preju- dice. The king to the archbishops, bishops, and to all other prelates of his Ian' of England, appointed to meet at a council at Lyons, greeting : you are, as you know, bound unto us by oath, whereby you ought to keep all the fealty that you can unto us, in all things concerning our royal dignity and crown. Wherefore we command you, upon the fealty and allegiance wherein you are firmly bound unto us, enjoining that you do your uttermost endeavour, as well to get as to keep, and also to defend the right of us and our kingdom ; and that neither to the prejudice of us, nor of the same kingdom, nor yet against us or our rights, which our predecessors and we, by ancient and approved custom, have used, you presume to procure or attempt any thing in your council at Lyons : nor (i) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 188. (2) Ibid. fol. 193. (3) This passage in single asterisks is not found in the editions which were published previous to a. D. 1596. (4) " Rex archiepiseopis, episcopis, et omnibus aliis praelatis terras suae Anglias, conventuris concilium I.ugdunense, salutem Vinculo juramenti nobis (ut nostisl adstricti," &c. their seals to the pop; tribute. EXACTION OF BONIFACE, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 485 that you give assent to any that shall procure or ordain ought in this case, upon Henry your oath aforesaid, and the loss of your temporalities, which you hold of us. UI - Wherefore, in this behalf, so behave yourselves, that for your good dealing and \ \) virtue of thankfulness, we may rather specially commend you, than for the 1246 contrary by you attempted, which God forbid, reprove your un thankfulness, and reserve vengeance for you in due time. Witness ourself, &c. the nine and twentieth year of our reign." In like sort wrote he to the archbishops and bishops, &c. of Ire- !and and Gascony.* After this council ended, about the feast of St. Andrew [Nov. 30lh] The pope pope Innocent came to Clugny, where was then appointed a secret upTouis meeting or colloquy between the pope and Louis, the French king ^ r | nch (who was then preparing his voyage to Jerusalem), in which colloquy kiri s the pope sought all means to persuade the French king, in revenge- the king ment of his injury, to war 'contra reguluro, 1 as he termed it ; that is, °^ s ' against the weak and feeble king of England ; either to drive him Av ^ dix utterly from his kingdom, or else so damnify him, that he should be constrained, whether he would or no, to stoop to the pope's will and obedience ; wherein he also would assist him with all the authority he was able. Nevertheless, the French king to this would not agree; first for the consanguinity that was between them, for their two queens were sisters; secondly, for the truce that they had taken ; thirdly, for ^»'<>. fear of the emperor, lest he should take his part ; fourthly, for that it could not be without the spilling of much christian blood ; and, lastly, because he was preparing his voyage to the Holy Land, where his coining was already looked for. And thus the French king, denying the pope's bloody request, refused not only to enter upon a war with the king and the realm of England, but also, shortly after, concluded with him longer truce, a. d. 1246. 1 Straight upon the neck of this followed the exaction of Boniface, First archbishop of Canterbury, that he had bought of the pope ; which seven f ° r was, to have the first year's fruits of all benefices and spiritual livings ^thered in England for the space of seven years together, until the sum tor the should come to ten thousand marks ; whereat the king at first was bishop of greatly grieved, but in conclusion, he was fain at last to agree with £^ r " the archbishop, and so the money was gathered. 2 Over and besides all other exactions, wherewith the pope miserably Prelates oppressed the church of England, this also is not to be silenced ; S ng ~ how the pope, sending down his letters from the see apostolic, JJ^JJ* charged and commanded the prelates to find him, some five, some horse and ten, and some fifteen, able men, well furnished with horse and fo/the 8 harness, for one whole year, to fight in the pope's wars. And, lest the king should have knowledge thereof, it was enjoined them, under pain of excommunication, that they should reveal it to none, but to keep it secret to themselves for half a year. 3 Appendix The pope still, notwithstanding, partly being belaboured by suitors, The partly of his own mind thinking it good to give somewhat to the ^afuaid king and people of England, as fathers are wont to give something for more to their babes to play withal to keep them still, sent down this r el easement to the king, that hereafter, whensoever any of the pope's nephews or cardinals were to be beneficed in any chinch of (1) Ex Matth. Paris tot. IDS (2) Ibid, fol 19/ \3) Ibid, foi im. 436 THE MISERABLE TROUBLES OF CHRISTENDOM. Henry England, either he or the cardinals should first make the king privy ! — thereto, and instantly crave his good will in obtaining the procura- A - P. tion, or else the same to stand as of no effect. 1 Howbeit, all this 1246, seemed to be done but of policy, to get the king's favour, whereby he might be suffered more freely to pass with greater exactions, as Anew afterwards appeared. For when the aforesaid pope, Innocent IV., jf 0 p e °j. 0 the had knowledge, about that time, of certain rich clerks leaving great seize substance of money, who died intestate, as of one Robert Hailes, the goods archdeacon of Lincoln, who died, leaving thousands of marks, and who le dfe y much plate behind him, all which, because no will was made, came intestate, to temporal men's hands ; also of Master Almarike, archdeacon of Bedford, who was found worth a great substance when he died ; and likewise of another, one John Hotosp, archdeacon of Northampton, who died suddenly intestate, leaving behind him five thousand marks, and thirty standing pieces of plate, with other infinite jewels besides : he sent forth upon the same a statute to be proclaimed in England, that whatsoever ecclesiastical person henceforth should decease in England intestate, that is, without making his will, all his goods should redound to the pope's use. 3 sand th ° u " Furthermore, the pope, not yet satisfied with all this, addresseth marks to new letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to Walter, bishop of thefed of Norwich, for gathering up, amongst the clergy and religious houses of e En^- gy m England, six thousand marks to the behoof of the holy mother land for church, without any excuse or delay, by virtue of obedience. This e pope, tallage being greatly grudged by the clergy, when it came to the Apiendix. jjjjjg'g ear ^ ^ e eftsoons directeth contrary letters to all the pre- lates, commanding them, on pain of forfeiting their temporalities to the king, that no such subsidy-money should be gathered or trans- Thepope ported out of the realm. But the pope again, hearing hereof, in m achate, anger writeth to the prelates of England, that this collection of money, upon pain of excommunication and suspension, should be provided, and brought to the new Temple, in London, by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing. Appendix, And furthermore, forasmuch as he perceived the king to go about to withstand his proceedings, taking thereat great disdain, he was, at the same time, about to interdict the whole land; to whom then one of his cardinals, called Johannes Anglicus, an Englishman born, speaking for the realm of England, desired his fatherhood for God's sake to mitigate his moody ire, and with the bridle of temperance to assuage the passion of his mind : " which," said he, " to tell you plain, is here stirred up too much without cause. Your fatherhood," The mi- quoth he, " may consider that these days be evil. First, the Holy trou5es Land lieth in great perils to be lost. All the Greek church is endom?*" departed from us. Frederic, the emperor, is against us, the mightiest prince this day in all Christendom. Both you and we who are the peers of the church, are banished from the papal see, thrust out of Rome, yea, excluded out of all Italy. Hungary, with all coasts bordering about it, looketh for nothing but utter subver- sion by the Tartarians. Germany is wasted and afflicted with inward AiveZtu. wars and tumults. Spain is fierce and cruel against us, even to the (1 ) Matth. Paris, foi. 202. \2) Ibid. fol. 203. BREACH BETWEEN THE LATIN AND GREEK CHURCHES. 437 cutting out of the bishops' tongues. 1 France by us is so impover- Henry ished, that it is brought to beggary ; whicli also conspireth against us. Miserable England, being so often plagued by our manifold injuries, A.D. even much like to Balaam's ass beaten and bounced with spurs and 1246, staves, beginneth at length to speak and complain of her intolerable griefs and burdens, being so wearied and damnified, that she may seem past all recovery ; and we, after the manner of Ishmael, hating all men, provoke' all men to hate us. choleric passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he sendeth fSsh! commandment, with full authority, to the bishop of Worcester, that of Wor " For all these words of Johannes Anglicus, his cardinal, the pope's Power - given t the bishop of Wor- ccstcr to in case the king would not speedily surcease his rebellion against his interdict apostolical proceedings, he would interdict his land ; so that in con- Staking elusion the king, for all his stout enterprise, was fain to relent at last, reient°to and the pope had his money, a.d. 1246. 2 thepope. Ye heard before of the Greek churches, under the empire of Constantinople, how they sequestered themselves from the company of the Romish church, insomuch that Germanus II., the patriarch of Constantinople, and the archbishop of Antioch, did excommunicate the bishop of Rome: 3 and after the said Germanus, another bishop of Constantinople * at the council of Lyons protested, that whereas before there were thirty suffragans belonging to that province, nov there were not three that held with the church of Rome. This breach, albeit it chiefly brast out in the time of Pope Gregory IX. (a.d. 1230) to open war and bloodshed, yet the same had begun, and so continued, long before, in such sort as in the time of pope Innocent III. if any priest had said mass in their churches, they The Gre- would wash the altar afterwards ; as appeareth by the acts of the ^™lio Lateran Council. 5 Wherefore pope Innocent IV. now (as his other J* 8 * predecessors had done before) bearing an old grudge against those altars, if churches of the Greeks, and neither willing by conference to try with mass ha" them, nor able by learning to match with them, thought by force of u e o" said arms to subdue them, and sent to the provincial of the Grey Friars, them, with other his associates of the same order, in England, his precept authentical, containing in it these articles: — I. That the said provincial, or his friars, should inquire about all usurers actually living, and of all such men's evil-gotten goods gained " per usuriam pravitatem" should make attachment, for the use and preparation for this war against the Greeks ; excommunicating all them by district 6 censures of the See - church, who repugned against it. II. That all they who took the badge of the cross, for the recovery of the said empire of the Greeks, or who with their goods and cattle 7 would help suffi- ciently unto the same, should be absolved of all their sins. III. That all the goods left in the testaments of them that were departed which had been gotten by usury, should be taken up to the subsidy of the empire aforesaid ; all repugners and rebellers against the same to be excommunicated. IV. That such goods as in the testaments of the dead were left, or which should be left the next three years to come, for restitution of such goods as the dead had evil gotten, they should take up for the subsidy of the empire aforesaid; excommunicating, &c. V. That such goods as were left to be distributed in pious uses after the (1) Of Spain, he meaneth, hecause the king of Arragon a little before had cut off the tongue of a certain bishop that did reprehend him. (2) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 207. [Edit. 1640, p. 715.] (3) Supra, p. 413— 418.— Ed. (4) Nicolas de Plaisance, Latin Patriarch.— Ed. (5) Ex actis concilii Lateranensis, cap. 4. [Labbe, torn. xi. col. 152.] (6) " District," from the Latin " districtus," severe, sharp : " per censuram ecclesiasticam," M. Paris.— Ed. (7) " De suis catallis-," Lat., chattells.— Ed. A/tpendi, 438 UNREASONABLE EXACTION'S OF THE POPE. arbitrament of the executors of the wills of the dead, or were not in their wills deputed to any certain places or persons named, nor were of right due to any, nor were yet bestowed by the said executors to the aforesaid uses, they should collect to the use and subsidy aforesaid, and give certificate to the see apostolic of the quantity thereof; excommunicating all repugners and rebellers against the same. VI. That they should diligently inquire of goods evil gotten or evil come by, of such men as were alive, and them they should attach for the subsidy afore- said, in case the parties, who ought to be satisfied for those goods evil gotten, could not be found ; giving certificate thereof, and excommunicating, &c. VII. That the said provincial, or his friars, should have full power to absolve those that were excommunicated, who wittingly had done any fraud touching the collection aforesaid, so that the said persons did make due satisfaction to the deputies aforesaid. 1 What man, having eyes, is so blind, which seeth not these exe- crable dealings of the pope to be such as would cause any nation in the world to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to ab- renounce the pope, and well to consider the usurped authority of that see not to be of God ? But such was the rude dulness then of mise- rable England, for lack of learning and godly knowledge, that thev, feeling what burdens were laid upon them, yet would play still the ass of Balaam, or else the horse of iEsop, which, receiving the bridle once in its mouth, could afterward neither abide its own misery, nor yet recover liberty. And so it fared with England, under the pope's thraldom : as partly by these stories above hath been declared, partly by other in like case following is to be seen. Anunrea- For so it followeth in the history of Matthew Paris, how the pope exaction taking more courage by his former abused boldness, and perceiving vUe G wna t a tame ass he had to ride upon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the same year (a.d. 1246) to the prelates of England, commanding by the authority apostolic, that all beneficed men in the realm of England, who were resident upon their benefices, should yield to the pope the third part of their goods, and that they who were not resident should give the one half of their goods, and that for the space of three years together ; with terrible comminations against all them that did resist ; and ever with this clause withal, " non obstante,' 1 '' which was like a key that opened all locks. Which sum Three- cast together was found to amount to sixty thousand marks; which thousand SLim °f 'Hioney could scarcely be found in all England to pay for King exacted of Richard's ransom. 2 The execution of this precept was committed to the clergy the bishop of London, who, conferring about the matter with his pope he brethren in the church of Paul's, as they were busily consulting toge- ther and bewailing the importable burden of this contribution, which it was impossible for them to sustain, suddenly come in certain messengers from the king, — Sir John Lexinton, Knt., and Lawrence Martin, the king's chaplain, — straitly, in the king's name, forbidding them in any case to consent to this contribution, which should be greatly to the prejudice and desolation of the whole realm. 3 This being done on the first day of December, in the year aforesaid, shortly after, in the beginning of the next year a paiiia- (a. d. 1247), February 3d, the king called a parliament, where me " ' by common advice it was agreed that certain ambassadors should be sent to Rome, to make manifest to the court of Rome the exceeding grievances of the realm, delivering, moreover, this letter to (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 205. rEdit. 1640, p. 710 ] (2) See Appendix, and supra, p. 317.— Eo (3) Ibid. fol. 207. [Edit. 1610, pp. 716. 717.] Henry III. A.D. 1246. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE ENGLISH. 439 the pope in the name both of the temporalty and also of the clergy, Henry as here followeth. A. D. 1247. Another Letter sent to Pope Innocent IV., in the names of the whole Clergy and Commonalty of England, a.d. 1247. 1 To the most holy father in Christ, and lord Innocent, by God's providence chief bishop the whole commonalty, both of the clergy and laity within the province of Canterbury, send devout kissings of his blessed feet. Like as the church of England, since she hath first received the catholic faith, hath always showed herself faithful and devout in adhering to God, and to our holy mother the church of Rome, studying with all kind of service to please and to serve the same, and thinking never otherwise to do, but rather to continue and increase as she hath begun : even so now, the same church, most humbly pro- ]yj ore strate before the feet of your holiness, entirely beseecheth your clemency to fools you, accept her petition, in sparing this imposition of money, which so manifold ways J" ^ ing for the subversion of other nations, by the commandment of your holiness, is church so laid upon us; considering that not only it is importable, but also impossible much, which is enjoined us. For although our country sometimes yieldeth forth fruit for the necessary sustentation of the inhabitants, yet it bringeth forth neither gold nor silver, neither were able to bring forth, of long time, so much as now- a-days is required ; which also being burdened and overcharged of late days with another such like imposition, but not so great as this, is not able any whit to answer unto that which is exacted. Furthermore, besides this commandment of your holiness, there is required of the clergy a subsidy for our temporal king, whose necessities neither possibly we can, nor honestly we ought, to forsake ; whereby he may both withstand the invasion of the enemy, and maintain the right of his patrimony, and also recover again that which hath been lost; in consideration whereof, we have directed the bearers hereof to the presence of your holiness with our humble supplication, to explain to you the dangers and inconveniences which are like to ensue upon the premises, which by no means we are able to sustain, although notwithstanding we know ourselves by all bonds of charity to be obliged to your devotion and obedience. And, because our general community hath no seal proper, we have signed therefore these presents with the public seal of the city of London. 2 The like letters were sent also unto the cardinals to the same effect. The pope understanding these things, and perceiving that there was no striving against such a general consent, and yet loth to forego his sweet harvest, which he was wont to reap in England, craftily devised to send this answer again unto the king, much like to the same which he sent before, which was, that although the pope in time past, upon The his own will and pleasure, to the importable grievance of the realm of J^er'to"* England, hath every where, and without respect, through, the whole the ki »s land, made his provisions in giving their benefices unto his Italians, Sand" 8 ' yet now, the Lord be praised, that tempest, said he, is overblown : so that hereafter, if the pope shall grant his provision for any of his nephews or cardinals, they shall come first and make their instant suit unto the king, without all enforcement, so that it shall stand wholly in the king's free arbitrement to do herein what he thinketh good, &c. 3 This answer of the pope, albeit it was but a subtle shift for The pope the time, yet neither did he long stand to what he had thus promised SpiS- to the king ; for shortly after, and within few days of the same, and mise ' (1) " Sanctissimo patri in Christo ac domino Innocentio, Dei providentia summo pontifici, uni- versitas cleri et populi per provinciam Cant, constituti devota pedum oscula beatorum. Cum Auglicanaecclesia," &c. l») E\ Matth. Paris, fol, 209. {3) Ibid. b. 440 SUBTLE PRACTICES OF THE POPE TO GET MONEY. Henry in tlie time also of the said parliament holden at London, the pope '. sent two English friars into the realm, whose names were John A. D. and Alexander, with full authority, after the largest sort, for new ]247 - contributions ; who, first pretending lowly submission to the king, Subtle while they had leave granted to range about the realm, but after- ofthe Ces wards coming to the bishops and rich abbots, showed themselves pope to forth in their full authority, in such sort as they became rather tyrants money, than extortioners. Appendix. Among others, coming to Robert, bishop of Lincoln, who of all others bare special mind to the order of *' Observants, 11 these two friars, as proud as Lucifer, bringing forth the terrible mandate with the pope's bulls, required and eke commanded, under the pope's mighty curse, to ha^ve the gathering in his diocese of six thousand marks. Likewise of the abbot of St. Alban's they required four hundred marks, under great penalty, and that in short time to be paid. The The bishop, although well liking, before, that order of friars, yet LincoUs seeing the impudent behaviour, and more impudent request of those the friar? mercnan ^ s 5 thus answered to them again, ' that this exaction, saving, 1 saith he, " the pope's authority, was never heard of before, and neither was honest, nor yet possible to be performed ; and, moreover, was such as did not only concern him, but the whole public state of the clergy, and of the whole realm in general ; and therefore it should be absurdly and rashly done of him to give them answer herein, before the king and the rest of the council, with others to whom the matter generally did appertain, were made privy thereunto, 1 &c, and so for that time he shook them ofT. 1 The abbot Furthermore, as touching the abbot of St. Albans, when he also ban's Al " a ^ e 8' e d the same causes, he pretended, moreover, that he would maketh appeal, and so did, to the pope and his cardinals. Whereupon t 0 e the Smt immediately was sent down from pope Innocent as his legate John the four tne English friar before-mentioned ; who, bringing down a new hundred special precept to the aforesaid abbot, cited him either to appear Sat he at London the morrow after St. Giles's day, or to disburse to the pay" 14 use °f the P°P e the aforesaid four hundred marks. By reason s ». whereof the abbot was driven to send his proctors again, with a new Appends. i • l 11 1 supplication, to the pope at Lyons ; who m the end, through great instance of monied friends, agreed with the abbot for two hundred marks, besides his other charges borne ; and so was that matter com- pounded, little to the abbot's profit. 2 To recite all damages and grievances received from the bishop of Rome in this realm of England, neither is any history sufficiently able to comprehend, nor if it were, scarcely is there any that would believe it. Notwithstanding, to those above declared, this one I thought to commit likewise to memory, to the intent that they who now live in this age may behold and wonder, in themselves, to see into what miserable slavery, passing all measure, not only the subjects, but kings also of this realm were brought, under the intoler- able yoke of the pope's tyranny, which in those days neither durst any man cast off, nor yet was able to abide, as by this example ensuing, with infinite others like to the same, may appear. After pope Innocent IV. had taken such order in the realm, that (l) Ex Matth. Paris, foi. 210. (2) Ibid. fol. 213. ITALIANS EXCLUDE THE ENGLISH FROM BENEFICES. 441 all prelates of the church were suspended from collation of any bene- Henry fice, before the pope's kinsfolks and clerks of Italy had been pro- vided for ; it happened a.d. 1248, that the abbot of Abingdon had A.D. a commandment from the pope, to bestow some benefice of his 124 ?- church in all haste on a certain priest of Rome, which the abbot, J^tjj 8 as an obedient child unto his father, the pope, was pressed and ready England to accomplish accordingly. But the Roman priest, not contented preLedby with such as fell next to hand, would tarry his time, to have such as the P°P e were the principal and for his own appetite, having a special- eye Ap ^d^. to the benefice of the church of St. Helen in Abingdon, which was then esteemed worth a hundred marks a year, besides other vails 1 and commodities belonging to the same, the collation whereof the priest required by the authority apostolical to be granted unto him. As this passed on, the incumbent chanced at last to die and the benefice to be empty ; which eftsoons being known, the same day cometh a commandment, with great charge from the king to the abbot, to give the benefice to one Ethelmare, the king's brother by the mother's side, who at the same time was possessed of so many benefices, that the number and value thereof was unknown. The abbot, here, being in great perplexity, and not knowing what to do, whether to gratify his king or to obey the pope, took counsel with his friends ; who, well advising of the matter, gave him counsel to prefer the brother of his prince and patron, so that the king would under- take to stand in his defence against the pope, rather than the Romish priest, whom always he should have lying there as a spy and watcher of him, and like a thorn ever in his eye ; and so the king assuring the abbot of his undoubted protection and indemnity against all harms, the benefice was conferred forthwith on the king's brother. The Roman priest, not a little aggrieved thereat, speedeth himself in Theabbot all haste to the bishop of Rome, certifying him what was done, and Uoifcon? partly also (as the manner is of men) making it worse than it was; f™f^ A upon whose complaint the pope directly, in great anger, cited up the marks for abbot personally to appear before him, to answer to the crime of dis- an En? obedience. The abbot trusting to the king's promise and pro- jjjjj £ e [j^ tection (who neither could help him in that case, neither durst oppose pope's himself against the pope), being both aged and sickly, was driven nephew * to travel up to the court of Rome, in great heaviness and bitterness of mind. Where, in conclusion, after much vexation and bitter rebukes, besides great expenses, he was fain to satisfy the pope after Ap ^ dix his own will, compounding to give him yearly fifty marks in part of making amends for his trespass of disobedience. 2 To this also may be added another like fact of the pope, as out- a det^st- rageous as this, against the house of Binham. For when the toruorf or benefice of Westle, in the diocese of Ely, was void by the death *^J ove of the incumbent, who was an Italian, and one of the pope's chamber, ^™!t* r the donation of which benefice belonged to the priory of Binham ; 0 fBin- ry another Italian, who was a bastard and unlearned, born in the city of NoTfoii. Genoa, called Heriggetto de Malachana de Volta, brought down the pope's letters to Berardo de Nympha, the pope's agent here in England, with strict charge and full authority, commanding him to see the said benefice conferred in any case on Heriggetto. Yea, (1) " Vails," additional profits.— Ed. (2) Ex Matth. Paris- fol. 222. 442 MISERIES CAUSED BY THE PO!'E AND CHURCH OF ROME. Uenatj aiwl thongli tlie benefice had been given already, yet, notwithstanding, -J1L — the possessor thereof should be displaced, and the said Heriggetto A.D. preferred : yea, also, "non obstante," that the said pope himself had 1 ~* ' ' before given his grant to the king and realm of England, that one Italian should not succeed another in any benefice there, yet, for all that, the said Heriggetto, upon pain of excommunication, was to be placed therein. 1 The Gre- And thus much hitherto of these matters, through the occasion of ciSand east c - m rches an( l tnc Grecians, to the intent all men that read purged in these stories, and see the doings of this western bishop, may consider ItantSn what j us ^ cause these Grecians had to seclude themselves from his jJjJJJe 11 of subjection and communion; for what christian communion is to be joined with him who, so contrary to Christ and his gospel, sceketh for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecuteth his brethren, is so given to avarice, so greedy in getting, so injurious in oppressing, so insatiable The mi- in his exactions, so malicious in revenging ; stirring up wars, depriv- EngTaSd m » kings, deposing emperors, playing ' rex -1 in the church of Christ, su!?ec gh so erroneous m doctrine, so abominably abusing excommunication, so tiontothe false of promise, so corrupt in life, so void of God's fear ; and, briefly, jiume! 01 so far from all the parts of a true evangelical bishop ? For what seemeth he to care for the souls of men, who setteth in benefices boys and outlandish Italians ; and further, one Italian to succeed another, who neither did know the language of the flock, nor would once abide to see their faces ? And who can blame the Grecians then foi- dissevering themselves from such an oppressor and giant against Christ ? England Whose wise example if this realm had then followed, as they might, by^he ed cei "tes our predecessors had been rid of an infinite number of troubles, injuries, oppressions, wars, commotions, great travails and charges, ded" besides the saving of innumerable thousands of pounds, which the said bishop full falsely had raked and transported out of this realm of ours. But, not to exceed the bounds of my history, because my purpose is not to stand upon declamations, nor to dilate common places, I will pass this over, leaving the judgment thereof to the further examination of the reader. For else, if I listed to prosecute this argument so far as matter would lead me, and truth peradventure would require me to say, I durst not only say, but could well prove the pope and court of Rome to be the only fountain and principal cause, I say, not only of much misery here in England, but of all the public calamities and notorious mischiefs which have happened these many years throughout all these west parts of Christendom, and especially of all the lamentable ruin of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians also, this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. Whosoever well considereth by reading of histories cause of the course of times, and vieweth withal the doings and acts passed by 'mlbnc tuc sa *°- bi sno P °f Rome, together with the blind leading of his doctrine, shall see good cause not only to think, but also to witness the same. Only one narration touching this argument, and yet not transgressing the office of my history, I mind (the Lord willing) to set before the readers eyes, which happened even about a. d. 1244, in the time of this king Henry's reign. (I) Ex Matth. Taris fol. 240. pope when it not The nope and couri of Rome the prin public calami- ties through- out Chris tetidom SICKNESS AND RECOVERY OF THE FRENCH KING. In that year it chanced, that St. Louis, the French king, son to **ff[ v queen Blanche, fell very sorely sick, lying in a swoon or trance for certain clays, in such sort that few thought he would have lived, and some said he was gone already. Among others, there was with him his 124 ' • mother, who, sorrowing bitterly for her son, and given somewhat, as Jjj ^ ck ~ commonly the manner of women is, to superstition, went and brought Louis the forth a piece of the holy cross, with the crown and the spear ; which king. 0 piece of the holy cross Baldwin, emperor of Constantinople, whom the petition Grecians had deposed a little before for holding with the bishop of jf^e Rome, had sold to the French king for a great sum of money, and mother, blessing him with the same, also laid the crown and the spear on his Avv S enau. body, making a vow withal in the person of her son, that if the Lord would visit him with health, and release him of that infirmity, he should be croised or marked with the cross, to visit his sepulchre, and there solemnly to render thanks in the land which Christ had sanctified with his blood. Thus as she, with the bishop of Paris, and others there present, was praying, behold the king, who was supposed by some to be dead, began with a sigh to pluck to his arms The king and legs, and so stretching himself began to speak, giving thanks to et„'. ,ver " God who, from on high, had visited him, and called him from the danger of death. As the king's mother with others there took this to be a great miracle wrought by the virtue of the holy cross ; so the king The peo - amending more and more, as soon as he was well recovered, received France solemnly the badge of the cross, vowing for a freewill sacrifice unto ^jf^ 1 God, that he, if the council of his realm would suffer him, would, in mi- Ms own person, visit the Holy Land : forgetting belike the rule The Vain of true Christianity, where Christ teacheth us otherwise in the gospel, Louche saying, that "neither in this mount, nor in Samaria, nor at Jerusalem, ^" ch the Lord will be worshipped, but seeketh true worshippers, who shall worship him in truth and verity ." a. d. 1244. 1 After this was great preparation and much ado in France toward Great pre- the setting forth to the Holy Land. For after the king first began in paration to be croised, the most part of the nobles of France, with divers t0 archbishops and bishops, with earls, and barons, and gentlemen, to a the Holy mighty number, received also the cross upon their sleeves. Amongst ial ' d whom was the earl of Artois, the king's brother, the duke of Bur- Ap ^ dix gundy, the duke of Brabant, the countess of Flanders, with her two sons, the earl of Bretagne, with his son, the earl of Bar-sur-Seine, the earl of Soissons, the earl of St. Pol, the earl of Dreux, the earl of Retel, with many noble persons besides. Neither lacked here what- soever the pope could do, to set forward this holy business, in sending his legates and friars into France, to stir the people to follow the king, and to contribute to his journey. Whereupon it was granted to the king to gather of the universal church of France, by the pope's authority, the tenth part of all their goods for three years' space together, upon this condition, that the king likewise would grant to the pope the twentieth part for so many years after, to be gathered of the said church of France. This was agreed to a.b. 1246. 2 Shortly after this, a.d. 1247, followed a parliament in France, AppeM, where the king with his nobles being present, there was declared how the king of the Tartars, or Turks, hearing of the voyage of the French 01) Matth. Paris. fuL i8'«s. (f,) Ibid. fol. 204, h. 444 FIRM DETERMINATION OF THE FRENCH KING. Henry king, had written a letter to him, requiring that he should become his subject. In that parliament the time was prefixed for taking their A- D - journey, which should be after the feast of St. John Baptist, the very ' next year ensuing. Also they that were croised were sworn to persist Peking's m tne * r P ur p ose > anc ^ the sentence of the pope's great curse was voyage denounced on all them that went from the same. 1 Furthermore, for edf° mt better speed in his journey, the king through all his realm caused it to be proclaimed, that if any merchant or other person had been injured at any time by the king's exactors, either by oppression, or borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, showing how or wherein, and he should be recompensed. At this time William Longspath, a worthy warrior, with the bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the realm of England, moved by the example of the Frenchmen, prepared themselves likewise to the same journey. Persia- The next year after, a.d. 1248, the French king yet still remaining given to m ms purposed journey, lady Blanch, his mother, also the bishop of French P ar i s > ms brother, with the lords of his council, and other nobles, king to and his special friends, advertised him with great persuasions to alter voyage 1 ? his mind touching that so adventurous and dangerous a journey, foi that his vow, said they, was unadvisedly made, and in time of his sickness, when his mind was not perfectly established: and what jeopardies might happen at home it was uncertain ; the king of England being on the one side, the emperor on the other side, and the Poictevins in the midst, so fugitive and unstable : and as con- cerning his vow, the pope should friendly dispense with him, consider- ing the necessity of his realm, and the weakness of his body. Besides all this, his mother, upon her blessing required him, and his brethren, of all love, desired him to stay at home, and not in his person to adventure ; others might be sent in Ins room, with no less furniture to achieve that enterprise, and to discharge him of his vow, especially seeing at the making thereof that his senses were feeble, his body weak, and reason, through sickness and very death, almost decayed. The To whom the king again said, "forasmuch as you say, that for king's feebleness of my senses I took this vow upon me : lo, therefore, as his lords, you here will me, I lay down the cross that I took.'" And putting d!f\vn g and nis hand to his shoulder, he tore off the badge of the cross, saying iSctoss 15 t° the bishop, " Here, Sir, I resign to you the cross wherewith I was ?,gain. signed at the sight whereof there was no small rejoicing of all that a.d. 1248. were t nere present. To whom the king then, both altering his countenance and his speech, thus spake : " My friends,'" saia he, " whatsoever I was then in my sickness, now I thank God I am of perfect sense, and reason sound, and now I require my cross again to be restored unto me saying, moreover, that no bread should come Appendix, into his mouth before he were recognised again with the same cross, as he was before. At the hearing of this, all there present were astonied, supposing that God had some great matter to work, and so moved no more questions unto him. setteth Upon this drew nigh the feast of John Baptist, which was the time on r nis fixed for the setting forth. And now being in readiness, the king, in journey. a f ew ^ays a ft cr? was en tering his journey ; but yet one thing lacked* (1) Matth. Paris, fol.211. THE POPE'S UNCHRISTIAN CONDUCT TO THE EMPEROR. 445 for the king, perceiving the mortal variance between the pope and Henry good Frederic, the emperor, thought best first, before his going, to have that matter appeased, whereby his way both might be safer A -^- through the emperor's countries, and also less jeopardy at home after _1 248, his departure ; and therefore, upon the same, he took first his way to Lyons, where the pope was, partly to take his leave, but most espe- cially to make reconcilement between the emperor and the pope. Where is to be noted by the way, that as touching the good emperor there was no let nor stay ; who rather sought all means how to compass the pope's favour, and never could obtain it ; insojnuch that before he should be excommunicated in the council of Lyons, he not only answered sufficiently by Thadeus, his attorney, discharging himself against whatsoever crimes or objections could be brought against him, but so far humbled himself to the pope and the council, that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done on his part, what amends soever the pope could or would require, he would recompense it to the uttermost. This would not be taken. Furthermore, if the pope, he said, could not abide his tarrying in his own dominions and empire, he would go fight against the Saracens and Turks, never to return into Europe again ; offering there to recover whatsoever lands and kingdoms did, at any time, belong to Christendom, so that the pope only would be contented that Henry, his son, who was nephew to Henry, then king here in England, should be emperor after him. Neither could this be admitted. Then he offered, for truth of his promise, to put in the French The king and the king of England to be his sureties, or else for trial of XX r his cause, to stand to their award and arbitrement. Neither would l ^ ench that be granted. At least he desired, that he might come himself king and and answer before the council ; but the proud pope in no case would England abide that, saying, that he did not yet find himself so ready and meet *° r b e e ti e S s for martyrdom to have him to come thither to the council ; for if he did, he would depart himself. 1 This obstinate rancour and devilish malice of pope Innocent and his predecessor against that valiant emperor and against the Grecians, what disturbance and mischief it wrought to the whole church, what strength it gave to the Saracens and Tartars, how it impaired christian concord, and weakened all christian lands, not only the host of the French king did find shortly after, but Christendom, even to this day, may and doth feel and rue. Neither can in stories be found any greater cause, which first made the Turks so strong, to get so much ground over Christendom as they have, than the pestilent working of this pope, in deposing and excommunicating this worthy emperor. For, as there was never no emperor of long time who more Begin- victoriously prevailed in bridling and keeping under these enemies of^efurks Christ, or would have done more against them, than the said Frederic, Jier 01 * 63 if he might have been suffered : so, after the deposing and excommu- christen- nicating of him, when the French king neither would abide at home, om ' as he was counselled, neither was yet able, without the help of others, to withstand the force and multitude of the said Saracens and Tar- tars being now joined together, neither yet could the emperor be suffered by the pope to rescue the king, it followed thereof, that the (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 187. J 446 CONTESTS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND SARACENS. senry g< >od king being taken prisoner, and all his army destroyed, the Turks thereupon got such a hand and such a courage against the Christians, A D. that ever since they have brast in further upon us, and now have pre- 1 249 - vailed so far, as neither the power of the pope nor of all Christendom is able to drive them out ; as hereafter by the sequel of my story is further to be declared. Pope In the mean time, to return to where before we left, when the iv.^voim French king, coming thus unto the pope at Lyons to entreat for the not here- em p eror could find no favour, he took his leave, and with great with the heaviness departed, setting forward on his journey to Marseilles, and emperor. gQ sa jj ec | ^ 0 - g j e Q f Qyp ruSj where he remained all that winter, and there falling into penury and lack of victual, he was fain to send The to Venice, and other islands by, for help of provision. The Venetians armyre- g eri tly sen ^ unto him six great; ships laden with corn, wine, and other by the victuals requisite, besides the relief of other islands more. But emperor especially Frederic, the emperor, understanding of their want, so fur- The erlc ' nished the French camp with all plenty of necessaries, that it had k!"ng Ch abundance. Whereupon the French king, moved with the kindness of treiteth" tne em P eror ' wr °te special letters to the pope in the emperor's behalf ; the pope but the hard heart of the pope would not relent. Blanch, the king's emperor, mother, hearing in France what the emperor had done to her son, sent him most hearty thanks, with presents and rewards manifold. 1 Death of The French army lost many distinguished men on its way to Egypt. of r the n Particularly, the bishop of Noyon, who was earl Palatine and one of Stains tae twelve P eers of France, died on board ship near Cyprus. The earl of St. Pol and Blois was accidentally killed with a stone at Avignon, before the embarkation : he had under him fifty bannerets, who were dispersed after his death. John earl of Dreux, a young officer of great promise, died at Cyprus, with many noble personages of both sexes, who fell sick from change of air and diet. 2 Damietta In this mean time, about the beginning of June a.d. 1249, the Frenchmen got Damietta, being the principal fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt. After the winning of Damietta, the prince and June 3th. people of the Saracens, being astonished at the loss thereof, offered to the Christians great ground and possessions more than ever belonged to Christendom before, so that they might have Damietta restored to them again. But the pride of the earl of Artois, the king's brother, would in no case accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Damietta and Alexandria, the chief metropolitan city of all Egypt, to be delivered unto them. The Saracens, seeing the pride and greedi- ness of the Frenchmen, in no case could abide it : which turned after- wards to the great detriment of our Christians, as in the end it proved. 3 a.d.1250. The next year ensuing, which was a.d. 1250, on Ash Wednes- of the ry d a y? the Frenchmen, issuing out of their tents by the city of Damietta, French fl ew U p 9n the Saracens who besieq-ed them, and so after a great num- over the r , ., 0 , Saracens, ber or the enemy slam, with victory and great spoils returned to Feb. 9th. tents again. Now, within the city of Damietta was the queen with her ladies, and the pope's legate and bishops, with a garrison French of horsemen and footmen for the defence of the city strongly fiteTby appointed. The next day, the Frenchmen supposing to have the 5ens Sara " n ^ e hand of the Saracens, as they had the day before, gave a fresh assault upon them; but in that conflict the Saracens had so strongly 11) Matth. Paris, fol.226. (2) Ibid. fo.. 229. [M. Par., p 771. See Appendix.— Ed.] (3) Ibid. gotten again by French- men SUFFERINGS OF THE FLENCH ARMY. 447 appointed themselves, that the Frenchmen lost ten times more than Henry they got the day before, and so, after a great slaughter of their men, retired unto their tents again. Whereupon, the Saracens began to take A - 4>. great heart and courage against our men, stopping also the passages 12 " 0, round about the city of Damietta, that no victuals could pass unto them. In like manner the Soldan also, gathering the galleys about Alexandria and all the land of Egypt, so enclosed the seas, that no intercourse should be to them by water. At length, after long talk and consultation between them on both The sides, the Soldan advised them betimes to resign unto him the city of J, r e e n mh Damietta, with the furniture which they found therein, and they [ should have all the country about Jerusalem, with all the captives of by the the Christians, in a friendly manner restored unto them : wherewith Soldan - the Christians, said he, ought to be contented, and to seek no further, but only to have the land of Jerusalem ; which being granted to them, they should not encroach into other lands and kingdoms, to which they had no right. This form of peace, as it liked well the The ear i meaner sort of the poor soldiers, and divers others of the said council tnT and nobility ; so the proud earl of Artois, the king's brother, in no pope's case would assent thereto, but still required the city of Alexandria to ajKf re- be yielded to them ; to which the Egyptians would by no means f^* 6 agree. peace From that time the French army, being compassed about by sea The and land, began every day more and more to be distressed for lack ^nSt of victuals and with famine, being driven to such misery that they j^^y" were fain to eat their own horses in Lent-time, which should have Lent- served them for other uses ; neither could any Christian, nor Frede- time ' ric, being deposed by the pope, send them any succour. Further- more, the more misery the Christians were in, the more fiercely did the Saracens press upon them on every side, detesting their forward wilfulness, insomuch that divers of the christian soldiers, not able to abide the affliction, privily conveyed themselves, as they could, out of the camp to the Saracens, who were gladly received and relieved; some were suffered still to keep their faith, and some married wives amongst them, and for hope of honour did apostate to their law, and so wrought no little harm to the Christians. The Soldan, being per- The soi- fectly instructed by these fugitives of all things belonging to the message king's army, sent him word in derision, asking where were all his Jj^ iding mattocks, forks, and rakes, his scythes, ploughs, and harrows, which French- he brought over with him, or why he did not use them, but let men ' them lie by him to rust and canker ? All this, and much more, the king with his Frenchmen were fain to take well in worth. It ^ n e d ^J 1( happened, shortly after, that this Soldan died, being poisoned by a worse his own servants, which was to the Christians an aggravation 0 f followeth their miseries ; for, albeit the said Soldan had been a cruel tyrant to the Christians, yet was he hated of his own people, whereby his strength was the less. After him succeeded another much more cruel ;' who, as he was better loved, so he became much stronger, by a general confederacy of all the Saracens who were in the east parts, joining now together ; so that when the Christians desired il* now to have the form of peace before proffered, he flatly denied ^H^ A them. And so the French host, which at tirst began to be feared, again the See Appendix, 448 MURMU RINGS AND APOSTASY OF THE CHRISTIANS. Henry by their pride and over-greediness growing more and more into I contempt amongst their enemies, now were utterly despised. A.D. The Christians, thus seeing all things to go backward with them, 125Q - and how the infidel Saracens daily did prevail, began to murmur offered a g ams t God, and some also, who were well settled before, to stagger before, in their religion, casting out these words of infidelity: " How is this," not said they, 44 that the Lord hath left us in whose cause we fight? il - How often within the time of remembrance have we been con- founded by these Saracens and infidels, who, with shedding of our blood, have enjoyed great spoils and victories ? First, this city of Damietta, which we Christians had gotten dearly, with effusion of so much christian blood, afterwards we were constrained for victories nought to resign again. After that, the army of the Templars, Templars fighting for the holy temple against the Saracens, near to Antioch, keepers was vanquished, and the standard-bearer slain in the fields. Again, of Jem- within these few years, our Frenchmen, fighting in like manner saem - a g a i ns t the Saracens at the city of Gaza, were put to the worst, and many afterwards out of captivity ransomed by Richard, duke of Exeter, brother to Henry III., king of England. Then came in the Chorosmians, sent by the Soldan of Babylon, who, by a wile, invaded the Christians in the city of Jerusalem, where almost all the christian army in the Holy Land were destroyed And now here, our most christian king, together with the whole nobility, is like to be in danger utterly to be overthrown. And how is it that the Lord thus standeth against us, and fighteth with them ? Hath he more regard of them than of us?" 1 Such murmuring words of an unstable faith many there began to cast out, as taking displeasure on account of their sufferings : but not considering, on the other side, what idolaters they were, what pride and discord was amongst them, what cruelty and murder they had showed at home in persecuting the poor Toll Sd Albigenses, what superstition they first brought out with them, with i ot pro- what idolatry they proceeded, putting their trust in masses, in the 35*-" pope's indulgences, in worshipping of images, and in praying to fighting sam ^ s - And what helps then could they look for at God's hand, against who had images in their temples, to fight against them who had none ? or what marvel if the Lord of hosts went not with their army, committing such idolatry every day in their pavilions to their sacra- mental bread and wine as they did, and fighting with the strength of their own merits, and not by the power of their faith in Christ alone, which is the only victory that overcometh the world ? [1 John v. 4.] Finally, having in their camp the legate of him whom the Lord taketh to be his enemy : as by example of Frederic, the emperor, may be well perceived ; who, after he was accursed by pope Gregory a little before, coming the same time to war against the Saracens in Palestine, God's blessing wrought so mightily with him, that without any bloodshed he recovered Jerusalem, and set all the country about it in great quietness, till at last the popish Templars, who at the pope's setting on, went about to betray him to the Soldan of Babylon, lost all again by their own malicious mischief, which the emperor before had gotten. 2 the Sara cens. (ij Ex Matin. Fans, fol. 231. (2) Ex Matth. Paris. GRUDGE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH SOLDIERS. 449 But let us proceed further in this holy progress. The French Henry king with his army seeing himself distressed, and no good there to be done against the Soldan of Egypt, after he had sufficiently fortified ^ the city of Damietta with an able garrison left with the duke of - — - Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence to go eastward. In his army also followed William Longspath (of whom mention was made before), accompanied with, a picked number of English warriors, Grudge retained unto him : but such was the disdain of the Frenchmen between against this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that they French could not abide them, but flouted them in opprobrious manner, with EngS " English tails," insomuch that the good king himself had much ado soldiers, to keep peace between them. The original cause of this grudge between them began thus : Booty there was, not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or castle, fh^Eng-* replenished with great ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens ; this Y ^ r l° ' hold it chanced the said William Longspath, with his company of English soldiers, to get, more by good luck and politic dexterity, dria. than by open force of arms; whereby he and his retinue were greatly enriched. When the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they, being not made privy thereto, began to conceive a heart-burning against the English soldiers, and could not speak well of them after that. It happened, not long after, that the said William had intelligence of a ventu- company of rich merchants among the Saracens, going to a certain o? wn- 1 fair about the parts of Alexandria ; having their camels, asses, and Jjj™ mules, richly laden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, spatii with cart-loads of other wares, besides victuals and furniture, whereof the soldiers then stood in great need. He, having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could, and so, by night, falling upon the merchants, some he slew with their guides and conductors, some he took, some he put to flight. The Enriched carts with the drivers and the oxen, and the camels, asses, and mules, cLu?™' with the whole carriage and victuals, he took, and brought with him, s° ods - losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and eight of his servitors ; some of whom, notwithstanding, he brought home wounded to be cured. This being known in the camp, forth came the Frenchmen, who ^ r ^ ed all this while loitered in their pavilions, and meeting their carriage by French, the way, took all the aforesaid prey wholly unto themselves, rating the said William and the Englishmen, for so adventuring and issuing out of the camp without leave or knowledge of their general, contrary to the discipline of war. William said again, he had done nothing but what he would answer to, whose purpose was to have the spoil divided to the behoof of the whole army. When this would not serve, he being sore grieved in his mind, so cowardly to be spoiled of that for which he had so adventurously travailed, went to the king to complain. But when no reason or complaint would serve, by reason Depart- eth to Acre. of the proud earl of Artois, the king's brother, who, upon despite and disdain, stood against him, he, bidding the king farewell, said he Despite would serve him no longer. And so William de Longspath with of\hT d the rest of his company, breaking from the French host, went to Jjjjjfj, Acre. Upon whose departure, the earl of Artois said, " Now is the against army of Frenchmen well rid of these tailed people. 11 Which words, iish. Er " VOL. II. G G DAMIETTA TAKEN BY THE CHRISTIANS. Jiettry spoken in great despite, were evil taken of many good men that ! heard him. 1 A.D. Before the arrival of the French army in the land of Egypt, the 1250, Soldan of Babylon, having beforehand intelligence of their coming, committed the custody of Damietta to a certain prince of his whom he specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keeping of Cairo and Babylon. It followed now after the taking of Damietta, that the Soldan of Babylon accused the prince who had the custody thereof, before his nobles, of treason, as giving the city unto the Christians ; who, notwithstanding, in judgment did sufficiently clear himself, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therefore bent all his power to prevent the king's arrival there ; but, by stress of weather, he missing his purpose, Damietta and the king landing about Damietta, by reason thereof the city was the e chrfs- taken unprovided, he, notwithstanding, with his company resisting tims. as we ]l as they might, till they could no longer, and so departed, cursing (said he) Mahomet and his law. At these words, the Soldan, The keep- being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traitor and bune tn " blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged fSi ng "ut n ^ mse ^ by the judgment of the court. His brother, who was the to death! keeper of Cairo and Babylon, being therewith not a little grieved, and bearing a good mind to the christian religion, devised, in himself, how to give the said city of Cairo with Babylon to the French king ; and so, in most secret wise, he sent to the king, showing his full purpose and what had happened : and, furthermore, instructing the The tri- king in all things how and what he should do ; and, moreover, Cairo de- requiring- the sacrament of baptism, meaning indeed good faith, be^hrist a sending also away all the christian captives which he had with ened. him in prison. The king, being glad hereof, sent in all haste for Long am William Longspath, promising a full redress of all injuries past, spathsent who upon hope of some good luck, came at the king's request, and for, and • • j • vi, i "L ° 1 cometh. so joined again with the French power. THE LAMENTABLE OVERTHROW AND SLAUGHTER OF THE FRENCH ARMY FIGHTING AGAINST THE INFIDELS, THROUGH THE SINISTER COUNSEL OF THE POPE^ LEGATE. To make the story short, the king, setting forward from Damietta, directed his journey towards Cairo, slaying by the way such Saracens as were set there to stop the victuals from Damietta. The Soldan, in the mean time, hearing of the courageous coming of the French host, as being in great hope to conquer all, sent unto the king by certain that were next about him, offering to the Christians the quiet and full possession of the Holy Land, with all the kingdom of J eru- salem, and more ; besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, 01 what else might pleasure them, only upon this condition, that they would restore again Damietta, with the captives there, and so would join together in mutual peace and amity. Also they should have all Fair offers their christian captives delivered up, and so both countries should Stentothe freely pass one to another with their wares and traffic, such as they French. cnose ^ 0 adventure. Furthermore, it was firmly affirmed and spoken, (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 233, 234. VICTORY OF THE CHRISTIANS OVER THE SARACENS. 451 that the Solclan, with most of his nobles, was minded no less than to Henry leave the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ, so that they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same day A.D great quietness would have entered, no doubt, into all Christendom, with the end of much bloodshed and misery, had it not been for the T o he e , g pope's legate, who (having commandment from the pope, that if any gate s * such offers should come, he should not take them) stoutly " et frontose thiTmis" contradicens" (as the words be of the story) in nowise would receive chief - the conditions offered. 1 Thus, while the Christians unprofltably lingered the time in debating this matter, the Soldan, mean while, got intelligence of the compact between the tribune of Cairo and the French king ; whereupon he sent in all haste to their city to apprehend the tribune till the truth were fully tried, which seemed to him more apparent, for that the christian prisoners were already delivered. Hereupon Thecims. the Soldan being in some better hope and less fear, refused that fSing 6 which before he had offered to the Christians ; albeit, they with great | 0 r ° d CO ui d instance afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obtain it. Then t n h ° e t i ^ ave the Soldan, being wholly bent to try the matter by the sword, sent whS to the east parts for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out by would, proclamation, that whosoever could bring in any christian man's head, Cruel pro- shoilld have ten talents, besides his standing wages. And whosoever orSeSa- brought his right hand should have five. He that brought his foot rac -™ t t i i i i o i • against should have two talents, tor nis reward. the chris- After these things thus prepared on both sides to the necessity of Thread war, the king cometh to the great river Nile, having gotten together ^j^^' many boats, thinking by them to pass over, as upon a sure bridge, third part On the other side the Soldan pitched himself to withstand his coming christian over. In the mean time happened a certain feast amongst the J™^ h Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leaving his tents by the over the water-side. This being foreseen by a certain Saracen, lately converted Nlle ' to Christ, serving with earl Robert, the king's brother, and showing them withal a certain shallow ford in the river Nile, where they might more easily pass over ; the said earl Robert, and the master of the Temple, with a great power, amounting to the third part of the army, passed over the river, after whom also followed William Long- spath, with his band of English soldiers. These, being together joined on the other side the water, encountered the same day victory of with the Saracens remaining in the tents, and put them to the [j!^ 11 " 8 " worse. After this victory, the French earl, surprised with pride against and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would C ens. ara needs advance, dividing himself from the main host, thinking to win the spurs alone ; to whom certain sage men of the Temple giving Good contrary counsel, advised him not so to do, but rather to return and c °™ n se J u > take their whole company with them, and so should they be more notfo'i- sure against all deceits and dangers, which there might be laid privily owe ' for them. The manner of that people (they said) they better knew, and had more experience thereof than he ; alleging, moreover, their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, and the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especially at this present brunt; in (1) Ex Matth. Paris, fol. 233. 4. r >2 THE EARL OF ART01S WILL NOT BE ADVISED. Hevpf which the adversaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all, or losing all ; with other such A. p. like words of persuasion. When the proud earl did hear this, being 12j0, inflamed with no less arrogancv than ignorance, with opprobrious of e ea^f es ^ aunts ne reviled them, called them cowardly dastards, and betrayers Robert, to of the whole country; objecting unto them the common report of gavThSi many, who said, that the land of the holy cross might be won to counsel Christendom, were it not for the rebellious Templars, with the Hospitallers and their fellows. To these contumelious rebukes the master of the Temple answered again for himself and his fellows, bidding him display his ensign when he would, and where he durst, for they were as ready to follow him, as he to go before them. Then began William de Longspath, the worthy knight, to speak : desiring the earl to give ear to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those countries and people than he had, commending also their counsel to be discreet and wholesome, and so turning to the master of the Temple began with gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not half ended his talk, when the earl, taking the words out of his mouth, began to fume and swear, crying out on these cowardly Englishmen with tails. " What a pure army,"" said he, " should we have here, if these tails, and tailed people were purged from it ?" With other like words of great villany and much disdain, worthy Whereunto the English knight answering again, "Well, earl Robert, 11 the E C ng- f sa id ne ? " wheresoever you dare set your foot, my step shall go as knight to ^ ar as vours 5 an d> as I believe, we go this day where you shall not him. dare to come near the tail of my horse as in the event proved true. 1 Anum- In the mean time the French king, intending to set forward his French annv ? thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked l°^f a s armour unto Damietta, by boats. The Soldan, hearing thereof, Dami prepared a great number of boats to be carried, by wain and cart, drowned to the water-side ; who, meeting them by the way, drowned and bj the" 1 destroyed by wildfire every one, so that of all that company of our way. Christians, of whom some were burned, some slain, some drowned, AppZux. not one escaped alive, save only one Englishman, named Alexander GifFard; who, although he was sore wounded in the chace in five places in his body, yet escaped to the French camp, bringing word unto the king what was done. And this was upon the water. Manser Now upon the land : seeing earl Robert would needs set forward, by 8 the ted weerim g to get all the glory unto himself before the coming of the French, host, they invaded first a little village or castle which was not far ofF, called Mansor. The country boors and pagans in the villages by, seeing the Christians come, ran out with such a main cry and shout, that it came to the Soldan^ hearing, who was nearer than oui men did think. In the mean while the Christians, invading and entering into the munition uncircumspectly, were pelted and pashed 2 with stones by them that stood above ; whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the army sore maimed, and almost in despair. Then, immediately upon the same, cometh the Soldan with all his main power ; who, seeing the Christians 1 army to be divided, and the HI Ex Matth. Paris fid. 23& (2) " Pashed," struck.— En. LOUIS IX, THE FRENCH KING, TAKEN PRISONER. 458 one brother separated from the other, had that which he long wished Henry for, and thus enclosing them round about so that none should escape, had with them a cruel fight. Then the earl began to repent him of A. D. his heady rashness, but it was too late ; who, then seeing William — the English knight doughtily fighting in the chief brunt of the £S S R °- enemies, cried unto him, most cowardly to fly, " seeing God,"" said *™J d e £- he, " doth fight against us." To whom the knight, answering again, theSoidan " Go,d forbid," saith he, " that my fathers son should run away from J™* 1 *" the face of a Saracen." The earl then, turning his horse, fled away, Earl r 0 - thinking to escape by its swiftness, and so taking the river of Thafnis, a rdi y C fiy- oppressed with harness, there sunk and was drowned. Thus the kJ^JJJ 1 earl being gone, the Frenchmen began to despair and scatter. Then e& William de Longspath, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood ^fomlge against them as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a J™^ eath Saracen, until at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, nam he could no longer stand ; who yet notwithstanding, as he was down, JjJJJ" mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at the last after many blows and wounds, being stoned of the Sara- cens, he yielded his life. After the death of him, the Saracens setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, insomuch, that scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templars, one Hospitaller, and one poor rascal soldier, who brought tidings hereof to the king. These things being known, in the French camp, to the king and his sorrows soldiers; first of their drowning who were sent to Damietta, then of ^nch the ruin and slaughter of the army, with the king's brother, near the f a ™ p f for town of Mansor, there was no little sorrow and heaviness on every their side, with great fear and doubt in themselves what it was best to do. brethren - At last, when they saw no remedy, but they must stand manfully to revenge the blood of their brethren, the king, with his host, passed Ap£Za* over the flood of the Nile, and coming to the place where the battle had been, there they beheld their fellows and brethren, pitifully lying Heads with their heads and hands cut off. For the Saracens, for the reward oj? d h h e ands before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, unto them that could bring christians the head or hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, cut 0 ' leaving their bodies to the wild beasts. Thus, as they were sorrowing and lamenting the rueful case of their christian fellows, suddenly appeareth the coming of the Soldan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands, against whom the Frenchmen eftsoons prepare themselves to encounter, and so the battle being struck up, the armies began to join. But, alack for pity ! what could the Frenchmen here do, their number at first so maimed, their hearts wounded already with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed with penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not able to serve them ? In conclusion, the pitifu] Frenchmen were overthrown, slain, and despatched ; and, seeing SfSJ? 1 ™ there was no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In French - this miserable conflict, the king, with his two brethren, and a few that The king clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all christian JJJ hls realms, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue were put to the ^ t e ^ rejl sword, or else stood at the mercy of the Saracens, whether to be slain by the or to remain in woeful captivity. And this was the end of that Soldan ' sorrowful battle, wherein almost all the norjility of France were slain, 454 DAM I ETTA RESIGNED. Henry and in which there was hardly one man of all that multitude who escaped free, they being either slain or taken prisoners. Furthermore. A.D. they that were slain or left half alive, had every one his head and - 12 5° - hand cut off upon the Soldan's proclamation above mentioned. The Soldan or Sultan, after the taking of the French king, fraudu- lently suborning an army of Saracens to the number of the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them that were slain, made towards Damietta, where the duke of Burgundy, with the French queen, and Otho, the pope's legate, and other bishops and their gar- risons were remaining ; supposing, under the show of Frenchmen, to be let in ■ but the captains, mistrusting their hasty coming, and mis- doubting their visages, not like those of the Frenchmen, shut the gates against them, and so returned they, frustrated in their intent. The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might have gotten Damietta, to send the French king up higher into the east countries to the Caliph, 1 the chief pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or gazing-stock to all those quarters of the world. The manner of Caliph was, never to let any christian prisoner come out, whosoever came once in his hand. But forasmuch as the Soldan missed his purpose, he thought, by advice of council, to use the king's life for his own advantage in recovering the city of Damietta, as in the end it came to pass. For although the king at fiist was greatly unwilling, and had rather die than surrender Damietta again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion fell out, that the king was put to his Damietta ransom, and the city of Damietta was also resigned ; wliich city, being to the ed twice won and twice lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Sultan after- Saracens. warc { s caused it utterly to be razed down to the ground. The ransom the king's of the king, upon condition that the Soldan should see him safely con- NumSr ducted to Acre (which I take to be Cesarea), came to a' hundred thou- French sanc ^ marks. The number of Frenchmen and others who miscarried slain. in that war, by water and by land, came to eighty thousand persons. 2 Appendix. And thus have ye the brief narration of tliis lamentable peregrina- tion of Louis, the French king ; in which, when the Frenchmen were once or twice well offered by the Soldan, to have all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and much more, in free possession ; they, not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greediness to have all, lost all ; having at length no more than their naked bodies could cover, lying dead upon the ground, and all through the original cause of the pope, and Otho, his legate. By their sinister means and pestilent pride, not only the lives of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the said pope is to be imputed all the loss of other cities and christian regions bordering in the same quarters : forasmuch as, by the occasion hereof, the hearts of the Saracens, on the one side, were so encouraged, and the courage of the Christians, on the other, so much discomfited, that in a short space after, both the dominion of Antioch and that of Acre, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christ's church. Thetxvo During the time of this good king lying at Acre, or Cesarea, vaS£ Almighty God sent such discord betwixt the Soldan of Halaphia and French ,e tue s °ldan °f Babylon, for letting the king so escape, that the said kin* Soldan or Sultan of Babylon, to win the king unto his side, entered (1) See Note 1. x>. 20-1.— En. (2) Haec Matth. Faris. fo) 237, 238. THE POPE'S TYRANNY AGAINST FREDERIC II. 455 league with him (whom both his brethren, and all his nobles almost, n**p at home had forsaken), and remitted his ransom, and also restored unto him such prisoners as were in the said battle found to be alive. 1 A - E>- Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh. 2 1 250, Another cause, moreover, why the ruin of this French army may worthily be imputed to the pope, is this : for that when Louis, the French king, perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederic, How Fre- the emperor, might be to him in these his affairs against the Saracens, emperor was an earnest suitor for him to the pope to have him released, neither ™jj ht he, nor the king of England, by any means could obtain it. And, served in although the emperor himself offered to pope Innocent, with all llltnlt &d humble submission, to make satisfaction in the council of Lyons, pro- cJ ns Sa but mising, also, to expugn all the dominions of the Saracens, and never J® u fJP e to return into Europe again, and there to recover whatsoever the suffer Christians had lost, so that the pope would only grant his son Henry hira< to be emperor after him ; yet the proud pope would not be mollified, but would needs proceed against him with both swords ; that is, first, with the spiritual sword, to accurse him, and then with the temporal sword, to depose him from his imperial throne. Through the occasion Tyranny whereof, not only the French king's power went to wreck, but also such SSfmiJ- 1 * a fire of mischief was kindled asrainst all Christendom, as yet to this chief of o 9 * tnc pope day cannot be quenched ; for, after this overthrow of the French king against and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other christian regions peror!"" thereabouts, being utterly discouraged, gave over their holds and cities ; whereupon the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such a hand over Christendom, as, to this day, we all have good cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where divers Christians were crossed to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed with them to .tarry still at home. But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the emperor, who could have done most, was deposed by the pope's tyranny, whereby all those churches in Asia were left desolate: as touching the which em- peror Frederic, because we have divers and sundry times made mention of him before, and for that his story is strange, his acts wondrous, and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against four or five popes, one after another, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider what is to be judged of this cathedral see of Rome, which hath wrought such abominable mischief in the world, as in the sequel of the story following, faith- fully translated out of Latin into English, is to be seen. * Forsomuch as the story of Frederic is incident in the same time of this king Henry III., and containeth matter much worthy of memory, considering the utility thereof, after the tractation of our English stories I could not but also insert the whole narration of this tragical history of the said Frederic, which I have caused faithfully and amply to be collected and translated out of the Latin book of Nicholas Cisnerus, containing as followeth."* 3 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERIC II., EMPEROR. Frederic II. came out of the ancient house of the Beblins or A.D. Ghibellines ; which Ghibellines came of the most famous stock of 1194 the French kings and emperors. He had Frederic Barbarossa to his (1) This was the seventh and last principal crusade.— Ed. (2) Matth. Paris, fol. 261 (3) This passage between asterisks is from the edition of 1570. See Appendix —Ed. to 1253 456 EARLY HISTORY OF FREDERIC II. ffM nephew's right ; but Philip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial A. D. affairs greater, and who in power and strength was mightier, after divers 1212. and great conflicts, to the marvellous disturbance and vastation of the Appe ^ dtx whole empire, by God's help put the other to the worse. All these calamities and mischiefs Conrad de Lichtenau, 2 at that time living, in his Annals most pitifully complaineth of, and accuseth the bishop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and devisers of this great and lamentable mischief, as such that, for to make themselves rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same. Not long after, a peace was concluded between Philip and Otho, and Philip reconciled again to the pope ; which Philip, within a Philip while after, was murdered in his chamber and slain by Otho de ^"'22(1, Wittlespach. After this event Otho was raised by the nobles of A - D ;Jf 08 - Germany to the imperial seat, and consecrated at Rome for emperor 4w»». by this Innocent III., his friend and patron ; and so continued till a great variance and discord chanced to arise between the said Otho variance and the pope ; whereupon Innocent sought by all means, how against othTand Otho, likewise, he might work mischief, and bring him to his end. the P°i )e - The occasion of this sudden change and alteration my author maketh no mention of, but that Otho (now being of great power) not only invaded and ravaged Flaminia, Picenum, Umbria, and Etruria, but also occupied most part of Campania and Apulia, which properly appertained to the inheritance of Frederic, a.d. 1211. Thus you see, first, how by the counsel and consent of Pope Innocent and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies, this good Frederic and his dominions were hurt and damaged ; then, again, through his default what damage the said Frederic sustained by Otho, who was made so strong as he was by the pope and his means, notwithstanding the great trust he was put in, for the protec- tion both of Frederic and his dominions. At this time Frederic was come unto the eighteenth year of his age; 3 Frederic's who in his youth, by the provision of Constantia, his mother, was so well instructed in letters and with virtuous principles so imbued, f™- that at these years there appeared and did shine in him excellent gifts both of wisdom and knowledge. He was excellently well seen in Latin and Greek learning, which was just then beginning to emerge from the barbarism under which it had been long buried. He also acquired the German, the Italian, and the Saracen languages. He had also cultivated those virtues which nature had implanted in him by the precepts of piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude, and by habitual practice. Insomuch that he might well be compared with the worthiest and most redoubted emperors and kings that have ever lived. App s e e ' dir Being now called to the empire by a deputation from the German princes, he immediately quitted Sicily and set out for Germany. On his way thither he stopped at Rome, where, according to Fazellus, 4 he was honourably entertained by Innocent ; who, nevertheless, would suspend make him no promises, for that he mistrusted the name of Frederic, from recollection of the grandfather. father's ° sake. (1) See infra, pp. 458, 663.— Ed. (2) See supra, vol. i. p. 136, note (3).— Ed. (3) See Appendix. (4) Fazellus flourished in the sixteenth century: he wrote " De rebus siculis," folio, Panormi, 1558; translated into Italian by M. Remigio, 4to. Venez, 1574.— Ed. 458 FRFDFKIC GRANTS THE CAWON OF PROSCRIPTION. History of Frederic then, quitting Rome, set forward for German y. On 11. reaching Trent, he learnt that the more easy and direct road was Emperor . p re occupied by the enemy : he therefore with much painful travel A. D. crossed the Rhsetian Alps, and pushed along the tract of the Rhine, the cities all the way submitting to him. Otho, who had hastened out of Italy into Germany, intending to meet him at the Rhine and stop his passage, was thus disappointed of his object, and Frederic was crowned, first at Mentz, and afterwards (as the manner is) at Aix-la-Chapelle. 1 Having, subsequently held several diets, and Death of Otho dying, he settled the empire and succeeded in appeasing almost May 19th, the whole of Germany. And then, accompanied by all his nobles A.D.1218. anc | p r i nC es, he returned to Rome, and of Honorius III. was with great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus, Nov. 22d, a.d. consecra- 1220. Which Honorius succeeded 2 Innocent III. in the papal see, Frederic an d was a great help to Frederic (although he loved him not) in this the em- behalf, to revenge himself upon Otho. peror. i After his consecration, Frederic gave many great and liberal gifts, as well to the bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gave and assured by his charter to the church of Rome the principality of Fondi ; for by the insatiable covetous- ness of the Romish bishops this wicked use and custom grew, that unless the emperors, elect and crowned, would give them such-like great and large gifts, they could not obtain of them their consecration or confirmation, which for that intent the} r devised. Furthermore, Frederic, the emperor, willing to show himself more bountiful and liberal to the church, neither yet to restrain any privi- lege that might benefit the same, gave and admitted those constitutions which the pope himself would desire, and which are yet extant in the Frederic civil law ; by which his doings he delivered to their hands a sword (as fhrough ^ were ) t° cut his own throat : for the bishops of Rome, now having raiity b a even w ^at tne ) T ^ stec ^? aQ d a ^ m their own hands, might by the pain sword to of proscription bring what emperor or king under " coram nobis," that own" 8 them listed, and keep them by their own laws, as if it were bound in throat. cer tain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoever canon of he were, who for the diminution of the liberties of the church was ex- proscnp- commun j ca | :e aI)C [ so continued a year's space, he should be within Ind'con- tne danger °f lms proscription, and should not be released before he had hrrned hy made satisfaction, and were admitted by the pope to the church and congregation of good men again. Whereby it came to pass, that whatsoever emperor, in the government of his dominions, should in any point displease or do contrary to the lust of the bishop of Rome, he then as enemy to the church was excommunicate ; and, unless within a year he were reconciled to them again, by this their principal law he was in the proscription ; and often it chanced that princes, to avoid the pain of this proscription, were ready to do -whatsoever the pope would have them, and commanded them, to do. After the consecration of Frederic was with great solemnity finished, and that the pope and church of Rome in all ample man- ner (as is partly described) were gratified, and yet larger constitu- tions to them confirmed, he departed from Rome and went to Italy, Ap£Zdi*. there to set things in order and receive the homage of the cities and great towns which belonged to the imperial jurisdiction ; and from (1) Dec. 6th. a.d. 1212. and Juh- 25th, a.d. 1215. L'Art de V. des D. See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Crooned pope July 24th, 1 2 1G. — Ed. DISPUTES BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE. 459 thence into his own provinces and dominions, where he heard of Hiatoryoj certain, who began to raise and make new factions against him ; r jj. ** amongst others Thomas and Richard, brothers of Innocent III. and Em P eru r - earls of Anagni, who held certain castles in the kingdom of Naples: A. D. these he discovered to have conspired with Otho, when he invaded that 1226 - kingdom, in the hope of obtaining it for themselves. He therefore Appe ^ dix% seized their castles, and all he found therein. Richard he took, and sent as a prisoner into Sicily ; but Thomas escaped, and came speedily to Rome ; whither also repaired certain bishops and others who were conspirators against Frederic ; as also such others as the fear of the emperor's laws and their own guilty consciences caused to fly : all of The libe- whom were (that notwithstanding) by this bishop of Rome, Honorius pfederic III., to gratify again the liberality of the emperor bestowed upon him, ^JJ/ 6 " under his nose succoured, maintained, and defended. Which thing pensedof when Frederic understood, he began to expostulate with the pope, ni?° nus considering the unseemliness of that his fact ; against whom the pope, JxpoJtu- on the other side, was so chafed and vexed, that he immediately, J^ e eth o ; without further delay, thundereth out against him, like a tyrant, his curseth, 6 curses and excommunications. Thomas Fazellus declareth the origin of this misunderstanding App X eror - election, and Henry, on the other side, by all the means possible A.D. sought to defend and maintain the same ; by the subtle fraud and 1226 - mischievous policy of the bishops, who set the son against the father and found means to steal from him the hearts of his nobles and subjects and to set them all against him, and especially the princes of Germany, he was deposed and disappointed of his purpose. And although Henry V., coming to Rome, brought Pascal II. (a.d. 1111) to that point, that he both in a public discourse, and in writing sealed and by oath confirmed, restored again to the emperors the prerogative of election and of giving ecclesiastical dignities ; yet notwithstanding, after that Henry, the emperor, was gone from Rome, Pascal, the pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming through fear the privileges of the emperors touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical functions), excommunicated the emperor, and in a synodal council at Lateran ordained and decreed, that he should be had and accounted accursed a wicked enemy, who would take any ecclesiastical function or prefer- 2SJ*£JJ. ment at the hands of a civil magistrate; whereupon were made these JjjJUJJj decrees, Cause sixteen, Question seven, chapters sixteen, seventeen, layman, eighteen, and nineteen. Therefore, when these decrees touching the designation of bishops in spite and contempt of the emperor were practised and put in use, and when that now (especially by the means and procurement of the bishops) intestine and civil wars began to rise in the empire, the imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much debilitated, but also in a manner utterly broken and lost. For when Henry V., the emperor, was sharply of Lothaire and his vassals, the bishops, beset and laid unto by the provocation of the pope, and was mightily by the bishops that took his part on the other side requested and entreated (in hope of public peace and tranquillity), that he would condescend and somewhat yield to the pope's demands ; he at length (the more was the pity), that he might be reconciled and have peace with Pope Calixtus II., in the city of Worms resigned that his Henry v. prerogative or jurisdiction of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the JS^prero- pope and his prelates (a.d. 1122), which had been now more than gjJjjjj of three hundred years (from the time of Charlemagne) in the hands of the emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude and princely courage conserved and kept ; which resignation turned to no small detriment both of the church of Christ and the christian commonwealth. Then first, and never before, the bishop of Rome obtained and The eiec- quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election and bestowing of bene- S^tTthe fices, which he so long before with such great policies, now secretly, bishops of now openly and with force, had sought for. For the canons by sVe which Gratian would prove, that before this time the city of Rome Append,T - enjoyed the prerogative of electing the pope without the emperor's consent (as canons twenty-nine and thirty of the said sixty-third Distinction, and the ' Palea ' added to the latter, and canon thirty- ® JJJk" three), are plainly forged, and were introduced by Gratian himself, to of canons. 464 GRATIAN FORGES THE CANONS. mstory of flatter the papacy ; as both Carolus Molinseus sufficiently in diver3 re jj nc places hath noted, and by the observation of dates may by any oneordi- Emperor. nar i] v conversant with the French and German histories soon be spied A. D. and discerned. For, First, five bishops, one after another, succeeded I 226 - that Gregory IV. upon whom the said twenty-ninth canon is entitled See or fathered, before you come to Adrian II. mentioned in the canon, dypendix. wnQ certainly was made pope, the people having by force taken the election into their own hands ; whereas Gregory (especially to be noted) would not take on him the papacy before that the empe- ror had consented to his election. Secondly, Molinseus opposeth the authority of Raphael Volateran to the thirtieth canon, which is to be suspected for this reason, that when Eugenius was pope, the successor of that Pascal I. with whom Louis the Pious is stated in the canon to have made a compact, the same Louis with his son Lo- thaire (in the capacity of king of the Romans) made laws at Rome, both for all the subjects of the empire, and also for the Romans themselves ; to say nothing of Lothaire's renewal of the decree of the Lateran synod, lately mentioned. 1 Then again, how could Leo IV. write to Lothaire and Louis, the emperors, that ' Palea' (or counterfeit or forged decree) 2 beginning with 6 Constitution &c, when in the same mention is made of Henry the Fowler and of Otho I., who did not come to the empire till more than threescore years after them and How Leo IV. Thirdly, with what face dare this fond fellow Gratian make and m im- ss Otho I. to be the author of the thirty-third canon, when Otho deprived pudent John XII. of the papacy, and not only subtracted nothing from the is, in forg- imperial jurisdiction over the city of Rome, or over the bishop of Rome, decrees. or over an y other bishops subject to the Roman empire, but added somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwith- standing, so shameless and senseless was this Gratian, that he durst in the compiling of his " Decretum" obtrude and lay before the reader such manifest fraud and evident legerdemain, feigned and made of his own brains (being so necessary, as he thought, for the dominion and primacy of the Roman bishops), in the stead of good and true laws ; not considering that the same must be detected by posterity, and that to his own great discredit. Where 3 also by the way is to be noted, that as this graceless Gratian, to please these holy fathers, and to erect their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiving of all posterities, inserting for grounded truths and holy decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine, what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those days ? what attempts might hope of gain cause them to work, by whom and such-like is to be feared the falsifying of divers other good works now extant, in those perilous times written ? The Thus, when the bishops had once wrested this authority out of the emperor's hands, they then so fortified and armed themselves and their election wrested empeSr. dominion, that although afterwards Frederic Land his grandson this Appendix, good emperor Frederic II., as also Louis of Bavaria, and Henry of Luxemburg (as men most studious and careful for the dignities of the empire, unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the commonweal, and most desirous of the preservation and prosperity of (1) Supra, p. 461.— En. (2) See Ducange and Hoffn an on the term * Palea,' prefixed to certain chapters of the Canon Law.— Ed. (3) This sentence is not in Cisner.— En. OVERTHROW OF THE CHRISTIANS IN EGYPT. 465 the clmrcli) did all their endeavours, with singular wisdom and energy, Historyoj as much as in them lay, to recover again this lost authority of the re I ^ rtc imperial jurisdiction from the bishops of Rome, 1 most cruelly and Em P eror - wickedly abusing their power to the destruction of the empire, the A.D. undoing of the commonwealth, and the utter subversion of the church 122g - of God ; yet could they not bring the same to pass in those dark and Not with- shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, and cause°de- most miserable servitude of civil magistrates. tomuzzi? The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops thepeopie and prelates and disposing of ecclesiastical offices as the emperor of rance!°~ Rome had, every prince and king in their several dominions had Every the like. For by the decree of the council of Toledo, which in prince in the twenty-fifth canon of the sixty-third Distinction is mentioned, verai se ~ the authority of creating and choosing bishops and prelates in Jfagj Spain was in the king of Spain. In like manner by the histories also tm of Clovis, Charlemagne, Louis IX., Philip Augustus, Philip the thepr™£ Fair, Charles V., Charles VI., and Charles VII., kings of France, ff^f it is apparent and well known, that all these kings had the chief App ^ dix charge and government of the French church, and not the bishops of Rome. And by our English histories also, as you have heard, it is mani- fest, that the authority of choosing ecclesiastical ministers and bishops was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry I., who by the labour and procurement of Anselm, archbishop of Can- terbury, was deprived of the same by Pascal II. Also, how the princes of Germany and electors of the emperor, till the time of Henry V., had all (every prince severally in his own province) the same jurisdiction and prerogative, to give and dispose ecclesiastical functions at their pleasure ; and how after that, it appertained to the people and prelates together ; and how at length, in the reign of Frederic, the prelates got unto themselves alone this immunity — John Aventine, in the seventh book of his " Annales Boiorum, v ' doth describe. Also it is probable, that the kings of Sicily had the same faculty in giving and disposing of their ecclesiastical promotions and charge of churches; 2 and because Frederic defended himself against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore (as Fazellus saith) he was excommunicated by Honorius. That Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherefore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant : howbeit, he who will compare their writings with those of others who were contemporary with Honorius and him shall easily find, that they more sought the favour of the Roman bishops than truth. But now again to the history of Frederic. Nicolas Cisner affirm eth, that whilst Frederic the emperor was Death of in Sicily, his wife Constantia died at Catania. In the mean time Si^tJS" the Christians, who with a great navy had sailed into Egypt and ofFrede " ric. taken the city formerly called Pelusium or Heliopolis, now com- monly called Damietta, and were in good hope to drive the Sultan Great out of Egypt, had a great and marvellous overthrow by the JJ e £g row conveying of the water of the Nile (which then overflowed into c . hris -. their camp), and were fain to accord an unprofitable truce with Egypt. <1) What Rome catcheth, that she keepetli. (2) Andreas de Isthmia ad prim, const. Neap, mi. 12, VOL. II. H H RECONCILIATION BETWEEN FREDERIC AND THE POPE. History of frederic II. Emperor. A.D. 1227. Frederic and the pope made friends. Gregory IX. as great an enemy to Frederic as Hono- rius. Frederic refuseth to go into Asia at the Sultan for certain years, and to deliver the city again ; and so departing out of Egypt, they were fain to come to Acre and Tyre, to the no small detriment and shame of the christian commonweal. Whereupon John, surnamed de Brienne, king of Jerusalem, arrived in Italy, and prayed aid against his enemies of the emperor, in whom he had great hope to find a remedy for the evils and calamities before declared; and from thence he went to Rome to the pope, declaring unto him the great discomfit and, overthrow past, as also the present peril and calamity that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By means of this king John (as Cisner saith) the emperor and the pope were again made friends together : that king also gave the em- peror in marriage Iole, his daughter by the daughter of Conrad, king of Jerusalem and marquis of Montferrat, with whom he had for dowry the kingdom of Jerusalem, she being right heir thereunto by her mother (whence those who afterwards obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicily used the title of king of Jerusalem) : after which he promised that as soon as possible he would make an expedition for the recovery of Jerusalem, and be there himself in person ; which thing to do for that upon divers occasions he deferred (whereof some think one thing, some another), pope Honorius, unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to make against him some great and serious attempt, had he not been by death prevented ; upon whom were made these verses : — " O pater Honori, multorum nate dolori, Est tibi dedecori vivere, vade mori." After whom succeeded Gregory IX. a.d. 1227, as great an enemy to Frederic as was Honorius; which Gregory came of the race whom the emperor, as before ye heard, condemned of treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his papacy, when that he threatened Frederic, and that greatly, with excommuni- cation, unless he would prepare himself to go into Asia, according to his promise (as ye heard before) to king John of Jerusalem ; and what the cause was why the pope so hastened the journey of Frederic into Asia, you shall hear hereafter. In effect, he could not well bring that to pass which in his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the era- bidding pcror were further from him. Notwithstanding, Frederic, it should The pope is angry. The cause of the 6tay of the emperor's journey into Asia. See Appendix. seem, smelling a rat, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might), alleged divers causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius. Fazellus saith, that the special cause of the emperor's stay was, for the oath of truth and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and Christians (as you heard), which time was not yet expired. The same Fazellus also writeth thus of king John of Jerusalem, that when his daughter was brought to Rome, the emperor and the pope were reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to cele- brate the marriage, pope Gregory, as the manner of those proud prelates is, offered his right foot unto the emperor to kiss. But the emperor, not stooping so low, scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of his knee, and would not kiss his foot ; which thing the pope took in very evil part, and was therewith marvellously offended. But for that no opportunity at that time served to revenge his conceived grudge and old malice, he dissembled the same as he might for that time, PREPARATIONS FOR WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. 467 thinking to recompense at the full, as time would serve and fall out History oj there-for. After this, the emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed Emperor. by the Sultan in Syria, and that by his instigation Arsacidas 1 had sent a. D. persons into Europe to assassinate the Christian kings, and that the 1227. French king had received letters warning him of the plot, he made the more haste, and was the more desirous to set forward his jour- ney into Asia. Wherefore he gave in commandment to Henry, his son, whom not long before he had caused to be created Caesar, that, J" p * f r j5; e assembling the nobility of the empire at Ravenna and Cremona, voyage of he should persuade them to take the cross likewise : who all en- and^tay gaged to be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this thereof - his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus ; howbeit, some A P pf£u* others affirm that these things were done in the time of Honorius. But howsoever the matter is, this thing is manifest; that Frederic, to satisfy the pope's desire, who never would lin, 2 but by all means sought to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise, that by a certain time he would prepare an army, and fight himself against those who kept from him the city of Jerusalem (which thing he also con- fesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired and obtained of the peers and nobility of the empire their aid thereunto) ; and he also appointed a convenient time when they should be at Brundusium. 3 In the mean season, he with all his endeavour made speedy pre- paration for the war. He rigged and manned a puissant navy ; he made a levy of soldiers through the whole kingdom, and made war- like provision and furniture for every thing that to such a voyage and expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at the time appointed great bands both of German soldiers and others had, under the command of Louis, landgrave of Thuringia, and Sigi- bert, bishop of Augsburg, assembled and mustered at Brundusium ; 3 where they for a long time lying and waiting for the emperor's coming, who was let by infirmity and sickness, great pestilence and sundry diseases molested them, by reason of the great heat and intemperance Great of that country, and many a soldier there lost his life, among whom also }* c JjJ" died the landgrave of Thuringia, one of the generals. The emperor, emperor s when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his navy launched arn 'i; out, and set forward from Brundusium. And when he came to the Appeni ''*- straits between Peloponnesus and the island of Crete, and there for lack of convenient wind was stayed, suddenly the emperor (his diseases growing upon him again) fell sick ; and sending forward all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them most assuredly to follow them so soon as he might recover, he himself with a few ships returned and came to Brundusium, and from thence went into Apulia. When tidings hereof came to the pope's ear, he sent out his thun- The P or,t dering curses and new excommunications against the emperor. 4 The ^uni" causes whereof I find thus noted and mentioned in his own letters; that cat eth tt e is, for that, he had robbed and taken at Brundusium the deceased for stay- landgrave of Thuringia's horses, his money, and very valuable baggage, v"*^* (1) Prince of a curious fanatical tribe near Damascus, sometimes called the Old Man of the Mountain. See Appendix. — Ed. (2) " Lin," to give over. — Ed. (3) Frederic in his letters says Hydruntum, i.e. Otranto: the same remark applies to the ofier Instances in this and the next page, where Brundusium is mentioned. — En. (-*) Sept. 29th, a .r>. 1227. L'Art da Verifier des Dates.— Ed. H H % 468 FREDERIC REPELS THE CHARGES BROUGHT AGAINST HIM. nutory of and had then sailed for Asia, not for the intent to make war against the 'ii. Turk, but to conceal and convey away his prey that he had taken at Em P eror - Brundusium ; and that, neglecting his oath and promise which he had A. D. made, and feigning himself to be sick, he came home again ; and that 1228. by his default also Damietta was lost, and the host of the Christians Appendix. sore afflicted. Fazellus, besides these causes spoken of before, doth write that the pope alleged these also ; that he seduced a certain damsel who was in the queen's nursery, and then whipped and put to death in prison his wife Iole, for declaring this mischievous act to her father king John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself, declare, that this Iole died after the publication of the proscript and excommunication ; 1 wherefore the pope could not allege as the cause thereof the death of Iole : the settled belief is, that she, of her son The em- Conrad, died in childbed. Then Frederic, to refel and avoid the purgeth aforesaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundusium and other ambas- sadors to Rome ; whom the pope w r ould not suffer to come to his himself of crimes w 0 h e?aid e P resence ? neither yet to the council of the cardinals, to make his pur- against gation. Wherefore the emperor, to purge himself of the crimes which his letters dedicated to all the pope did so falsely accuse him of, both to all christian kings, and especially to the princes of Germany and all the nobles of the empire, christian writeth his letter (which is to be seen), that those things are both pnnces. ^ ^ e pope's own head feigned and invented ; and showeth, how that his ambassadors with his purgation could not be suffered to come to the pope's presence ; also doth largely intreat, how unthankful and ungrateful the bishops of Rome were towards him for the great benefits which both he and also his predecessors had bestowed upon them and the Roman church ; which letter, for that it is over-tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the history is somewhat long, the sum of the purgation is this : — He protesteth and declareth universally, that he had always great care for the christian commonwealth, and that he had determined even from his youth to fight against the Turks and Saracens ; that he made a vow and promise on his coronation at Aix-la-Chapelle, that he would take the war upon him ; and that afterwards he had renewed his promise at Rome, when he was consecrated of Honorius : since which he had married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, who AppTndix was nerr t° the same ; so that it was become a matter of personal interest to him, that that kingdom should be defended from the in- juries of enemies : accordingly, he had prepared a huge navy, and gathered a strong army, neither had he neglected any thing that be- longed to the furniture of war : but when the time was come, and his band was gathered together, his sickness would not suffer him to be there ; and afterwards, when he had recovered from the same and had come to Brundusium, and from thence without injuring any one had forthwith put to sea, he fell into the same sickness again, by the which he was let of his purpose, which thing (saith he) he is able to prove by sufficient testimony : that the pope, moreover, laid the losing of Damietta, and other things which prospered not well, to his charge unjustly ; whereas he had made great provision for that journey, both of soldiers and of other necessary things. But he that witl understand these things more plainly, among other epistles of (1) A.D. 1228. L'Art de Ver. des D.— Ed. Frederic's letter to the king of England. 469 Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Frederic, let him read mstoryoj those especially which begin thus : " In admirationem," " Ut jus- re n eTtc titiam, et innocentiarn, ,, and " Levate oculos. r> And truly, even as Em P ero r - Frederic the emperor declareth in his letters concerning this matter, A. D. all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same. 1228 - Matthew Paris 1 also briefly collecteth the effect of another letter App s e e n e dix which he wrote to the king of England, complaining unto him of the excommunication of the pope against him, whose words are these : — And amongst other catholic princes (saith he) he also wrote his letters unto a letter the king of England, emhulled with gold ; declaring in the same, that the of the em- church of Rome was so inflamed with the fire of avarice and manifest concu- the°kin° piscence, that she was not contented with the goods of the church, but also of Eng- g shamed not to disherit emperors, kings, and princes, and bring them under land - tribute and subjection to herself; and that the king of England himself had experience thereof, whose father (that is to say, king John) she so long held excommunicate, till she had brought both him and his dominions under obli- gation to pay her tribute ; also, that all men had example of the same by the Many- earl of Toulouse and divers other princes, whose persons and lands she so long kingdoms held under interdict, till she brought them also into like servitude. " I pass perience" by " (saith he) " the simonies and sundry sorts of exactions (the like whereof was of the never yet heard of) which daily are used toward ecclesiastical persons, to notice P°P e '? their gross usury, so cloaked indeed hitherto to the simple sort, that therewithal they infect the whole world; also the fair speeches, sweeter than honey and smoother than oil, of these insatiable horse-leeches, saying, that the court of Rome is the church, our mother and nurse, whereas it is indeed the most polling court in the whole world, the root and origin of all mischief, using and The exercising the doings not of a mother but of a wicked step-dame, making suf- £j^ ch of ficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparent. Let the mother of noble barons of England consider these things, whom, fortified by his bulls, Pope mischief. Innocent encouraged to rise and rebel against king John, as an obstinate enemy to the church. But, after that the aforesaid king had monstrously humbled King himself, and, like an effeminate person, had enslaved both himself and his g^jjj^? kingdom to the church of Rome ; then the aforesaid pope, setting aside all sion to shame of the world and fear of the Lord, trampled on those very barons when they tne P°P e were exposed to death and miserable confiscation, whom he had before main- b^thef tained and stirred up, in order that, after the Roman manner, he might, alas ! draw emperor, the fatness unto his own greedy, gaping jaws ; by whose greedy avarice it came to pass, that England, the prince of provinces, was brought under miserable subjec- tion and tribute. Behold the manners of our Roman bishops ; behold the snares wherewith these prelates do seek to entangle us, one and all, to wring our money from us, to make slaves of freemen, to disquiet such as would live in peace, being clothed with sheep's clothing when inwardly they be but ravening wolves, sending their legates hither and thither with power to excommunicate, suspend, and punish whom they list, not that they may sow seed, that is the Who be word of God, to fructify, but that they may extort and gather money, and reap yg ni ra " that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass, that they spoil the wolves in holy churches of God, which should be a refuge for the poor, and the mansion- sheep's houses of saints ; which our devout and simple parents for that purpose founded c ot ,ng ' that they might be for the refection of poor men and pilgrims, and for the sus- tentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whose own letters alone prove them to be mad, do strive and gape to be both kings and emperors. " Doubtless the primitive church was builded and laid in poverty and sim- Christ's plicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, funded in whom the catalogue of saints now maketh mention of ; and verily no other humility, foundation can be laid of any church, than that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this church, as it swimmeth and walloweth in all superfluity of riches, and doth build and raise the frame in all superfluous wealth and glory, so is it to be feared lest the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls be See (1) The extract from M. Paris is not in Cisner.— Ed. Appendix 470 PEACE BETWEEN THE CHRISTIANS AND SARACENS. Sre Appendix, Historyof down, utter ruin and subversion follow after. He who is the Searcher of all Frederic hearts knoweth how furiously these men rage against ourselves, saying, that Emperor. I did not choose to cross the seas as I had promised at the term prefixed ; whereas many unavoidable and arduous matters, pertaining to the pope himself, A. D. as well as to the church of God, and also to the empire, besides the annoyance 1229. of mine infirmity and sickness, did detain me at home, but especially the The insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For we did not think it sound policy as pope's to our empire, nor expedient for the christian state, that we should take our aU UrCh r S j ourne y nito Asia, leaving behind us at home an intestine and civil war ; no fluity? er " more than for a surgeon to lay a healing plaister to a wound in which the ergo, the weapon is still sticking." In conclusion, he addeth an admonition to all the church P v mces of the world to beware of like peril and danger to themselves from is not such avarice and iniquity, because that, as the proverb is, " It behoveth him Christ's to look about, that seeth his neighbour's house on fire." 1 church. b But now, that Frederic the emperor might in very deed stop the slanders of the cruel pope, who did persist and go forward still in his excommunication against him ; and that he might declare to the whole Another ^ journey world, how that the last year he foreslowed 2 not his journey by his emperor own voluntary will, but by necessity ; when he had devised and pre- saiem 11 " P are d a ^ things meet for the war, and had again gathered a large army and refitted his fleet, he departed from Brundusium, com- mitting the government of his kingdom to the son of Reginald, duke of Spoleto, and to Anselm, baron of Justingen, and came by sea to Cyprus, with his host. From Cyprus the emperor with his whole navy sailed to Joppa, which city he fortified : but, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies, and by sea might he not pass nor travel by reason of the tempestuousness of the weather, thereby it came to pass, that within short space they lacked victuals, and were sorely perorop" afflicted with famine. Then fell they to prayer, and made their fam?n£ by num ble supplication to God ; with whose tears his wrath being and by appeased, the long-continued foul and tempestuous weather ceased, Ecu- whereby (the seas now being calm) they had both victual in great relieved, plenty and all other necessary things for their need brought unto Appendix, them ; whereby immediately it came to pass, that both the emperor and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa, were greatly refreshed and animated, and on the other side their enemies, being disap- pointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged ; insomuch that the sultan of Egypt, who with a great power, accompanied by Scarapho, his brother, prince of Gaza, and the prince of Damascus, their nephew, with many other dukes and nobles, had encamped themselves within one day's journey of Joppa, thinking to besiege the same, were contented, upon the coming of the emperor's heralds to them, to treat of a peace ; whereupon ambassadors were sent unto them with the emperor's demands, right profitable to the christian Peace commonweal. The Saracens, immediately consulting upon the during 1 . J fi or ten years, same, granted thereunto ; so that a peace lor ten years was con- b he W Turks eluded, and confirmed by solemn oath on the behalf of both princes, 3 tians° hris " according to their several usages and manner : the form and conditions of which peace, briefly collected, are these : — 1. That Frederic, the emperor, should be anointed king of Jerusalem, accord- ing to the manner of the kings of Jerusalem before him. (1) Matth. Paris, p. 69. [" Tunc tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet."— Ed.] Ap r ,„d,r. (2) " Foreslowed," delayed.— Ed. (3) February 18th, a.d. 1229. L'Art de Ver. des D.-Ed THE EMPEROR CROWNED KING OF JERUSALEM. II. That Jerusalem itself, and all the lands and possessions which were situate History oj betwixt it and Ptolemais, and consequently the greatest part of Palestine, and Frederic the cities of Tyre and Sidon in Syria, and all other territories which Baldwin IV. Emperor. at any time had held, should be delivered unto him, only a few castles reserved. A. D. III. That he might fortify what cities and towns, fortresses and castles, he 1229. thought good, in all Syria and Palestine. IV. That all the prisoners should be set at liberty without paying any ransom. And, on the other hand, that the Saracens might have leave, unarmed, to come into the church of the Lord's sepulchre outside the city, and for pur- poses of devotion even into the Temple itself ; and that they should hold and keep still Chrath, 1 and the King's Mount. Frederic now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be so necessary and also profitable for all Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby as if the wars had continued, sent his ambassadors Letters with letters into the West, to all christian kings, princes, and poten- ^0 tie tates, as also to the bishop of Rome, declaring unto them the circum- princes , , n 1 • J l 1 l l i a "d pope stance and success 01 his journey and wars, as partly ye have heard ; of his requiring them that they also would praise and give God thanks for success - his good success and profitable peace concluded : and desireth the pope, that forasmuch as he had now accomplished his promise, neither was there now any cause wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favour. In the mean season, the emperor with all his army marcheth to Jerusalem, where upon Easter-day 2 a.d. 1229 he was, with great The em- triumph and comfort, of all his nobles and also of the magistrates of crowned that kingdom (only the patriarch of Jerusalem, the clergy, the king f^ s °J of Oyprus's ambassador, and Oliver, 3 the grand-master of the Temple, iem. with his knights, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king. After this, he re-edifieth the city and walls thereof, which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth up the churches and temples that were ruinous, and fortifieth Nazareth and Joppa with strong garrisons, victual, and all other things necessary. Now see and behold, I pray you, whilst that Frederic was thus occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the pope had in Italy ; not, I warrant you, any whit at all careful in the affairs of the christian commonwealth, but studying and labouring what mis- chief and spite he might work against the emperor, whom of a set purpose ye may be sure (partly for hate, and partly to enrich him- self), he had so occupied in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy. First, he caused the soldiers which the emperor sent for out of G er- The first many to the maintenance of the holy wars to be stayed as they practice 01 passed through Italy, hindering them of their journey, and taking P°P e from them and spoiling them of all such provision as they had. And g ° ry not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia to those that were of his own faction, that is, to the patriarch of Jerusalem, and to the knights Templars and Hospitallers, enticing and inciting (1) " Chrath pra?sidium, quod Arabiam spectat." Fazellus. — Ed, (2) So says Fazellus. Easter-day, 1229, fell on April 15th. But Aventine and others with more probability say, that he arrived at Jerusalem 16 cal. Aprilis, i.e. Saturday March 17, and wore the insignia of royalty the next day. — Ed. (3) According to the list given in L'Art de Ver. des Dates, we should read " Peter" instead of " Oliver," for which, however, Cisner had Fazellus's authority. — Ed. see Appendix 472 SECRET TREASONS OF THE POPE AGAINST FREDERIC. ^frederic ^ era *° reDe ^ against the emperor, which thing Blondus himself, //. that popish parasite or historiographer, dissembleth not. Further- Em P eror - more, he dissuaded the princes of the Saracens that they should A. D. make no league nor take any truce with Frederic, neither deliver 1229. up unto him the crown and kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letters, as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him whom God had instituted and made his liege lord and sovereign, and the mightiest potentate upon earth ; so was it His will that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fall into his hands. And Frederic, in his epistle to the christian princes just mentioned, declare th that he considered his discovery of the letters quite providential, and that he kept them for the more credible testimony thereof. The em- Neither were the pope's letters written to that leavened and factious with- sect in vain ; for the patriarch of Jerusalem, and his allies the knights the'fecret Templars, 1 did mightily contend against Frederic. They raised a whicTthe tumult m Ptolemais against him ; they accused him and his ambas- pope had sadors openly of treason : and did malapertly and boldly withstand wrought against him at Ji rusalem. against the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as WmatJe- Q 0( [ WO uld, by the help of the Pisans and the Genoese, and of the knights of the Teutonic order, both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose and tumult repressed. And Appendix, for the same cause when all other men testified unbounded respect and gladness at the inauguration of Frederic, these were making complaints as of an iniquitous compromise, and detracting from his praise. These- The pope, when through perfidy he had laid these snares for Bonof Se Frederic, and had betrayed the christian emperor to the public enemy, pop? could not, so soon as he had committed so great a crime, rest satisfied Frederic, with one piece of wickedness, but must contrive another against him. For, by reason of those slanders (which a little before I mentioned) of the death and slaughter of his wife Iole, he incited John de Brienne, his father-in-law, to make war against him, who caused the subjects of his empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabi- tants of Picenum, and those of Lombardy. And thus, joining themselves together, they craved further aid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their The host into two armies, invading with the one the empire, and with the geSerais other the proper territories and ditions belonging to the inheritance er^ofhl" °f Frederic ; John de Brienne and Pandulph Savellanus leading the host. one m t 0 Campania and the kingdom of Naples ; the other with John Columna, cardinal and legate, and Thomas, before convicted of treason, Gregory sendeth into Picenum. Of this treason of the pope against Frederic during his wars in Appendix. Asia doth also Matthew Paris make mention, " who," saith he, " purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed any other, he cared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience), in his stead." 2 And for the more certainty thereof, the said Matthew Paris 3 repeateth the letter which a certain earl sent unto him in Syria (1) Fazellus adds the Venetians. — Ed. (2) " Alium quemlihet filium pacis et obedientiae loco ejus suhrogare." Matth. Paris. (8) Ibid. fol. 71. [The following translation is revised from the original.— Ed. LETTER OF THE EARL OF ACERRA TO FREDERIC. concerning the same, which letter hereunder ensueth word for History of ° ' Frederic word. //. Emperor. To his most excellent lord, Frederic, by the grace of God emperor of the ~ Romans, and ever Augustus and most puissant king of Sicily, Thomas, earl of ' ' Acerra, his faithful and devoted subject in all things, health and victory over w ' his enemies. After your departure, most excellent prince, Gregory, the bishop of Rome and the public enemy of your magnificence, gathering together a great host by John de Brienne, late king of Jerusalem, and other stout captains, whom he hath made generals of the same his host, in hostile manner invading your dominions and the possessions of your subjects, aimeth against the law of Christianity to subdue you with the material sword, whom he cannot master with the spiritual sword, as he saith. For the aforesaid John de Brienne, gather- ing out of France and other countries adjoining a considerable army, in hope (if he can but master you) of getting the empire himself, is supplied with the money to pay his troops from the papal treasury. And furthermore, the same John and others, the captains of the apostolic see, invading your land, burn and destroy all as they go, and carry off for booty as well cattle as other things ; and such as they take prisoners, they constrain, by afflicting them with grievous tortures, to ransom themselves for great sums of money ; neither spare they man, woman, nor child, except such as may have taken sanctuary in the churches and churchyards; they take your towns and castles, having no regard to the fact that you be engaged in the service of Jesus Christ ; and if any make mention of your majesty unto him, the aforesaid John saith, there is none other emperor but himself. Your friends and subjects, most excellentprince, and especially the clergy of the empire, do much marvel hereupon with what conscience or upon what consideration the bishop of Rome can do such things, making such bloody Avars upon chris- tian men ; especially seeing that Christ commanded Peter, when he struck with the material sword, to put up the same into the scabbard, saying, " All that strike with the sword, shall perish with the sword:" equally do they marvel, by what right he almost daily excommunicateth pirates, incendiaries, and torturers of christians, and separateth them from the unity of the church, when he is the patron and maintainer of such himself. Wherefore, most mighty emperor, I beseech you to provide for your own safety, for that the said John de Brienne, your enemy, hath placed in all the seaports this side the sea armed scouts in great number ; that if (not knowing thereof) your grace should happen to arrive in any of them, he might apprehend and take you prisoner; which. thing to chance, God forfend. Whilst the host of this hostile enemy the pope was thus encamped what in the dominions of Frederic, he received the letters which Frederic S£e a pope by his ambassadors sent into Europe, as you heard, whereby he had t0 understood the good success he had in Asia ; who not only took no deric to delectation at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbation afiinst therewith. Whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause the Turk - and meaning of the pope, that he was so solicitous and urgent to have Frederic, the emperor, make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same that Pelias had, when by his instigation he procured Jason, with all the chosen youth and flower of Greece, to sail into Colchis to fetch away the golden fleece ; viz., that by the opportunity of his absence he might use, or rather abuse, his power and tyranny ; and that Frederic might either be long afflicted and molested in the Asiatic war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that he sought, and all that he desired. And when he saw that fortune neither favoured his fetches, nor The pope served his longing lust, he was as a man bereft of his wits, specially ^Set at these tidings of the prosperous success of the emperor. He threw teth at his letters on the ground, and with all opprobrious words rebuked pe?ous° s " and reviled the ambassadors for the emperor their master's sake; Jfthe" which thing also Blondus himself denieth not, though he writeth emp«oi. 474 BL0XDUS REPROVED. R p*°J*ll altogether in favour of the pope. And to the intent that he might //. cover this his rage and unbridled fury with some cloak and colour Emperor - of reasonable dolour, he feigned himself therefore so much to A. D. mislike the peace, as though the emperor therein had only respected 1229 - his own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians ; for that the Saracens had license, although without armour and weapon, to have repair unto the sepulchre of Christ, and had left for them somewhat near the same a hostery or lodging place ; for which cause, saith Blondus, the pope reviled the emperor to his ambas- Biondus sadors as a perfidious traitor. Now go to, friend Blondus : bv what reproved, 1 11 • ■> ' who wrote strong arguments prove you and your lord pope, either that the peace infhe atly which the emperor had concluded was against the christian common- faXfr wea lth, or that the emperor was a traitor ? But who is it that seeth Appendix. not these things, either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else partly by me who have gathered and collected the same out of divers monuments and histories, — I mean, the conspiracies and treasons of your good lord the pope, so notable and filthy, as also his manifest baseness a.*d infamy ? What ? there be divers that write how the pope commanded these ambassadors of Frederic to be made secretly out of the way, and also how he commanded divers soldiers, return- ing out of Asia, to be slain ; to the intent that none should hear the report ox those good news which were in Asia, nor any go thither to tell the fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more than of those things which all the writers, with most consent, agree upon. This is most certain, that the pope caused a rumour to be spread of the capture and death of the emperor, with the design of craftily obtaining the submission of those cities in the kingdom of Naples, which yet kept their allegiance unto Frederic, of whom they should now hope no longer' for refuge. And of that doth the emperor, in his epistle entitled ' Levata oculos,' greatly against him complain. The third Great are these injuries of the pope against Frederic, and most practice of . , , , 0 t-> , i ■ i i i i • i i pope Gre- wicked were these treasons. But herewith could not his cruel and gory " tyrannical mind be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied, but it so far exceeded, as scarcely is credible that it could : for he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whom Frederic his father had setteth caused to be made king of Germany) and him, but also by his allure- agaS ments he caused him to become an enemy to him. To whom when the fa- hi s father had assigned Louis, duke of Bavaria, to be his overseer and ther, as a © ' ' good fa- counsellor (neither knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a peace 0 man more faithful to him in his office and duty, or else more virtuous, or else more grave and apt to be in authority), Henry, Henry, fearing lest, if he should come to know of these secret counsels which at e tS sar ' ne w ith the conspirators had in hand against his father, he would entice 5 - either utter the same to his father, or else would go about to dis- ment put- suade him from what he was purposed to do, dismissed him from the him his™ court and from the senate. And this was the fetch of all their policy, counsel- that together and at one instant, but in divers and sundry places far lo «. one from another, sharp and cruel war might be made against the emperor ; so that his power being distracted by having several contests on his hands at once, he might be the more easily overwhelmed. When the emperor now understood what stir the pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, having set every thing in order in his Set Appendix. THE PROSPERITY OF FREDERIC. 475 turneth secretly out of kingdom of Jerusalem, and feeling that not a moment must be lost tf^ytf in defeating the pope's purpose and confirming in their friendship r // mc those who in his absence had been steady to their allegiance, he left in Em P eror - Asia Reynaldus 1 in charge of certain garrisons, and, ordering the rest A.D. of the army to follow, he himself came with all speed in two galleys to 1230- Calabria. He tarried twenty days at Berletta, waiting for his army The em- from beyond sea : during which time he assembled his friends and pe mustered what forces he could. Here he was joined by the duke of Spoleto ; and at length moving thence, he came with all his host Asia, into Apulia, and removed John de Brienne, his father-in-law, from Appendix. the siege of Calatia, and within short time by God's help recovered again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania he winneth Benevento, and as many other towns and God pros- holds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so, after Frederic that, Umbria and Picenum. But even now, although the emperor ^J 1 ^ 18 had obtained the means of an immediate entrance upon the pope's dominions, whereby he might have taken revenge of all the injuries done to him (being moved thereunto upon good occasion and upon the pope's worthy desert) ; yet notwithstanding, because he pre- ferred nothing before the tranquillity of Christendom, for the love of which he restrained his wrath so vehemently urged and kindled, he sendeth unto him ambassadors to entreat a peace, de- claring unto him, that if he had no other conceived grudge towards him than that which he pretended, he promiseth that he would make to him a voluntary account of all things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would submit himself unto the church ; and also that for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and observance. Furthermore, with a view to the entreating of this peace and investi- gating the causes of the controversies between himself and the pope, he sent to Rome the noblest and chiefest about him, as Barthold, the patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho, 2 prince of Dalmatia and Istria, Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, Sifrid, bishop of Ratisbon, Sibot, bishop of Augsburg, Leopold, duke of Austria and Styria, and Bernard, duke of Carinthia. But yet so great was the insolency and pride of that stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence he of those princes could be brought that year to the profitable concord of the church ana Christian commonweal. O worthy head ! that challengeth all au- The pope thority to himself in the church of Christ, and in respect of his own pelce eth wilful revenge setteth nothing by the health and utility of all Chris- JjJJJJj tendom ! When, therefore, nothing could be done in the matter for that time, the most part of these noblemen departed from Rome. At length, in the following year, peace was made between them by the interposition and management of Leopold of Austria, Herman, App s /' d ix master of the Teutonic order, and the archbishop of Messina. The pope then absolving the emperor Frederic of his excommunication, 3 took of him there-for one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring to him again the titles both of his empire, and also of J^ST ° s his kingdoms. Now, considering the uncourteous dealing of the JJJjjE 0 *'* pope with Frederic the emperor herein, who can sufficiently muse tion. (1) " Raynaldum Bavarura, magistrum equitum." Fazellus : others call him "Richard Fe- lingher." — Ed. (2) Called also " duke of Merania." See L'Art de V. des D. v. Meranie. — Er». (3) August 28th, a.d. 1230. L'Art de Ver. des D. — Ed. 476 THE POPE'S FAVOUR HARD TO BE WON. History?/ and marvel at the unshamefastuess of Blondus, who hath the face re ii nc to write, that the pope, notwithstanding, had dealt more gently and Em P eror - courteously with Frederic than was meet, or beseemed him to do ? A. D. Who is it that doth not see his manifest flattery, coloured neither 1230- with reason, nor secret dissimulation ? But much more truly and better writeth Cuspinian concerning this matter, who saith, that the pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, who for so much money selleth that he received freely, paying nothing there-for, if he had received it of Christ indeed, as he saith he had. And yet, although this peace which the emperor concluded with the pope was so unprofitable for himself, yet he performed those things that were agreed upon faithfully and diligently. But the pope, who thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of the peace he made. For by the way, to pass over other things, neither had he restored, as he promised, his rights in . the kingdom of Sicily, neither yet the city Castellana, which he before the peace concluded between them did occupy and enjoy. And that dotli both Frederic in his epistles testify, and also Fazellus in the . Sfe .. eighth book of his 4 de rebus SiciiUs.' Yet that notwithstanding, Frederic, for the quietness and utility of the commonwealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer all these injuries, and further studied what be- in all he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the pope the em-° e to be to him a trusty friend. As, when the Romans and other of the Sseth to ecclesiastical number made war against the pope for certain posses- have the sions which he kept of theirs, he, coining to him at Reati, offered his friend- own son as a hostage for his fidelity to the church of Rome, and as which he one ^ iat tendered the unity of the church, and thinking to help the uevc-get V°V e m these matters, at his earnest request sent his ambassadors ' unto them, willing them to lay down their armour which against the pope they bare. And when that would not serve, at the pope's further request and desire he levied an army against them at his own charge, and drave them from the siege of Viterbo ; with other such- like assured tokens of amity and friendship which he showed him : who, notwithstanding, as soon as the emperor was departed with a small company which he took with him into Sicily, leaving with him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars, a wen re- concluded a peace with the Romans unknown to the emperor, whom ed^ooT lie had procured to travail and labour therein with great expenses ; th e n P Upe affirming, that without his will and commandment the emperor had to the expelled them, and driven them out of the territories of Viterbo. .mperor. hereof doth Frederic also himself make mention in his second and third epistles, where he complaineth of the injuries of the pope Append,*, towards him. Therefore greater commendation had Blondus deserved, if he had acknowledged these treacheries of the pope, instead of asserting as he does — both contrary to the tenor of his own narrative (forgetting himself, as unto liars it often chanceth), and contrary to the truth of Frederic's history — that the Romans were incited to these tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though men of common understanding could not gather the contrary, both by the offering of his son as a hostage, by his great preparation for the war, and by the event especially of the thing itself. But too, too impu- dent, will Blondus needs show himself. THE EMPEROR'S SON REBELS AGAINST HIM. •477 Whilst that these things were passing in Italy and Sicily, great mstoryoj rebellions were moved in Germany against the emperor, Henry the re u nc Csesar, his own son, and Frederic duke of Austria, being the chief Em P eror - authors thereof. For Henry, as ye heard, had been alienated from his A. D. father and perverted by the lord pope and those of his faction, and was 1235. secretly aiming at the empire. And for that cause, as before is said, The em- he put from him Louis, whom he knew to be unto the emperor, his son°rebeis father, so loving and assured a friend ; who as willingly (perceiving ^ a ^ et and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court, and went App s e e < dix ' to Bavaria ; who had not been there much above a year, when, as he walked abroad at Kelheim, he was wounded with a mortal blow, and wicked presently died, his servants being not far from him ; of whose death Heiry.the divers diversely write. Notwithstanding, the sequel doth show them ^ a ^ d or to write truliest, who affirm the assassin to be suborned by Henry faithful the Csesar, who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered service unto him certain letters, which he feigned to be sent from the empe- ror ; and whilst Louis was reading the same, he stabbed him with a dagger, and gave him his mortal wound, and w r ith speed fled upon the same. After whose death succeeded in that dukedom his son Otho, who, when solemnly according to the manner of the Bavarians he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry the Csesar, who forbade the assembly of the magistrates and citizens of the same. His They notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint, created him ; JgSJfJ* wherefore he first besieged Ratisbon, and with another company the empe- sacked, burnt, and wasted Bavaria ; with many more such great father, outrages and rebellions. When intelligence was brought of these things to the emperor, he sent his ambassadors, and commanded that both the Csesar, his son, and the other princes of Germany who had assembled their armies should break up and disperse the same ; and because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made such open rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to ensue in Germany, he thought good to prevent the same with all expedition ; wherefore he deter- mined to go in all haste into Germany with his army, from whence he had been absent now fourteen years, and hereunto he maketh the pope The em- privy. The pope promised the emperor hereupon, that he would write j? 0 e ™ t r een his letters in his behalf to' all the princes of Germany ; but persuaded years out him to the uttermost of his pow r er, that he should in no case go into man" Germany himself. For why ? his conscience accused him that he The pope had written to the nobles of Germany, even from the beginning of [^his his papacy (for the hate and grudge he had against the emperor), J^fdbe that they should not suffer him neither any of his heirs to enjoy the spied by empire ; and, further, had stirred them all up to rebel against him, and r or. empe had moved Henry, the emperor's son, by his bribes and fair promises, to conspire against his father ; and to conclude, he was the author and procurer of the conspiracy which the Lombards made then against him ; and fearing lest these things should come now to the emperor's ear, Henrj , he was greatly troubled and careful. But the emperor not thinking thecassar, it good at so needful a time to be absent, he (all doubt set apart) eToftrea* with his second son Conrad went speedily into Germany. Assembling JJJfcJj* ihere a council in the city of Mentz, 1 Henry the Csesar, his son, after his prison. (1) August, 1235. L'Art de Verif. des D.— Ed. Append,* 478 THE POPE'S MALICE AGAINST THE EMPEROll. History of conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the Frederic L om bards (whereof the pope was chief author), was by judgment and E mperor. seri tence of seventy princes condemned of high treason, and being A.D. commanded by his father to be bound, was as prisoner brought to 1235. Apulia, where, eight years after (a.d. 1242) he died in prison ; in whose stead he ordained Conrad, his second son, Csesar, by consent of Frederic all the peers and princes. Furthermore, he proscribed Frederic of prociS? Austria, for refusing obedience to his commands, and caused him to edanopen proclaimed for an enemy to the public weal. And further, when he enemy to r r » hiscoun- saw that punishment would neither cause him to remember himself, dish?- 11 " nor to acknowledge his offences, the emperor, with a great army, accom- heT see d ' panied by divers of the noblemen of Germany, took from him all Austria Appendix. an j gty r j aj ario i brought them under his own obedience and fidelity. The em- The same year the emperor married his third wife, named Isabella, marrieth the daughter of King John of England. Then, when he had set Ger- joWs raar, y m a s ^ a y ari d quietness, he left there Conrad the Caesar, his son, daughter and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as with fa f nd ng Henry, his eldest son, had conspired against him ; whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Csesar, his son, chiefly set on by the pope. When the pope had understanding that the emperor with warlike furniture marched toward Italy, although he feigned him- self reconciled and to be a friend to Frederic, yet was he, notwith- standing, to him a most secret and infestive enemy ; and, understand- Thepope ing that he brought with him such a power both of horsemen and foot- gfnnethTo men to do execution of such as he understood to have been conspirators pin his a © anls t him m the late tumult and rebellion, those who were faulty herein and guilty, and all other who took their parts, he admonished to join themselves together, and that they should furnish strongly their cities with garrisons, that they should send for aid to their friends, and that, with all the force they were able, they should prepare them for the war. The rest of the cities also in Italy, whether they were the emperor's or his own, he endeavoureth to make them all his, and proper to himself. Furthermore, unto the emperor the pope sendeth his legates : to whom he gave secret commandment that they should prohibit his coming with an army within the borders of Italy, under pretence of preserving the peace which he had some time since proclaimed to be observed throughout Christendom in order to help the holy war ; and also to say, not by way of entreaty, but commandingly, that what cause of controversy he had with the Lombards, the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto the empe- ror replying maketh his legate this answer : — Aopendn. " The very day, 11 saith he, " the peace was made between the pope and me, he called me for a chief defence both of the church and himself against the Romans who made war with him ; and at his request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, and gave his enemies the overthrow." He thence argued that the pope would not now do well, through the pretence of peace, to be a hin- drance to him from that which both by law and right he might and ought to do ; viz. from putting himself in a condition with force to restrain and expel those who gathered themselves together as rebels, and to subdue and punish as they deserved those who had renounced their allegiance to him and his government, and had hindered soldiers FREDERIC MARCHETH INTO ITALY. 479 and others whom he had sent for on the public service from getting to mstoryoj him, and had in many ways wickedly plotted his destruction. And Fr ff™ touching that which the pope demanded of him, that he should commit Em P eror - and defer so great a cause, whereon the well-being and safety of the A. D. empire depended, to his arbitrament, by him to be determined, with- 1239. out any limitation of time or any condition annexed, or any saving A clause in favour of his imperial dignity or the rights of the empire, he could not (he said) but marvel, seeing that neither it appertained to his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit and commodity of the empire. To this effect writeth Frederic himself in his last epistle. And in the same his letter he showeth, that when the emperor at a secret certain time had been with the pope, at his going away he requested, ^"7 the that when he came again, he would come into Italy only with his P°P? nst household-band and family; for that if he should come as before the em- he did accustom with his army, he should terrify them overmuch ; peror ' H amongst whom," saith he, " you may assure yourself to be in great safety, and find all things in rest and quiet ;" when quite contrary, as the emperor for a certainty found, he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction ; so that when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time when the pope had this exercise in hand against the emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles easily found out, as they generally bear no date. The emperor then, as he had determined, prosecuted his purpose The and marched into Italy, where he brought under his subjection those JJJJJJJJ h cities that against him rebelled, as Mantua, Verona, Treviso, Padua, intoitaiy, and others. And then he afterwards set upon the great host of the standing Milanese, the Breschians, the Piacenzans, and other confederators, forbfa 0 ? 6 '" unto whom the pope's legate, Gregory Longomontanus, had joined din g- himself; of whom he partly took prisoners, partly slew, ten thousand Appendix persons, and among the former their general, being the Podesta, or chief magistrate, of the city of Milan, named Petro Tiepolo, the son of the doge of Venice, and took their Caroccio 1 with all their ensigns. And in this campaign, especially at the recovering of the March of Treviso, he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus, 2 a. d. 1239. The pope, now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of his con- federates and mates, though not much, began yet somewhat to fear the emperor ; and whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, now he goeth to work with might and main to subdue and deprive the emperor. But, although the emperor The em- saw and perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare towards J® break* him, not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against the peace him, but also that on every side he heard and from all parts was brought him certain word how greatly he laboured against him, with opprobrious words, and naughty reports and slanders, to the intent to pull from him the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make those that were his friends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take up and cease from such evil and wicked practices ; yet (1) See Appendix. (2) An eminent Ghibelin captain of that period, called also Ezzelin, Ecelin, and Icelin. See Moreri.— Ed. 4S0 EDICT AGAINST THE EMPEROR. ^0^.0/ notwithstanding, for that there should be no default in him found for il the breach of the league and peace between them a little before con- ymperor - eluded, he sendeth four ambassadors to the bishop of Rome, the A.D. archbishops of Palermo and Florence, the bishop of Reggio, and 1 239. Thaddeus de Suessa, who should answer unto and refute those criminous objections which he laid unto him, as also make him privy to his purpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare his innocency towards him in such causes, and his simplicity. Susff ^ ^ e P°P e > w hen he understood these ambassadors to be not far off to speak from Rome, and knew the cause of their coming, thinking with him- emperor's se lf> that in hearing the excuse and reasonable answer of the emperor, don» assa ~ P er haps he might be provoked to desist from his purpose, and so degenerate from the example of his predecessors, refuseth to' speak with them ; and at the day appointed pronounceth the sentence of proscription against him. depriving him of all his dignities, honours, titles, prerogatives, kingdoms, and whole empire. And, that the pope had no occasion hereunto, beside Pandolpho Oolenuccio the emperor's own letters plainly shew ; in short he seems to have been bent on Frederic's ruin. Looking about for suitable instruments, Appendix, he cast his eye on Jacomo Tiepolo, doge of Venice, whom, for the displeasure he must have conceived at the emperor's imprison- ing of his son, he doubted not to win over to his schemes : Blon- dus in fact asserts that this was the pope's chief reliance amidst the troubles which surrounded him. He therefore wrote him a highly complimentary letter, in which he styles him lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and of half the Roman empire, and solicits his aid against Frederic. Further, inviting the Venetians and Genoese, who were at variance touching some naval interests, to Hireth refer their dispute to him, he made peace between them, and cove- spoii y the° nanted with them upon this condition, that at their joint charges theempl- ^ey should rig and man flve-and-twenty galleys, which should spoil ror. and burn all along the sea-coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederic. Edict Further, when the pope saw the good will and fidelity which the against ^ 5 r r o t J the em- Germans bare unto the emperor, and saw also what aid the emperor had of them, and that he was not likely to win them to his purpose, then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices and subtleties. Above all he resolved to sow dissension, if possible, among the Ger- man nobility. To this end, he devised to put forth an edict at Rome, addressed to the christian world at large, the beginning whereof is, " Ascendit de mari bellica bestia wherein he declareth the causes wherefore he curseth and giveth the emperor to the devil of hell, and dejected him from all his princely dignity. He in the same accuseth him of so many and so huge a heap of mischiefs, as to nominate them my heart detesteth. For besides that he denies to his sovereign lord, the emperor, the very name of a man, he slandereth him of treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kind, and all impiety ; he accuseth him for a heretic, a schismatic, and a miscreant ; and to be brief, what mischief soever the pope can devise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. "All this doth he, 11 saith the pope, " that when he hath brought our holiness and all the ecclesiastical (1) Labbe, Cone. Gen. torn. xi. col. 340.— Ed. peror. DIVERS PRINCES OF GERMANY FORSAKE HIM. 481 estate to beggary, he might scoff at, and deride the religion of Cniist." H ^ l e °jy^ This edict he sendeth by the hands of divers his creatures into Ger- ii. ru> many. And now, for that the pope had a great and special trust in one Em P eror Albert Beham, 1 dean of the cathedral at Passau (a man of good family, A. D. but as crafty an apostle as the best), as one whom he saw ready to lean * 239 - to his lust, to him the pope delivered, besides the aforesaid edict, also Ap £% dis . two mandates in separate letters, in which he commanded all bishops, prelates, and other of the clergy, that they should solemnly recite the said edict in their churches instead of their sermon, showing how he had excommunicate Frederic out of the fellowship of christian men, and had put him from the procuration or government of the empire, and that he had released all his subjects from their allegi- ance and fidelity towards him ; and furthermore chargeth them and Threaten all other christian men, under pain of cursing and damnation, that eth to neither they should succour the emperor, nor yet so much as wish SSethat him well. Thus he, being the pope's special and trusty servitor, jJ^ weU and made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusion and chaos emperor, of public quietness, as shall hereafter appear. Amongst all other noblemen of Germany at that time was Otho, the palatine of the Rhine and duke of Bavaria, both towards the emperor most serviceable, and also a prince of great honour, riches, and estimation. This prince, both with fair promises and also rewards, Dj ve rs Albert seduced from him ; for that he was made by him to believe, of that Louis, his father, of whom we spake before, 2 was by the emperor by the murdered and slain. And the same Otho again caused three other Ens, princes to revolt from the emperor to the pope, who were his neigh- [ h r e s ^. bours and i-ntimate friends, viz. Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, Bela, peror. king of Hungary, and Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia. To Ap ^ lia whom came also Frederic, ex-duke of Austria, who, because he was proscribed or outlawed by the emperor and had his dukedom taken away from him, as you heard, 3 was easily won to the pope. These resolved to translate the empire unto the son of the king of Denmark, and requested of the pope to send his legates to an assembly which they would convene for that purpose. The emperor was at Padua when news was brought to him of what the pope had done at Rome. He therefore commanded Peter de Vineis, his secretary, on Easter-day to make an oration to the people of his great and liberal munificence to the bishops and church of Rome, and, again, of the injuries done by them towards him in recompense thereof ; of his innocency also in that whereof he had been accused, and of the unseemliness of such treatment; of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure ; and of the errors and abuses of the church of Rome. By which oration of his he so removed what from many men's hearts the cloud of blind superstition, and the oration* of conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome and bishops of y®{j£° f the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion, did for that they both plainly saw and perceived the vices and filtbiness of pirorT* the church of Rome and of the bishops of that see, as also their fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings, most vehemently lamenting (1) " Albertus Behamus (ipse Bolemum nominat)." Ciscer.— Ed. (2) See supra, p. 477.— Er>. (3) See aupra, p. 478,—Bft. VOL. II. I I 482 THE POPE IS ANTICHRIST, AND H Frederio an ^ complaining of the same. Alberic maketh mention of certain n - verses which were sent and written between the bishop of Rome and mperor l the emperor, which verses in the latter end of this present history of A. D. Frederic you shall find. 12S9 ' The emperor, moreover, both by his letters and ambassadors, giveth intelligence unto all christian kings, to the princes of his own empire, to the college of cardinals, and to the people of Rome, as well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle here followeth. The Emperor to the Prelates of the World. 1 The em- In the beginning and creation of the world, the wise and ineffable providence fetter 'to °^ ( wno asketh counsel of none) placed in the firmament of heaven two all pre- lights, a greater and a less, the greater to govern the day, and the less to govern bridlette ^ ™Sht, which two are so allotted to their proper offices and duties in the pope and zodiac, that although oftentimes the one move obliquely to the other, yet the restrain one does not run against the other ; nay the superior doth communicate his him of his jjg^j to ^ inferior. Even so, the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed upon the earth two regiments, that is to say priesthood and kingly power ; the Man be- one for knowledge and wisdom, the other for defence ; that man, who in his onwo" 16 two component parts had too long run riot, might have two reins to govern and parts bridle him withal, and so peace thereby and love might dwell upon the face of severaT° eartn ' aU excesses being restrained. But, alas ! the bishop of Rome of our reg i_ time, sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine, that pharisee anointed with the ments, oil of iniquity above his fellows, is endeavouring to set aside the fact that he is word 3 and but an inferior imitation of the celestial order, and fancies perhaps that he is to the ma- correspond in all particulars with those heavenly bodies on high which are sword impelled by their nature not by will. Accordingly, he purposeth to bring under an eclipse the brightness of our majesty, whilst that (substituting fable for truth) he sends his papal letters, stuffed with lies, into sundry parts of the world ; out of his own ill temper, and upon no reasonable cause, discrediting Apology the purity of our religious character. For this — pope in name only — hath emperor declared us to be " the beast rising out of the sea full of names of blasphemj to the and spotted like a leopard." 2 But we say, that he is himself that beast of whom edict S be- we ^ nus rea( ^ : " And there went forth another horse that was red out of the ginning sea, and he that sat on him took peace away out of the earth, that the dwellers ditde 611 " u P on tne eartn should destroy one another." 3 For since the time of his mari/'&c promotion, he, acting as a father not of mercies but of discord, and as a promoter of desolation instead of consolation, hath excited all the world to commit offence. And, to take his own allusions in their right sense and interpretation, he is that " great dragon that deceived the whole world ;" he is christ t ^ la * -Antichrist, of whom he hath called us the forerunner ; he is another long ago Balaam, hired for money to curse us ; the chief among those princes of descried darkness, who have abused prophecies : he is that angel leaping out of the sea, worid by having the vials filled with bitterness, that he may hurt both the sea and the the em- land. For this counterfeit vicar of Christ hath inserted among his other fables peror. that we do not rightly believe in the Christian faith, and that we have said that the world is deceived by three impostors. But God forbid that such a thing should have escaped our lips; seeing that we openly confess the only sionVf ^ on °^ coeterna l an d coequal v/ith the Father and the Holy Ghost, the em- our Lord Jesus Christ, begotten from the beginning and before the worlds, and peror's in process of time sent down upon the earth for the succour of mankind ; not whereof delegated, but by his own, power ; who was born of the glorious Virgin he was Mary, and after that suffered and died as touching the flesh ; and that, accused by virtue of his godhead, the other nature which he assumed in the womb of popV 6 his mother rose from death the third day. But we have learned that the body (1) Corrected and revised from the original in " Petri de Vineis Frederici II. Epistolse," lib. i. ep. 31.— Ed. (2) Rev. xiii. I, 2.— Ed. (3) lb. chap. vi. 4— Ed. AV OFPKUKU OF DISSFNllOUS SACRIFICE. 483 of Mahomet hangeth in the air beset by devils, and that his soul is in Historyof hell-torments ; whose works were contrary to the law of the Most High. Frederic We hold also, being taught by the page of truth, that Moses was the familiar Emperor. friend of God, and that he talked with God in Mount Sinai ; unto whom the — '- Lord appeared at the burning bush (Exod. iii. 4), by whom also he wrought A.D. signs and wonders in Egypt, and delivered the law to the Hebrew nation ; and 1239. that afterwards he showed him in glory with the elect. In regard of these The pope) and other things our enemy and envier of our state, bringing a scandal on a under true son of Mother Church, hath written against us venemous and lying l^f" 06 slander, and hath sent the same to the whole world. But if he had rightly fol- holiness, fowed the Apostle's mind, 1 and had not preferred passion, which beareth such deceiveth sway with him, before reason, he would not have written such things, at the souis^and suggestion of men who call light darkness and evil good, and who suspect honey ignorant to be gall ; and all for the opinion they have conceived of a place in the men - prophecies of scripture, 2 which indeed is both weak and infirm for their purpose, since by opinion truth may be converted into falsehood and vice versa. But surely men ought not to be splitting opinions, which may be true or false and cannot be made matters of faith, at the very door (as it were) of the pope's conscience. Seeing all these things, we are compelled not a little to marvel, and it doth also much disquiet our minds, when we perceive that you, who are the founda- tions of the church, the pillars of righteousness, the assessors of Peter, the senators of the great city, and the hinges of the world, have not qualified the motion of so fierce a judge ; as do the planets of heaven in their kind, which to mitigate the passing swift course of a great orb draw a contrary way by their opposite movings. In very deed, imperial felicity hath always from the beginning been spurned at by papal envy. As Simonides, being demanded why he had no enemies and enviers of his estate, answered and said, " because The an _ I have had no good success in any thing that ever I took in hand ;" so, for swer of that we have had prosperous success in all our enterprises by the blessing of f^T - God (especially in the overthrow unto death of our rebellious enemies the pifed? P Lombards, to whom in their good quarrel he had promised life), this is the cause wherefore this apostolical bishop mourneth, and now goeth about with the aid of your counsels to impugn this our felicity. But perhaps he vaunteth himself in his power of binding and loosing. Wherever virtue, however, is wanting to power, there presently doth abuse take place : this we see exemplified in him who was so mighty a king and so eminent a prophet, and yet had to crave the restitution of God's Holy Spirit, when he had polluted the dignity of his office. But as things which ought not to be loosed are not to be loosed, so things that ought not to be bound are not to be bound : which thing is manifestly proved from that passage of holy scripture, " they slay the souls that should not die, and save The em _ the souls alive that should not live." 3 Therefore God is able to humble and bring peror pro- down those that are unworthy of power, as much as him pleaseth and when him ^^ i e etl ' pleaseth, for God can do all things. Doubtless, if this bishop of Rome were a pope's true pontiff indeed, he would keep himself " harmless, undefiled, and separate fal1 - from sinners :" he would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peacable offerer of love and charity; and he would cense, not with the incense of grief and hatred, but with the sweet-smelling incense of concord and unity ; neither yet would he alter " suum pontificium in maleficium," that is, make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If he were a true pontiff, he would not wrest the preaching of the word to produce contention. Nor will we be accused of being an enemy to mother church in so saying, which mother church is holy in herself, whom with all reverence we worship and with honour we embrace, so beautified and adorned with God's holy sacraments Some individuals notwithstanding, who are slaves of corruption though they have gone out from the midst of her, we utterly reject. And forsomuch as the Utterly injuries wherewith our majesty is continually molested are not transitory, and [{j^ 0 ^ ^ that we cannot quietly abide them, nor ought we in very deed to relax our and P ° Pe authority, therefore we are enforced to take revenge upon them. You, there- church fore, that are men of better counsels, and have the excellent gift of wisdom and of Rome - understanding, restrain you that roaring enemy of ours from these his pro- (1) 2 Peter i. 20, 21, is probably referred to. -Ed. (2) Rev. xiii. 1,2.— Ed. (3) Ezek. xiii. 19.— Ed. T I 2 434 BISHOPS OF GERMANY FRIENDLY TO THE EMPEROR. mstott/ of ceedings, whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable ; wisely forecasting reverie from preceding cases the consequences which must follow in the present Emperor, instance. Otherwise you that are under our subjection, as well in the empire as in our other dominions, shall feel and perceive what revenge by sword i oio Augustus shall take, both of his chief enemy and persecutor, and also of th« • princes that are his fautors and adherents. caiieth a This done, lie commands, by proclamation, a solemn parliament or memor council of all the princes, and other nobility of the empire, to express* 0 assem W e at ^Egra ; whither came Conrad the Csesar, the archbishop the pope's of Mentz, the Saxon dukes, the lords of Brandenburgh, Misnia, and ma loe. Thuringia, and the representatives of all the nobles of Brabant, to Appendix. a id the emperor. But Wenceslaus and Otho refusing to attend, and offering through their ambassadors to mediate between the contend- ing parties (in which offer the Austrians likewise joined), the council became divided in opinion, and separated without doing anything for the emperor. Then Frederic of Austria (whom the emperor had deprived, as ye heard) by the aid of the Bavarians and Bohemians recovered again the dukedoms of Austria and Styria, putting to flight and discomfiting the emperors bands and garrisons which he had there. But though the pope's agents (especially that honest man, Albert Beham, the Bohemian) had allured to the pope Otho the duke of Bavaria, as ye heard, and divers other noblemen of Germany ; yet Bishops notwithstanding, certain prelates in Bavaria, as Everhard, archbishop manure °f Saltzburg, an( l Sifrid, bishop of Ratisbon, being at that time obedient the emperor's chancellor, Rudiger, bishop of Passau, Conrad, bishop prince! of Frisinghen, and the heads of the religious houses, forsook not the Appendix, emperor. All which the aforesaid Albert not only did excom- municate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the pope, giving commandment to their collegioners and cloisterers, that they should deprive them of their offices, and choose such others in their stead as would obey the pope. All which things the pope (understanding by Albert of their fidelity to the em- peror) corroborated and confirmed, commanding their inferiors to choose other bishops and prelates in their stead. But the bishops and prelates with one consent contemning the pope's mandates and writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Albert, accused, reproved, and greatly blamed his temerity, and the tyranny which he practised against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good emperor ; that he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the emperor's government without his consent, against the old and ancient customs ; that he had excommuni- cated the emperor without just cause ; and that he had condemned the emperor's faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for standing with their liege and sovereign prince (which allegiance they might not violate without horrible iniquity), and had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations ; and they r.'shops solemnly appealed to the emperor for redress. They also accused an d condemned Albert himself for a most impudent impostor and municate wicked varlet, and they devoted him to the devil, as a most pestiferouf the pope's . ' _ / - . . \ , r legate, botch and sore of the christian commonweal, and as a ruinoin • See Appendix. WARS BETWEEN 1 HE EMPEROR AND THE L'OFE. 485 See Appendix. enemy, as well of the church, as of his own natural country ; and ^JJjJJJjf further declared their opinion, that he and all the rest of the //. tc pope's pursuivants ought to be driven out of Germany, as being Em i )eror - most wicked devisers of all kinds of mischief. A. D. This done, they make relation hereof to the emperor by their 1 239 - letters ; and further, they advertise all the princes of Germany (especially those who were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and were the favourers of Albert), that they should take heed, and beware in any case of his subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable allurements, and that they should not assist the pope, for all his words, against the emperor. And doubtless (chiefly by the counsel and persuasion Thearch- of the archbishop of Saltzburg, primate of Bavaria) Frederic of saitz^g Austria was again reconciled to the emperor; from whose friendship * u "j"® tt0 and alliance he would never after that be detached by any promises, hisprince. threatenings, bribes, or pains, no, nor for the execrable curses of the pope's own holy xnouth. But Albert prosecuteth still his purposed mischief, alluring and inciting by all means possible friends to the pope, and enemies to the emperor, and that not amongst the lowest but the highest classes of his subjects, the nobility and gentry. Unto some he gave the tithes to fight against the emperor, to other The some he gave the glebe-lands of benefices, and to other some he gave means the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the used t0 1 , | 11 i n i • maintain pope ; and to some other also he gave the colleges and monasteries the war themselves. And Aventine 1 actually names the individuals to whom JKS the ecclesiastical tithes were given that they might espouse the pope's JJ^ te cause, and the colleges and monasteries pillaged and sequestrated, and the glebe-lands seized, and the doers therein. Hereby was there a window opened to do what they listed, every man according to his ravening and detestable lust, and all things lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him read Aventine, who largely treateth of the same in his book before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Germany, but specially in Bavaria. While these things were thus working in Germany, Frederic, leaving in Lombardy Actiolinus with a great part of his host, and passing with the rest by the Apennines, came to Etruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had allayed certain insurrections there ; and from thence to Pisa, where he was with great amity and honour received and welcomed. This city was always steady and faithful to the emperors of Germany. The pope, understanding of the empe- ror's coming into Etruria, and knowing what a large part of his troops Besiegeth he had left in Lombardy, with a great array besieged the city of Ferrara - Ferrara, that always loved the emperor full well ; which city when the pope's legate had assaulted sharply the space of five months, and could not win the same, he devised with himself to send for Saling- werra out of the town by way of a parley, pledging his faith and truth to him for his safe return ; who by the persuasion of Hugo liam- Apjlndix bartus, that said he might do the same without peril (it being but by way of parley), came to the legate ; who, intercepting his return, Jj^SjSti took him prisoner, contrary to good faith and justice. And thus le^nedby gat he Ferrara, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azo, marquis of example. (1) Lib. 7. Annalium Boiorum. ORIGIN OF THE GHIBELLI NES AND GUKLPH<, Historyof Este. And that the pope's legate thus falsified his truth, and circum- re iL vented the captain and old man Salingwerra, the same is confessed of E '"P cror - the historians friendly to the pope, yea, commended of them as a A. D. stroke of warlike policy. But to return again. About the same 1240. time also the Venetian navy, at Monte Gargano, chased twelve galleys of the emperor's, which were appointed to the keeping of that coast, and spoiled, burned, and wasted all the region ; and, further, pert)*™ took one of the emperor's great ships, being driven by tempes- tStenby tuons weather into the haven of Siponto, fraught with men and the pope, munition. Frederic again, getting on his side the cities of Lucca, Vol terra, Sienna, and Arezzo, and most of the cities of Etruria, to help his own Appendix. - dominions came from Pisa to Viterbo, which took part with him. Blon- dus and Platina and some others say, that the names and factions of The Ghi- Ghibellines and Guelphs sprang from Frederic at this time ; for that and having sent his spies through all the towns and cities of Italy, to ascer- Gueiphs. ta j n ^yijjgjj took part with and favoured the pope, and which the empe- ror, he called the one by the name of Ghibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphs. But, for that they bring no sufficient proof thereof but only slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nau- clerus, Herman Contract, Antoninus of Florence, Castiglioni, and others, who say, that these names had their first beginning in Italy, when Conrad, uncle of Frederic I., was emperor ; and that those who were devoted to the pope were called Guelphs from Guelph, young- est brother of Henry the Proud, while the emperor's partisans were called Ghibellines from Vaiblingen, the native place of Conrad or his son. But to our purpose. The pope The pope, when he understood that Frederic was come to Viterbo, theTempe- was much alarmed, for that he feared he would come still nearer to ItT'hito" 1 " ^ ome > the g°°d will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He itaiy. therefore ordered litanies, and caused the heads of Peter and Paul (if we are to believe them genuine) to be carried round in procession ; and having in a sharp and abusive oration attacked the emperor, he promised everlasting life, and gave the badge of the cross, to as many as would take up arms against the emperor, as a most wicked enemy of God and his church. Now when the emperor, drawing near to Rome gates, beheld those, whom the pope by his goodly spectacle of St. Peter and St. Paul and by his promises had stirred up against him, coming to meet him with the badge of the cross ; disdaining to be accounted for an enemy of the church, when he had been A VV S tndix. thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them he soon The era- dispersed them ; and as many as he took prisoners he put to Smeth excruciating torture by burning or cutting the mark of the cross wised m tne * r fl esu » From thence marching into Campania and his Midiera. own kingdoms, he levied a great mass of money, and mustered new bands, and augmented his army ; and in these bands he Rfctaineth retained the Saracens also. And to the intent he might find the (Sufe** Saracens the more trusty to him, he appointed them a city named tgairsf Luceria to dwell in. For which thing although the papistical tiopope. writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederic, yet notwithstanding, Nicholas Machiavelli doth write, that for this cause he retained them, — lest, through the pope's execrable curses, FREDERIC WRITES TO THE PRINCES OF GERMANY. 487 he should be quite destitute of soldiers, as was Frederic Barbarossa, History of his grandfather, a little before, when of pope Alexander III. he was Fre #* te excommunicated, as ye have heard. 1 Emperor. After this, when the emperor had severely punished the pope's A.D. ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the pope against him, 1240. and had wasted and destroyed Benevento, Monte Cassino, and Sora Ap £% dix . (because they took part with the pope against him), and had founded the new city of Aquila, he marched forth with a great host both of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his ene- mies in Italy, and besieged Ascoli, a fortified city belonging to the adverse faction. He there, having understanding of what the pope's emissaries had done with the princes-electors, and other princes of Germany, especially with Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, and Otho the Palatine, writeth his letters unto them. In these he first showed, The effect how those contumelies and spiteful words, which the pope blustered senVt>y er out against him, applied rather to himself ; and how the bishops of the em P e " o ' ' r ror to the Home had taken to them ot late such heart ot grace and were become princes of so lofty, that they not only sought to bring emperors, kings, and Germany * princes under their obedience, but also to be honoured as gods ; and impudently affirmed that they cannot err, neither yet be subject to or bound by any obligation however sacred ; and that it was lawful for them to do all things what they list ; neither that any account was to be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any : and further, that they imperiously commanded (and that under pain of damnation), that men believe every thing they say, how great a lie soever it be ; insomuch that, by reason of this inor- Noenemy dinate ambition of theirs, all things were going backward, and the hurtful to whole state of the Christian commonweal was subverted, neither could ^urchof there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church of God than God than they. He wrote unto them, furthermore, that he (to whom The P e°m- the greatest charge and dignity in the whole commonweal was ap- JJ™J th t0 pointed and committed), seeing and perceiving their good hearts, j:J™ ove wills, and practices towards him in his great peril, would with all the and put*' power and ability that God had given him do his endeavour, that he JJ^ othei who in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of JJJJjJJ^ Christ, and chief prelate in the church, showed himself so very, a wolf, persecutor, and tyrant, might be removed from that place, and that a true and faithful shepherd of God's flock might be appointed in the church. Wherefore he exhorted them, that if they desired the safety and preservation both of the empire and of Christendom in general, they should be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings ; lest, otherwise, they also should happen to fall under the same yoke of servitude to the bishop of Rome. And further, he gave them to know, that if the pope should attain to that Appendix. he sought for (that is, to be an emperor and king over kings), yet would that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but he would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is ; therefore, if they were wise, they would withstand him betimes, lest hereafter, when they would, it would be too late, neither should they be able to withstand his tyranny. — The effect of this epistle I took out of Aventine, who also writeth, that the emperor's legates, when they delivered it, enlarged on the same subject in a speech. ^5?**. J(l) Supra, p. 195.— Ed. 488 OTHO AND THE POPE AGAINST FREDEItTC. mstoryof Wenceslaus, somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accom- r /jf. plish the emperor's biddings and precepts, and forthwith gathereth Emperor. aI) ass embly of princes and nobles at iEgra ; where, by common A. D. consent, they think to renovate with the emperor a new league and 124 °- covenant. And furthermore, they decree Otho of Bavaria, the author wences- of this defection (who was absent, and would not be at this their lemeth at assembly), to be an enemy to the commonweal. Otho then, seeing JS? s empe himself not able to stand against the Csesar and the other princes with letter. whom he was associated, desiring aid of the pope by his letters, came the pope with all speed to Wenceslaus, his kinsman, and entreated him not theTmpe- ^° desert tne party, but could not prevail ; he obtained], notwith- kw standing, thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant which they were in hand to make with the emperor should for a time be deferred, and that another assembly should be called, whereat he also would be, and join himself with them. In the mean season, the pope sent his rescript unto Wenceslaus and to Otho, tending to this effect ; that in no case they should either forsake him or else Appendix, the church, to take the emperor's part. And so much prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (who were the chief of the senate regal, and whom by his fair promises and bribes he had previously gained to his interest), that a day was appointed for a new assembly to be held at Lebus, 1 for the express purpose of electing a new emperor, in contempt and defiance of Frederic, the true empe- ror, and his son and heir Conrad. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Conrad the Caesar casteth Landshuta, the wife of Otho (then absent), in the teeth, for the great benefits and possessions which her husband had and possessed by his ancestors ; and threateneth that unless her husband took a better way with himself, and showed his obedience to the emperor, his father, he should not enjoy one foot of By what that land which now he had by his ancestors. The preferments and otho at- dignities which Otho had by the ancestors of Conrad the Csesar came g^e'^pos. thus : Frederic Barbarossa, at a parliament holden at Wurtzburg* JJjjJJJ, a.d. 1180, condemned Henry Leo of high treason, and deprived him peror and of his dominions of Bavaria and Saxony, and gave Bavaria to Otho tor S an ° es of Wittlespach, because he had done him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Louis, the son of that Ocho, obtained of this emperor Frederic II., in recompense of his assured and trusty fidelity, the palatinate of the Rhine in reversion ; also Agnes, the daughter of Henry, the living earl-palatine, to be given to Otho his son in marriage. But this Henry was the son of Henry Leo, the traitor; unto whom Henry VI. (the father of Frederic II.), having given him in marriage his niece Clementia, the daughter of his brother Conrad, Palatine of the Rhine, gave him also the pala- tinate itself on precarious tenure. 3 And as touching the government of Bavaria, that had also formerly been held by the ancestors of Otho of Wittlespach. But to our purpose again. The jirch- At the same time, the archbishop of Cologne revolted to the toipgne f P°P e ; w ho not long after, in a skirmish with the earl of Brabant, was ^voiteth vanquished and taken prisoner. But Frederic of Austria, after he pope. was received into favour again with the emperor keeping most con- Appendix (1) M Libyssa," a town ot Brandenburg, in the Middle Mark, two miles from Frankfort on th» Oder, and a bishop's see : Hoffman. Vide infra, p. 492, and vol. iii. pp. 438, 460. — E». \2) See Appendix, (3) See Ducange, in v. Precaria. — Ed. HE AJAKETH MONEY OF LEATHER. 489 etantly his promise and fidelity renewed, during this time made sharp mdnryof war upon the Bohemians and Hungarians, who took part with the u. pope, and greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Em P eior - Germany, the emperor, when he had gotten Ascoli and led his host A.D. into Flaminia, having taken Ravenna, from thence came to Faenza, 1241. which city never loved the emperor (the circuit of whose walls is five miles in compass), and pitched his camp round about it. And although the siege was much hindered by the severity of the weather (it being in the very depth of winter), still notwithstanding, through Ap £Zmx. the great fortitude and incredible exertions of the soldiers, to whom he represented that it would be no little disgrace for them to retire from the enterprise unsuccessful, he surmounted all difficulties. And therefore, when now the winter (so extremely cold and hard) was well near ended, and the spring-time now hard at hand, and when by long battery he had made the walls in divers places assaultable, the citizens (being greatly discouraged, and in despair of maintaining the defence thereof) sent ambassadors to the emperor, craving pardon for their offence, and that he would grant them their lives, and so yielded themselves to his mercy. The emperor, having against them good and sufficient cause of The em-' revenge, yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best great'ie- revenge that might be, to pardon the offence of vanquished men, jj! m *J| d considered it better to grant them their requests, and to save the ° emency * city and citizens with innumerable people, than by arms to make the same his soldiers' prey, to the destruction both of the city and great number of people therein. So doth this good emperor in one of his epistles, " Adaucta nobis," confess himself. Which epistle, to declare the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince (if with great and marvellous provocations and wrongs he had not been incited), I would in the midst of the history here have placed, but that I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same. In this siege the emperor, having spent and consumed almost all his treasure, both gold and silver, caused other money to be made of The em- leather, which on the one side had his image, and on the other side f 0 e r r c ° e r d t0 the spread eagle (the arms of the empire), and made a proclamation, m ^e that the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries instead leather, of other money; and therewithal promised, that whosoever brought the same money unto his exchequer when the wars were ended, he would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every coin limited ; which thing afterwards truly and faithfully he performed, as all the historiographers do accord. When the pope had thus, as before is said, stopped his ears and The P o pe would not hear the emperor's ambassadors who came to entreat for ?ot fo- h peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equitable ^|? ai r ^. demands, and yet found that he, with his confederates, could not vented, prevail against him in open warfare, although he had left no means ^Sm. untried ; he, by his legates, inviteth to a council to be held at Rome all such prelates out of Italy, France, and England, as he thought to favour him and his proceedings ; that hereby, as his last shift and only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederic of his empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the church. All which things Frederic having understanding of, and knowing that these persons were about to assemble under the pope's influence for his ruin, he de~ 400 FREDERIC PREVAILS AGAINST THE POPE. Historyof termined to hinder their passage to Rome, as well by sea as uy land, r ii. rte in all that ever he might. Accordingly, having preoccupied all Em P eror - the passages by land, he commanded his son Henry, 1 king of Sar- A. D. dinia (whom the Italians call Encio), to take some galleys with him 1241. and go to Pisa, and with the Pisans (whom he had likewise ordered to The em- equip a fleet) to meet and intercept (if possible) the pope's partisans on gethforth tne ^ r wav to R° me « The pope's partisans, understanding that they a navy, could not safely repair to Rome by land, procured forty galleys, with Ap^ndix. the Genoese navy 2 under the command of Gulielmus Braccius for their convoy ; thinking that hereby, if they should fortune to meet with any of the emperor's galleys which might lie in wait for them, they should be able to make their part good, and give them also the repulse. For the emperor, in like manner, Encio and Hugolinus (the commodore of the Pisan fleet) launched forth to sea with forty galleys ; and within the isles of Giglio and Monte Christo, which lie between Leghorn and Corsica, they met with the Genoese a great navy and straightways attacked it ; and when Gulielmus the admi- ai' C s"a y ral, contrary to the wish of the ecclesiastics, who were for flight, there's attempted to resist the attack, three of his ships having been c micde- boulged and sunk, the rest (twenty-two in number) with all that they contained fell into the emperor's hands. In these were taken three legates of the pope's, viz. Iacomo Colonna, cardinal-bishop of Pales- trine, Otho, of the noble house of the marquisses of Montferrat, cardinal of St. Nicholas, and Gregory de Romania, all cruel enemies against the emperor ; and many prelates were taken with them, besides a great number of delegates and proctors of cities, with a countless rabble of priests and monks, besides also more than four thousand Genoese soldiers, with the officers of the navy, and the admiral him- self who was of patrician rank. Pandolpho Colenuccio, 3 in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these partisans of the pope by sea, amongst the rest declareth, that besides the great prey and booty which the takers had from them, they also found many writings and letters against Frederic, which much helped them in the defence of Another that cause wherein the others laboured against him. Another like iand°al by mischance, also, about the same time happened on the pope's side, Pavit. by tj ie emperor's soldiers who lay in the garrison at Pavia, thus : There went forth upon a time out of Pavia into the borders of the Genoese certain bands, to give them alarums in the country ; which bands the scurriers of Milan (where lay a great garrison of the pope's) descrying, told the captain of the town, that now there was a very opportune and fit time to give an assault to Pavia ; " since," say they, " the greatest part are now gone foraging." Whereupon they immediately calling together the captains and such as had charge, set their soldiers in array, and marched forward to Pavia. And now, when they were come almost thither, the Pavian bands (whom they thought to have been far off foraging) returned and met with them, and fiercely gave a full charge upon them : who, being dismayed at the suddenness of the matter, fought not long, but gave over and fled. In which skirmish were taken, besides those (1) An illegitimate son of Frederic. — Ed. \2) This appears, from what follows, to be the navy of 25 ships mentioned supra, p. 430.— En. (3) He wrote " Compendio dell' Istoria del regno di Napoli ;" 8vo. Venez. 1,54]; translated mt-J Lfctin by Stupanus, 4to. Basil. 1572.— En. THE TARTARS INVADE CHRISTENDOM. 491 that were slain, three hundred and fifty captains, who were brought History of prisoners into Pavia with all their ensigns. Frederic News hereof was brought to the emperor not long after, who Em P erar then was on his march from Faenza to the city of Bologna, A. D. thinking to destroy the same. But upon the hearing of this 1241. happy success, he altereth his purpose, and, thinking by a decisive blow to end the contest, leadeth his army towards Rome; and in the way he admitted to terms the city of Pesaro. But Fano, because the townsmen shut their gates and would not suffer the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the The en> emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet ELth by his lawful excusation, he could do any good with him, thought [£ e m ?l that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril immi- afraid, nent, he might be brought to reasonable terms, and caused to leave off his accustomed pertinacity. And although the emperor was too strong for him, yet, for that he regarded nothing more than the public tranquillity of the empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand if he could by any means conclude a peace, he refused not so to treat with him, as though he had been both in force and fortune much the pope's inferior. Whilst that this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope, The Ochodarius, son and successor of Ghengis the first emperor of . JJJJJ^ the Tartars, sent a large and well-appointed army to invade the cnristen- neighbouring countries, and bring them into subjection to him. Who, agreat' 1 almost without opposition, subdued the Russians, Podolians, Molda- ty powfr. vians, Wallachians, Poles, and Prussians, laid waste the fields, and t Se *. 111 • • . ' Appendix. plundered, burnt, ruined, and destroyed cities, towns, villages, and buildings of every description ; killing man, woman, and child, and sparing none of any sex or age. (a.d. 1235.) At whose sudden in- vasion the people were in such fear and perplexity, that not a single band, garrison town, or even walled city, dared to resist ; but all hastened to leave all they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and flee to marshes and mountains, or wheresoever else any succour did offer itself to them. They had now come as far as Breslau, when Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia, went forth with an army to meet Unme*> them ; who, for the inequality of the number of his forces, had soon an slaughter overthrow, and almost all his army being destroyed, he himself was taken and slain with an axe. From thence they came to Moravia, and turns, from thence to the kingdom of Bohemia, which countries, while the King kept himself in strong defenced forts and durst not come abroad, they invaded, and destroyed all Hungary ; putting to flight and van- quishing Colman, the brother of Bela IV. king of Hungary, also making great spoil in both the Pannonias, both the Mcesias, Bulgaria, and Servia. When Bela, king of Hungary, had gotten to Pola (which The king is a city of Istria) unto Otho, the duke of Dalmatia and Istria, 1 he gLyciav- sent ambassadors to Frederic, the emperor ; promising that if he would jJJjjJJ ° f send him aid, so that the Tartars might be expelled, Hungary should ror, ever after be under the jurisdiction of the emperor ; which thing if he should refuse to do, that then Hungary would be in great danger of being subjected to the Tartars, to the no little peril of the whole empire : and said further, that the cause wherefore he with more instance required the same, was, that so many christian men ana (I) See p. 475, note (2).— Ed. THE POPE'S SUBTLE PRACTICES. History of countries made such pitiful lamentation in tins their great ctu<*uiity r n. e and misery, and that there was none able to help them ; " which," Emperor, ^[fa ne? « j s as g re at shame as possible to the whole christian com- A.D. monweal;" and also said, that if the malice of this barbarous people 1241. were not suppressed, then he thought they would make invasion upon the empire itself and the provinces of the same. The emperor, although he thought it very requisite that with all convenient speed this mischief should be remedied and prevented, yet notwithstanding, his great enemy the pope, with his confederates, See was the only let and hindrance thereof. When, therefore, he per- Appendix. ce i ve d that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with the pope, he gave commandment to Wen- ceslaus and Otho of Bavaria to entreat and persuade with him, that, considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissension to the whole state of Christendom, he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate somewhat his fierce and wrathful mood. When, however, he saw further, that neither by that means of entreaty, nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn malicious and froward purpose, he writeth back to the king of Hun- gary that he was right sorry, and greatly lamented their miserable state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity that The^ he and all the rest stood in. But, as the cause why he could not fault that redress the same nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly tartan* the bishop of Rome ; who refusing all entreaty of peace, he (the resisted, emperor) could not without great peril to himself depart out o. Italy, lest that, when he should come to the aid of him, by the pope's mischievous imaginations he should be in peril of losing all at home. Notwithstanding, he sent orders to Conrad the Caesar, to the king of Bohemia, and to other princes more of Germany, to go and meet the enemy : and a great number of those who had taken the cross in Germany were offering their services against the Tartars, when they received orders from Albert, the pope's factor, to stay at home, until Hadra- they should be called out by him against the emperor. To conclude, igainst ht such was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents iortS 6 " i n this time of calamity towards the christian state and common- against wealth, that he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice the Tar- ... ... tar. upon the christian and good emperor, than either himself withstand the Tartar, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace that this most bloody and cruel enemy should be let and restrained from such havoc, spoil, and slaughter of the christian men : and yet, forsooth, these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all other to the preservation of Christendom, and think to have the supremacy given therein ! What thing else is this, than manifest mockery and Appendix, deceiving of the people ? One good effect, however, came of this spoil and havoc of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary, viz. that the con- spirators did not meet at Lebus (as had been determined 1 ) about The em t ^ e deposing of the emperor and the creation of another. STrede now > notwithstanding the provident foresight and wise policy cessors e of the emperor (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both o?the tnal D y sea and land, who gave most strict charge and had special regard subtle thereunto, that none should pass without privy search and examination, practices, as one having sufficient trial, as well in his own person as by the