MR. WEBSTER’S SPEECH, M AT PHILADELPHIA. SAPE E CH DANIEL WEBSTER OF IVIASSACHUSETTS, DELIVERED AT '.1‘I~1E GREAT WHIG MASS CONVENTION‘, HELD AT PHILADELPHIA, ON THE lst DAY 01* OCTOBER, 1844. PJEIILADELPHIA: A nun-u-u-nu-u—un-mug 1844. ME. ll’EEEl‘EE’S SPEEUH All PHILADELPHIA. \,,.o..,. aw -av -«.¢~a A./'\.'~.r~.r\. "'v'i..*‘w\.«-u-x'~.n-/\.A"\..*-.4-ux-a'~-.1 -."\. M W '--~~'~~ W "-'“~"‘~"- Fellow» Citizerza of Pe9zns,yZvmzz'a: I am happy to be with you, in this assembling of yourselves to- gether, to manifest the interest I feel in the cause, or occasion, which has convened you, and my deep concern for the issue of the election now pending. But I come with no expectation of aclcling anything, of information or argument, to the side which you, and I, espouse. The questions have been discussed, by persons of abilities, all over t.he country. Most reacling; men have had opportunity to examine for themselves ; and most thinking men, time to mature their jutlg-~ meets. Yet, gentlemen, if this meeting shall have the effect of awaiting rexnaining listlessness and indifference, and of inspiring new activity, and newfirmncss of purpose, an important end will be ac- complished, and eminent good done. Political friends are cheered, we are all cheered, by manifestations of common feeling and alcomw mou resolution. We take courage from one another; We obtain new impulses from sympathy. If this meeting shall arouse public attention : ifunf,l1inl~:ing men ‘shall be made by it to think and to ob- serve ; if E wefind ourselvespromptecl by new zeal, and resolved on more vigorous effbrts, then we have assembled for good, and may COtl,<§1‘z':ltL1‘late ourselves that a duty to our country has been performed. Gentlemen, although there are two great parties in the country, with distinct andopposing candidates for high oflice, and avowing and maintaining in general, different and opposing principles and opinions, yet, in this great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, there is something; quite peczrlirzr in the pretensions and conduct of one of these parties, in regard to the principles which it claims for itself, or assigns to its candidates. Ipray permission, gentlemen, to invite your attention to this peculiarity. A singular stratagem seems to be attempted ; the putting on of a new face, the speaking with a new voice, and the assumption of quite a new deportment and behavior. This is worthy of close observation and regard. Generally speaking, the two parties, throughout the whole country, are divided and op. , 4 posed, upon one great and leading question of the times. I mean the subject of Protection, as it is called. The Wltigs maintain the doctrine of the propriety of protecting, by custom-house regulations, various pursuits and employments among ourselves. Our opponents repudiate this policy, and embrace the doctrines of free trade. This is the general party line. The distinction is not a local, but a party distinction. Thus, while the 'Whig states of New England are all in favor of a Protective Tariti} New Hampshire and Maine, which are not "Whig states, are opposed to it. And south of the Potomac, it would be diflicult, I suppose, to find any men, but avowed Whigs, who favor the Tariff policy. Tariff or no tariff, protection or no protection, thus becomes a great leading question. All VVhigs are on one side, and generally speak—' ing, all who are not Whigs on the other. But then arises the joeculzer-z'ty in the state of things in Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania is a strong Tariff State. Among her citizens, the protective policy over- rides the general decision of political parties, and men who are not Wliigs support that policy, firmly and arclently. This is clear,......... Every body knows it, and it needs no proof. VVell, then, what has happened, in consequence of this well-known state of opinion, in Pennsylvania P , Does the party, here, act against the Tariff? Does it speak the same language which it speaks in Carolina? Oh, no, nothing like it. In Carolina, and other states, the_ whole party exists, principally, for the purpose of putting down the Tariff, and rooting it out, to the last i fibre. They call it the “ black Tariff‘,-,” they denounce it as cruel and oppressive ; and they openly intimate the idea that a disruption of the bonds of our National Union would be a less evil, than the es- tablishment and continuance of protective principles. But, lo, when they come into Pennsylvania, all is changed. Here, they, them- selves, are professed Tarifl' men. Mr. Polk, their candidate for the Presidency, is declared to be a supporter of the '1‘ariI“l', a 19’rotection- ist, a thorough Pennsylvanian, on all these subjects. This is, at least, a bold stroke of policy. I will not say how respectful it is to the in- telligence of Pennsylvania ; I will only say, it is a hold, a very l:)old, political movement. In every State where the anti-—-tariff” policy is predominant, or in which the party holds anti-Taritli opinions, there Mr. Poll; is pressed upon the confidence of the people, as an anti- Taritf man, and because /26 is an anti--Tariff man ; an Anti-Tariff" man, as they commonly say, “ up to the hub.” But in Pennsylvania, his claims to confidence and support are urged with equal zeal, on the opposite ground, that is to say, because he is a Tariff man, and a ‘ Taritf man equally “ up to the hub.” Here, the whole party, their a the Tarifl' principles of the VVhigs, the speakers, their writers, their press, adopt fully, and support warmly. Tarifi" principles of Pennsyl- vania. Here, they sail under the ‘Whig flag, they would get into the‘ Whig ship, seize the Whig rudder, and throw the old crew over- 5 board. Or, if they keep in their own craft, they still hoist false colors, give their vessel a new name, and destroy their old log—book. Gentlemen, I think if Mr. Polk were to find himselfin a circle of I friends, composed partly of citizens of Carolina, and partly of those of Pennsylvania, he would find himself in a curious dilemma, It would be a Wonder, if he did not set these two sorts of friends at once by the ears. The Carolina gentlemen would shout “ Polk forever, and down with the Tariff of 18412!” The Pennsylvania gentlemen would say, “ Polk and the Tariff of 1842, forever! ” And what would Mr. Polk say? Vlfhy, uttering his own well-knovvn opinions, he would say to his Carolina friends, “Gentlemen, you do me no more than justice. I am opposed to the Tariff of 1842, and think it ought to be repealed. In the canvass against Gov. Jones, in Ten» nessee, last year, I made more than one hundred speeches against it. I am for bringing all duties down to the point they were at in June, 1842 ; that is to say, to one uniform rate of 20 per cent. You know p. I have agreed with you throughout on this great question of Tarifi‘" for protection. I have opposed it by my speeches, by my pledges, by numerous and repeated declarations, and by my votes. All show wha.t_,I have thought, and what I think_ now. I now repeat_ my op» 'pOS1lLlOl"l, and renew my pledges.” This would be manly, this would be fact, this would be all right; and Carolina huzzas, and Carolina. clapping of hands, would not unnaturally follow this plain and frank declaration, with characteristic earnestness. But how would the Pennsylvania gentlemen stand this 3‘ How could Mr. Polk appease them? Now, I will not say that he would, with his own tongue, and from his own lips, speak a directly contrary language to them. I I do not think him capable of such eflirontery. But if he were to give utterance to the opinions which those put in his mouth, who support him here in Pennsylvania, he would say, “ My dear friends of Pennsylvania, you have heard What I havesaid to the Carolina gentlemen. Never mind. I don’t know exactly whatl am,but I rather think I am a better Tariff man than Henry Clay ! I am for incideiztczl protection ; and thatis a great matter. It is rather strong, to be sure, after all I have said in Tennessee, to raise, in Pennsylva-— nia, the cry of ‘ Polk and the 'I‘arifi' of 1842!’-—--Nevertheless, let the cry go forth!” I ‘ I Now, gentlemen, what excellent party harmony would be pro-- duced, if Mr. Po1k’stwo sets of friends could hearihim utter these sentiments, at the same time, and in the same room! And yet they are uttered every day, inythe same country, and in regard to the same election. The l_ouder Carolina, and other States holding her sentiments, cry out, “ Polk, and down with the Tariff l " the more i sturdily does the party press in Pennsylvania raise the opposite shout. Now, gentlemen, there is an old drama, named, I think, “ W’/z0’.s' the I)u,ue?” An answer, and _here it is an important one, is to be given. of, “Who is the dupe?” and We shall see, in the end, on which party. the laugh falls. I 6 Now, gentlemen, i2zcz°rZen2.‘aZ protection, which some persons, just now, would represent as z‘rom...9ce7'2.a'enZczZ protection, what is it? It is no pr0z‘eca‘ion at all, and does not deserve the name. It is a result, which comes, if it comes at all, without design, without certainty, and without discrimination. It falls on tea and coffee, as well as on iron and I broadcloth. Let us not be deluded by such. a thin and flimsy pretext. It is an insult to our understandings. Gentlemen, I have come here for no purpose of oratory, nor eloquence, nor dis- play. This is not the occasion for anything of that kind. If I ever had any such ambition, it has long since passed away, and I hope now only to be useful to you, useful to the great cause in which we are all engagecl; and this, and this only, has brought me here. I shall speak with that plainness and frankness with which a man ought to speak, directly and earnestly, feeling as a man ought to feel who has at heart the importance of What he says. This service in which We are engaged is no holiday service, no mere display, no passing lnageant, but serious and solernn——--serious, as far as any thing can be serious in the secular afi'airs of men. I come here, then, to use no ornaments of speech, no trope, no metaphor. Honestly and sincerely I come to speak to you out of the abundance of my heart, and I beg you to receive what I have to say in the spirit with which it is delivered. No wonder that a1non,e; you, Pennsylvanians, the party that is op- posed to us represents itself friendly to the Tariff. It is Well known that Pennsylvania is favorable to the Tariff, and that is no wonder. She is a State of great mineral interests, and is therefore as much in- terested in the Tariff as any state in the Union, not to say more.—--~ She has, it is probable, more to lose than any other state by a change of policy on the part of the federal government, because she cannot so easily recover as other states might from the effect of any great change. In addition to -her minerals, which are her richest treasures, she has her artisans, her workers in iron, workers in metals, her spinners, her Weavers, her laborers of every pursuit and occupation. Her treasures not only lie embosozned in the earth, but are spread out in every workshop in the country. There is not an operative, nor a Working man, who is not interested in, and supported by the protective laws of the government. Protection touches every, man’s bread. If ever, then, there was a subject worthy of the attention of a public man, or of a statesman, it is this of protection. No Wonder, I repeat, then, that every Pennsylvanian is engaged in the cause of protection ; the Wonder would be if he were not. I have often said, heretofore, and I repeatit now, that there is not, a on the globe, a spot naturally richer in all the elements of greatruess, than Pennsylvania, except Iitlnglancl, if, indeed, England be an ex- ception. This is the view of the subject, which it appears tome both public men and private individuals, in Pennsylvania, ought. to regaml. Pennsylvania is full of capacities, full of natural wealth. ,What policy is best calculated to exhibit those capacities, and to draw 7 out that natural Wealth? That is the great question ; that forms the great topic; and now, fellow citizens of Pennsylvania, what have you to say to it? Pennsylvania is favored in climate, Ear more than the state to which lbelong. She is favored, too, by position, her eastern line being closely connected with the sea, and her vvestern with the great rivers of the West; while large and useful streams flow from her mountains, east and West, and north and south. She has a soil of remarkable fertility, especially suited to the production of wheat and grain. But these are far from being all. She is rich, most rich, in treasures which lie beneath the surface. England possesses her East-I22.d2'es and her Wm Indies ,- but it has been said, with truth, that as sources of wealth, these are little in comparison with her “Bloc/c I2zcZ2'e.9.” Coal and iron are among the chief productive causes of English opulence and English power. The acquisition of the Whole Empire of the great Mogul is far less important, and all the mines of Mexico and Peru, if she should acquire them, would be less important than these exhaustless treasures, lying in her own bosom. Now, gentleman, how does Pennsylvania compare with England? In the first place, England and Wales embrace an extent of fifty--- seven thousand square miles ; Pennsylvania an area of lbrty-three thousand. Here, as you perceive, is an approach to equality. Both abound in coal and iron ; and probably Pennsylvania has as great a. variety of the former, both anthricite and bituminous, as England. The value of coal, in its application to that new agent in human affairs, the use of steam, it is impossible to calculate or estimate. Steam has so far altered the modes of motion, and the forms of human industry, and human action, that it may be said to have changecl the world. It almost seems, that we are whirling round the sun on a new orb, or at least had got into a new creation of things. We fly over the earth’s surface, with a rapidity greater than that of the wings of the wind ; we explore it, beneath its surface, and, with a newancl mighty power, bring its hidden treasures up to the light of the sun. New agencies are at work, in all departments of business, and the processes of labor every where revolutionized. In this change, and in the causes which have produced it, Penn-~ sylvania is singularly and eminently interested ; more so, probably, than any other state in the Union. Steam developes her resources, and turns them all to good account; but the development is yet only partial. Probably the coal field of Pennsylvania may be something less in area than that ofEngland and Wales; but this is of but little importance, as the supply seems exlriaustless for ages and centuries to come. . But the actual annual product is small, compared to that of England. England produces annually thirty millions of tons of coal; Worth, at the pit’s mouth, sixty or seventy millions of dollars. ‘What an amount of Wealth is this, from a single source! Pennsylvania is supposed to produce a million anda halt’ of tons of anthracite coal, 8 . and perhaps as much of the bituminous quality. This is all her pre-» sent product, with a capacity to supply the continent. N ow, gentle- men, how does this product bear, on the employment and occupa- tions of her citizens? How does it affect the great interests of labor and industry ? This is an important point. If the existence of mines be useful to capitalists, alone, it is one thing; butiftheir exist- ence, and the working of them be beneficial to the industrious and working clssses, then they become quite another thing. Let us see how this is. I am told that coal in the mines may be regarded as worth, generally, thirty cents a ton, that is to say, the right of digging it may be obtained at that price. Wlien dug and made ready for delivery, it is worth two dollars, or two dollars and a quarter, a ton. Now, whatdoes this prove? Vvhy, it proves, certainly, that of the amount of a ton of coal, the raw material composes thirty cents ofthe whole value, and the labor, employed and paid for in producing it, a hundred and seventy to a hundred and ninety-five cents. This last sum, therefore, is earned, by the labor and industry of Pennsylvania, in every ton of coal, making, of course, proper allowance for capital employed in machinery. But then this machinery, again, is itself a product of labor. We may pursue this subject into its details, as far as we please; the pursuit will always end in the establishment of the great principle, that labor is the source of wealth; and another great principle, fairly deduceable from it, and equally clear, that to judge of the general prosperity and happiness of a people, we are to look, in I the first place, to the amount of useful, healthy and well-paid labor, which that people performs. Now it is this new demand for labor, created by the working of the mines, that makes the subject so im- portant to the whole people of Pennsylvania. {Every new demand for well paid labor is new means of prosperity and happiness to the great mass of the community. But this is a vast topic, and I have not new time to go far into it. It so happened, that ten or twelve years ago, I addressed an assembly of the citizens of Pennsylvania at Pitts- burg.“‘ On that occasion I expressed my opinions at some length, on the subject of American labor, and to those opinions I still hold, with increased confidence in their truth and justice. We make the follow- in g extracts:—- “Gentlemen, those’ of you who may have turned your attention to the subject know, ' that, in the quarter of the country with which I am more immediately connected, the people were not early or eager to urge the government to carry the protecting policy to the height which it has reached. Candor obliges me to remind you, that, when the act of 1824 was passed, neither he who now addresses you, nor those with whom he usually acted on such subjects, were ready or willing to take the step which that act proposed. They doubted its expediency. It passed, however, by the great and overwhelming in- fluence» of the central states, New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. New England acqui- . esced in it. She conformed to it, as the settled policy of the country, and gave toher «eapital and her labor a corresponding directilon, She has now become vitally interested I I as The Speech here Preferred to was delivered at Pittsburg, July 9th, 1833. I . I 9 in the preservation of the system. Her prosperity ‘is identified, not perhaps with any particular degree of protection, but with the preservation of the principle ; and she is not likely to consent to yield the principle, under any circumstances whatever. And who would dare to yield it’! Who, standing here and looking round on this community and its interests, would be bold enough to touch the spring, which moves so much industry, and produces so much happiness’! Who would shut up the mouths of these vast coal pits? Who stay the cargoes of manufactured goods, now floating down a river, one of the noblest in the world, and stretching through territories, almost boundless in extent, and unequalled in fertility’! Who would quench the fires of so many steam-engines, or stay the operations of so much vvell-employed labor’! Gentlemen, I cannot conceive how any subversion of that policy, which has hitherto been pursued, can take place, without great public embarrassment, and great private distress. “I have said, that I am in favor of protecting American manual labor; and, after the host reflection I can give the subject, and from the lights which I can derive from the ex- perience of ourselve s and others, I have come to the conclusion that such protection is‘ just and proper; and that to leave American labor to sustain a competition with that of ' the over-peopled countries of Europe, would lead to a state of things, to which the people- could never submit. This is the great reason, why I am for maintaining what has been‘ established. I see at home, I see here, I see wherever I go, that the stimulus, which has- excited the er-ristirig activity, and is producing the existing prosperity of the country, is» nothing else than the stimulus, held out to labor, by compensating prices. I think this etfect is visible every where, from Penobscot to New Orleans, and manifest in the condi--- tion and circumstances of the great body of the people; for nine-tenths of the whole" people belong to the laborious, industrious, and productive classes; and on these classes“ the stimulus acts. We perceive that the price of labor is high, and we know that the means of living are low ; and these two truths speak volume in favor of the general pros» perity of the country. I am aware, as has been said already, that this high price of labor results partly from the favorable condition of the country. Labor was high, comparatively speaking, before the act of 1824- passed ; but that fact affords no reason, in my judgment, for endangering its security and sacrificing its hopes, by overthrowing what has since been established for its protection. “ Let us look, gentlemen, to the condition of other countries, and inquire a little into the causes, which, in some of them, produce poverty and distress, the lamentations of which reach our own shores. I see around me many whom I know to be emigrants from other countries. Why are they here’! Why is the native of Ireland among us’! Why has be abandoned scenes, as dear to him as these bills and these rivers are to you ‘i Is there any other cause than this, that the burden of taxation on the one hand, and the low reward of labor on the other, left him without the means of a comfortable subsistence, or the power of providing for those who were dependent upon him ’l Was it not on this account that he left his own land, and sought an asylum in a country of free laws, of com- parative exemption from taxation, of boundless extent, and in which the means of living are cheap, and the prices of labor just and adequate? And do not these remarks apply, with more or less accuracy, to every other part of Europe? Is it not true that sobriety, and industry, and good character, can do more for a man here, than in any other part of the world? And is not this truth, which is so obvious that none can deny it, founded in this plain reason, that labor, in this country, earns a better reward than any where else, and so gives more comfort, more individual independence, and more elevation of charac-- teri Wlratever else may benefit particular portions of society, whatever else may assist‘ C3P'1'¢3la whatever else may favor sharp-sighted commercial enterprise, professional skill, or extraordinary individual sagacity or good fortune, be assured, gentlemen, that nothing" can advance the mass of society, in prosperity and happiness, nothing can uphold the substantial interest, and steadily improve the general condition and character of the whole, but this one thing, corrrpertsotirzgr re-words to labor. The fortunate situation of our country tends strongly, of itself, to produce this result; the government has adopted the policy of co-operating with this natural tendency of things; it has encouraged and fostered labor and industry, by a system of discriminating duties; and the result of these com-V brned causes may be seen in the present circumstances of the country. “ rentlernen, there are important considerations of another kind, connected with this 10 subject. Our government is popular; popular in its foundation, and p'opular in its ex» ercise. The actual character of the government can never be better than the general moral and intellectual character of the community. It would be the wildest of human imaginations, to expect a poor, vicious and ignorant people to maintain a good popular government. Education and knowledge, which, as is obvious, can be generally attained by the people, only where there are adequate rewards to labor and industry, and some share in the public interest, some stake in cornrnunity, would seem indispensably neces- sary, in those who have the power of appointing all public agents, passing all laws, and even of making and unmaking constitutions at their pleasure. Hence the truth of the trite maxim, that knowledge and virtue are the only foundation of republics ; but, it is to be added, and to he always remembered, that there never was, and never can be, an intelli- gent and virtuous people, who, at the same time are a poor and idle people. badly employed, and badly paid. Who would be safe, in any community, where political power is in the hands of the many, and property in the hands of the few’! Indeed, such an unnatural state of things could no where long exist. “It certainly appears to me, gentlemen, to be quite evident, at this time, and in the present condition of the world, that it is necessary to protect the industry of this country, against the pauper labor of England, and other parts of Europe. An American citizen, who has children to maintain, and children to educate, has an unequal chance against the pauper of England, whose children are not to be educated, and are probably already on the parish; and who himself is ‘half fed and clothed hy his own labor, and half from the poor-rates, and very badly fed and clothed after all. As I have already said, the condition of our country, of itself; without the aid of government, does much to favor American manual labor; and it is a question of policy and justice, at all times, what and how much government shall do in aid of natural advantages’! In regard to some branches of industry, the natural advantages are less considerable than in regard to others; and those, therefore, more impcriously demand the regard of government. Such are the occu- pations, generally speaking, of the numerous classes of citizens in-cities and large towns; the workers in leather, brass, tin, iron, Ede. And such, too, under most circumstances, are the employmentsconnected with ship-building. Our own experience has been a powerful, and ouhgt to be a convincing and long-remembered preacher, on this point. From the closeof the war of the revolution, there came on a period of depression and distress, on the Atlantic coast, such as the people had hardly felt during the sharpest crisis of the war itself. Ship-owers, ship-builders, mechanics, artisans, all were destitute of employment, and some of them destitude of bread. British ships came freely, and British goods came plentifully; while, to American ships, and American products, there was neither protection on the one side, nor the equivalent of reciprocal free trade on the other. The cheaper labor of England supplied the inhabitants of the Atlantic shores with every thing. Ready-made clothes, among the rest, from the crown of the head to A the soles of the feet, were for sale in every city. All these things came free from any general system of imports. Some of the states attempted to establish their own partial systems, but they failed. Voluntary association was resorted to. but that failed also. A memo- rable instance of this mode of attempting protection, occurred in Boston. The ship- owners seeing that British vessels came and went freely, while their own ships were rotting at the wharves, raised a committee to address the people, recommending to them, in the strongest manner, not to buy or use any articles imported in British ships. The chairman of this committee was no less distinguished a character than the immortal John Hancock. The committee performed its duty powerfully, and eloquently. It set forth strong and persuasive reasons, why the people should not buy or use British goods, im- ported in British ships. The ship-owners and merchants having thus proceeded, the mechanics of Boston took up the subject also. They answered the merchants’ committee. They agreed with them, cordially, that British goods, imported in British vessels, ought , r not to he bought, or consumed; but than they tool: the liberty of going a step further, — and of insisting that such goods oug/zt not to be bazrglert or cons-rtmecl at all. ‘ For,’ said they, “‘ Mr. Hancock, what difference does it make to us, whether hats, shoes, boots, shirts, handkerchiefs, tin-ware, brass-ware, cutlery, and every other article,rcome in British ships, or come in your ships; since,,in whatever ships they come, they take away our means of living '2’ ‘ , p p “ Gentlemen, it is an historical truth, manifested in a thousand ways by the public 11 proceedings, and public meetings of the tirn_cs,that the necessity of a general and uniform import system, which, while it should provide revenue, to pay the public debt, and foster, the commerce of the country, should also encourage and sustain domestic manufactures, was the leading cause in producing the present national constitution. No class of persons was more zealous for the new constitution, than the handicraftsrncn, the artisans, and manufacturers. There were then, it is true, no large manufacturing establishments. There were no rnanufactories in the interior, for there were no inhabitants. Here was Fort Pitt--—-it had a place on the map--but here were no people, or only a very few. But in the cities and towns on the A.tlantic, the full irnportanee, indeed, the absolute necessity, of a new form of government, and a general system of imports, was deeply feit. _ “It so happened, gentlemen, that, at that time, much was thought to depend on Massachusetts; several states had already agreed to the constitution; it’ her convention adopted it, it was likely to go into operation. This gave to the proceedings of that con- vention an intense interest, and the country looked, with trernhling anxiety, for the result. That result was, for along time, doubtful. The convention was known to be nearly equally divided, and down to the very day and hour of the tinal vote, no one could pre- dict, with any certainty, which side would preponderate. It was under these circum- stances, gentlemen, and at this crisis, that the tratlesrnen of the town of Boston, in January, 1788, assembled at the Green Dragon, the place Whe.1'e the Whigs of the revolution, in its ancient stages, had been accustomed to assemble. They resolved, that, in their opinion, if the constitution should be adopted, ‘ zfr-rule rind 7tz't'oigcttr'o2z -wortld revive and increase, and employ and subsistence be rz,_fi‘in'r1e(1 to mung; of t/teir to-wr2.a2nen., t/ten suf- fcring_/i:n* the want of the nece.s'ecm'es of life.’ And that, on the ether hand, should it be rejected, ‘ the small 7'-erztairzs of commerce yet IQ/'1.‘ 'rv()I([tl be mam"/n'lrzt'crl. t/LC? vnriorrs z'ra(Zes and }z.anclz7cmfZ.s~ deperzclezrt thereon decoy, the pew‘ be z'rrc2'~r:n.se(1, rt-ml mwrt_2/ wort/ry and .97ciI_’fttl mecltrzrtics cornpcllecl to scale c7n,r)ltr_r/rzrcrtt cznrl srtosistcrtce in szfmzuge Zcmds.’ These resolutions were carried to the Boston delegates in the convention, and presented to the hand of Samuel Adams. That great. and distinguished friend of American liberty, it was feared, might have doubts about the new constitution. N atur- ally cautious, and sagacious, it was apprehended he might fear the practicability, or the safety, of a general government. He received the resolutions from the hands of Paul Revere, a brass-founder by occupation, a man of sense and character, and of high public spirit, whom the Mechanics of Boston ought never to forget. *‘ I"Iow many rneohanics,’ said Mr..Adams, ‘were at the Green Dragon, when times resolutions were passed ‘i’ ‘ More sir,’ was the reply, ‘ than the Green Dragon could hold.’ ‘ And where were the rest, Mr. Revere?’ ‘ In the streets, sir.’ ‘ And how many were in the streets?’ ‘ More, sir, than there are stars in the sky.’ Tltis is an instance, only, among many, to prove what is indisputably true, that the tradesmen and mechanics of the country did loot; to the new constitution for encouragement and protection, in their respect.ivo occupations, Under these circumstances, it is not to be expected tliltti. Llley ‘pill abandon the principle, in its application to their own ernployrnentzs, any more than in its application to the ship- ping and commercial interests. They believe the power is in the constitution--and doubtless they mean, so far as depends on them, to keep it there. Dcsirous of no extravagant measure of protection, desirous of oppressir'ig or burdening nobody, seeking nothing as a stbstitute for honest industry, and hard work—--as a part of the American family, having the same interests as other parts, they will continue their attachment to the Union and Constitution, and to all the great and leading interests of the country.” Another great mineral product of Pennsylvania besides coal, is iron; in this respect, too, resemlirling England. England produces, annually, one million and a half of tons of pig iron. Eigirt or ten years ago, she did not produce Ont:-—l;l”'tlt‘tl of this amount; and this vast increase shows the extent of the new dernand for the article, and her increased activity ii1pr'oc.itrci1ig;>’; it. But the chief value of iron, aswell as of coal, consists of labor, 12 directly or indirectly employed in the production. In the first place, it may be remarlged, that the rnanufacture of iron consumes a vast quantity of coal. It has been computed that the production ofa mil- lion and a half tons of iron, in England, requires six million tons of coal. Here isa case in which one occupation reacts most favorably on another. But in the next place, miners of iron, and all classes of laborers employed in bringing the crude ore through the several stages of progress, till it assumes the shape of bar iron, are, of course, to be fed and clothed, and supported. All this creates a demand for provisions and various agricultural products. It has been estimated, that for every ton of iron, twenty dollars has been paid away for ag- ricultural labor and productions. Now, gentlemen, if these things be so, if this View of the case be substantially correct, how plain is it, that it is for the interest of every working man in Pennsylvania of every occupation, that coal and iron should be produced at home, instead of being imported from abroad 3' To be sure, if the mines were poor and scanty, and could only he wrought at a far greater expense than mines elsewhere; or if the ma- terial, when produced, were of an inferior sort, then the case might be different. But, in fact, richer mines, or mines more easily wrdught, do not exist on the face of the earth. Nothing is wanted but a policy which shall give to our own enterprise, andfour own labor, a fair chance, and a just encouragement to begin with. Penn- selvania, indeed, is not the only iron-producing state. Much of that metal is found in New York, in Mary1and,in Tennessee; and some in other states. The interest, therefore, is, in a good degree, general. But it is said twevzty per cent. ad mzlorzmz is duty enough, and if iron cannot be made at home, under such a duty, we ought to send for it to England, or to Sweeden. Now, in all sense, and according to all experience, this must very much depend upon the state, the degree of advancement, which the interest has made. Useful under-~ takings often require encouragement and stimulus in the beginning, which may afterwards be dispensed with. The product of English iron exemplifies this. At present, that interest needs no protection; but up to 1820, it enjoyed the protection of quite as high a rate of duty as now exists in the United States. Now, it mayqwell defy competition, for the market at home. , And it is well to bear in mind, that the existing tariff of duties in England, imposes no less a rate than £42 19s. 6d. on every hundred pound of value of imported goods, making an average of the whole.' Certainly, there is not much of the spirit of free trade in this. , i y " No"w,*I repeat, gentlemen, that it is not wonderful, that a state, in the condition of Pennsylvania, and of the character of Pennsylvania; a state, industrious, full of resources, and every way capable of draw- s ing them out, should favor a policy favorableto their development. It would be wonderful, if it were otherwise. It would be Wonderful, 13 indeed, if she should manifest a disposition to throw off the steam from her thousand engines, put out the fires, and close up the mines. The interest of all her people points the other way. And her ag- gregate interest, her interest as 1*epresentec.l by her government, her own state policy, does that not point in the same direction? The government of Pennsylvania has created a heavy debt, it has embar- rassed its finances, for the purpose of constructing canals and rail- roads, to furnish means and facilities of transportation, and to bring the great products of the state to market. She will not slumber over this debt. She knows it must be paid, and she intends to pay it. I never, for a moment, doubted this. Her faith is pledged, and she will redeem it. She requests, and she needs, no assumption of her debt by the government of the United States. She contracted it her» self, and she can pay it herself, and she will pay it. But she has a right to demand something of the general government, and that some- thing is, as pwmomem‘, settled, steady _proz‘ecz‘z'-ve poZ~z'cy, to be estab- lished by means of custom-house regulations. This, Pennsylvania cannot do for herself. She has parted with the power of laying du- ties at her own ports. All this is gone to the general government. And that government has solemnly bound itself to exercise the power, fairly, justly, and beneficially. Wliat the state can do, it does, and and will do. It makes roads and canals, and creates all the facilities in its power. What the people can do, they do, and will continue to do. They show enterprise, and bestow labor. They make the wil- derness blossom, and crown their fields with golden harvests. They are ready to bore the earth, and extract its treasures. But there is one thing, which is altogether essential, which neither the government of Pennsylvania nor the people of Pennsylvania, can A do; and that is, z"l2.e,7/ cannot protect themselves, by custom-/rouse regulatioozs, against the poorer cmol cheaper labor of Europe. This, Congress must do for them, or it cannot be done at all. a Penn- sylvania has no longer the power. It is given up. All the world knows that the coal and iron of Pennsylvania, and the other great interests of Pennsylvania, can’ t be protected and regulated but through the custom house, and Pennsylvania has not control over one in the world. g That power is parted with. Pennsylvania surrendered it to thefederal government. The power of laying duties on imports, which was once a Pennsylvania power, is in Pennsylvania no more. But this truth is clear, that this high state prerogative, thus parted with, should be exercised, and must be exercised, by the trustee who has it, for the benefit of Pennsylvania, to raise up,‘ bring forth, and , bring out American labor. And the federal government, I say, fails in its duty to Pennsylvania, and in its duty to every other state in this Union, if it lets the power lie latent, and refuses to use it. That is the pinch, the very exigence that made this government of the iUnited States. For that, Massachusetts came into it: Pennsylvania came into it. The power of protection was in both states. It existed 14 on all sides. The compact was made to give it identity, universality, union-—--and that is all we want. Now, gentlemen, the state may do what it pleases; we may do what we please; but unless the federal government exercises its legitimate power-—-unless it act in our be- half, as we, if left alone, would act for ourselves, there is no security for any interest, no promises of perpetuity. I have said, Pennsylvania will pay her own debt: Every body expects it. I expect it. The whole world expects 1t. Pennsylva- nia will pay her own debt, I should despair of self-government; I should cease to be a defender of popular institutions; I should hold down my head as an American, if this popular and rich common- weath should sneak away from the payment of her debt. Never, no ‘ never will it be done I Between here and the Ohio river, there may be a half dozen who would repudiate. Black spots there are on the * sun, but the dazzling; efllilgence of that bright orb hides them all.--—-. Thcre may be a man in Pennsylvania whose principles and whose morals would lead him to cry out against, or to shirk the payment of such a debt--~—but who could hear his voice amid the loud long shouts of all honest men. I never had a doubt Pennsylvania would pay all she owes. I know what Pennsylvania always has been. I therefore know what she always will be. Her character for the past is her pledge for the future. I can’t be dissuaded out of my impres- sion, while a man in Pennsylvania reads her history, or knows any thing of her character, from the time when W’illiam Penn first put his foot on this shore. i But the time is now come when the policy of a reasonable perma- nent protection must be settled. (A voice in the crowd shouted, “ Now or never! ”) [say now or never.’ It is a question that is most exciting to the whole country, and absolutely vital to the inte- rests of the people of Pennsylvania: and ‘it is, “ NOW on Nzevrsnl ” And now, it is very important that we should not be deceivedin the men whom we choose for our rulers. Let us know all about them! If we do take Mr. Polk for our Chief Magistrate, let us take him for what he is, not for what he is not. I trust we have too much consciousness oftruth for...~..(here a voice cried out, “We won’t have him atall.”) Well, Pm pretty much of that opinon myself. But let us take our ruler for what he really is, not for what he is not, and thereby show that we have been duped and deceived. Let us have too much consciousness of truth»--—too much self-:respect———-too much regard for the opinion of the world, to take Mr. Polk for that which i he is not and never was, and does not profess to be. . Now, let us see what are the sentiments of Mr. Polk on thepro-- vtective policy. Is he with us P or ishe against us? Whait does he say himself on this subject P ‘I know no reason why heshould i not be believed. a I do n’t go back: to the time of his boyhood. I do n’t ago back to the days of his grandfather, Ezekiel Polk- I need not, even, go back tothe period of his Congressional services--—but I will 15 take the Mr. Polk of last year, running for a popular oflice—---not that of President of the United States, but that of Governor of Tennessee. You know that in that part of country, it is common for the candi- dates for popular offices to go forth, and state frankly to the people whose suffrages they solicit, what their opinions are on all the great subjects, social and political, of the day. Now, what does Mr. Polk say of himself on this occasion P He was opposed to direct taxes, and to prohibitory and pa-atectiwe duties,- and in favor of such moderate duties as would not cut off importations. In other words, he was in favor of reducing the duties to the rates of the Compromise Act, where the,Whig Con- gress found them the 29th of June, 1842. These are his own words--—-his own opinions, from his own speech; and, as the lawyers say, I lay the venue, and I give the date, in or- der that there may be no misunderstanding. It is from his speech of April 3d, 1843, in reply to Milton Brown, at Jackson, and was published in the Nashville Union of May 5th, 1843. Here he is plain, distinct, direct, and cannot be misunderstood.“ He is for bringing all duties to the same rate, and that rate is twerzty percem‘. ad valorem, and no more; for that was the rate at which the "Whig Congress found all duties, on the 29th of June, 1842. He is, therefore, for repealing the act, which altered that rate,...... That is to say, he is for abolishing the present tariff. No language can make this plainer. And let me add, that any man in the United States, who wishes to abolish the present. taritl", will vote for Mr. Polk. It remains to be seen, Whether those who are in favor of the present tariff, who are of opinion that it ought to be continued and upheld, can be brought, by misrepresentation and false pretences, to join its enemies and co-operate for its overthrow. That is the true and real question. i i Again; Mr. Polk says he is “for such moderate duties as will not cut off importations.” Very well; this is explicit; all can under.. stand it. i Now ifwe do not wish to cut off the importations of coal and iron, , and the various products of English Inanufactures, then we shall agree with Mr. Polk; but if we do wish to cut ofl' these importations, then We shall disagree with him, and disagree with his policy; for he would have only such moderate dutz'cs as would not cut off impor- tations. But, as I have said, he is quite explicit, and I thank him for it.——he would reduce the duties to the rates of the Compror.nise Act as they existed in 1842, when they afforded no protection at all; but there is a tariff in existence at present, and some questions were put to him to this etfect: Are you in favor of that tariff, or are you not? will you support it, or will you trylto repeal it? And to this question, ;out since he was ccmdidcrtefor t/ze Presz'cZenc_y, /L6 sz‘ar.7zo.’s mute. There are humane considerations occasionally employed in courts of law, when persons stand mute; but when a "man can answer and don’t answerw-——when he is perfectly able, but entirely unwilling 16 to make a reply, then we have a right to put our own construction on the case. But it was entirely unnecessary to put these questions to Mr. Polk; he had already stated that he wanted the duties reduced to the Compromise standard. The duties in June, 1842, had come down to 20 per cent. without discrimination; so, therefore, Mr. Polk was in favor of bringing down the duties to 20 per cent. on all im- ported goods. 0 r In a writtenaddress to the people of Tennessee, dated May 539, 1843, Mr. Polk expresses his sentiments in a still more considerate manner. .Here is the address :--- - TO THE PEOPLE OF TENNESSEE. . Winchester, May 29, 1843. The object which I had in proposing to Gov. Jones at Carrolville, on the 12th of April last, that we should each write out and publish our views andopinions on the subject of the tariif, was that our respective positions might be distinctly known and understood by the people. That my opinions were already fully and distinctly known, I could not doubt. I htzcl steadz'ly,l durirtg the period I was a Representative in Congress, been opposed to a protective policy, as my recorded votes and published speeches prove. Since I retired from Congress I had held the same opinions. In the present canvass for Go- vernor, I had avowed my opposition to the tariff of the late Whig Congress, as being highly -protective in its character, and not designed by its authors as a revenue measure. I had avowed my opinion in my public speeches, that the interests of the country and especially of the producing classes, required its repeal, and the restoration of the princi- ples of the Compromise Tariff Act of 1833. Now come forth, any man in this assembly, who pretends to be a Tariff man, and tell us what he has to say to this ? Is Mr. Polk :1 Tariff man, or is he not? Honor is due to Mr. Polk’s sincerity. Indeed, he does not speak like a man who is making a confession, but rather as a man who is claiminga merit- Before the people of Tennessee, he insisted upon it, that he was an original, consistent, thorough, whole-souled anti-Tariff man.‘ He says he wishes his opinions to be distinctly known and understood by the people. I hope he means still that his opinions shall be distinctly understood by the people----for he says, I have been steadily opposed to a pro- tective policy while in Congress, and I have held the same opinions ever since. Now there cannot be any thing more explicit than this declaration, out of the mouth of the man himself; and he will no more deny this than he will deny his own name. Andisinee he avers all this, insists upon it, andrepeats it, over and over again, what frienzzl , Of./I,i.S‘,Wlll stand up to deny it, and give him the lie, to his teeth? , But let us see again. How did those regard him who brought him forward as their candidate?._—.take the case of the South Carolina mem- bers for instance. Here is the resolution brought forward by Mr. Elmore,.in Charleston, by which the anti-Tariff gentlemen of that part of the world resolved to go for him, with all their hearts;-—-this is the resrolution:-—e— - t ‘ i a p . I, p I Resolved, That by the election of James K. Polk, and the defeat of Henry Clay, a ‘subistantial victorywill be gained by the constitution-I-the Presidential power and influ- 17 ence will be in the hands of a Southern man, a friend of free trade’, and identified with us in our institutions, and an enemy of the protective policy and abolitionism ! and we oughtnot, by any action of our state, to embarrass or lessen the chances of his elec- tion, in which much may be gained----or cause his defeat, by which so much must be lost, and by which we shall draw on ourselves the blame of our friends in other states; change their kind feelings into coldness, perhaps resentment and hostility, by unnecessarily weakening and embarrassing them, and thus increasing the numbers and spirit of our enemies, and adding to our difliculties in obtaining justice. Now please remember, all ye citizens of Pennsylvania--please remember, all ye, who are Tariff men, and who are yet disposed to follow the party, and to Vote for Mr. Poll;-—-—please remember, I say, one and all, that the seated, fixed, unalterable anti-Tarifl" men of the South support Mr. Polk, because they regard him as one of them- selves. ‘We have recently, gentlemen, seen a published letter from Mr. H. L. Pinkney of Charleston, 8. C., a gentleman of much personal respectability, and of high standing with his political friends. The letter was written to the committee of What was called the Macon Democratic mass rneeting, and it was dated the 19th of August last. In this letter Mr. Pinkney says———-— It is the policy of the Whigs, and some of our Democrats, too, to represent Col. Pol]: as a pi-otectiorzist, in consequence of his recent letter to Mr. Kane of Philadelphia. But no clzcrrge was ever more zmfozmdeal. It is crmmrclicterl by the -whale tenor a _f.71,z'e pa[z.'tz'caZ life. It is refuted by alH1.z'.s‘ speeches and votes in relation to the Tariii”, for a long series of years. i His doctrine of a Tarill’ for revenue as the primary object, with incidental protection to anamqfacturc. is the very rloctrirze of South Ca.rol£n.n. It is the cloctrine of the Bol- timore C'an'vemtion, in wlzic/z lac concurs, and which has been generally assented to by the Democratic party of Sriuth Carolina. It is the doctrine of the celebralerl cxpoairiovi pztblislted by the Leg-is-Zarzrre of Z/its State, and has always been recognized as the creed of the State Right’s party. I have now one more proofto lay before you, and I then take leave of this part of the subject. That proof is this. It is the declaration of Mr. Holmes of Charleston, a man of lead and influence with his friends, and new member of Congress from that city. After Mr. Polk had been nominated, at Baltimore, certain political friends of Mr. Holmes wrote to him, propounding certain questions relating to Mr. Polk and calling with emphasis for answers. The first question was this: Are you in favor of the election of Mr. Polk and Mr. Dallas, the Democratic candi- dates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States; and are you, or not, of the opinion that the vote of South Carolina should be given, in good faith, for them’! The second question was this: Whatever may be your opinion of Mr. Polk’s ability, in the event of his election, to effect a repeal of the taritf of 18-12, and to break down the protective system, have you any doubt of the sincerity of his opposition to the entire system of protection, and that the influence of his high office will be in good faith exerted to subvert it’! 2 18 To these questions Mr. Holmes returned the following prompt, ihrief, and pithy answer:--~ Gentlemen,—-I have just received your letter, in which two queries are distinctly put, =and as distinctly will I reply. 1st. Iam in favor of the election of Mr. Polk and Mr. Dallas, and am decidedly of ‘the opinion that South Carolina ought to vote for them. 2d. I have no doubt of Mr. PoZlc’s si7zcerz'2fy, -when he declared his oppositiotz to tile -em,‘z're system of protection, and elected, he -will endeavor to subvert 22. Here is the opinion of hlr. Holmes, a distinguished member of ‘Congress, of the anti—tarifi" party; and let me tell you, once more, that he speaks the opinions of the whole anti—tarifi" party of the South. These evidences might be accumulated, but it would be useless.»-— Those who really desire to know the truth, and are willing to em- brace it, and act upon it, surely can need nothing more on this point. Gentlemen, I remember that Mr. Poll: has said that he is against the duty on wool. Very well; so are other anti~tarifi‘ men. Let this be known, fully and fairly, to your great county of Vvashington, as well as to other wool-growing districts; and if the people of that county still say they are in favor of Mr. Polk, I must admit they have a right to be so. But, still, let them take him as he is, and for what he is, and not for something which he is not. There are some who say, that even if Mr. Poll: be an anti—tariff man, and should be elected President of the United States, yet he cannot repeal the Tariff or overcome our policy. Strange doctrine! We choose him that he may not triumph over us, after choosing him ! We elect him that he may not destroy the policy he is op- posed to! IVe c/zoose lain» to ,'ore~ve-nt /zis cZestr0_7/z'72.g that wlzic/2. we Z/zinie oug/zt to be preseroeol.’ Strange argument for sensible men. If we knew that he would not be able to carry out his policy, or to exercise that power which the office would give him, to abolish the Tarifi, would that be a reason why We should withhold our op- position? Not at all! not at all! There is the evil of perpetual agitation---of perpetual doubt-—-of perpetual uncertainty»-——--there is the evil of perpetual opposition to the duration of the protective policy. Will capital be employed to bring out the mineral wealthof this great state, if it be doubtful whether those so employing it will be protected in their enterprise or not? No ! once more I say, most assuredly, no ! What the country needs is security and stability-—a permanent settled policy-—that enterprising and industrious men may be enabled to give direction to their capital and means, and labor with the assurance—--with the unshalaen confidence that there will be no violent fluctuation in the state of the law. T ‘Gentlemen, the citizens of Massachusetts have no especialinterest T i of their own, in favoring. the coal and iron of Pennsylvania. T They are large purchasers of the articles, and free trade, or free admission, in regard to them, would be best for them. lBut we‘have other in- terests, and we see other interests all over the country, calling for a 19 wise system of custom~house duties; and we embrace that policy, which We think. essential to the good of the whole. ‘We desire no favoritism, no partial system. The interests of the people of those two great states—»——the interests of the people of all the states——.—are bound up in one bond. But I say, if Mr. Poll: be elected President of the United States, with the general concurrence of the popular branch of the Legislature, either the Tariff will be repealed, or so much disturbed as to dishearten its friends, and make them turn from it with disgust. This is a thing of the deepest interest. It. rests with you of Peiinsylvania to decide it. For without the vote of Pennsylvania, I undertake to say, he cannot be elected President of the United States. It is for you to say. Give me your assurance that he will not get the vote of Pennsylvania, and P11 give you my assurance that he will not be elected President of the United States. Any man may make the canvass“-any man may go over the votes from Maine to Missouri, and he will, he must be convinced that it is absolutely certain that Mr. Poll; cannot be elected Without. the vote of the Keystone State! And it is equally certain, that without the vote of this state, he remains privately at home,a private and re- spected and respectable citizen of Tennessee. I wish every man in Pennsylvania to consider this———-that on his vote, and the vote of his fellow-citizen, his neighbor or his ltinsman, depends the issue whether Mr. Polk be elected President or not.---- And I say that any man who attempts to convey the impression to another»---any man of informaticn——--whether it be done in the l1ig;l1- ways or by-~vvays, in parlor or kitchen, in cellar or garret, any man, who shall be found telling another that Mr. Polk is in favor of the tariff, means to cheat an honest Pennsylvanian out of the fair use of the elective franchise! And if there be not spirit enough in Penn- sylvania to repel so gross a misrepresentation, then Pennsylvania is not that Pennsylvania which I have so long respected and admired. I am admonished, my friends, by the descent of the sun, that I must bring my remarks to a close. I was desirous of saying a few Words to you about Texas. (Cries of “go on,” “go on,” “ tell us about Texas,” p t Well, I will only say, in relation to Texas, that you will find in the archives of your own state that which is far more important than all I can say upon the subject. But I do say, that the annexation of Texas would tend, and must tend to extend the duration and extent of Afriw can slavery on this continent. I have long held that opinion, and I would not now suppress it for any consideration on earth! And be-— cause it does increase the evils of slavery--—-because it will increase the number of slaves and extend the duration of their bondage-—becattse it does all this, I opposejt with condition and without qurzlificotion —~—-at 2572.233 time and ALL times-———--New AND :ronsvsn. , I In 1780 the Legislature of a Pennsylvania passed the act abolishing slavery in this state. It was introduced by a grateful acl:nowledg- 20 ment to God, for the achievement of American liberty——-for that as- sistance by which the people had been enabled to break the chains of a foreign power, and by the enjoyment and assumption of a duty con- formable to that, to do all that they could to break all other chains, and set the world free. That preamble was the work of your fathers; they sleep in honored graves ; there its not, I believe, one man living now who was engaged in that most righteous act. There are words in that preamble fit to be read by all who mherit the blood—-«by all who hear the name--—by all who cherish the memory of an honoured and virtuous ancestry. And I ask every one of you now present, are eight and forty hours pass over your heads, to turn to that act-—--—to read that prearnble—-—and if you are Pennsylvamans, the blood will stir and prompt you to your duty. There are arguments in that document far surpassing any thing that my poor ability could advance on the subject, and there I leave it?" ‘*.n?rz Actfor the grrrdzral flboiizfzion of Slavery. What: we contemplate our abhorrence of that condition, to which the arms and tyranny of Great Britain were exerted to reduce us, when we look back on the variety of dangers to which we have been exposed, and how miraculously our wants in many instances have been supplied, and our deliverances wrought, when even hope and human fortitude have become unequal to the conflict, we are unavoidably led to a serious and grateful sense of the manifold blessings, which we have undeservedly received from the hand of that Being, from whom every good and perfect gift corneth. Impressed with these ideas, we conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others, which hath been extended to us, and release from that state of thraldom, to which we ourselves were tyrannically doomed, and from which we have now every prospect of being delivered. It is not for us to enquire why, in the creation of mankind, the inhabitants of the several parts of the earth were distinguished by a dif- ference in feature or complexion. It is sufficient to know, that all are the work of an. Almighty hand. We find, in the distribution of the human species, that the most fertile as well as the most barren parts of the earth, are inhabited by men of complexions diffe- rent from ours, and from each other ; from whence we may reasonably, as well as re- ligiously, infer, that He, who placed them in their various situations, hath extended equally his care and protection to all, and that it bccometh not us to counteract his mer- cies. We esteem it a peculiar blessing granted to us, that we are enabled this day to add one more step to universal civilization, by removing, as much as possible, the sorrows of those, who have lived in undeserved bondage, and from which, by the assumed autho- rity of the Kings of Great Britain, no effectual, legal relief could be obtained. Wean'ed, by a long course of experience, from those narrow prejudices and partialities we had im- bibed, we find our hearts enlargedlwith kindness and benevolence towards men of all conditions and nations; and we conceive ourselves at this particular period extraordina- rily called upon, by the blessings which we have received, to manifest the sincerity of our profession, and to give a substantial proof of our gratitude. . II. And whereas the condition of those persons, who have heretofore been denomi- nated Negro and Mulatto slaves, has been attended with circumstances, Which not Only deprived them of the common blessings that they were by nature entitled to, but has cast them into the deepest afflictions, by an unnatural separation and sale of husband and wife from each other, and from their children, an injury, the greatness of which, can only be conceived, by supposing that we were in the same unhappy case. In justice, there- fore, to persons so unhappily circurnstarzced, and who, having no prospect before them whereon they may restltheir sorrows and their hopes, have no reasonable mducement to render their services to society, which they otherwise might, and also in grateful ccm- Inemoration of our own happy deliverance from that state of unconditional submission, , to which we were doomed by the tyranny of Britain. 21 In answering an invitation to address the citizens of Pennsylvania, in another place, a short time ago, I said I had a desire to say a few words to the people of the state. Ihave now said them. I have said, and I repeat, that the result of the approaching election rests much in your hands. You may decide it favorably to the interests and honor of the country. VVithout your concurrence, Mr, Poll: cannot be chosen. I wish to state this to you, and to leave 1t with you, in the strongest possible manner. _ We are all, in Massachusetts, interested in the manner you give your votes at the coming Presidential election, and you are as much in- terested in the manner in which we give ours. But there is another election to be shortly decided in this state, besides the Presidential election. It would ill become me to interfere in the elections of another state, of its own state officers, and I will not do so farther than to say that the manner in which this first election of yours is con- ducted, and shall result, will have a great efiect on the hopes and prospects of the Whigs on the one which is so soon to come after it. I need not tell you that there is a great curiosity among the ‘Whigs of other states,—--cum'0si2‘y is a term that is not strong enough for the feeling that exists; there is a deep and strong m2.trz'e!g/ prevailing all over the Union in relation to the way in which the VVhigs shall con- duct this next election in this state. Because, it is perfectly plain to. every man, that if the venerable man who was introduced to you this day-—if that distinguished son of this distinguished state, Who was recently here on this platform, shall be elected Governor, there will be a brightening of the sl;ies——-—there will. be an illumination, at the sight of which every true Whig will rejoice. I have a few words to say to the people of this city—--this fair and beautiful city of yours-——-this city of the Declaration of "Independ- ence----this city, in which was matured and perfected the glorious constitution of the United States--—this noble city, which is connected with so much of the early history of our country and its subsequent prosperity ! Can there be a doubt of the side which this city will take in the coming contest? I ask every young man to sitdown and ask his conscience how he can give a vote for the subversion of all the best interests and the only correct policy of our beloved country! I ask every old man to 1‘e:mernber the past, to reflect on the policy, the principles, and the men, of other times, and to consider if all, in that past, does not prompt him to one course of action. Fellow—citizens of Pennsylvania! There are subordinate questions, on which those may differ, without great injury, who agree in gene- ral principles. And there are questions of a temporary interest, in regard to which a wrong decision, made now, may be corrected here- after. Such are not the questions now before us. The questions now be-« fore us, touch, and touch vitally, great, and deep, and permanent interests of the country. It 22 On these questions, hrethren of the same principles must not differ. In saying this, while I look round about me, and see who compose this vast assembly, I have not, I hope, transcended the bounds ofpro- priety. I You understand me. I need not press the point more ex iicit Y. I‘3Vl“1en great principles of government are at stake, when high and lasting interests are at hazard, I repeat, that in such a crisis, friends must not allow themselves to divide, upon questions respecting men, so as to defeat, or endanger, all their own dearest objects. ‘What we now do, we cannot undo. We do it once, and We do it, for our generation, perhaps forever. And so much, of all our highest interests, our truest prosperity, and our best hopes, depends on having this work well done, that I say once more-——I say it from #23 ziezzy Z20z‘fom of my lzczzrz‘-~I say it with the most profound conviction of its importance, brethren of" the same principles must 72oz‘ be allowed to a?27fi27~ 20272‘/2, regard to MEN. 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