AN

ORATION

DELWERED

BY REQUEST OF THE CITY AUTHORITIES,

BEFORE

THE CITIZENS OF BOSTON,

orwrmc
SIXTY FOURTH ANNIVERSARY

OF

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE,

JULY 4, 1840.

BY TIIOIVIAS POWER.

B O S T 0 N :
JOHN H. EASTBURN, CITY PRINTER.

nun-an-nun-can-—n-u-uuuunu-u

1840.

CITY OF BOSTON.

In the Board qf .£lZde7'me7z, July 13, 1840.

Rmsonvnn, That the thanks of the City Council be presented to TI—IOMA..‘3
Powzmn, ESQ., for the eloquent and patriotic Orntion, delivered by him, be»
fore the M unicipul Authorities, on the fourth instant, being the Anniversary of
American Independence ; and that the Mayor be requested to ask of him, :1
copy for the press.

Sent down for concurrence.

JONATHAN CHAPMAN, .7PIctg/or.

In Common Council, July 16', 1840.
Read and concurred.

LEMUEL SHATTUCIC, President pro tem.
A true copy--Attest,

S. F. MGCLEARY, City C'le7'7c.

ORATION.

.s.....-._.......—.............——-.........._-M...-..........

'T1:-In startling thunders of the deep toned can-
non are rolling from hill to hill, from city to city,
and from state to state. The folds of our nation’s
flag are proudly flung on the four Winds of heaven.
Countless voices respond to each other their cry of
joyousness. The warrn current courses through the
veins with quicltened motion, and the deeds of other
days rush upon our recollections vvith all the freshness
of passing events. We have assernbleecl with thoughts
consecrated to God. and our country, and have
mingled the solemnity of religious supplication with
the vows of patriotic devotion. These are the dem-4
onstrations of a national jubilee: the anniversary of»
lieriiags of the birth»-day of a great and happy and
free people.

The causes for all this intensity of feeling and ex-
hibition of common interest, involve a discussion of

all the memorable acts that led to the Declaration of

Independence, of all the events that passed in the
days of the great struggle for freedom, and of all the
practical principles and * political theory that enter
into the organization of a purely representative re-
public. t

The Anniversary of Ainericant Independence! If
there is one heart Within these Walls that d.oes not
feel its best impulses come Welling up from its

deepest recesses. its besthopes fer the continuance

6

of our institutions avvakened, and its best resolutions
to defend them confirmed, that heart is anything but
American. It is not the voice of the startling can-
non that booms over every plain, nor the fest-al dan—-
ces of night-fires that rise from every hill, nor the
echoing cry of exultation that swells from the voices
of sixteen millions of people; but it is the steady
resolution that respects the equal operation of the
laws of the land; that deep spirit of religious f®(—3llI.lg
that places its trust in the good Providence of God;
that intelligent and firm purpose that renews its feal--
ty in support of the great constitutional provisions of
our government; that proud elevation of a freeman,
Who, when he clearly sees the invasion of these
great principles, dares to combat manfully in their
defence ::---—--these indicate national feeling.

We come up here, not to decree a triumph to
some successful usurper over the people’s rights, but
to renew the obligations We owe to the principles
which carried our fathers througli the days of the
revolution, and which have raised our favored land
to a degree of prosperity unparalleled in the history
of nations. We come to consult on the principles
that develops and protect our interests in commerce,
agriculture and the arts; and, above all, to consult
on the principles that go to the preservation of our
free political institutions.

We assemble, not more to retrace the glorious
deeds of our fathers, than to transmit to our chil-
dren the spirit of the free institutions they planted
here. The past is full of events rich in stimulants

to the pride of the citizen, and to the adrniration of y

the freeman. «But the future will require all the sum
pervision of i.ntelligent experience, added to the

7

maxims of wisdom which our fathers left us, to con-
trol the tendencies that lead either to an abandon-
ment of the simple elements of our government, or
to a concentration of power dangerous to the con-
tinuance of free institutions.

It is grateful to meet on one joyous day of na-
tional jubilee, when all party feelings and bitter ani-—
mosities are buried, at least while we unite in reI1-
dering the homage of profound veneration to the
patriots who secured to us the bless:i11gs of a free
government. It is ,grateful to meet where the quiet
influence ojl'1'eligious reg*a1'd shall control all the dis-
cordant elements of party bitterness.

No one can well understand the spriiigs of New
Eiiglaiid habits, manners, and ieeliiigs, or compre-
hend our civil, social. and 1'eli.gious condition, with-
out reverting to the days of the pilgrims. The h:is--
tory of the little band of the May I+‘lower is an epoch
in the history of man. It is a theme Which, for its
(Ila.ri1i.g enterprise and ,magnificent results, puts at
defiance all the speculations of political philosophy,
and all competition of bold adventure. N othing
but the Liiiquencliable love of civil and religious
freedom could have rnatured and carried tlii'ough
that hold 1.1i'1dertal<i11,g. Three thousand miles ofa
wintry ocean would form a barrier to any ordinary
enterprise. But this little company, on an unprom-
ising coast, and on a comparatively unpromisiriig

soil, planted a colony eminently characterized for

ardent attachment to religi.on and laws.

The i'eli,gious impulses that carried the armed
population of Europe to Palestine, to recover the
venerated land of the cross and the sopulclire, had
n1in.gled with them the most fo1'cig11 associates:

  8

popular superstition,  military ambition, and love of
conquest. There, the purity of christian sympa»
thies was dimmed not only by an association with
load passions, but with criminal excesses. Here,
the motives to enterprise Were, the rights of relig—-
ious F belief y and of self government: freedom to
worship God, and to make their ovvnlavvs. Other
nations have gone through the process of civil War
and revolution to the same end. Here, a colony
was planted with principles that formed the index to
all subsequent proceedings, up to the Declaration of
Independence.

The solicitude of the early settlers Was not more
clearly demonstrated in providing for themselves by
the security of their personal rights, than in provi-—
ding for posterity by making ample provision for
the interests of learning. They believed that for a
people to be virtuous and happy, they must be in-
telligent. lt Was one of the anomalies of N ew Eng»-
land’s infancy, to niake her school houses the first
monuments of her prosperity; and the proudest
ionuments, of her maturity are her public provisions
for the education of"tl1e whole people. In this is
the ark of political safety. ' Themore intelligent the
Whole people, the less material isthere for the oper-
ations of political intriguers,. and the less danger of
the triumph of a political despot. Ignorance and
corruption are the elements that the Worst parties
of the worst times always cornbine, to carry out
their schemes of popular operation for selfish pur-
poses. The same general intelligence that gave to
the first settlers the power of detecting and control—-
ling domestic influences inconsistent with their per-
sonal and civil rights, also gave them a keen per»-

9

ception of the initiatory proceedings of the mother
country to reduce the rights of the colonists to mere
nominal privileges. I

That the project of raising a revenue from the
colonies should meet with determined resistance,
was a thing of course; and the stamp act and the
tea tax only accelerated events necessarily growing
out of the relations between England and the prov-—
inces.

The precautionary measure of collecting military
stores at Concord, was in keeping with the jealous
foresight of the resolute leaders of the day; and the
movement of the royal troops to destroy them, was
in keeping with a determination to crush every ef-
fort toward the maintenance of the growing spirit of
insubordination. In that adventure, the first blood
in the great drama of the revolution was shed.
Lexington and Concord were the theatres of mar-
tyrdom. Instantly, the latent energies of a whole
people, from one extreme of the country to the
other, were roused to action.

The same spirit of independence that led the pil-
grims to the rock of Plymouth on the 22d of De-
cember, 1620, brought to maturity that Declaration
of Independence which was made at Philadelphia
on the 4th of July, 177 6. I I

Up to the moment which if severed the last tie
that bound the colonies to England, our recollec-
tions go back with all the pride of a noble ancestry,
and with all the freshness of renewed gratitude.
Never did a nobler band of determined patriots act
with more solemn obligations. If unsuccessful, they
saw the fate that awaited them, and knew that their
names would be treated by the minions of power

0

I8

10

with the grossest ignorniny. But their confidence
was firm in the day of trial, and their faith was un—
wavering in the Providence of God, to carry them
through the struggle. And they did go through
that struggle, gloriously for themselves, for the Wel-
fare of their country, for the cause of civil liberty,
and for the just rights of man throughout the world;
and that successful struggle will have its iinportant
bearing through all time. History is doing justice,
and will for ever do justice, to the firm, devoted, in»-
telligent and grave signers of the great charter of
our liberties, at once the pledge of their integrity,
and the hope of rational freedom.

The jealousy witli Whicli the old confederation
Was formed, leaving it a tveal: compact, without the
main attributes of a governnient, and deficient in its
powers to secure political liberty, was indicative of
the Watchthl spirit that pervaded a large class of the
population. It cannot now be a matter of surprise,
that they vvhose feelings had been trained in a se-
ries of years of privation and suffering, and Whose
-ardent thirst for liberty coinnienced with resistance
to a power claiming to impose taxes vvhere the con-
sent of the people through their representatives was
not required, should, in the outset, guard against the
surrender of porver not absolutely necessary to the
administration of public atian's, and should resist the
concentration of authority in hands tioni which it
could never be tvithdratvn, except at the price of
blood and treasure. The eirperirnent satisfied a ma-
jority that the confederation was too feeble, and
that a new constitution was necessary. The de-

scendants of those daring ancestors who Won frorn I

royal authority that nobie charter from Which. En-

ll

glishmen date the proudest triumph of principle,
formed on another continent a second charter, as
proud a monument of secured rights and political
wisdom as the first great charter.

When the defects of the confederation wereper-
ceived, a convention was held to form a new con-
stitution, with provisions based upon the powers
requisite to preserve the union, but at the same time
"reserving to the people all their just rights. Never
was a moment more eve1‘itlul in its probable conse—-
quences!

The great division of opinion was on this point:
how much to yield, and how much to retain. This
point in political history had been settled heretofore
by three and violence, or by accident. But here,
the novel spectacle of  peopl.e quietly and judi-
ciously z:Ld.opt.i,r1g a new constitution was presented to
the €l.€ill‘l'l.fl,1'tIl.l2lO1‘l of the world. How far they were
siiccessliil, succeeding time has shown. The few
cliziiiges that have been made, after all our experi-
ence, forni the liiigliest tribute to the sagacity and
iriitegrity of that excellent body of men who matured
tliat llfTlS3‘l11?l'lli";I1()1"l.‘[.  

Aliinost within hearing of the enemy’s cannon,
and almost within reach of their bristling bayonets,
they had matured and put forth a summary of rights
not more remarl«s:able for its bold outline of political
Wl.S(l0II1, than for its wise consistency with practical
freedom. There never was a deliberative body of
men uniting more of the great qualities that dignify
human nature. No other body of men ever united
so much of personal intrepidity and of intellectual
power. They presented a spectacle, by their ex»-
position of principles, which, for moral sublirnity,

12

stands alone among the memorable acts of govern-
ment, and which is unapproachable by any emin-
terpart, for it adaptation to the great purposes of na-
tional prosperity. What the fitful flashes of the
polar lights are to the splendor of a meridian sun,
the miniature examples of republics in ancient days
are to the magnificent structure that is eminently
the home of civil liberty, and a defence of human
rights. What the great Athenian philosopher en-~
deavored to illustrate in his theories on an ideal re»
public has been practically matured in the new
world, in the successful results of a real republic.

Who shall sufficiently describe, who can ever im-
perfectly feel, the conflicting thoughts that arose in
the hearts of that memorable band that signed the
Declaration! On one hand, the colonies become-
degraded and oppressed for their manly resistance
to assumed powers and prerogatives; on the other,
the glorious prospect of a free nation, whose liberties
should be identified with the high and generous
principles they felt and avowed. On one- hand, the
rebel’s reward of treason; on the other, the patriot’s-
reward of success.

In discussing the events and circumstances of the
revolution, it has been a favorite topic of iiidignant
reproach to speak in denunciatory terms of the
timid who refused to bring their energies into the
struggle, and of the opponents who endeavored to
counteract the efforts of the daring spirits of the
times. But now that the events of that doubtful con-~
test can be looked upon clispassionately, the surprise
is, that sofew should be found base enough to desert.
the cause in which the wisest and the best were en-—
gaged, to obtain a successful issue, or die in the at-

.13

tempt. It was no holiday work then. Without an
army, without a navy, without munitions of war, the
finances in a disordered state, commerce annihila-
ted, and agriculture and the arts paralized in their
operations ;-----this was the condition of the colonies
when called upon to defy the gigantic power of that
government which had been united to us by many
common bonds of interest, with an immense arma-
ment at sea, and with hosts of well appointed and
well disciplined troops. Who would not pause at
such an eventful crisis, where success might secure
only an imaginary right, but where defeat must en-
tail the forfeitures and penalties of unsuccessful re-
bellionl
There is sometimes a proud reaction from the
barren denunciations that sought to stigmatize the
fearless leaders in the ranks of the patriots of those
days; a reacti.on honorable alike to the principles
involved in that discussion of rights, and to the par-
ties who were the subjects of royal anathema. When
General Gage issued his proclamation offering par—-
don to all who would return to their allegiance, he
made an exception of two names, so identified with
the events of those days, that the history of the times
repeats them on every page. John Hancock and
Samuel Adams were the distinguished exceptions to
royal favor; and no exemplification of titulary hon-
ors, no patent of nobility, ever conferred imperish--
able distinction on two names with more successful
results, whether for their endurance on the page of
history, or in the hearts of their countrymen.
, It is said of a noble Roman lady, that when asked
for her jewels she produced her two sons. “These,”
said she, “ are the only jewels of which I can

14.

boast.” In the days of the revolutionary struggle,
our country had no jewels to boast of but her sons ;
but every American mother Was a Cornelia; and,
inheriting from the pilgrims a proud spirit of inde-
pendence, and awakened to action by their general
intelligence, the mothers brought to the altars of lib»
erty the dearest objects that tvvined around their
hearts; and when their country, in its peril, re-
quired the sacrifice, they stood forth, and, like the
noble Roman lady, proclaimed, “ Here are our jew-
els ;” and they added, “ may they live with the inde—
pendence of their country, or die with her hopes on
the battleground of freedom.” Never was there at
nohler race of Women. Possessing all the self-devo-r
tion of ancient dignity, and all the gentleness of
modern refinement, they offered to God and their
country all that the ancient matrons offered to stow
ical ambition or maternal pride. History has done
them imperfect justice. Our fathers have received
the just reward of a nation’s gratitude for their deeds
in battle, and Wisdom in council; but the mothers
have not received the just tribute of admiration for
their generous devotion and heart-—rending sacrifice.

The stirring agitations of battle, the pride of con-4
quest and the awarded Wreath of victory are not
among the elements of Woman-”s ambition; but her
duties have more the attributes of moral greatness,
as they have not the stimulants of the Warrior’s gay
plume, the loud huzza of the multitude, nor even the
last honors of the sculptured monument.

That the government of the United States has
sometimes been deemed not sufiiciently strong to
resist the force of popular commotion, never was so
distinctly exhibited as in the days of republican

15

France, when it was attemptedto join the power of
the United States and France against Great Britain.
And one of the most perilous periods for the due
maintenance of the uncontrolled sovereignty and na-
tional dignity of our new formed government was the
moment when Washington, in defiance of domestic
and foreign influence, issued his proclamation of
neutrality. No event can more fully illustrate the
dangers of a refined speculation in the theory of
government, or of the facility with which the ex-
tremes of the principle of popularrights unite with
the spirit of licentiousness, than the fact that the
representative of repub.lican .ll‘1*a11ce dared to resist
the head of our own republic :in an otlicial act.
The nation that setup reason as an idol, and that
adopted the liberty-cap as a national einblem, would
almost, in our sti'1.1ggl,e for the rigltit of self—govern-
ment, have compelled us to worship the same idol,
and adopt the same 0'1’iI’l.'l)l(;‘,1"1"l. Our own proud eagle
might still have supported the national escutcheon,
but his strong grasp would have been upon the
chains of vassaltxge, and the lightning, of his eye
would have been quenclicd in darkness. The his-
tory of that time is a signalised beacon to practical
statesmen and practical patriots, that political rocks
and quichsands lie near the surface of the ten1pestu—-
ous ocean of liberty, and that the same healthful
breeze that fills the sails of the fair ship of the con-
stitution may dash it on the hidden enemies that

surround it.

The results of revolutions have so often been ad-
verse to the interests of civil liberty, or to any gain
for humanity, that it is not only with national pride,

« but with grateful recollections in behalf of all the

16

great interests of mankind, that we retrace the re-
sults of our Declaration of Independence. By‘ our
free institutions, individual rights in the security of
life and property are amply secured, not so much by
operation of law, as by the general intelligence, hon-
est industry, and virtuous habits of the people. The
theory of government formed and sustained exclu-
sively for the maintenance of individual happiness and
the public good, is every where understood and car-
ried into practice. The interests of education are
of paramount consideration. he equality of politi-
cal rights is recognized in our written constitutions.
Qualifications for all offices of honor, trust or emol-
ument, are capacity and integrity. The ordinary
course of industry and economy insures competency,
and good habits insure respectability. Every citizen
is a part of the creative power in the gift of all offi-
ces, and is eligible to all. By the blessing of God,
we have a climate favorable to health, and to vig-
orous mental and physical action. By the wisdom
and foresight of our fathers, we inherit institutions
unequalled for their adaptation to the great purposes
of humanity, civil liberty and personal rights.

However the past may have been marked by feel-
ings of the most unfriendly nature between the peo-
ple of the United States and of Great Britain, the
age of bitter and acrimonious feelings has passed
away. No benefit to either country can now re-
sult from a revival of the ancient causes of ill will.
How many common ties now bind the two nations
together! A common origin; the same language,
manners and religion; the interests of education;
and the same love of constitutional liberty, and well
defined and settled law.

17

if the past has been checkered with the perils of
war and rivalry, and national jealousy, the present is
full of promise, that the interests, of the two coun-
tries, in all the relations of i commerce, philanthropy
and letters, are better understood, and that the an-
tagonist position of these nations is no longer to be
seen, except in the honorable competition which
shall fulfil, to the highest possible degree, the des-
tinies of a mighty people, in the true enjoyment of
science, religion and civil liberty. And among the
promises for the continuance of our amicable re-
lations, may be placed the connexion by steam nav-
igation, and the recent arrival, from England, of the
first steam packet at our city. N o Bostonian could
have looked upon that glorious spectacle without a
feeling of laudable pride, and a deep anticipation of
hope that the prospects of successful enterprise
would be fully realized. No one could look around
on our lovely bay, and not feel an additional throb
of patriotism. A Our ample wharves lined with thous-
ands of gratified spectators; a beautiful sheet of
water studded with countless gay barques ; our ships
in their gayest attire; the welcome of the pealing
cannon rolling from shore to shore, and the wel-
come of countless voices borne in loud huzzas across
the placid waters; the flags of two countries float-
ing together in their broad folds, and in their inti-
mate, friendly relation; a noble ship of our own
country giving forth its charming music; and the
welcome visitor to our waters, the first of her de-
scription from the land of our fathers, dashing 011-
ward in the pride of her station, and in the power of
that mighty principle which is effecting its favorable

influence on the commercial, social and political re-

18

lations of the two countries! W ho could contem-
plate that glorious spectacle, and not feel an addi-
tional impulse in his recollections of the interests of
humanity, of his country, and of his own fair city of
Boston! This is not the glowing offspring of image
inative creation. Its end is not the temporary
structure of fancy, but the maintenance of commer-«
cial relations, not more important to the interests of
the counting-room, than to the interests of the work-l
shop, the halls of learning, and the halls of legisla--
tion. i y t T

The connexion by steam power is in effect a treaty
between two great commercial nations; not a treaty
formed by diplomatic agents, but created directly by
the spontaneous action of the people; not a treaty
formed on technical conditions, but erected on the
popular basis of our commercial and social interests.
Three thousand miles of ocean no longer divide the
two countries ; but a great highway is formed, where
the sea-bird has had his home. One element at
least---the mighty winds that have hitherto swept
that broad expanse of waters--—is now overcome by at.
mightier dominion under the controlling genius of
man. * T t A :
In the naval battles between the ships of the
United States and England, and in the battles on:
land between the armies of the two countries, the
contest has always been fearful. The aphorism of
Greek meeting Greek, as a sentiment of personal
prowess, is not longer the highest illustration of a
contest of brave spirits. It has been Anglo-Saxon
against Anglo-Saxon; and a firmer purpose to man-
ly deeds, and a firmer arm “to sustain them, were
never seen. The disgrace of defeat has therefore

19

been qualified by the consideration, that the victor
inherited the same ancestral claim with the vanquish-
ed; and when the star-—spangled banner and the cross

of Saint George have been placed in antagonist rela-

tion, the same blood stimulated the resolves of manly
courage, and the eagle and the lion alike inspired
with their proud daring the descendants of a com-
mon, chivalrous ancestry.

Among the peculiarities of the present age is the
immense amount of legislation. It is a proof neither
of the wise application of past experience, nor of
sagacious foresight, to propose the intervention of
written law for the correction of every supposed or
temporary evil. Nor will any legislation be remark»-
able for its wisdom, in after times, which has its
origin in stimulated and fiery passion.

The great evil of'legi.s1ating on individual cases
and for individual interest, always leads to palpable

conflicts that in turn soon require to be themselves

corrected by legislation. Besides, the popular will
is not always perceived until after legislative ac-
tion; and then the popular feeling repudiates the
original necessity for such intervention. The action
of legislative bodies is, or should be, the expression
of public opinion. N 0 man or body of men can, in
a delegated capacity, long resist its power. Like a
mighty torrent, it will sweep away all that oppose its
onward course. Whenever the popular voice is dis-
regarded, they who sustain official relations to the
people are not the servants, but the masters of that
people. And wherever clamorous pretensions to
patriotism and ostentatious promises ‘ of regard to
popular rights are found, there the most busy in the

‘.20

"display of patriotic virtue will bethe first to yield to
some counteracting agitation. *
There is another peculiarity of the present day:

the art of creating public opinion, or of creating

What appears to a cursory observer to be opinion.
As individual influence has declined, the operations
of men in masses seem to have increased. And in
this Way, artful intriguers and designing demagogues
-have operated so successfully as to create an impres-
sion that the public pulse beat in sympathy with their
schemes of temporary attraction and petty ambition.
When such influences push public bodies into legis-
lative action in vvhich private rights are disregarded,
there can be no Worse results of a factions spirit, and
no cause can be more efiicient in producing a dis-
trust of the capacity or the integrity of legislative
bodies.

Other operations have sometimes been successful
in effectiiig a particular course of action. Monu-
ments of the joint creation of corruption and folly
have sometimes been suffered to remain on the stat-—~
«ute--book. But they have been mostly swept away

by the indignation of the people, and men afterwards

have Wondered not more at the fierce spirit which
produced the experiment, than at the pusilanimity
that yielded to it.

It is not to be concealed, that With all the difiiision
of general intelligence, there is a growing impatience
of Wholesome restraint.   Written constitutions are
treated as the temporary expedients of a people, to
be made or unmade, in each succeeding day, as pas-
sion or caprice may dictate. Laws do not remain
long enough unchanged to obtain regard either for
their soundness of principle, or for their practical re-

21

sults. And not the least of the evils growing out of
this constant change is the contempt that is indulged
for legislation. A positive, partial evil is preferable
to such constant changes ; and the last place where
experiments are warranted is in the constitutional
and legal provisions that involve the great interests
of the country.

The theory of men’s equality, and the principle of
theright of private judgment,are making strange
practical commentaries, by the exciting conflicts to
which they give rise, and by the displays of fierce
pa.ssion which grow out of these abstract principles.
Unless intelligently comprel1ended, they lead to in—~
subordination to authority and laws,and to a disre-
gard for social order. ,

It is no uncommon thing for him who intends to
be a dictator, not to say a tyrant, to begin with the
attractive excitements and bold expositions of a
demagogue. One of the most illustrious instances
to show how power may be attained, without regard
to the principle that the people is the only true
source of power, a_nd that the general will should
control public affairs, was seen in the extraordinary
elevation of Oliver Cromwell to the executive power
of England. It was by the union of military force
and religious fanaticism, the most dangerous union
that could well be imagined, and which must result
in the worst form of despotism,”as the blind zeal of
spurious religion would sanction the boldest and
bloodiest excesses of the bayonet.

For the agitator’s reprehensible course of proceed-

ing, who seeks to put in action the conflicting ele— .

ments of society, who appeals to bad passions, dis-
trusts and jealousies, no very honorable opinion can

22

~ be entertained by him who desires to better the con-
dition of man; and above all, that mischievous pol-

icy is to be reprehended, that seeks to array the poor
against the rich, and the ignorant againstthe intel-
ligent. The inflammatory elements of suspicion
and jealousy are sufiiciently unrestrained, Without
the intervention of bad designs, intended to obtain
temporary success and popularity, through the em—
ployment of means ruinous to the public Welfare.

The artful demagogue, with selfish or traitorous
purposes, in haranguing on liberty and equality, de-
nounces the inequalities that industry and study have
made, and, appealing to the Worst passions of the
Worst classes of society, irritates their jealousies,
and places those less favored by nature or less for-
tunate by circumstances, in a hostile relation to oth-
ers more favored and more fortunate. In all time,
those having the most unworthy ambition have al-
ways entered upon their bad designs by using lan-
guage and pursuing conduct to entrap the ignorant
and improvident into a temporary confidence, the
consequences of which are most injurious to popular
rights. ,

So much has recently been said about the demo-
cratic principle, that it is proper to consider whether
in theory or practice, any organized party in our
community may justly assume to be most intelligent
or most devoted. There is a technical use of the
phrase which . is so indefinitely comprehended by
any analysis of principle, or: so remote, by its ultra-
ism, from any practical purpose, that there can be
no imputation of uncharitableness in the supposition
that many who are clamorous in its praises have no
clear idea of the principle, nor a very comprehen-

23

sive perception of its applicability even to our own

institutions. We, as a whole people, are agreed
upon certain leading principles, which, whether
technically called democratic or not, are the main
pillars and the main supports of our political fab--l
rics, and form the true basis upon which every free
government must rest. The true source of all po-
litical power is the people. The only true director
of this power is the public will. The only true pur-»
poses of governrnent are personal happiness and the
public good. Tl.1ese axioms embrace the theory of
our gove.rnrn.ent. In these are concentrated the
democratic principle which no one, A possessing a re—~
g:t1*d for our political institutions, will controvert.l
But not to rely upon abstractions, let us see how
these ax:i.orns are rnaintatiried in their practical ap-
plication to our national and state constitutions; in
other words, how the T democratic principle is there
carried out. The depositary of executive power
emanates directly from the people by a popular bal-
lot. The periodical returns of elections reserve to

the people the right of displacing this depositary at .

pleasure. The depositaries of legislative power are
also enianations directly from the people; and to
guard against the influence of ternporary eXcite——
rnents, which are not always the index of the public
will, one branch of the legislative power is so formed
as not to be cotemporaneous with the other in its
term of office. The depositaries of judicial power
are created by the executive, but subject to terrni--
nation on impeachment before the representatives of
the people. No branch of , government can exist
E1g£l"l.I1Sl1' the public will. If there is any other form
of the democratic principle, or any other develops»-

24

merit of its properties than these, it may be that the
claim to its exclusive possession is warranted. But
for any new discoveries of a subtle, impracticable
principle, a refinement upon speculation not adapted
to purposes of political science, very little regard will
be had for the arrogance of the claim, and verylittle
respect for the integrity of the claimant.

In the beginning of the Declaration of Independ-
ence, we find this memorable exposition: “ We hold
these truths to be self—evident :--—that all men are
created equal; that they are endowed by their Crea-
tor with certain unalienable rights; that among these
are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That
to secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the con-~
sent of the governed.” The preamble to the consti-r
tution of the United States is, “ VVe, the people of
the United States, in order to form a more perfect
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
provide for the common defence, promote the gen-
eral Welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish
tl1lS.,COl1StltUtlG11 for the United States of America.”
In the constitution of Massacliusetts, the commence-
ment of the preamble is, ‘-’~ The end of the institution,
maintenance, and administration of government, is
to secure the existence of the body politic, to protect
it, and to furnish the individuals who compose it
With the power of enjoying, in safety and tranquillity,
their natural rights and the blessings of life : and
Whenever these great objects are not obtained, the
people have a right to alter the government, and to
take measures necessary for their safety, prosperity
and happiness.” In all these is recognized this prin-

25

ciple, that all power is from the people, and is con--»
ferred only for the good of the people.

Coming to the constituents of the three difl"erent
powers, executive, legislative and judicial, there will
be some difference of opinion as to their universality
or restriction. Their universality would embrace
paupers, idiots, and adult Wards. Probably no one,
in the madness of defending natural rights, would
extend the principle to imprisoned felons, and yet,
the claim of pure, natural right would extend to
them. The principle must be either restricted or
unrestricted; and if unrestricted, it is not well seen
why its extreme will not lead to these absurdities.
Unrestricted natural right embraces the action of
every man, Woman and child in the country. It in——~
cludes as Well one sex as the other; as Well the Weak--
ness of childhood as the imbecility of age. These
are not the exaggerations of refined theorizing, but
are the results of unrestricted natural right, as cer-
tain as the deductions of mathematical science.

There is no secret in the mode of proceeding by
which designing and selfish men may mislead a por-
tion of any population. There  a charm in the
Very name of’ liberty, that comes home to the heart
and to the pride of every human being. But liberty
urrqiialiried is licentiousness. Natural liberty leaves
men to» act without restraint; civil liberty leaves
them to act Without restraint, except to the injury of
others or to the public. N aturalliberty and govern-
ment, therefore, cannot exist together; the very
terms are inconsistent with each other. The bad
use of the Word, liberty, in the mouth of i one intend-
ing to operate , upon inflammatory passions, cannot

fail to excite those who do not or cannot mark the
l 3

26

line between the fierce promptings of nature, and?
the regulations of government, social and political.

It is not so much the love of liberty, as uneasiness at».

restraint. r

Who then claims to be most intelligent in the sub-
ject of popular right, most devoted to its incorporaw
tion into? our political institutions, most patriotic in
its broad application to all purposes of government,
and most vigilant in resisting usurpations upon con-
stitutional barriers and legal enactments, made for
the preservation of this principle? Who clings to-
the principles of our Declaration of Independence,
and the popular reservations of our national and state
constitutions with the most deathless tenacity? Who-
has made and who will maize their manly and un-»

tiring resistance against the abridgment of popular

rights; resistance alike to the demagogue and the
despot? Our own city, we l{I1OW, and lVlassachu-
setts, We know, will raise a hand in the fear of the
God of our fathers, and will accept the adjura.tion«
that promises to preserve inviolate the principles
which are our common inheritance.

There is no greater degree of madness in the-
councils of a nation, than to depart from those prin-
ciples of political science which have led‘ to suc-
cessful results, carrying out practically the true pur-

poses of the institution of government. The fact of A

experimenting on the leading features that conduce
to prosperity, is of itself a positive evil, not only by
alienating the minds of the citizens from confidence‘
in the permanence of measures touching municipal
rights and property, but also from confidence in

the permaneiice of the political institutions them-

selves. No more ruinous course can be adopted

27
than “ to consult our inventions, and reject our ex-

perience.”
Among the subjects that come Within the range of

past experience, is the due organization of the mili-

tia, having three leading objects; “ to execute the
laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel
invasions.” There is no speculation on the efica-.
cy of a body of citizen soldiers, armed for the pro-
tection of their rights, so satisfactory as the illustra-
tion of their determined and unflinching courage at
Bunker Hill. The war-cry of blood ran from town
to town, the trumpet-note of battle sounded from
hill to hill, the watch-fires of liberty blazed from
mountain to mountain, and the patriotic deterrnina—-
tions of a whole people sprang into action at the call.

Never in the best days of feudal obligation, never
in the splendid ages of chivalry, did a feeling so im-
pulsive and so devoted prompt to manly action.
The farmer, straight from his plough, and the me—-
vclianic, direct from his Work--shop, resisted for an al-
most incredible space of time, some of the choicest
and best disciplined troops of Europe, flushed with
previous victories, and proud of the daring character
of their nation. The troops of England conquered
in that Inernorable battle; but it was a conquest that
made the bravest captains of the enemy respect the
rundaunted courage of armed American freernen, and
made some of the wisest statesmen of England fore-
see that the struggle would not be terminated vvitli-«
out a series of conflicts that would cost her treasures
of Wealth and oceans of blood. They foresaw that
it would probably rob the national diadeni of one of
the brightest jewels that ever graced a y European
n1onarcl1.t 1This ‘‘ allusion is not made in the boast of

28

national prowess, but to render just homage to the
militia service, and to mark its eflicacy in time of
danger. This is not the time for the discussion of
this subject; but it may well be asked if the condi-
tion of our militia. is all that would be desirable in
the contingency either of insurrection, invasion, or
any general resistance to the execution of the laws.
If the amount of legislation and the amount of time
devoted to this subject, in our Cominonwealth, were
to be taken as measures of the interest to protect it
and to mature its beneficial operations, it would be
supposed that we are aware of its importance for
the purposes enumerated in the constitution of the
United States. But when it is seen that almost
every change has introduced provisions paralyzing
to its energies, and depriving the service of its at-
tractions to our young men, it will be felt that the
service itself will become a mere name without effi-
cacy, a mere semblance of organization without
strength. If ever a systematic design of establishing
a standing army in the country shall be attempted,
it will be preceded by a successful effort to weak-
en and destroy the militia. The abandonment of
that service, as a national protection, will be the
prelude to a concentration of military power in
the hands of the national executive.

The people of New England have sometimes
been reproached with mercenary feelings, mak-
ing gain their highest good. But the best answer
to an imputation upon our liberality is seen in
the existing products of New England feelings,
principles and habits: her churches, her halls of
iegislation, her schoole-houses, and her colleges.
Our climate and soil give no promise of enervating

29

luxury, nor of heartless refinement; but they have
admitted the homely characteristics of industry and
frugality. The inspiration of freedom is not found
on the sunny plain, but in the invigorating proper-
ties of the mountain air. The simplicity of our hab-
its is no Warrant to infer pusillanimity, for We dare
to look with a steady eye to resist foreign foes,
and to lift a manly arm to strike down domestic en-
emies. N or are we so wedded to climate or soil, as
to mark the limits of our patriotism by geographical
lines. The earliest dreams of our youth were ming-
led with our hopes for the enduring and uninvaded
continuance of our free institutions; and the last
prayer of our manhood will be for our whole country.
Speculations upon the permanence of the union
are not productive of patriotic enthusiasm, nor of pat—-
riotic resolution. A doubt is implied in the discus-
sion; and we should as soon speculate upon the con-
tinuance of personal integrity, or the permanence of
personal virtue. These are topics insidiously design-
ed to weaken our confidence : and this done, one of
the citadels of our safety is already thrown down.
The provision made by law for the maintenance
of public schools, and for the education of the whole
people, is a subject that enters largely into the cal-
culations of the permanence of our institutions. No
beautiful proportion, no vastness of architectural
grandeur could for a moment rival the proudest
monument of our city, in the efforts here made for
education. The single fact, that of eight hundred
and thirty two thousand eight hundred and fifty seven
dollars, the annual expenditure of the last year, one
hundred and fiftysix thousand one hundred and two
dollars were expended for public education, is alone

30

the highest evidence of devotion to popular rights
and free institutions, and is the best pledge that ra-
tional freedom will not degenerate here to the level
of licentiousness.

The introduction of steam-engines and rail-roads
is effecting a revolution next, in importance to hu-
man happiness, to the art of printing. When the
country shall become intersected in every direction
by these facilities to social intercourse between the
remotest States of the Union, the perception of our
common interest will become more definite, and
feelings of nationality will become stronger.

The rivalries or the jealousies of the South and the
North ought not to come over the bright dreams of
the day, but they form points in the history of our
country Where the noble emulation of patriotic feel—
ing may be kindled at the parallels of public bene-
factors in different sections of the country. Virtue
and patriotism have no geographical limits.

There is one great name that stands alone, unap-
proachable, and unparalleled. Already you have
anticipated the name of Washington.

T In the bright recollections of the past, if We often
return to the distinguished names of the North, and
tell, amidst a constellation of Worthies, of the un-
daunted courage of James Otis, We return also to
the distinguished names of the South, and tell, amidst
a constellation of vvorthies, of the patriotic services of
Patrick Henry. The South has had the proud dis--
tinction of giving to our country the sagacious states-
man Wl1O had a leading direction in framing the Dec»-
laration of Independence. It is an honor of which
the sons of a milder climate may Well be proud,
and the North has uniformly and ungrudgingly ac-

31

corded a distinction which has reflected lustre over
our common country. We too have our sectional
cause of proud distinction. If it required the Ajax
of the South to erect that glorious palladium of our
country’s political safety, it has also required the
Achilles of the North to defend its principles. The
sagacious son of the South sleeps with the fathers of
our country: the brave son of the North is still a
surviving benefactor to their children. To the South
belongs the fame of the Framer of the Declaration:
to the North belongs the fame of the Defender of the
Constitution.

To the bland climate, productive soil and gener-
ous spirit of the South, We oppose the invigorating,
mountain air, the persevering habits, the Water power
and the daring intrepidity of the North. To the
broad prairies of the West, dotted with unnumbered
herds, and whitened with countless fields of grain, We
oppose the broad extent of our sea-coast, its waters
dotted With unnumbered ships, and whitened with
the canvass that bears them to every ocean and cli-
mate. These are the several interests that give a
spring to the industry of each. The cotton grower
of the South, and the manufacturer of the North,
find their interests in the exchange of product and
labor; and the agriculturist of the West, and the
merchant of the sea—-coast, find, in the exchange of
their articles, a mutual benefit. All these great in-
terests will be still better understood, and the resour-
ces of our country more broadly exhibited, when
continuous rail-roads shall intersect the land from
North to South, and from East to West. The re—
sults of these mingled interests and close intercourse,
will be seen in their best forms, in the security and

32

permanence they will give to the union, and to all
free institutions.

In the past, We trace the infant colonies growing
into manhood, and forming and encouraging all
goodinstitutions, to promote general happiness and
the public Welfare; resisting all encroachments on
their legal and constitutional rights; bravely and
successfully contending for the privilege of self-gov-
ernment; and wisely laying the foundations of a
great and mighty empire. In the present, We see
developed the elements of the freest government;
the popular will controlling the complex machinery
of public affairs; religion, in its various forms, plant-
ing its countless churches, and all with the equal pro-
tection of law; learning, in every department, useful
and ornamental, literally dotting the land with its
school-—houses, academies and colleges; our citizens
regarded with sentiments of kindness abroad; and
our national flag treated with respect on every ocean,
and in the remotest corners of the world. In the
future, hope points to a glorious inheritance for our
children; a vast legislative republic, with principle
to counteract the schemes of ambition, with intelli-
gence to preserve their political integrity, and with
virtue to trust still in the God of their fathers.