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Qumcr, Jun 9, 1838.
Rev. Wifliam P. Lzmt,

R1a:vEaEN.o AND DEAR Sm—--‘At at meeting of the School Comrnitteo ,
and Teacliers ol'Quincy, held this day at the Centre School Room, it was
ummimoudy voted to present the thanlcs of the Committee, in behalf of
the citizens of Quincy, tothe Rev. William P. Lunt for his very able
and eloquent Address delivered before the Citizens and Schools of Quincy,
on the 4th i:;st., and to mqitest :1 copy for the press.’

Very respectfully, yours, etc.,

JOSIAH BRIGHAM, Secretary,
School Committee.

QUINCY, JULY 11, 1838.

DEAR Sta---I have just received, througlt your favor, a copy of the
Vote: passed at a meeting, on the 9th inst, of the School Committee and
Teachers of‘ Quincy-—-and in compliance with the request therein con»-
tnined. will, as soon as my erigzigeiiwuts permit, prepare, and place at
their disposal, a copy of‘ tho A(Jl(lr(.=ss rlnlivered lwl"ore the Citizens and
‘Schools of Quincy, on the recent celebration of out National Indepen-
dence. .

Witlt thanks to the School Committee and Teaclters for the kind marr-
ner in which their vote is exprcssecl, I am,

Respectfully, your friend and servant,
‘WKLLIAM I’. LUNT.

JOSIAH BRIGHAM, Esq. Secretary
School Committee.

newness

FELLOW Townsmnn AND FRIENDS z---——

The day has again returned which we hail with patriotic
pride as the birth-day of our Country. Sixty and two years
have passed since our fathers, on one of the most grave and
interesting occasions that ever engaged the attention of man-
lrind, and by one of the most sublime acts ever performed by
mortals, signed their names to that Declaration, which pro-
nounced these, then Colonies, independent of the Nation to
which they had belonged. ~

Among the distinguished men who composed that august
assembly, and who put their names to that Declaration, this
Town furnished, from its native children, two, whose names
will blaze forever, stars of the first rnagnitude, in the brilliant
constellation’ which occupies that part of our national firms.-
ment. Hancock and Adams were born on our soil, and grew
amidst the scenes which are so familiar to our eyes and the
eyes of our children. An honest pride prompts‘ us, on the
present occasion, to recal the fact, that these men, whose names
have become such familiar sounds to the ears of freemen all
the world over, were born here. They breathed the air which
we are now breathixrg. They looked out upon the same as-
semblage of objects in nature that gladdens our eyes from day
to day. They received the sign of baptism at the font of this
church. And it will not be considered inappropriate to this
occasion, to mention the interesting fact, that in the old book of
Records, belonging to the Pastors of this ancient church, under
the head of Baptisms, may be found, in 1735, the name of
John, son of John Adams, and in the succeeding year, without
the necessity of turning over a lent‘, the name of John Han-—
cock, son of the then Pastor of the church. These two distin-

4

gnished men were then in their cradles, and were brought up
by their parents, before they could distinguish right from
wrong, to receive at this altar, upon their infant brows, the
water of Christian Baptism. I cannot express to you, fellow
townsrnen, the interest I felt, when my eye for the first time
read the following simple Record:

‘ John Hancoclc-—-—my son.’

Little did the faithful Pastor imagine, while he thus gave
expression to his natural affection, in enrollitig his infant son’s
name among the members of this Christian Church, what was
to be that son’s fortune in the world.

In 1736, January sixteenth, my predecessor, the Rev. Mr.
Hancock, wrote upon our Church tablets—-——‘John Hancock,"
my son.’ In 1776, July fourth, John Hancock wrote- his own:
name upon that document which was destined to bear witness
to the baptism of his country. On that memorable day, he-
and his illustrious compatriots were assembled, to give a name
to their infant country, ‘to pledge their lives, their fortunes,
and their sacred honor,’ that it should be trained in the prin~
ciples of freedom, and to invoke upon its future growth and
prosperity the blessing of Almighty God.

And you have come up, fellow-townsmen, into the house of
our solemnities, on this day, to celebrate the event, from
which our nation dates its origin. You have come, you and
your children with you---an interesting group. It was the
command of the great Jewish Lawgiver to his people, that
they should diligently remind their ofipring of the great:
things which God had done for their fathers by his servants,
thatlthere might be a perpetual memorial of them in the
hearts of succeeding generations, a sentiment of patriotism ex-
alted into piety.

We are told that Hannibal, the great Carthaginian general,
thelimost formidable enemy the Romans ever had, was led,
xvhena child, to the altar by his father, and made to swear

etternalhostilityrto.Rome. You bring your children to an altar,

whichallows no such vindictive oath. You present their: be-
fore the altar of a peaceful Religion, that their tender and sus-i
ccptible minds may be impressed with a mixed sentiment of

5

patriotism and piety, surrounded as they are with the symbols

of their country’s glory, and the instruments of Christian wor-
ship. They may be, and it is to be hoped will be, impressed
by what they behold this day, although they may not appre-
hend all that will be, uttered. The eye rather than the ear,
is thesense through which childhood is’aff'ected. Your chil-
dren see these consecrated Walls filled by a glad multitude;
they catch the expression of proud exultation which lights up
the countenances of their elders, and when they ask, for what
all this celebration, they will understand the answer---that
this is the day when their fathers shook off’ the yoke, and be-
came free.

In selecting a subject upon which to address you, fellow
townsmen, on this interesting occasion, I have been guided and
determined by the peculiar circumstances under which we are
assembled. The pupils of our schools, with their instructers,
meet to celebrate this day. And what could be more appro-
priate than such a celebration? Freedom and Education !
they are walking the Earth hand in hand. They are united
by the laws of Heaven in an eternal alliance. Wlterever Ed-
ucation scatters the darlrness of ignomrzce, there Freedom is
sure to follow, and chains fall from the limbs of oppressed hu-
manity. And no instrument has ever been devised and em-
ployed by'rnanl<ind, more effectual for the elevation of society,
than the system of free schools which our fathers bequeathed
to us. It is a truly republican institution. Vlfhen the fathers
of New England conceived the idea of establishing such
schools for their children, that moment, the freedom of this
western world was made certain; a virtual assurance was
given to the world that here, popular forms of government
would alone flourish. if we look back then, and seek for the
chief causes and instruments of our political and civil blessings,
we find the school to be among the foremost. And when
with anxious, yet hopeful spirits, we loolr forward, from what
quarter, I would ask, do we gather cheering omens, and whence
proceeds our confidence in the permanence of our freedom ? I
answer---that next to the altars of our holy faith, the schools
where the children of the land are to be educated, rise to give
confitlence to the hopes. we entertain for our country. i

6

No one of the numerous topics connected with the great
subject of Education, will therefore be considered by you inap-s
propriate to this occasion. And as my own mind is strongly
impressed with the peculiar importance to our people of moral

  Education, I shall occupy the short time during which I shall

trespass on your patience, in offering a few thoughts on this
branch of the subject.

And as a test of the superior importance of moral over in-
tellectual culture, I ask: you, is it to the intellectual or moral‘
qualities of our fathers that we are mainly indebted for the
blessings associated. with this day and occasion ? Washington
was a sagacious military man. He had been disciplined in‘
the old French war. In that war" it seems as if the provident
Genius of our country were forming the youthful hero, and‘
preparing him for the great part he was destined subsequently
to act in the war of Independence. Wlien, therefore, the pa-
triots of ”76, stood in need of a military leader, the eyes of all"
were immediately fixed upon Washington. He had all the
knowledge and? skill which actual service and experience could
impart. But was it the amount of military or political knowl-
edge he possessed which made a Washington ? Among those
who stood side by side with him in the field, or who sat with
him at the council-board, there were men of more brilliant
genius than his. and of more varied attainments than he ever‘
pretended to. It was not his talents alone, but his virtues, his
patience, his prudence, his fortitude and courage, his integrity,
his fearless and cool resistance to what was wrong, his firm
opposition to tyranny abroad, and to the passions of the multi-
tude at home, his inflexible justice, his noble rnagnatnivnity,
his sacrifice of selfish feelings to the good of his countr_v, his
moderation——~—it was these and kindred moral qualities, united
with his talents, that formed the man who merited the glorious
appellation of Father of his country.

What made Franklin such an efficient friend to his country
in most perilous junctures? Was it his originality of mind,
his keen sagacity, his quiclt invention? That these intellect-
ual qualities were eminently serviceable, as they are and ever
will be highly honorable to his country, it would be absurd to
deny. But ‘there have been other philosophers equally as

’7

‘sheen-sighted, as original, as inventive, as Franklin, that would
have entirely failed to fill the place be occupied. Had he pus:-=
sessed such an insensihle soul as not to be capable of being
touched with the wrongs of his fellow men, and not to wish
to do somewhat for the benefit of posterity ; had his heart been
so cold that ifcould not be kindled to a flame of patriotism, he
might have vindicated his title to the fame of a great philoso-
pher by his writings, but would never by hisrdeeds have con-
tributed to the independence of his native land. It was the
character of Franklin, his moral qualities, that made his
genius, his sagacity, his marvellous, practical wisdom, availa-
ble to his countrymen.

And it was so in the case of Moses, if from modern. we turn
back to an ancient example. What fitted Moses, (I refer now,
solely, to natural, and not to miraculous qualifications) what
fitted Moses for the great, the sublime, the most difficult enter-
prise he tool: in hand, to lead his people out from Egyptian
bondage, and to make them a separate, independent nation?
Was it his native genius ? Was it hisintellectual education,
which had been in all the learning. of a country, which stood
foremost among the nations of the Earth? Was it that he
had been brought up under the care and patronage of a king’s
(laughter? No, it was the generous sympathy which warmed
his soul when he ‘looked on the burdens of his brethren.’ It
was the indignation which boiled in his bosom-when he ‘spied
an Egyptian srniting an Hebrew, one of his brethen.’ It was
the noble self~denial which led him to refuse to be called the
son of Pharaoh"‘s dau.gl1te1‘---because he chose rather to slider
aflliction with his people than to enjoy the pleasure of sin for
a season. And this sympathy with those who were wronged,
this inrlig;z'iatior1 at oppression, this noble self-denial, were
moral qualities, and without them, all the genius ever confer-
red upon the most favored mortal, and all the learning of Egypt,
would not have constituted him the great founder of a Com-
rnonwealth and legislator that he was.

But why, it may be asked, bring forward such examples?
How are they pertinent? Can such. moral qualities as these
men possessed, be transferred by any process of Education to
other minds’? And why not? Is it only knowledge, what

8

pertains to the head, that can he imparted by instruction ? ii
the child can he made to admire noble traits of character, why
should he he incapable of instruction on the subject? ‘Why c.-Tana
not the heart be educated as well as the head 2-’ True, all the
education in the world will not rnalre every one a Vifashingtottr,
any more than the most aniple means and appliances of ed.u»=
cation will make every arithrneticinu a il\levvton. No person
can go beyond his measure. Nature tires the limit of each
one"s capacity, andtin ililre manner of each one’s growth in
virtue.

It will not be necessary, l am sure, for me at this time, to
enter upon any argument to show that the moral sentiments
are as much a part of human nature, as the intellect. It is
sufficient on this point to say, that the business of life to be well
conducted, and the relations of life to be preserved, depend as
much upon the virtue as upon the knowledge that exists in the
community. Truth, honesty, justice and the like, are as much
needed to sustain the fabric of society, as knowledge, learning,
skill, Sagacity. Nor is it necessary to spend much time in
proving that morals can be taught, as well as the rudiments of
learning. It is sufficient to remind you that principles are
acquired, and that character is gradually formed in the world,
by the conversation we listen to, by the books we read, by the
examples we are familiar with. We are constantly learning
and teaching moral qualities.

I shall rather endeavor, during the short time I shall tres-4
pass on your patience, to urge. upon you the inzportartce of an
increased attention to moral culture in our systems of public
Education, and it will be my object to present this subject in
connection with some of our great public interests.

A word or two as to the position we occupy in the present
period of the world. For a true and correct idea of our posi-«
tion will indicate the direction in which we ought to apply our
energies.

A slight attention paid to the history of civilization and so-«
cial progress discloses to us three prominent periods in the
history of society, and the three principles which in these dif~
ferent peridds bind society together, are l'orce,intelligence, and
right. When rnanltind pass out of a savage into a civilized

a

state, the first step leads to a despotic governrnent. l'n such a g

state of society, and under such a government, physical force
is thepbinding principle---one will sways the whole mass. The
machine is simple, because every thing must conform to the
idea of the master-spirit. Thistanswers very well as long as
men remain in ignorance. But when they grow more enlightw
ened, the restraints of government are considerably relaxed.
Men rebel now against force. They have minds of their own,
and are capable of forming judgments. Talent is now the ce-
ment ofsociety. The sword and the dungeon give place to the
tongue ofthe eloquent orator. The great captain yieldshis place
to the accomplished statesman. Policy takes the place of force,
and persuasion of compulsion. And the last stage is when
the sentiment of right is the ruling principle. Not that this
sentiment does not always, in every period of society, exist to
a certain extent among men. The heart of man every where
is animated by this sentiment. But in the earlier stages of
society the sentiment is feeble. It is some time before it is
strong enough to become a rule for the regulation of private
conduct, in the relations of individuals. And it is still longer

before this sentiment becomes strong enough to be the ruling,

cementing principle of society---«to determine public afl'airs.-——-
Mankind for a long time need force, to restrain their passions,
to tame their wild, fierce, nnsociable natures, to make them
quiet in the neighborhood of each other. Why? is it asked :
we may answer with the Poet,

“because the good old rule
Suiliceth them, the simple plan,

That they should take, who have the power,
And they should keep who can.”

 

And even after intellectual cultivation has corntnenced, it is
long before the interests of society rest upon any thing higher
or more solid than the struggles of contending factions array-
ed against each other, under their respective leaders. He who
has the most talent, the most skill, the most cunning, the most
knowledge of human nature, succeeds, and his faction is upper»
rnost. Intelligence is only used as a substitute for force. The
minds of a number are consulted, instead of leaving all to be
determined by the mind and will of one man. i ‘ T

an

inn!

10

JVVhere the foundation-principle upon which society rests is
intelligence, the most constant appeal is made to self-interest,
to pride and prejudice. Is a favorite measure or system of pol»-
icy proposed? It is the object of the statesman, the popular
orator, or demagogue, to show how the measure will promote
the interests, the pecuniary interests of the community; or
if there be occasion, appeal is made to national rivalries and
jealousies, or to sectional animosities---—and in this way the
measure is carried. .

The next period is when, besides intellectual culture, the
mass of society has become penetrated and possessed with
moral ideas and sentiments, and until this moral leaven has in
some measure leavened the mass, and has created, a public
moral sentiment; a free government, a. irepublic—--cannot be
permanently sustained. And it is perhaps owing to the lack
of this moral sentiment generally spread through society, that
the ancient republics of Rome and Greece had so little stabili-
ty; They did not want intelligence, if they could understand
and relish such orators as Cicero and Demosthenes, and such
poets as Homer and Virgil. What they wanted was moral sen»
timent in order to give stability and solidity to their judgments,
to prevent them from being carried about by every wind of

doctrine, and from becoming the blind followers, and credulous t

dupes, of plausible demagogues.

It is the nature of true freedom to enlarge theisphere of in--
dividual action, to make the individual of more consequence, to
multiply his relations, to extend the ties which connect him
with his fellow men, and of course to increase his duties.
Under despotic government there is only one duty which the
subject owes to the Sovereign, and that is tame submission
and obedience. In a wild democracy too there is but one duty,
and that is blind subserviency to a favorite leader. But in a
vvell-rconstituted republic, the duties and obligations of the
citizen are numerous. The laws are what he should help to
enact. The administration of justice is more or less pure and
impartial according to the share he contributes in performing
the duties of a juror or counsellor, or Witness or judge. The
orderand peace of society depend, in some measure, upon the
support which he, as an individual, gives to the civil magis-

11

trate in upholding the laws, and in the countenance which his

example furnishes to those institutions, upon which private and
public morals depend.

With us intellectual education has been carried to a great
extent. We have had our free schools, invented and handed
down'to— their posterity by our ancestors, and they have done a

blessed work for us. VVe ha-ve had our colleges, .universities,..
lyceums, with the system of ptopular Lectures; our free press,
too-—-sending out millions upon millions of pamphlets, books,
tracts, for the instruction of the public mind. The whole ap~-

paratus of intellectual education has been here set in motion
on a great scale, and with very visible effects. Nay, the re-
suit has been triumphant. The means and instruments put in
operation, have done all they could be expected to do ;--they
have made our people as intelligent, as sharply observing, as
thrifty as any people on the face of the earth. We are the
great Northern Hive from which a redundant population swarms
to other sections of our wide and fertile country. We colon-
ise the vast deserts of the West, with our enterprising emi-
grants. No wind but fills our sails. No sea but wets our keels.
No harvest of wealth but is reaped by our labor. No gold-
en fleece but is sotiglit for by our daring and slcilful adventur-
ers. But it is beginning to be felt, that this is not enough.
All this success, this thrift, this prosperity, is the result of a
merely intellectual culture. The whole grows out of a sharp»-
ening of the wits of our children. Not that the morals of our
community have been neglected. As the world goes, there has
probably been a considerable attention paid to morals among
us. But the progress of society has of late directed a new
and closer attention to this department of education. Men
are begining to be more alive to this point, than they ever have
been before, more aware of its transcendent irhportance in re-

gard to the public welfare, and the question is begining to he

asked very earnestly——-Whether something ought not and can-
not be done, to malcernoral instruction more systematic, more
thorough, more effectual.

What is freedom? It is deliverance from unjust restraints.
It is the privilege to choose one-’s occupation, place‘ of abode,
associates. It is the power of obtaining whatever of wealth,

1;‘?

of honor, of ofice, may be within the reach of a man’s tal‘enn
and merit. It consists in the power to check one’s rulers, and
to determine What laws shall be enacted. It is immunity from
suffering and loss at the capricious nod of any individual.—~—--
Yet it is not lawlessness, it is not the absence of all whole»
some restraint. If there were no laws and social institutions,
there would be no social privileges to enjoy, no common bene«
fits to share. There must be authority supreme, and from
which there can be no appeal, lodged somewhere. Say where
it shall be lodged, if you please. But somewhere it must be.
This must be for the protection of the weal: against the strong,
of the peaceful against the unruly and quarrelsome, of the
honest against the knavish, of the well principled against the
turbulent. Government, laws, social institutions, then, are
your safeguards, and it is for therinterest of course‘ of every
man that those institutions should be upheld and maintained.
And if society confers, in this way, privileges and blessings
upon theindividual, it demands in turn of the individual the
discharge of certain duties. You are secured in the enjoyw
ment of your several rights of person, of property, of reputav
tion. You call on the government to protect and defend you,
whenever these rights are assailed. When your property has
been unjustly detained or seized upon, you invoke the tribu»
nals of justice to restore to you your own. And the voice of
the hurnblest citizen, obtains a patient hearing within the courts
of justice. Does an unprincipled assassin lie in wait to attack:
you, with malicious intent against your own life, or the life of
one who is clear to you, you appeal to your country, to inter»
pose her sacred and impenetrable shield between you and cles-
truction. Does‘ a skulking enemy insidiously impugn your
character, assailfiyour motives, blacken with reproaches your
good name, and hold you up to the contempt and hatred of
your neighbors, youcall upon the constituted powers to punish
the slander, and to reinstate you in the favorable regards of
the world, Do you visit foreign parts, you travel under the
protection of that flag, which cotnrnands the respect of the
wo.rl.d. . “ t i i '~ ,

These are some of the blessings and advantages you have a

right to claim, and which you are constantly receiving, from

” 333’

the community, the state, the republic. And do you owe nothr-i
ing in return? Should you not repay the debt you are con-
stantly incurring? Rights and obligations are reciprocal
terms. And is it not proper that our children who are grow»
irigap around us, while they are taught to glory in their coun-
try, and to cherish her honor as the apple of the eye, should
also be taught the duties which they owe to that country, and
which they will be called on, when grown to man’s estate, to
discharge?

The idea of duty, of moral obligation, as between individu-
als, is, comparatively spealting, well developed and defined in
our cornrnunity. The mass of Society, at the present day,
not only understand what is meant by an obligation for an in-
dividual to be honest in his dealings with his neighbor. to ad-
here to truth, to be just and impartial, and the like, but they
may he said to feel the sentiment of duty in these respects,
and to aclrnowleclge the obligation that binds them. But be-
tween individuals and associations, between individuals and
chartered companies, between individuals and the co mrnunity
or state, and lastly between nation and nation, the idea of
duty, of moral. obligation, seems to be very .irnperf'ectly recog-
nised, and very slightly felt, and hardly at all acted upon.
And why is this so ? The answer, at least one answer to this
question is at hand. It is, in part,hecause, in most countries
the individual, the private citizen has hitherto held no such rela-
tions to society as formed a g'round~worlt: for duties. He has
been generally considered, like the private soldiers of an army,
in part of a great rnachine, that has his place, and must not
move from it. Society has been a piece of mosaic work, and
individuals like the minute hits of stone, each fitted into its an-
gle, and from that unable to move or to be moved. What
room for the sentiment of duty to occupy my mind, and de--
termine my will, when physical force is ready to seize upon
me, and compel me in a certain direction. In the case of the
ancient republics, the niernbers of the community were govern-
ed by impulse and enthusiasm, rather than by any well ground-
ed, sober, steady convictions of duty. It is only in modern
times, it is only, shall lsay, here, among us, and only corn»
rnencing even here, that a conscience in respect to public af-

14

fairs has been unfolded and exercised. It is a remarlc not
unfrequently made, that a man will, without reluctance, advo-
cate measures, and sanction acts, as a member of a party, or
corporation, or legislative body, or public assembly of any sort,
which he would blush as an individual to own or countenance.
IfI rightly apprehend then the present position of things
among us, we are in the midst of an important revolution, a
revolution which is in the course of accomplishment, silently
and secretly. The most important consequences hang upon
this change, and unknown good and evil, mingled as they
always seem to be in this world, will result in far future periods
«of time. A new element is now in the course of introduction
into the public mind, an element of fearful power, a truly rad-
ical element which bears the seed, wrapped up within it, of
universal, thorough, searching, radical change. The element
to which I allude is conscience. Conscience, moral principle,
a conviction of right and duty, enters into and sways the mind
of our community as it has never swayed community before.
Politics are now blended with moral convictions. Parties are
based upon moral opinions. Laws are enacted with a direct
and avowed reference to_ What is absolutely and essentially
true and just and obligatory. Heretofore, and still‘ to a very
great extent, it has been thought justifiable to have one set of
principles for the regulation of the conduct of the individual,
and a differenlt set forpublic affairs. The business of the
state-of the public---—-has been managed upon economical prin-
ciples, upon principles-of expediency. What is best for the
present juncture of affairs ? What measure, willsuit existing
circumstances? How shall impending evils be warded ofi”;
and immediate relief be gained? These are the questions
which have been most frequently asked by politicians and leg-
islators. The idea of making any public measure a matter of
conscience, of trying any law by the standard of abstract right,
of seeking for a policy which should be accordant with the
principles of an everlasting morality,-—--suchra notion, I say,
would have been sneered at and derided, until very recently,
in the most enlightened nations upon Earth. Go to the his-
tory of that distinguished nation from which we derived our ori-
gin, England. Examine her legislative proceedings-—--study the

15

pages of her eminent statesman, and see how narrow are the
.principles to which they appeal. What has been the character
of those statesmen and orators who have been the boast of a.
land fertile in genius and glory? Too. often they have been
profligates ; ambition has been their ruling principle; popular-
ity has been their idol ;, the passions and prejudices of the rnulu
titude have been appealed to, oftener than the everlasting rea-
son that enlightens the race. How few of them can be said
with truth to have acted according to the directions which the
Poet puts into the mouth of the fallen minister of Henry VIII
when he says :-—--
“ Cromwell, I charge thee, fling away ambition;
Be just and fear not.
Let all the ends, thou aim’st at, be thy country’s,
Thy Gocl’s, and truth's; then if thou i'all’st, O Cromwell,
Thou f'all’st a blessed martyr.”
How many of them might apply to themselves the ruined
tminister’s reflection upon his own course :~------
‘‘ 0 Cromwell, Cromwell,
Had I but served my God---with half‘ the zeal
I served my King, he would not in mine age
Have left me naked to mine enemies.”
If a statesman were but patriotic, he has been thought to
have reached the highest point of perfection. But is it suffi-
cient in a public man that he shouldbe patriotic, that all his
measures should be entered upon with a view to his ccuntry’s
innmediate good? Have truth, and morality, and christi-v
anity, and God, no claims upon a statesman? To appeal to a
higher principle than patriotism, to thinlt: of legislating for
the moral improvement of a country, or to be influenced at
all by moral considerations in legislation, would, until recently
have been regarded as visionary in the extreme. Under the
screen of patriotism, how often have acts of gross injustice
been performed! How easy it has been for statesmen, wan»
tonly to attack the rights and institutions of some foreign peo-
ple, and embroil their country in a war, useless, expensive,
wasteful of life, accompanied with devastation and horrors in-
numerable! And yet such statesmen have been applauded
for their patriotic spirit, and the horrors they have occasioned
have become glorious, when viewed through the blinded eyes

16

of prejudice and national pride. The Word policy expresses
the principle according to which state affairs, public business
have been conducted. He who has had art and address suffi-i
cient to carry his favorite schemes has been looked upon as the
accomplished statesman, to whom the ship of state could safely
be intrusted. In the middle ages, as well as in ancient times
great national objects were gained by War. In the field of bat-
tle, by mailed champions, or by trained hosts of disciplined
troops, kept and fed and armed for the purpose, all great ques~
tions of public concern were settled. Might made right. He
who conquered in the field was the favorite of Heaven, and was
considered to have justice on his side. No room was left for
peaceful discussion of points involved in dispute. The short-
est argument, and the most conclusive one, for a rude and
fierce age, was the sword--——or the bayonet.

But as men became more enlightened,wars were less frequent-
ly resorted to, and less confidently relied upon, as tests of riglit.
It began to be found out that brute force was not the only, or
the surest instrument for accomplishing ambitious designs.
Then it was that state policy, diplomacy, was invented. The
cunning and sagacious statesman gained his ends by dissimu-
lation and bargain, instead of hazarding important interests
upon the result of a fierce encounter in battle. With the
statesman, who began to take the place of the great general,
grew up a body of representatives in modern nations, who
bore the character of a deliberative assembly, and whose busi-
mass it was to deliberate upon all matters toucliitng the public:
interests. In the old countries of Europe, these bodies con-
sisted of mernbers taken from theseveral orders of society.
The nobility or aristocracy, with their different ranks, would
obtain a chief place, and for a long time would exercise the

» chief influence. The hierarchy or church, would occupy’

another conspicuous place in such assembly. And the people,
the commons, the plebeians, by whatever name theywere call-
ed, would sustain but a feeble part in the great game of poll»
tics. Vtlhere therewas a continual strtrggle, as there must
have “been in society soconstituted, between the tlifferent or»
ders, to preserve their several rights, and to resist any attempts
at encroachment upon privileges t long ienjoyed, or course,

1’?

liegislatiioln would not be based upon any very broad or profound
principles. It would consist chiefly, if not solely, of temporary
measures and enactments, in order to strengthen theorder of
things that already existed, and to oppose any encroachments
upon the rights of the privileged or aristocratic class.‘ Parties
would grow up founded upon such narrow principles. It was
unavoidable. But in modern times, the third estate, as it has
been called, the commons, has grown so fast, that, like Aaron’s
rod, it has swallowed up the other rods. Coronet and mitre
have with us disappeare_d. We have neither nobles norlbi-
shops. We are all reduced to one estate, as far as rights and
privileges are concerned, and that estate is the people. We
are all the people. And there is motive and occasion in such
a state of society, for a more enlarged kind of legislation.
There is moreliberty to bring forward and support measures
upon their own merits. And, I thinlt, it will be found from
history, that legislation in modern times has been growing
more and more enlarged, and has been brought nearer and
nearer to a moral standard, a standard of absolute right and
justice. The fact is, that with the people, the commons, the
third estate, as they have been contemptuously termed in older
countries, the sentiment of justice is sounder and purer, than
in any other class. Let the great body of the people in any
community be permitted to pass judgment on any measure
that may be proposed, and they will generally decide upon
fair, honest principles; they will judge of it, as they would
judge of any private matter between neighbor and neiglibor.
They know and recognize only one kind of right and justlce,
whether in state aflairs, or in the affaiyrs of individuals.

1. In reference, therefore, to legislation, the importance of
moral education, among the rising generation, is fully attested
by the circumstances of our times, and by the spirit of our
community. Legislation, as I have endeavored to show, has
not heretofore been in accordance with morality. Laws have
commonly-had reference merely to the outward prosperity of
a community, their immediate safety and interest. If the pro-
posed laws were proved to be expedient,adapted to the partic-
ular juncture and position of affairs, and popular, it has been
thought that nothingfarther need be inquired. A struggle

5')
O

18

has been going on for ages, to bring the policy and written‘
laws of a country to correspond to, and agree with, absolute
justice and right. As the conscience of mankind has been cul-
tivated, there has grown up a demand for harmony between
this enlightened conscience and codes of public law; and in
civilized nations of modern times there has been a slow and
gradual approach to such a harmony.

Laws, in a free country, we are in the habit of saying, are
the expression of public sentiment. And in a certain sense
this is the case, or the laws in question would not be put upon
the statute-boolc. But consider a moment the criminal code
of our country. .The laws which impose certain punishments
for specified crimes---—-are they an expression of the sentiment
of the community? That is an important question. Their“
being enacted at all proves onlyethis much, that theyiexpress
the convictions of the wisest and best members of the commu-
nity at thetime they are passed. Is it true that they are the
utterance of the great conscience of the multitude? This
is a question which we shall answer, according to our opin»
ion respecting the moral cultivation of the members of the

community. This correspondence between the laws and the“

private consciences of individuals is just what it is desira-
ble to effectt. If it were effected perfectly, it would supersede
the necessity of laws, because in that case every man would
do exactly what is right. But this is only an ideal state of
society. A perfection which cannot be reached ; we can only
hope to approximate to it. Our hope in this country must be
that our population may, in the great body or majority of them,
be so far morally educated, that the laws will be able to sue-
tain themselves, and execute themselves. Take the case of a
people, living under republican forms of government, who are
not virtuous enough to approve a particular law; of what avail
is it that that law is written on the statute-book? How can it
be enforced’? Where are the means of carrying it into effect 
You haveinogovernment forces to execute it. You have dis-V
pensed with force. ,You rely solely upon public sentiment.
Andin thename of allwe hold dear and sacred, I ask, what is
that sentiment without virtue, without moral education ? Talre
the case of a mob,» of popular excitement and outrage, of which

l. Sir

We have had within five years past in this country, enough to
make the most determined enthusiast for demoisracy look sober
and thoughtful. For the time the excitement lasts, the laws
are in the same state as if the majority were not convinced of
their propriety. How will you put down such a mob? Shall
it be by your body of peace oflicers ? Why this is like setting
lambs to defend the flock against wolves, and the effect is
about the same. Our chief reliance must be on the moral ed-
ucation of our people. Their private convictions must be
brought into harmony with the laws, or those laws will have
no adequate support.

But, moreover, it is a question, whether legislation should
propose to itself the moral good of the community. Ought it
to be the direct, acknowledged aim of legislation to promote
the morals of the community? This is an important question,
and it will be interesting to observe how it will be answered by
the practice of our legislatures. Some among us seem greatly
alarmed at the symptoms already discernible in our commu-
nity, of such a tendency. But whatever may be the result of

certain measures recently adopted in the midst of us, (and

their wisdom is questioned by good men) the fact is indispu-
table~———that moral considerations are influencing our legislation
very essentially, and are destined, we may expect, to influence
it still more, in future. Men are more and more inclined
every day to bring laws and institutions to a moral standard:
and judge of them by an everlasting rule of right and justice.

2. Onhe more---—in reference to parties and politics, the d

subject of moral education is interesting and important in
a republic. Undoubtedly many evils grow up in connex-
ion with parties in society. But they seem to be inevita-
ble. Especially in a free republic like ours, there will ever be
a great diversity of opinion on public questions. And why
should not parties be grounded upon moral principles? How-
ever, we may answer this question, the fact is, that there is a
strong, an irresistible tendency to this result in our community.
Every subject with us is settled at the polls.

And connected with this subject of voting the importance of
moral education is pressed home upon our convictions. One of
the most important privileges of the citizen in a free state is the

20

right of suffrage. He helps to elect his magistrates. And
there is asolemn duty connected with this right. The man
who casts his vote for an improper candidate for office, must
hold himself responsible for any mischief that may be done
through the incornpetency of that officer. Iask you, fellow
townsrnen, is this right of suffrage upon which we pride our»-
selves so much and so justly, is it wisely, and above all, is it com
scientiously exercised in this country? Are men selected for
ofiice, and voted for, with reference to their qualifications, and
above all, with reference to their moral character? Is it con-
sidered important to have good men, true men, honest men, to
fill our offices? Have we not had in our councils men, whose
characters have smelt to heaven with ranlt offence E‘ And have
not such men‘, gamblers, due-llists, libertines, drunltards, and
profiigates as they have been-——have they not been chosen to
‘office, and kept in office, by the votes of good, sober, honest,
christian people, going to the polls, and casting in their votes
so negligently or with so much political prejudice, as not even
to inquire what is the character of the candidate? Is it not a
shame and a reproach to a country that these things should be
so? Does it not evince a lamentable insensibility that there
should be among us such recklessness as to the moral charac-
ter of our public men? Is it not time that a new organization,
of parties took place among us, and ought not our people to
look to something else besides talents in determining whether
they shall give their support to candidates for office? My
friends, this is surely a topic of vast importance to plain repub-

licans, who love the institutions under which they live, and

who would do what they can to perpetuate them. Every male

“child, in this interesting group before me, that grows up to

man’s estate, will be entitled to exercise the right of a voter,
and thus exert his share of influence upon the institutions of

his country. Am I far out of the way when I ask you to con-

sider the importance of moral education, that they may use
their political powers aright. It is to the honor of this place,
that those of our townsmen who have occupied high offices,
(and there have been many such) have been men of eminent
worth and virtue, aswell as of transcendent abilities. lMoving,

‘as they have,l‘arnidst all the temptations of political life, crowd-

21

ed as their time has been by a mountain. mass of official business?’
they have yet not failed to preserve the simplicity, and the
purity of their characters. They have evinced the most punc-
tual and scrupulous reverence for the order of God’s house, and
for the maintenance of all Christian institutions, and have thus
made all good men, all true patriots, all sincere Christians,
their debtors.

I know no better or safer rule in the exercise of the right of
suffrage than to vote for a good man, a trustworthy man, and
not for a great bad man, though he have the gifts and powers
of an archangel.

3. Again, the importance of moral education for the youth
of our country might be illustrated in reference. to the business
enterprise so characteristic of our people. In haste to get
rich, our citizens plunge into wild speculations, despising the
slow and sure gains that result from a regular trade or occupa-
tion. What is this better than gambling? The tide sets so
strongly in this direction in our country, that it needs all the
firmness that the strongest moral principle can furnish, to resist
the temptation. Much might be said on this topic. It is sure-
ly one of vast moment to us. To form. good citizens there
must be some regular occupation, which may employ the ener-
gies, and exercise the good habits of the citizen. But I can
only glance at this topic, and

4. Pass on to remark that a sound and thorough moral edu--
cation is our only hope for the abolition of great social evils--
such as war, slavery and the like. How much have the occa-

sions for War been lessened in modern times! Besides that

commerce has taught the useful lesson that nations are depen-
dent on each other, and that it is for their mutual interest that
they should preserve amicable relations ;-—--besides this---« which
is the lesson taught by modern civilization, there has been grow»
ing up, and strengthening, from year to year, an international
morality, a sentiment of public justice, faith, and fair dealing,
and also a feeling of abhorrence at the atrocities of war. Let
such sentiments be strengthened by moral education, and in
time they will be stronger than all national pride, all love of
glory, all military enthusiasm, all vindictive national animosi-
rties, all ambitious designs. This is the only human means by

25.2

which We can help on the fulfilment of the ancient predictions
of Scripture that, “' the Lion and the Lamb shall lie down to-
gether ; ” “ that men shall beat their swords into plough-shares,

and their spears into pruning-hooks, and not learn the art of

war, more.”

Such are some of the beneficent and glorious results which
the experience of the past authorizes us to expect from Educa-
tion, thoroughly carried out, and extended to the moral as well
as the intellectual faculties of man’s nature. Yes, we may
adopt the glowing language of a distinguished modern Poet
and say :-~--

‘‘ Change wide and deep and silently perf‘orm’d
This land shall witness; and as days roll on,
Earth’s universal frame shall feel the effect
Even till the smallest habitable Rock,

Beaten by lonely billows, hear the songs

Oi‘ humanieed society, and bloom

With civil arts, that send their fragrance forth,
A grateful tribute to all-ruling Heaven.

From culture, unexclusively bestowed,----
Expect these mighty issues; from the pains
And faithful care of unambitious schools

Instructing simple childhood’s ready ear ;
' Thence look for these magnificent results.”

My friends, I have presented to your consideration such
thoughts as have suggested themselves to my mind, on the
subject of moral education. and have endeavored to offer my
remarks, in connexion with some of our important public in-
terests. , And let me in conclusion say that Religion is the only
true and sufficient basis for public or private morals. A Let it
be the aim _and, (endeavor, therefore, of every good citizen, of
every ardent patriot, of every lover of Freedom, that, as far as
his exertions and his example are concerned, christianity shall
be honored, and her institutions upheld and respected, in the
community. It is a lesson which all History teaches us, that
christianity hasnbeen the most eflicient agent in the progress of
modern civilization, and in the establishment of free institu-
tionsin the world. ,And ifthis be the case, if christianity has
exerted such a powerful influence in the onward march of So-
ciety, and in the defence of human rights and freedom, let So-
ciety cherish, with peculiar fondness and gratitude, this divine
benefactor. Far, 0 far from us be the day, when a savage

9:3

impiety or a cold indifference shall reject or undervalue this
faultless guide, this best friend of man. Let it be remember-at
‘ed that in past ages, when a merciless despotism had fixed its
gripe upon the nations, it was her thrilling voice that called
forth the champions of freedom, and cheered then‘: on to their
seemingly hopeless conflict with oppression. Let it never be
forgotten that, when a proud aristocracy trod downitheerloww
er classes to the dust, it was upon her eloquent pages that the‘
doctrine of human equality, and the picture of a self-govern-"
ing, conscientious republic were inscribed-5 in characters of light,
and, like the hand-writing upon the Wall of the Babylonian
Monarch, sent a death-shiver into the limbs of Tyranny. Let
it be borne in mind, that she rescued woman from the barbaw
rous servitude of a menial, and from the gildedslavery of the‘
voluptuous harem, and made her the centre of home, and the
mother of all the virtues. And, finally, let it be remembered‘
that this Religion, venerable with age, and that has come down
to us, wafted on the tide of time from a remote antiquity, by
the prayers and benedictions of a mighty hoetoif patriots, free-r
men, and martyrs, has lost nothing of its original, inherent
energy. lt still precedes Society. Its principles areistill in
advance of the best attainments of the most favored nations.
It still walks forth, not, it is true, with the same power it once
possessed, to unstop the deaf ear, and raise‘ the dead; but still
working its moral miracles, and breathing into the social, civil,
political bodies the breath of life. Do you aslr me, then, what
is the best wish that can be formed for these "children before
us, who are so soon to become the men and women, the citi-
zens, and mothers of our community, I answer, that their
minds may be instructed in the principles, and their hearts
imbued with the spirit of the christian Religion.

To the children assembled here on the present occasion, let
me, in conclusion, address a few remarks.

"What I have said, my young friends, in this Address, has
been of you rather than to you. The sum and substance of
it all is simply this. That knowledge and learning are not
enough without virtue. Get knowledge, get understanding,
but with all your getting, get virtue. Be good. Be true. Be
honest. The illustrious men of Whom you so often have

 

24

heard, who made this day a great and a glorious day, were
not only great men, men of learning and wisdom and elo~
quence, but they were virtuous men. “ The memorial of vir-n
tue ” says the wise man, “is immortal. When it is present,
men take example at it; and when it is gone, they desire it:
it weareth a crown, and triumpheth forever, having gotten the
victory, striving for undefiled rewards.”

The importance ofuniting virtue with knowledge, I shall
endeavor to illustrate by the following fable: i

In a country of the East, a great while ago, when the world
was young, there lived a little child. As he lay, one sultry
day, in the shade of a wide-branching tree, he wished that
some angel would come to him, and grant him his request.
On a sudden he was alarmed to find that his wish had been
complied with, and was awe-struck at the presence of a ce-
lestial visitant. It was too late now to recal his wish, as his
timidity would have dictated, and the benignant countenance
of the angel put courage in his heart, and set him very soon
at his ease. You called me, said the angel. I come from the
spiritual World, where one of our number is assigned to be the
guardian and guide of every child that is born into this world.
Their angels do all stand in the familiar presence of the Father.
And there is such a strong sympathy and intimate connexion
between each human being and his angel, that not a wish can
be formed that is not known in the spiritual world. Why have
you called me? And what is your request? I long for lrnowl-
edge, said the child : Can you procure it for me? Your desire
is reasonable, replied the angel, and the object is attainable.
But before yourirequest is granted, it is important you should
be preparedfor the reception of the gift. So saying, the angel
took: the child by the hand, and led him into the midst ofaa
great plain, where a vast concourse of persons, of all ages and
of both sexes were present, dispersed about and employed in
various ways. The angel placed his young charge in a com-
manding position, andthen began to point out to him the prin-.
cipal objects before hitn. In the middle ofthe plain stood two
trees,.one of them the tree of‘ Knowledge, and the other the

tree of Virtue. You observe, said the angel, there is a great ,

eagerness to get at the fruit of the tree of Knowledge. Look

25

“what a crowd there is about it. Some, you perceive, have
climbed upon the branches to pluck the fruit, and there is one-
who has ventured upon the slenderest and highest houghs,
out of at passion for the fairest and ripest fruit. Ono striking
tefihct produced by eating this fruit, is that it sharpens the ap-
petite for more. But in order to tunderstsnd the various effects
of this fruit upon those who psrtrtlre of it, you must observe
more particularly these several groups scattered about on the

plain. And who is that figut'e strutting along so gaily, aslted
“the child? That is Vanity-*. replied the nttgel. He has eaten

of the fruit of the tree of Knowledge, and he it'nagines himself
the greatest, nay, the only being in the universe. Wlio but I?
he seemsto ash‘ in every feature, and every movement. But.
let him pass, for his is not by any means the worst case before‘

“you. Knowledge pt.lf'i‘&?tll1Up--l3I1t‘ll)Ett is not the worst it does.

Look now at that evil—eyed person who walks along with’ such
to fierce expression of hatred in his countenance. That is
Envy. He was so ttfrttid that his companions would gather

more than himself, that he would not eat ofthe fruit of the
‘tree of Virtue, and now he is miserable. But who is that»
tasked the child, is so busy among the crowd yonder, and

who seems to be taking pleasure in setting them at variance.

"That is Mischief’, said the angel. He has eaten. his fill of the

fruit of the tree of Knowledge, and it seems to -have intoxicated

"his brain. He understands the natures of those he converses
with, and he delights in unsettling their minds. He brings
‘forward ever new and startling notions about governtnent and

religion. "Wherever he goes, it is a signal for confusion and

~quarrelling. Turn now your eyes to another quarter of the

plain, and look at that conspicuous figure who is busy aiming

tdeaclly machines at the crowd which oppose him. That is

Ambition. He has eaten of the fruit of the tree of Knowledge,
and it has sharpened his invention; he ltnows the secrets of
nature ; he has penetrated the mysteries of the earth, and see,
and air‘; and he is using his lmowledge and power to destroy
this fellows, and to erect a throne for himself. But there would

. be no end if I atternpted to point out all to you.

Look now to 3. difihrent class of persons. On this side of us
fore those who after gathering {roan the tree of Knowledge, took

4

care to supply themselves with the fruit of the tree of Virtue,

Mark how idigfferent their aspect from the groups we have been
observing. Their faces beam with a benevolent expression.
They are busy applying their knowledge to useful ‘purposes.
See, some are employed inventing instruments which may
serve the useful purposes of life. Others are framing laws, col~
lecting men into societies, and teaching them to live together
peaceably, and strengthen and aid each other. Some are dis—
coursing to their fellow beings on the laws of the Creator, and
pointing out to them their obligations, and warning them of
their imminent dangers.

I have seen enough, said the child, to his angel guide. Let
me taste of the fruit of the tree of knowledge, but let me also
partake of the fruit of the tree of virtue.

And the angel left him with the promise that his request
should be granted.

My young friends, let your prayer be of a similar kind. '

Givfe me knowledge, but give the virtue to guide it.