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ORA'I'I01\ T,

DELIVERED

ON TUESDAY, THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1823,

IT BEING THE F IFTIETH ANN IVERSARSZ"

OF

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE;

BEFORE THE
SUPREME EXECUTIVE OF THE COMMON WEALTH,

AND THE

CITY COUNCIL AND INHABITANTS

OF THE

CREW mf Emswm

BY JOSIAH QUINCY,
Mayor of the City.

..__4.-.

Delivered at the request, and printed by order
of the City Council.

 
:-————_.-.—.

BOSTON :
‘TRUE AND GREENE, CITY PRINTER?“

U I I Q I I I I O C II

ORATION.

ON the fiftieth anniversary of the Independence of our
country,--—-on the great day of our fathers’ glory,--—-—We as—-
semble to speak concerning their virtues; and to tell of
labours and sacrifices, by which they gave existence to our
nafion.

p More than half the term, allotted, in the ordinary course
ef Providence, to the longest human life, has elapsed,
since that event. Those, Whose age, or experience, guide
the afi'airs of the present time, were than children, or
youths ; witnesses, Without being partakers of that struggle.

How natural and suitable is it, on such an anniversary, for

the fathers of the present day, to speak concerning the

fathers of former days, to one another, and to their children ;
who are destinedto be the fathers of the age, which his to
come 1

We are, then, fellow citizens, assembled, not to take part,
in a light and vain show, but to perform a solemn, and.
somewhat a religious duty. Parents and children,----we

have come to the altar of our common faith, not, like the

4

Carthaginian, to swear enmity to another nation, but, in the

spirit of obedience and under a sense of moral and religious

obligation, to inquire what it is to fulfil Well our duty
to ourselves and our posterity. And while we pass
before our eyes, in long array, the outspread images of
our fathers’ virtues, let us strive to excite, in our own
hosoms, and enkindle‘ in each otheijs, that intense and sacred
zeal, by which their patriotism was animated and refined.
Fifty years after the-~»-occurrence-e of the greatest of our
national events, We gather, with our children, around the
tombs of our fathers, as we trust,----and may, heaven so
grant E---fifty years hence, those children will gather around
euros, in the spirit of ,ig1'atitutcle and honour ;-—--—to contemplate
their glory ;—-----to seek the-lessons suggested by their eXan1-
ple;---and to examine the principles, on which they laid.
the foundations of their ,ccuntry’s prosperity and greatness.

But if, as Americans, it be natural and suitable to » con-
secrete this day in our affections, liow much more as citi--
zens of Boston,---inhabitants of that city, known through
the world, as the cradle of American liberty ;--staiiding, as
we do, under the canopy of that sacred temple,* which was
l10,110t1I‘E2€l,t in the most trying times of our revolution, by the
boldest breathings of our chiefest patriots; which was pol-
luted, in the most disastrous times, by the war-horse,‘ which
neighed and stabled, in this sanctuary ;—--surrounded, as we
are,,Mby.,the direct descendants of those, who were first and
most fearless, in the day of severest trial I

V Wlhere shall the memory of the great men of our revolu-~
t_ The Oldyfioutli Church,

5

tion be,_l1Qnou1"ed, if it be not in this oity,i11 -this ‘temple, and
intllis assembly is y y y A y   M

i What future age, What ydistant regioyn, hearing”,ofwtlte
American Revolution, shall not also hear of “iFaneuil Hall”

and of “V The Old South 5” where the early spirit of,Ame1'i;-

,c.an,,..l,i,berty,f stood in dignity, fidelity, and fearlessness;

while sentries, with fixed bayonets, were at our State;-house

doors ;—-—While Boston was but a garrison ; its islands "and

harbours, possessed by a vindictive and indignant foe ;—---its

trade, suspended by British cruisers; famine threatened by
British edicts ;—,-—-and the WV blood of its, slaUlghte1'ed ,citize_1;*l_s
flowed, like Water, in its streets ! ‘

. "In what land, where the American name is l‘I1f]0W1'l, “are
not,—-wand shall not forever be,---lrnown, the namesof those

citizens of Boston, who were the strength a11d,lights,of,tl1,eil'

i own time, and the. eternal glory of their country 3 Adarns,-e-~j-

and Hancock ;-——-—--and Otis ;—-V--and Warren ;-:--and o;tl1e1‘s:,,:_*of
scarcely less celebrity ?i. it  ‘V  ‘ it

it ,Especially§shall.,..he not _be ifo1'g,otten,--~no,w,i or. ever
—-«--that, ancient citizen of ;Boston, that , patriarch of Amerir
clan? Independence, of all New England’s worthies, on
this great day, the sole, survivor.* He, indeed, oppress-—

ed by years, sinking under the burdens of decaying‘

inature, hears-not our public song, or voice, of spraise,

""’ John Adams, the patriot here alluded to, expired at about 5 o’oloek on
the afternoon of this day. Thomas J efi"e1-son , another patriot of the same
period, also expired at about one o’clock, of the same afternoon; - l -i

Thus two of‘ the most distinguished statesmen of the United States, be

members of the committee of Congress, who drafted the Declaration of

American Independence, and who both signed that instrument ;--bothoi"

5

or ascendingprayer. But the sounds of a nation’s joy,
rushing from our cities, ringing from our vallies, echoing
from our hills, shall break the silence of his aged ear 5 the
rising blessings of grateful millions shall visit, with a glad
light, his fadingivision; and flush the last shades of his
evening sky, with the reflected splendours of his meridian
brightness.

How peculiarly and imperiously incumbent, then, is it on

us, on this day, in this place, and in this assembly, to speak

together concerning the glory‘ of our ancestors ;---to analize

that glory ;---—-and to inquire what it is to deserve, and what
it is to disgrace those ancestors !

When we speak of the glory of our fathers, We mean not
that vulgar renown, to be attainedby physical strength, nor
yet that higher fame to be acquired by intellectual power.
Both often exist Without lofty thought, or pure intent, or
generous purpose. The glory which we celebrate was
strictly of a moral and religious character 5 righteous as to
its ends ; just as to its means. The American Revolution had
its origin, neither in ambition, nor avarice, nor envy, nor
in any gross passion; but in the nature and relation of
things, and in the thence resulting necessity of separation
from the parent State. Its progress was limited by that ne-

cessity. During the struggle our fathers displayed great

whom had been for many years Ministers of the United States at several
European courts; both of whom had held successively the ofices of Vice
President and President of‘ the United States, finished their mortal career
on the fourtlg of July, 1826 ; it being the fiftieth anniversary of that most
glorious and happy event, for themselves and their count:-y,~—-——the declare»-
tion of American Independence.

7

strength and great moderation of purpose. In difticult

times they conducted with wisdom. In doubtful times,

' with firmness. In perilous, with courage. Under oppressive

trials, erect. Amidst great temptations, unseduced. In
the dark hour of danger, fearless. In the bright hour of
prosperity, faithful. It was not the instant feeling and
pressure of the arm of despotism that roused them to resist,
but the principle, on which that arm was extended.-—-
They could have paid the stamp-tax, and the tea—tax, and
the other impositions of the British government, had they

been increased a thousand fold, But payment acl:now-

ledged the right; and they spurned the consequences of‘

that acknowledgment. In spite of those acts, they could
have lived and happily; and bought; and sold 3 and got
gain 3 and been at ease. But, they would have held those
blessings on the tenure of dependence on a foreign and
distant power ; at the mercy of a king, or his minions ; or
of councils, in which they had no voice, and where
their interests could not be represented, and were little
likely to be heard. They sawthat their prosperity in such
case would be precarious 3 their possessions uncertain ; their
ease, inglorious. But above all they realized that those
burdens, though light to them, would, to the coming age,--—~
to us, their posteri.ty,—-——be heavy and probably, insupport-—
able. Reasoning on the inevitable increase of interested
imposition, upon those, who are without power and have
none to help, they foresaw that, sooner or later, desperate
struggles must come. They preferred to meet the trial in

their own times, and to make the sacrifices in their own per-

8
50115. ‘They were willing themselves to endure the toll,
and to incur the hazard, that we and our descendants--their
posterity, might reap the harvest and enjoy the increase.

Generous men it exalted patriots l immortal statesmen 3
F or this deep moral and social affection, for this elevated
self—devotion, this noble purpose, this bold daring, the mul-
tiplying myriads of your posterity, as they thicken along the
Atlantic coast from the St. Croix to the Mississippi, as
they spread backwards to the lakes; and from the
lakesto the mountains, and from the mountains to the Wes-
tern waters, shall, on this day, annually, in all future
time, as we, atthisthour, come up to the temple of the
Most High, withnsong,,,and anthem, and thanksgiving and
choral symphony,anclnhalleluiatg to repeat your names, to
look stedfastly on thebrightness of your glory ; to trace its
spreading rays to the points fI'01T1,VVhlCl_1 they emanate 5 and
to seek, inyouri character and conduct, a practical illustra-~
tion of public duty, in every occurring, social exigence.

In the rapid view,..,I am compelled to take of the genius
and character of our revolution, I shall chiefly fix my
eye on this state, town and vicinity. Let other states and
cities celebrate with due honours the great men, whose

liglits cluster in their peculiar sky. Massachusetts has a

constellation of her own, exceeded by none, in brightness ,1

yielding to none in power 5, surpassed by none in influence,
duringthe first stages of the revolutionary struggle. Inlitltis
state and in this metropolis were exhibited, among the ear»
liest, these generous virtues and that noble daring, iiwliich

lelectrifiecl‘; the centinentt.

‘If it beraslred in What thepeculiar glory of our fathers,
-in that day, consisted,-_-—-this is my answer. It consisted in
perfectly performed duty; according to the measure of that
perfection, Whichis attributable to things human. N ow real
glory, ‘When. strictly ana-lined, and reduced to its constitue1'1.t
principle, with all tinsel and dress separated, will be found.
to consist, and to consist only,--—--in truth. The glory of con-
templation, is, truth to nature. The glory" of action, is truth.
to the relations, in which man is p_lac.ed ;-—per-feet fulfilment
of all the obligations, which presnlt from .t11e.condition of
things, allotted to himby Prlolviclenicel. A i ll 
H t In this point of View the glory of our fathers at the revjo.-
lution may be stated, in detail, to consist in being .true -to
their an.cestors, true to themselves, true to their posteritg*;.
and above all, in being true to virtue and liberty..

‘ Our fathers, at the revolution, were true -to their 8.110.687‘
tors i;-—--rnaintainling their principles 3 obeying their precepts 
copying their example. pp ‘ V A  1 A i

The relvolutionofj17,76l is called, and justly’,--——.—a mig-hty

struggle for ,inde‘pendence. But it was neither greater,

bolder,~ nor more arduous, , than the emigration of the first

settlers to New England 5 nor was there incurred in it more
hazard, nor displayed, in any of its events, a more ,deter.-
-mined spirit of independence, than were incurred and dis:
playedby, the immediate descendants of those settlers 
the direct progenitors of the authors of our revolution.
Time would fail me, were I to attempt to maintain this
position by historical references. One or two st1‘ilri_ng f3.‘i’l:"

.::le".uc.es of fact and opinion rnust suflice,
ca»

.s,.v

1h
‘The emigration itself of our ancestorswas, in truth,only a
x-rniglity struggle for Independence. According to the genius

of the age, and the particular biass of our ancestors’ minds,

their motive took the aspect of a strong desire for a higher

religious freedom and a purer form of religious worship. It
is impossible however not to perceive that even this desire
was only a mode, under which existed an intense and all
absorbing spiritof civil freedom. In the nat,ure of things,

it could not, possibly, have been otherwise. a They fled from

'-the persecutions of the British Hierarchy. Njow the strength

of the hierarchy was in the ‘nerve of the secular’ arm. a It
was that odious “oentaur,——--not fabulous,--—-church and state,
"which" drove at them for refugee into the wilderness- rT his
monster, with a-political head and an ecclesiastical body,‘
they hated and feared; representing their emigration and
suffetring-s, under the familiar type, of the woman of the Apo-
calypse, who fled “hate the wilde1'ness, to a placetpreparecl
of God, from the face of the beast.”

We are apt to View our ancestors, of . the first and second
generations, in the light of enthusiasts. Now if by this term
is meant, according to its usual import, “ men who through
a vain confidence, in heaven, neglect the use of human
rneans,” there never existed aclass of men, less entitled to
that appellation than our fathers. Of all men. they were the
irnost practical. Their whole history, the colleges, schools,
churches, all the institutions they founded, constitute one 1111?’
brol<:en series of examples of the wise, and happy use, of hu-—
man means. As to their opinions, take instead of a multi-—

fzatle, which might be adduced, a single example. In that

11

famous W01‘l{,_ entitled “ Faithful advice to the churehes‘ of

New England,” sent out into the world under the auspices

of our fathers, having the signatures of both the Mathers,
Davenport, Colman, and others, there is the following re-
lmarltable vindication of the use of human learning, in reli-—
gion, urged with their characteristic acuteness.

“ N 0 man ever decried learning without being an enemy
to religion 3 whether he knew it or no. When our Lord

chose fishermen to be ministers; he would not send them

forth until they had been several years, under his tuition,-----.

(a better than the best, in any cnllege, under heaven,) and

then, also, he miraculously furnished them with more learn-

ing than any of us, by seven years hard study, can attain

unto.”

It would be easy also to adduce abundant evidence of the
free opinions entertained by the first settlersprelative to
the ‘right of resistance to kings and to personal and colonial
freedom, by quotations from approved authors of that peri-

od. A single extract from the vlvritings of N athaniel Ward,

i the first clergyman of the town of Ipswich, in this vicinity,

will sufiiciently manifest the temper and spirit of our ancesm

tors, in that age, on those points. This writer was so highly

esteemed by our ancestors, that he was employed in 1639,

hy the General Court of Massachusetts, to draft that code,

consisting of one hundred laws, called “ the body of tliher-— in

ties” of the colony. In an eccentric, but highly, popular
work, in that day, published by him, in 1t64;’7, entitled,“The
Simple Cobbler of Agavvam in America,” the contest, then

carrying on between the King and Parliament, is represents.

llfl

ed under the similitude of a controversy between royal pree-
togative’ (xn~ajestas‘imperii) and popular liberty (salus populi)
and is thus‘ stated in the quaint language of that day :

“ We hear that .Mojestas* Imperial hath challenged Salas
Pcpali into the field ;~ the one fighting for prerogatives,the
other defending liberties. If Salas Populi began, surely it

‘eras not’ that Salas Populi I left in England. That Salas

Populi was as mannerly a Salus Populi as need be. If I
be not much deceived that Salas Populi suffered its nose
to be h¥el’t1 to the grindstone, till  was ground to the gristle ;
and yet grew never the sharper, for ought I could discern.
I think that since the world began, it was never storied that
Salas Po_puZi began with .Majeszfas Imperii, unless .Majestas
Imperii first unharboured it and hunted it to a stand, and
then it must tum head and live, or tur-n tail and die. , Com-
rnonwéalths cost as much? in the making as crowns 3 and
if they be well‘ made, would yet outsell an ill--fashioned

crown, in any marlzetiovert,  they be Well vouched. t l

“ Butpreces and lath?-ymtce are the people’s weapons 3 so,

are swordst and pistols, when God and Parliament bid them
arm. Prayers and tears are good Weapons for them that

have nothing but knees and eyes ; but most men have teeth

and nails. 15 subjects i must fight for their Kings, against

ether ltingdoms, when their Kings will ;, I know no reason
but they may fight against their Kings, for their own king-
doms, When parliament say they may and must. But parlia-
rnenttrnust not say they must, until God says they may.”

it . The bold spiritof liberty, which characterized the first

settlers of New England, cannot be too highly appreciated

13
by their posterity. Neither are their wisdom and prudence,
in maintaining their liberties, less subjects of admiration and
applause. What state paper exists more solemn, or coInpre-

hensive, than that memorable order, by which the General

Court of Massachusetts, in 1660, caused a committee to be

 raised, to consider the consequences to their liberties, to be

anticipated from the restoration of Charles the Second?

“ Forasmuch as the present condition of our affairs, in
matters of the highest concernment, calls for diligent and
speedy use of the best means, seriously to discuss and right»
ly to understand our liberty and duty—--thereby to beget uni-
ty among ourselves in the due observance of obedience to
the authority of England, and our own just privileges, for
the effecting whereof, it is ordered that Simon Bradstreet,
8:0. bea committee to consider and debate such matter,
or thing of public concernment, touching our patent, laws,
privileges, and duty to his majesty, as they may judge expe-
dient, that so, (if the will of God be,) We may speak and
“act thesarne thing, becoming prudent, honest, conscientious
and faithful men.” M

Now what their notion of these “just privileges” was,
may be gathered from “their refusing to make the oath
of allegiance necessary,”--—-“ refusing to cause proceedings
at law to be in the name of the King.” “ Maintainingthat
liberty of conscience justified their removal to this quarter

of the tvor‘ld,--—'that with removal their subjection to Eng-

land ceased, and that the sovereignty of the soil was in them,

, because purchased by them of the native princes.”

ft I=Iutchinson’sI-Iist. of Mass. 1 vol. ch. ‘,2,

14.

That these were doctrines, holden and avowed by “ per-«
sons of influence,” among the early emigrants to New Eng-
land, We know from history. Their patent, or old charter,
itself Was, in fact, only an incorporation for trade, turned,
hy the dexterity of the first settlers, into a civil sovereignty.
And the real causeof their extreme attachment to it was
that under colour of that instrument, they chose their own
rulers and judges, made laws, and, in effect, were an inde-
pendent state. i g

How this theory of the ancient leaders of Massachusetts
was seconded by the spirit of the people, will be apparent
from a single transaction of a somewhat later period. Dur-
ing the reign of King James the Second,tour fathers had
been insulted by the dissolution of, their charter, and op?-
pressed by the proceedings of the King’s Commissioners.
The leaders of the Colony were indignant. The people

II

were stung to madness. g g i e V

On the 18th of April, 16w89,—g--The ism and 19th at April
are red letter days in the Calendar of American liberty,----
On the 18th of April, 1689, say our historians, there came

that northern hive has been fa-

up from North Boston,

nouns, in all times, for a hardy, industrious, and intrepid

 

race of men, there came up from North Boston a multi-

tude of men and boys, running. The drums heat, The

people ran to their arms. They rushed to Fort Hill ;

vvhe1'e. was then a formidable fortification; A“ standing so
thick that one gun from the fort would have killed a 11111.“:-
dred of thein; but God prevented 2” ~ *They scaled the

  Hutchinsorrs Histv. i. ch. 3.

15

sconce ; and ‘seizing the lower battery, they turned the gtnis
“ onitlie red coats in the fort,” who surrendering at discre-=«
tion,—--—-they tools: the .king’s council prisoners; and put the
king’s governor under guard; they sent the captain of the
l<ing’s frigate to jail ; and turned the batteries on the
king’s frigate herself; and the country people coming in,
the elders‘ and fathers took possession of the king’s govern-
ment; and thus was e1‘i'ected a glorious revolution, here, in
Massacihnsetts, thirty days before it was known, that King
William, of glorious memory, had just efiectecl iasimilar
glorious revolution on the other side of the Atlantic.

It is very obvious that the fate of N ew’ England, was sues-
pended on the fate of the Prince of Orange. Had he
failed, our ancestors, of that day, would have had to expiate
the guilt of treason, in exile, or confiscation, or onthe scaf-

tfold. How truly then may it be said, that the spirit of our

ancestors, of the first age, was emulated by the immediate

authors‘ of our independence, and that these descendants
were true to the example tandpglory of tlieir predecessors’!

If we descendfromi the era of the English revolution, to
the middle of the last century, we find theisame daring
spirit of liberty prom’ulgated,inot by irresponsible scribblers,
in anonymous pamphlets, but by the highest colonial law-
yers, on the floor of state, and by the most learned colonial
cileirgy,from their pulpits. Take, for example, an extract
from a sermon, entitled “ fl Discourse concerning Unlimited
Submission to the higher powiers,"iwith some reflections on
the resistance to  Charles the First, and on the anni-

'.ve7‘sary of his death, in which the mysterious doctrine of tr'z.nr

15

_prirzce’s 5'£&‘Z:72«f.5‘;l.'2:J’l) and martyrdom is ctmiddlecl. Preachecl
by Jonathan Mayliew, pastor of the West Church in Bos-
ton. Among; other doctrines, not less bold and decisive, he
lays down thepfollowing : "

“ A people, really oppressed to a great degree by their

sovereign, cannot well be insensible when they are so op-

pr-essecl. And such a people, if I may allude to an ancienti

fable, have, like the Hesperian fruit, a Dragon for their
Protector and guardian. Nor would they have any reason
to rnourn, if some Hercules, should appear to dispatch himt
For a nation, thus abused, to arise unanimously, and to re-
sist their prince, even to the dethroning him, is not criminal
but areasonable Way of Vindicating their liberties and just
rights.” i J i  

Now it must be remembered, that this discourse was
preached six andwtweiity years, before the era of our revo-
lution, by the most learned and popular preacher of his day ,3
that it was published “ at the request of his hearers ;” that
the thing was not done in a corner, nor circulated ina
Whisper, but as the title pagehas it--Anno, 17 50. Boston.
New England. “ Printed and sold by D. Fowle, in Queen
street, and by D. Crookin, over against the Old South Meet-
ing house.” it i

There is no need of farther proof that the fathers of our
revolution were true totheir ancestors, both distant and im-
mediate; obeying their precepts; copying their examples,
and acting up to their characters. . is i i

It remains for us s to observe, that the fathers of our

rev.olution were also true to themselves and true to posterié

it.

ty; and in this, above all, that they were true to virtue and
liberty.

There were three great principles, Which, in the ‘opium
ion of our ancelstorsfin every age, constituted the essence of
colonial liberty; and with Which, in their minds, it was
filentified.

1. That their rulers and judges should be chosen by and
responsible to themselves.

2. That the right of laying taxes on the inhabitants of the
colonies should belong exclusively to their own represen-
tatives. r A T

 That their religious rights should depend wholly on
their colonial laws and constitutions.

The first of these principles was the object of the strug-
gles of the first settlers of New England and their irnrne-«
diate descendants. They exercised this liberty between

fifty and sixty years. They lost it by the dissolution of

their old charter. That of William and Mary did‘ not restore

it.-~~ Among a other obnoxious provisions in this last charter,
the appointment of ‘ the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and
Secretary, with at qualified apellate judicial jurisdiction, was
reserved to the crown. up

The loss of this branch of liberty was submitted to with
reluctance, and endured with great impatience. The deep
yearning of our fathers’ hearts, after their ancient liberty, is

to be seen in every subsequent page of their politica1“histo~

ry, and was one of the active, thoughhidden, causes of our

revolution.

~!~'0n the second great princ;ipl’el of colonial liberty, that

18

taxation and representation are inseparable, the American
revolution turned.

Now the just estimate made by our fathers of the im-
portance of that principle,-—-the self--devotion with which

they maintained it,---the boldness, with which they put in

jeopardy life, liberty, property, reputation, whatever man

holds clear, in hope or in possession, to vindicate it, are the
great central points, from whichradiates their glory at the
revolutioin. _ y p

At a superficial View, we are inclined to wonder at the
inflexible firmness of our fathers in opposition to the stamp
and tea taxes, and »-the other British impositions, at that
period. The amount small; comparatively little -burden-=
some; for the most part affecting articles of luxury, or of
occasional use. We are tempted to eaclaim, what griev-
tons oppression in all this? A single year of war would
exceed, in expense, the loss, in fifty years, from such taxes.
And when we look at the subject, in point of principle,
their condition would not have been a Whit Worse than im-
mense aclassesof British -subjects, who pay taxes, without
having any Voice in the choice of their rulers. Arguments
and facts of this kind were urged on our fathers, in every’
form of reason and eloquence; enforced by appeals to
their hopes, from the smiles of royal favour ; by appeals to
their fears, from the terrors of royal power. But they stood
as the mountain rock, which palikemoclts the melting heat
of the summer’s sun,.and the uprooting blasts of the win-
ter’s storm. By such consklerations the flame of their

enkindled zeal was neither quenched, nor allayed. _,Tl1eiI“

19 

unyielding fixedness of principle, in this respect, does infi-
nite credit to their sagacity and Virtue. 4’

For when we consider more carefully this principle, so
earnestly asserted by Great Britain, and so res=olutelyre-
sisted by our fathers, We shall find that, to human view,
it contained the whole hope of American Independence;
for the then present, and all future, times. The possibility
of American Independence, at any time, depended upon
the union of the colonies, in some common principle of op--
position to the pretensions of Great Britain. Now this right
being conceded, it was scarce possible, .that, any such, com.-
mon principle should exist; much ‘less become a bond of
union among the colonies. _This riglit, admitted, every
thing else was but mode and measure; an afi°air of dis»
cretion. What hope that they, who could not unite in re-
sistance to the whole right, could be ever brought to com-
bine in resistance toa particularly oppressive degree in the
exercise of it? Besides, how easy would it have been for
Great Britain, by settling any obnoxiousflldegree, in mode
or measure, differently in different colonies, to take
from some, all motive to co-operate in the resistance of
others ! This principle, therefore, being yielded, there was,
to human view, no subsequent hope of independence for
the colonies. That principle was worthy, therefore, of b all
thelsimportance attached to it by our fathers ; worthy of
all the sacrifices they made in its defence. Their fore-
-sight, their energy and inflexible spirit, on this point, are

emoiig the brightest beams, in the glory of that day.

Q0

Of ‘a similar type is the self-denial, to which they sub»
mitted, and the hazards, which they voluntarily incurred, for
the sake of that principle. By submission, they would, in
their own time, have enjoyed peace, secured plenty, attained
external protection under the shield of Great Britain, and
in the gradual advance of society, they had reason to expect
to arrive, even in the colonial state, at a very elevated and
enviable condition of prosperity. On the other hand, what
werethe hazards of resistance? The untried and not to
be estimated perilsiof civiltwar 3”“ a people, in the gristle
and not yet hardened into the bone of manhood,” to rush
on the thick bos-ses of the buckler of the most powerful
state in Europe; ithe one most capable of annoying them ;,

without arms, or resources, to enter the lists with the best

appointed nation on the globe; destitute of a sloop of ‘ war,”

to wage hostilities with a country whose navies commanded

,, every sea and even their otvni harbours.----In case of issue»

cess,-—-—the chance of anarchyand the unknown casutalties
attending a new organization of society. In case of failure,-———
exile, confiscation, the scaffold, the fate of some ; to bear
the opprobrious names of rebel and traitor, and to transmit
them to a disgraced posterity, the fate of all.

What appeals to selfishness! what to cupidity ! what to
love of ease, to fear, and to pusillanirnity ! But our fathers
took council of a difierent spirit ;—---of the pure ethereal
spirit, which glowed and burned in their own bosoms. In
spite of the greatness of the temptation and the certainty of
the hazard, they resisted 3 and the front ranks of opposition

were filled, not by a needy, promiscuous, unltnown and

21

irresponsible crowd, but by the heart, and mind, and strength,
of the colony ;---by the calm and calculating merchant ;—---=-
by the cautious capitalist ;—--by the sedate and pious divine 3----
by the far-looking, deep read lawyer ;-——--by the laborious and
.intelligent mechanic. We have no need to repeat names,

The entire soul, and sense,and sinew, of society were in

action.

The spirit of our revolution is not to be sought in this, or
that, individual; nor in this, or that, order of men. It was
the mighty energy of the whole mess. It was the momentous
heaving of the troubled ocean, _roused<,» ind,eed,,byi the coming
tempest, but propelled onward by the lashingpof its own
waters, and by the awful, irresistible impulse of deep seated
passion and power. l  

In this movement, those, who were foremost, were not
always those of most influence ,2 nor were the exciting
causes alwaysthe most obtrusive to the eye. All were
pressed forward by the spirit, inherent in the community,-4
by force of public opinion. and sense of duty, which never
fell behind, but was often in advance of those, who were
called leaders. , i p p

The event has shown that our fathers judged rightly in
this movement 3 that their conception was just concerning
their means and their duties ; that they were equal to the
crisis, in which Providence had placed them; that, daring
to be free, their power was equal to their daring.---They

vindicated liberty forthemselves.---They transmitted it to us,

their posterity.----There is no truer glory, no higher fame, '

known, or to be acquired, among men.



How different would have been our lot, at this day, both
asvrnen and citizens, had the revolution failed of success, or
had the great principle of liberty, on which it turned, been
yielded ! Instead of a people, free, enlightened, rejoicing in
their strength, possessing a just consciousness of being the
authors and arbiters of their own and their country’s destinies,
We should have been a multitude, without pride of inde-
pendence, Without sense of state, or national sovereignty;
looking across the ocean for our rulers ; watching the
Atlantic sky, as the cloud of court locusts, teinptedby our
greenness, came, warping on the eastern breeze; waiting
onthe strand to catch the first glimpse of our descending
master ; some transatlantic chieftain 5 some royal favourite 5
some court sycophant; sent to govern a country, without
knowingiits interestsgwithout sympathy in its prospects;
resting, in another hemisphere, the hopes of his fame and
fortune. Our judges coming from afar. Our merchants
denied all commerce, except with the parent state. ,Our
clergy sent us, like our clothes, ready made; and cut in the
newest court fashion. None but conformists allowed to vote.
None but churchmen eligible. Our civil rights subject to
crown officers. Our religious, to a foreign hierarchy, cold,
selfish, vindictive, distant, solicitous about glebes and tythes,
but reckless, among us, of the spread of the light of learning,
or the influence of the gospel.

_ How different also would have been the fate and aspect
of the present age, had the American revolution never corn-
menced, or had it failed ! Under Providence, this revolution

has been the chief, if not the sole causeof that impulse to

.23

"the human mind, ‘which, during the last half” century, has

changed the face of Europe and elevated the hopetof man.
The light of truth and reason, reflected across the Atlantic
from the mighty mirror of American liberty, penetrated the
cottages of peasants and the cabinets of Kings. The multi-
tude vvere propelled upon thrones. Kings have consequently
been induced to soften the rigours of ancient servitude. In
every part of Europe, the chains of subjects are lightened.
Sovereigns daily realize, more and more, the necessity of
admitting the people to a voice, in their councils, and to a
qualified weight, in state affairs.“ Under the influence of
this condition of things, knowledge has been increased and
diffused ;, the rights of man vindicated _;a free intercourse
of commerce, science and arts, introduced on both sides of
the Atlantic, unparalleled in human history ; and giving
promise of an advancement in freedom, morals, and refine-.
ment, exceeding the hope, or conception, of former times.
Under these auspices, the patriotic theories and visions of
Milton, Harrington, Algernon Sidney, and Locke, are begin-
ning to be reallized 3 the capacity of man to govern himself
to be demonstrated 3 the great truth promulgated and carried
home to the bosoms of all sovereigns, even the most arbitrary,
that they, who would govern man long, must govern hirn
justly, and treat him as a rational, accountable and moral
being; that they must respect his essential rights and even
towards servitude itself, recognize the principles of a substan-
tial freedom. .

Such was the genius and cl1a1'acter, and such the proud

results of the American Revolution. Such the glory of our



fathers. Such the glowing points, from which that glory
radiates.

It is suitable, and it is our duty, on this occasion, to in-
quire, what it is to maintain that genius and character;
what it is to deserve, and what to disgrace, those ancestors.

In listening to the preceding development, fellow citizens,
it is impossible that each of you should not have realized,
individually, your interestin the character and conduct of
our fathers. It is a law of nature. The virtue and glory
of fathers is the most precious inheritance of their posterity.
By this law, an indissoluhle, moral union, connects times
past and future, with times present. Without that law, man
would be a creature of the day; grovelling in selfishness;
wallowing in the mire of sense; with eye, and taste, and
thought, all downward ; with no backward regard ; with no
forward hope ; with no upward aim. But this eternal, moral
connection, which is established by Providence in his nature‘;
gives him, as it were, existence in the days of old, and ex-
istence, in the times, which are to come; and instead of a
being, destined, as the term ofhis natural life seems to in-
dicate, to exist only a few, short years, bestows upon him,

even in this world, a glorious immortality.

By this law, it is made" the duty of man, in every age, in

gratitude for the inheritance he receives, to transmitfit faith-

fully to those, who succeed; notdiminished; not cor»-y

rupted 3 not soiled ; but if possible, enlarged ; strengthened;

purified ; increased hothin splendour and usefulness.

The occurring circumstances of every age make, indeed, '

thedtities of each succeeding generation diff'ere;n.,t. But, in

35
eonsulting concerning those duties, it will not be difficult
for this, or any future age, to determine in what they conv-

sist, provided, according to the example, and in the lan-

guage of our fathers, we endeavour, “ so to understand our

liberty and duty, as to beget unity among ourselves, and to T

acppt and speak,as becomes prudent, honest, conscientious
and faithful men.” i i

Itis true, that we, in this age, are not called, as our
fathers were, to take our lives in our hands, and bare our
breasts to the tempest and shock of war. But such dangers
and sacrifices are not essential», to the existence of true
glory. This, as have endeavoured to illustrate, consists
not in the particular part, we are called to act, but in the
manner, in-which we perform the part, to which we are
called. The essence of true glory is principle. i Our fa-
thers endured the hardships, and despised the dangers, of
the field of battle, not for the sake of the species of glory
there to-be acquired, but because battle was the mode, ap-
pointed by Providence, for them to vindicate their truth to
the relations ofthings,  which it hadplacedthern." They
could,  no other mode, have fulfilled their duty to those
relations. i   T

Now, this glory is just as applicable to us, as to them.
The labours and sacrifices of our fathers have, indeield, left
us a noble inheritance. But our tenure of that inheritance
is not absolute, but conditional. If we would maintainit,
and transmit it, unimpaired, to our posteritynve must, like
nurfathers,“ be true to the relation of things, in which we

4

26

stand; and particularly, to those, in which we stand to that
very inheritance. Now truth to those relations, as it re-
spects us, consists in our fulfilling the conditions, on which
the continuance of that inheritance depends. These con-
ditions are,-—--that We understand our liberties,----that We
value them as we ought,-——that we are willing to make the
sacrifices of time, labour and attention, necessary for the
preserving them; and are vigilant in defending them, not
against external foes, to which, in all probability, we shall
never be called, but against all much more insidious foe,---
the passion, corruption and weakness of our own hearts.

The great principle, for which our fathers contended,
and the maintaining of which constituted their glory, was,
in fact, the right of self-government,--the right of choosing
their own rulers; in other words, the rightgof possessing
themselves, and of transmitting to posterity, the elective
franchise, in its most pure and perfect state. New this
great privilege, it belongs to us to maintain, by a right and
wise use of it; and to transmit it to posterity the purer by
our example,----the safer by our use,—--and the more pre-
cious from the obvious blessings, resulting from this our
fidelity. This is our duty. In this consists our glory.

Let every man, therefore, who inquires, what it is to de-
serve, and what it is to disgrace, our ancestors, consider
his conduct in this respect. V Let him ask himself,-V-—whether
hetruly appreciates the nature and greatness of that privi-~
legs,--—-whether he is faithful to liberty, to morals and re-
ligion, in the exercise of it,----Whether he is indifferent about

SW

it,-»——-or neglects it,»--or sports with it. And so let every
man answer for himself ;—«-—his own conscience being his
judge. And let all 1-ememlier that, in the ways of Provi-
dence to nations, as well as toindividuals, there is retribution
as well as favour. No people ever did, or ever can, Iong
enjoy any privilege, and, least of all, the elective franchise,
who systematically undervalue it 3--or abuse it ;-=-—or are
even indifferent about it. p  V

Again, truth to liberty, to virtue, to our ancestors, and to
the relation of things, in which we stand, has respect, also,
to the manner, in which we condpuctp towards those, on Whom
the elective lot has fallen, and in Nwhose favour it has been
declared. ii i

It is the nature oti man, under a free constitution, to di-
vide into parties, according to that diversity of views, inter-«
est, opinions, passions, and even fancies, which are insepa-
rable from his constitution. This condition of things is not
to be deprecated, or condemned. It is to be understood
and acted upon.

Now the duty, which each individual, in a free repub-~
lic, owes to rulers, is just the same, whether they do, or do

not, belong to the particular sect, or party, he happens to

prefer. Truth to the relations of things, in which we stand, a

requires that our rulers, should be judged, not by
any previous prejudice, or theory, but by their conduct,
while in power; by the measures they recommend and
countenance. These measures are to be up received in a

candid, geuernus spirit, and with fair and manly construc-

28%

tion. Those, therefore, will be false to the genius and
character of our revolution, who, regardless of the measures»
of rulers, shall wage war upon them, merely because they
do not belong to their own particular sect, or party; or,
who shall decry wise measures, or misrepresent the mo»
tives ofjust ones, with the sole View of pulling down one:
individual, or of building up another ; or Who, making the
liberty of debate, or of the press, a cloak for licentiousness,
shall pervert,_both,, or either, to purposes of malevolence, or
Slander-.. in l

Above all, those will helfalse to the genius and character‘
of our revolution, who shall associate themselves with politi-
cal leaders, without reference to principles 3 who shall deny
rulers the chance to show their real projects, by the course
of their administration, but shall wage war upon them from
the very beginning, on the principle of political exitermina-~
tion. i

There earn be no surer sign that the liberties of a people-
are hastening to a dissolution, than their countenancingthose,.
who form parties on men, and not upon principles. 'When-»
ever the only question is, whether Casar, or Pompey, Lepi-
dus, or Mark Anthony shall rule, and the people are cor-»
rupt, or debased enough, from mere personal affection or.
preference, to flock to either standard,-—-—sucl1 a people are

not far distant from a revolution, which Will not leave them-

, even the poor privilege of choosing their own masters.

Thus you perceive, fellow citizens, that the glory of our

iiatliers, which We this day celebrate, was not of a tempera»

S29

ry, or individual character ;---l-thatthere is nothing exclusive
in its nature ;—--that it may be shared and emulated by the
truly noble of our race,in every age ;—---that it essentially

consists in possessing and exhibiting, in all our public rela~

tions, 3. pure, just, elevated and manly spirit.

‘And now, fellow citizens, consider your privileges. Con-
sider your duties. By" the virtues of your fathers you have
been preserved from an ignominious bondage. Beware
lest you become subjected to a more grievous bondage of
base, ignoble passions. As they subdued their enemies in
the field, do you subdue thosere;ne'mies, whichhave their
strong holds in the human heart, and which have laid low
in the dust, the proud hopes of all former republics ;—~~——--
“ anibition---«avarice-~—-love of riches and the corruptions of
prosperit_v.”* Be as just, as temperate, as moderate in pre-
serving your libexty, as your fathers were bold and daring
in repelling the chains of servitude. Be penetrated with “ a
love of liberty,--of religion,--—--of justice and virtue, and iu~
flamed with a sacred zeal and affectionfor your country.”*'-‘
Thus it may be hoped that through the combined and stren-
uous endeavours of true and faithful men, in all‘ times, there
shall be gradually infused into the mass of mankind, loftier
thoughts, higher aims, more generous motives, whereby the
human character, being elevated and refined, shall become
more Worthy, and thus more capable, A of perfect freedom.
And so this temple of liberty, the foundations of which were

 Milton’s Defensio, pro populo Anglicano, contra Ciaudii Salmasii Dc-«=~
fansionezn Regiam.

530

laid on the fourth of July, 1776, in blood and peril, by our‘
fathers, shall, by the labours, councils, and virtues, of all the
good and great, of present and future times, be enlarged and
extended, in true proportions of moral architecture, till its
pillars embrace the universe, and its dome vault upwards,
with a more than human slcill,--—Witl1 glorious archings of
celestial Wisdom,--—resplendent with purest faith,--radiant
with immortal truth,-—croWned with revealed hope,--—to the

joy and rest of man, on the promise, and in the presence of

the Eternal.