‘. V 2' ‘é v v " ‘; . ,, q A , wwnw §.\\‘1L‘l-W aw, *Ms.\‘€a.\h vmcm '\ ~.v.w nwnvm I mg. ‘my my, gm 9; A '%b~ g ryfiwmncuv‘ vaawm-*7 ‘mma:/k “ W W €§'i\f\‘i‘ _ i ‘§‘£\\‘:!§ $1 .\\"t\\‘ %j L »A -.\\\\\‘ -_:s\\?s'|5‘. *3?‘ . $.23‘ kgaea. ~ V 'v.&:«*§/;;.‘ ' ‘ ‘ ‘ ' ,;‘ ‘ N’ we; I , H” M‘ re E “m : . 4 94‘ “ '». P ‘ V W ‘/ ~‘ ~ g '. . ‘ ‘xu *‘.uw'a\mm~§ ».f-arm was-r3§-‘ mm mm mm; ‘ w mrw M.‘ ~Wm'v~‘. NM t“ ‘*\M“»'«;;}\ ‘ -"w~‘W fig‘ Or I I M, . W \ W , . 5‘. N, . win, ~« 1!! A fiw , l a 9 r. ‘ ,, Q 5‘ .A..1%i ORATION DELIVERED BEFORE TI*1Ii‘. NORWICII LYCEUM AND MECIiANICS’ INS'I‘ITU’l‘E, ON '.E‘I~I.’E 5:11 OF JULY, 1830. my WO1"t'.I‘I«IING-TON HOOKER, M. 1). PUBLISHED BY REQUEST 013* THE LYCEUM. NORWICH : rnmmn 1:1: .1. DURHAM. 1830. NOTICE’. Some siight adéiitibns have been made to this Address, since 355 delivary, which were omitted then, to avoid too great le11gth.+., ®I:'3&“3II©No ---u-v-.av--Q.‘-M---— We stand on sacred ground»----sacred to the cause of reli- gion and liberty. Our ancestors came not to these shores for gold, or for power; neither did they flee from any penalties of justice: but they came, with souls exalted with devotion, and fired with a spirit of lofty daring, to seek an asylum for religion and freedom, in a land, to them a dreary unknown wilderness, to us the abode of peace and plenty and joy.---- This small but noble band, on the rock at Plymouth, found- ed a nation, which in less than two centuries made its influ- ' ence to be felt to the extremities of the earth. Tfteligion and liberty were the guardians of its infancy, and they are now the strength of its nnanhood——--t0 may they never weep over its de- cline. Thus glorious, thus hallowed was the origin of this nation. External splendour constituted not its glory, for there was none of it there 5 neither was it human power, for the only strength of the feeble and destitute band of pilgrims was the strength of christian faith and courage.-—--l\lo, it was a ltiglier glory than the pomp of power or princely splendour could conferw-a glo- ry founded on the principles, which animated and supported 4 our ancesters, while they fled across a thousand leagues of water, and made their home on a shore, cold, barren, and in- habited only by savages. It is these same principles that con-, stitute the glory of this nation now. Wl'1at would be our irn-e inense population, the vast extent of our territory, our cities,_ our navy, our commerce, wide as the world—-——-jwliat would be all the outward splendours of this nation, if these principles, which fostered it in its feeble infancy, were now, in its strength,_ cast away? They would be but tlie gaudy displays and mad rejoicings of a people rushing heedlessly on to destruction. It is, then, an inquiry most interesting, to every lover of his country, how shall these principles, which hallowed the origin of this nation, and now constitute its glory, its safety, its very life, be preserved in vigorous operation? How did our an-; cestors expect them to be preserved? Let their conduct give the answer. They bestowed their first and most assicluous care on all those institutions, which would make a people intelw ligent, moral and religious, and it is these that have thus far’ been the safeguard of our liberties. The institutions of reli— gion, our schools, our. colleges-——-all the means of promoting. the diffusion of knowledge, have a most intimate connexion with the stability of our government 3, they are essential to our. existence as a free republican nation. I would call your at- tention then, on this occasion, to the hearing which the diffu- sion of knowledge has upon the welfare of this country; a subject appropriate to the day which has brought us together, and especially so to the society that have called me to address them. This will be to me a more welcome task, than to tread the ground which has been so often trodden before me, on this anniversary, and Iiliope it will not be without interest to my audience. ' T ' ii 1 use the word knowledge, in the widest extent of its mean--; ~_ing, as including general information, scientific and literary knowledge, “but above all, that lstnowledge which beams iron]: the pages of the Bible. VVhile this last should be counted the most essential, they should all go together: the temple of God, the school, the college, and I may add, the Lyceum too, should be considered as pointing to one great object, to en- lighten and purify manl<;ind, ' W The influence of mere intellectual knowledge, (if we can indeed separate it from that which is moral,) is generally good. Though it is often so perverted as to he made the instrument of moral devastation, its general tendency both in individuals and communities is to exalt and refine, while that of ignorance is to debase and corrupt. It pre-occupies the powers of the mind, and thus prevents the passions from going out continu- ally to the vicious temptations which are presented on every side. It communicates vigor to its faculties, and gives to it a proper estimate of its own dignity, sothat it values those rights which God has confeired upon it, and will resist every effort to trample on them. A cultivated mind will feel its indepen-~ dence and its strength. And intellectual culture not only ex- alts the powers of the mind, but it purifies its character also; it strips it of those "ferocious and grovelling qualities, which are the attendants of savage ignorance. That such is the general ten-. dency of intellectual cultivation, is obvious, when we compare an ignorant people with one which is distinguished for science, learning, and the arts. And it is this tendency which makes one great point of distinction between savage and civilized communities. This is not so obvious when we compare a savage people with one whose civihzatiop is grounded on Chris-«: tianity; because this has an influence so powerful, and the-»_ 6 rough, as to throw into the back ground every other point of distinction.’ But if we make the comparison between nations, tvhose religions are only different kinds of l1eathenisrn,we can see most strikingly the softening influence which the cultiva-— tion of science, and all the various arts, has upon the character of society. The occupation thus given to the powers of man, has an evident huma7zzL::ing tendency. The religien of a half civilized nation, may differ very little from that of a sav- age tribe, in its repulsive and cruel features, and yet there will be a imrnanity in the character of tliafiiiiation, which you will look for in vain, in a horde of savages. Civilization comrnon- ly softens the general character of a people, much more rapid- ly than it does their religion, because rnanltincl are apt to cling to long-established rites, though they 8;l;'¢3I.1’1‘étl;'lt’{-‘All with the greatest cruelty. I am speaking here of civilization, as eflfect- ed without the agency of that most powerful of all instruments, the Christian religion, When this is brought to operate in the civilization of a people, the process is avery different one; for there ensues at once, a struggle between false and true religion. In all cases, christianity is to be considered the grand means of civilizing a people, but tlieintroduction of science and the arts, must be regarded also, as almost indispensable. From the above considerations, we may conclude, that while moral knovvleclge is the great, the effectual power, which can exalt and purify the character of an individual., or a com- munity, intellectual cultivation is generally subservient to the same great purpose. Wl1e11 it is not so, it is an exception, an anomaly. The number of those who have boldly "devoted their talents to the cause of infidelity, is small, compared with the crowd of gifted minds that have bowed in deep reverence be»- fore the throne of God, and consecrated their powers to llllf-5 7 service. Learning, though sometimes perverted to the most’ impious ends, cannot be charged with anything like an inher- ent tendency to scepticism and infidelity." The history of the world shows that its influence has generally been of an oppo-s site nature. And the same can be said with much more con» fidence, of the tendency of an universal difusion of knowl- edge. Infidelity ranges, no where so freely as in an ignorant population; but in an intelligent, reading, thin-king communi» ty, she commonly gains few or no proselytes. Since knowledge then, in all its forms, has such any influ-— ence both on individuals, and on the whole face of society, there is no form of it which has not a hearing on the morality, and consequently the prosperity and permanency, ofa COI‘I1ml1- ty. The more freeand thorough, therefore, is the difihsion of knowledge, both moral and intellectual, through the mass of the people, the more secure will be the basis of our liberties. Point me to a community where general intelligence prevails; Where the institutions of religion and education are prized as the greatest of their privileges, and receive a cheerful support : and I will point youto a community where the rights of free- men are valued and will be defended in every emergency.-—-- On the other hand, show me a community where the light of knowledge but feehly glimmers amid the dark, wide sway of ignorance; where theinstitutions of educationand religion are but partially supported, perhaps not at all; where the Bible, the textbook of true liberty, is littleread and still less regar-r dedq; and I, will show you a community, ,Which is fit, not for peaceable, cheerful 1iberty,hut for either wild licentiousness, or abject stubrnission to despotism. The form of our government is such, that its permanency depends on the intelligence and virtue of the people. Wher..~ 8 ever the principle of free representation is introchtced, the peo» ple, in effect, governing themselves, the clifliusion of knowledge is absolutely necessary to their existence as a nation. If the mass of this great people were an ignorant and debased multi- tude, and the blessings of knowledge were confined, as itis in many countries, to the palace and the chamber of the scholar, better would it be, for the permanence of the government, that the principle of representation should be utterly given up, and that a despotism be established in its stead. Popular igno- rance constitutes the best security of a despot; but it is de- struction to a republic. The principle of representation, which is the distinguishing characteristic of a republican form of government, is a mighty power; whicl1,'wl1en‘guided by intelligent virtue, pours forth every where the blessings of freedom; but, when in the hands of vicious ignorance, scatters as widely anarchy and destruc- tion. This power is committed to this vast nation, and well may we be solicitous for the issue. i 'I‘hough every freeman now esteems it a rich possession, worthy of all the struggles which it cost our ancestors, it may yet prove our very ruin. Suppose our form of government were at this moment es»- tablished in Rus'sia—-l-that the throne of the Czars were at once cast down, and that there were instead, halls of legislation, filled with the representatives of that gigantic nation. Who could prescribe the limit to the commotions which would con- vulse, and the wars which would devastate that mighty empire ll’ ~ And if ignorance could now brood over our fair country, as it does over Russia, the same wars and CiO1*I‘lInOtlOI1S;;W0l1lC1 ensue here»---peace, the peace of liberty would take its flight, and ‘We should be left to”'the_uhorrors of licentiousness. It would be a mistal