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TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

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TRAVELS IN FRANCE
BY ARTHUR YOUNG

DURING THE YEARS 1787, 1788, 1789.
WITH

AN INTRODUCTION, BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH, AND NOTES

BY

M. BETHAM-EDWARDS,

Author of “ A Year in Western France; ” “ Holidays in Eastern
France,” Editor of “ IMnrray’s Handbook to Eastern,
Central, and Southern France,” &C., €90.

LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS,

YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
1889.

“ That wise and honest traveller.”
JOHN MORLEY.

EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION.

IT is with peculiar appropriateness that these famous travels

are once more given to the world. Just a hundred years
ago the Suffolk squire accomplished his last journey, under cir-
cumstances without parallel in history. He had quitted Paris
towards the end of June, 1789, having come to the conclusion
that, with the constitution of the National Assembly “the whole
business now seemed over and the revolution complete.” With
true British coolness he pursued his agricultural inquiries, this
time taking an easterly direction. On the ever memorable four-
teenth of July we find him at Metz, leisurely as any modern
tourist inepecting “what was worth viewing” in the city. A
few days later, on reaching Strasburg, he learns the great news :
The Bastille has fallen l

The whole kingdom is now in a blaze. He sees famished
mobs clamouring for bread ; he hears of seigneurs fleeing from
burning Chateaux; he is roughly compelled to don the tricolour;
his liberty, even life, are menaced; yet the imperturbable
Englishman goes on.

The wind carries his first cockade into the river; he pur-
chases a second, taking care to have it securely fastened, and
although naively confessing the discomforts of travel “in such
an unquiet and fermenting moment,” the thought of turning
back does not occur to him.

Alone, unarmed, ignorant of the various patois—sole medium
of intercourse in rural districts—our inquisitive and dauntless
traveller visits one out-of-the-way region after another, appa-
rently unconscious, whilst narrating these unique experiences,
that his conduct was little short of heroic.

The fittest introduction to the centennial edition of such a
work is surely a survey of France in the present day—not made

vi INTRODUCTION.

in the Rotunda of the British Museum or by the library fire-
side, but after Arthur Young’s own fashion—the fruits of inves-
tigations as laboriously and lovingly pursued as those of my
great predecessor. I have now followed in his footsteps for up-
wards of fifteen years, visiting and revisiting various parts of
the country described by him so graphically on the eve of the
Revolution. Let us glance at the contrasted picture of France
under the ancien régime and under the Third Republic.

His earliest journey takes him in a south-westerly direction,
through the Orleannais and the Berri, where for the first time
he meets with métayage—“ a miserable system,” he writes, “that
perpetuates poverty and excludes instruction ; ” and he goes on
to describe the fields as “scenes of pitiable management, and the
houses, of misery.”

Throughout the entire work we find métayage, or farming on
half profits, condemned in the strongest terms, yet nothing has
done more to improve the condition of the peasant and of hus-
bandry within the last fifty years.1 Métayage, indeed, which is
but another name for co-operative agriculture, forms the
stepping-stone from the status of hired labourer to that of
capitalist; and whilst the métayer raises himself in the social
scale, extensive wastes are by his agency brought under cultiva-
tion. 80 pOpular is “la culture a mi-fruits,” that, according to
the census of 1872, 11,182,000 hectares were in the hands of
métayers, and 9,360,000 in those of peasant owners. In 1880 a
diminution is seen—18 per cent. of métayage to set against 21
per cent. of proprietorship. Some parts of France are far more
favourable to agricultural partnerships than others. \Ve find
27,484 métairies in the department of the Landes, 24,893 in the
Dordogne, 11,682 in the Allier, 11,568 in the Gironde, whilst in
the Haute Savoie and the Lozére they may be counted by the
hundred, the last-named numbering 825 only. In most cases,
be it remembered, the métayer owns a bit of land. Two condi-
tions are necessary to success: in the first place, the fermier-
général, or farm bailiff, must be dispensed with ; in the second,
a good understanding is necessary between the two contracting

1 See, for full information, the contribution of M. H. Baudrillart of
the Institut to the “Revue des Deux Mondes,” lst Oct.., 1885. “Le
Métayage en France et son avenir.”

INTRODUCTION. vii

parties—the one supplying land, stock, and implements, the
other, manual labour, all produce being equally shared. From
fifty to a hundred and fifty acres is found to be the most favour-
able size of a métairie.

We will now consider the present state of things in the Berri,
a region about which Arthur Young has nothing to say, except
that the husbandry was poor and the people miserable. As all
readers of Georges Sand know well, it is a land of heaths and
wastes, but the extent of uncultivated tracts is being reduced
year by year. So rapid is the progress that the great novelist
herself would hardly recognize certain portions of the country
she has described so inimitably. What, then, must be the
changes wrought in a hundred years ? The transformation is
partly realized by inspecting a pre-Revolutionary hovel. Here
and there may be seen one of these bare, windowless cabins,
now used as an out-house, and, in juxtaposition, the neat, airy,
solid dwellings the peasant owners have built for themselves.

Four years ago I was the guest of a country gentleman near
Chateauroux, chef-lieu of the department of the Indre, formed
from the ancient Berri. Formerly owner of an entire commune,
my host had gradually reduced his estate by selling small parcels
of land to his day-labourers. He informed me that, whilst partly
actuated by philanthropic motives, he was commercially a
gainer. The expense of cultivating such large occupations was
very great, and he could not hOpe for anything like the returns
of the small freeholder. We visited many of these newly-made
farms, with their spick-and-span buildings, the whole having
the appearance of a little settlement in the Far West. The
holdings varied in extent from six to thirty acres, their owners
being capitalists to the amount of from two or three hundred to a
thousand pounds. In each case the purchaser had built him-
self a small but commodious dwelling, and suitable out-houses.
The land was well stocked and cultivated, the people were
neatly and appropriately dressed, and the signs of general con-
tentment and well-being delightful to contemplate. We next
visited a métairie of nearly four hundred acres, and here the
farmstead was on a large scale; the métayer employed several
labourers who were boarded in the house, as was formerly the
custom in certain parts of England, besides two or three dairy-
maids.

viii INTRODUCTION.

Artificial manures and machinery had here come into use;
and if the culture could hardly be described as high farming, the
land was clean and very productive. The cordial relations of
“ bailleur ” and “ preneur,” or owner and métayer, testified to
the satisfactoriness of the arrangement.

Not to be outdone by their rustic neighbours, the artizans of
the Berrichon capital have, with few exceptions, become free-
holders also. Suburban Chateauroux has, indeed, been appro-
priated by this class: the brand-new cottages and semi-detached
villas on the outskirts of the town representing the thrift of the
mechanic—an instance of self-help and sobriety hardly equalled
throughout France. The houses were not only built for, but by
their owners, in Spare moments—another fact illustrating the
innate economy of the French working man.

In purely agricultural districts of the Indre, land has quad-
rupled in value within the last forty or fifty years; near the
towns, of course, the rise has been much higher.

Poitou is described by Arthur Young as “an unimproved,
poor, and ugly country. It seems to want communication, de-
mand and activity of all kinds.” The ancient province of
Poitou comprises La Vendée; but if we turn to the three care~
fully drawn maps appended to the original edition of the French
Travels, we find the very name, so conSpicuous a few years
later, omitted altogether. Such a blank need not astonish us.
“ Who had so much as heard of La Vendée before 1793 ? ” asks
a French historian of the Vendean war. “ Was it a province, a
river, a mountain ? Was it in Anjou, Brittany, or Poitou? "
Nobody knew, and, till the outbreak of the insurrection, nobody
cared to inquire. Only one road traversed the entire country-—
that from Nantes to La Rochelle—~and on the creation of a de-
partment, it was found absolutely necessary to build a town as
chef-lieu, none of sufficient importance existing. Waste, brush-
wood, heath and morass, with here and there patches of rye
and buckwheat, occupied the place of the fertile fields and rich
pastures that now rejoice the eye of the traveller in Bas Poitou.
The transformation of recent years is startling enough. On the
occasion of my first visit to this province fifteen years ago, it
was necessary to cross the great Vendean Plaine, from Poitou
to Bressuire, by diligence; since that period, railways have inter-
sected the country in all directions— even the out-of-the-way

INTRODUCTION. ix

little town of Fontenayde-Comte, so precious to the archaeolo-
gist, has its branch line, whilst schools, railway stations, and
other buildings of public utility have risen in all directions. Niort,
chef-lieu of the Deux Sévres, part of the ancient Bocage, and
scene of the most terrible guerilla warfare of the Blancs and the
Bleus, now possesses a railway station worthy of a capital. It
may be briefly described as a town of 22,000 and odd souls, with-
out a beggar. N o rags, dirt, or vagrancy meet the eye in these
clean, wide, airy streets. The Vendean costume still prevails,
and whilst all is primitive, rustic, and provincial, evidences are
here of immense and rapid progress. The immediate entourage
of the town is one vast fruit and vegetable garden, the property
of peasant owners. Melons, tomatoes, and peaches ripen in the
sun, purple grapes cluster yellow walls, and luxuriant vegeta-
tion on all sides testifies to a highly favoured climate and soil.
The produce of these market gardens is renowned throughout
France. Two hundred acres are given up to the culture of the
onion only.

La Vendée is a region of large tenant farms, and one visited
by-me in the neighbourhood of Niort may be accepted as a fair
sample of the rest. The occupation consisted of four hundred
and fifty acres, let on lease precisely as in England. For sixty-
five years it had been held by members of the same family—a
fact speaking volumes for both owner and tenant. It had con-
sisted in part of waste, let at a nominal rent to begin with, the
sum being raised as the land increased in value. Mule-rearing
for Spain is one of the chief resources of La Vendée, and we
were shown upwards of forty young mules of great beauty, vary-
ing in value from £30 to £80. The entire stock of the farm
numbered seventy head of mules, horses, cows, and oxen, sixty
sheep, besides pigs and poultry. Vineyards cover a tract of
30,000 hectares in this department, but here, as in many other
places, the phylloxera had wrought entire ruin, only the blackened
stocks remaining. The tenant farmer I name, as is almost
universally the case, owned a small portion of land. Very likely,
had inquiry gone back a generation or two, we should have found
métayage the beginning of this prosperous family, their stepping-
stone from the condition of day-labourer to that of capitalist.

Much larger holdings than the one just described exist in this
part of France, and if the traveller takes a south-westerly direc-

X INTRODUCTION.

tion from Niort to the sea coast, he will see a succession of large
walled-in farmsteads recalling the moated granges of the Isle
of Wight, the size and extent of the buildings attesting the im-
portance of the occupation.

Of Languedoc Arthur Young writes in a very different strain.
The picture, indeed, drawn by him of peasant owners round
about Sauve and Ganges, in the department of the Gard, may
well bear comparison with the traveller’s experiences to-day.

“ An activity has been here,” he writes, “ that has swept away
all difficulties before it, and has clothed the very rocks with
verdure. It would be an insult to common sense to ask the
cause. The enjoyment of prOperty must have done it. Give a
man the secure possession of a black rock and he will turn it
into a garden.”

Here it is necessary to put in a word of explanation. Our
author sets down one-third of French territory as belonging to
the peasant at the time he wrote. This is one of the few errors
of a very exact writer. In reality only a fourth of the soil be-
longed to the people before the Revolution, their little holdings
having been acquired by means of incredible laboriousness and
privation. The origin and deve10pment of peasant property
throughout France can only be touched upon here. \Ve must
go very far back, farther even than the enfranchisement of the
serfs by Louis 1e Hutin, in order to trace the progressive trans-
fer of land.1

The Crusades, especially that of St. Bernard, brought about a
veritable revolution in the matter of land tenure. The seigneurs,
impoverished by all kinds of extravagance, then sold portions of
property, not only to rich bourgeois and ecclesiastics, but to their
own serfs, for the purpose of furnishing the necessary equipment.
Many nobles thus succeeded in procuring ransom, forfeiting
patrimony for their soul’s good. The small owner by little and
little contrived to better his position, and in the Etats Généraux
of 1481, summoned by the great Anne of France, for the first
time we find free peasants taking part in a legislative assembly.
The Tiers Etat as a political body already existed.

1 ‘ , ' 3 ' " fl ,‘4‘ u-.
bee H. Maltms “Histone de Trance, vol. 111., p. 268, ct 309.,
c . . a . ° :2- '~ ‘
‘Les Seifs tlansformes en winners, and vol. 111., p. 190, “Ittats
Genéraux.”

INTRODUCTION. xi

In the words of a living authority lately quoted,1 peasant
property, far from being a device invented all of a piece and
carried by force of law, dates from a period long anterior to the
Revolution. In some places the number of small parcels of
land has hardly changed from early times. The sale of church
lands had by no means the effects attributed to it. About one-
third of these consisted of forest, which was added to the state,
another third consisted of buildings and town property, the re-
maining third, consisting of land, was sold in the lots actually
existing without being divided at all, and the purchasers were
for the most part well-to-do bourgeois.

These observations have seemed appropriate, as much con-
fusion still exists on the subject among ourselves. That peasant
prOperty is the direct creation of the Revolution appears to be
the generally accepted theory in England. Had Arthur Young’s
travels been read here with the attention paid to them by our
French neighbours, such an error would have been cleared up
long ago.

The Gard, of which our traveller gives so glowing a descrip-
tion, is by no means one of the most favoured departments. The
phylloxera and the silkworm pest have greatly affected the
prosperity of both town and country, yet the stranger halting
at Le Vigan, or making his way thence to Millau in the
Aveyron, finds himself amid a condition of things usually re-
garded as UtOpian—a cheerful, well-dressed, self-supporting
population, vagrancy unknown, and a distribution of well-being
perhaps without a parallel in any part of EurOpe. Again and
again will occur to his mind the famous passage with which
Virgil concludes his second Georgie, that beautiful picture of
pastoral happiness, which if imaginary in old Roman days, is
so often realized in the rural France of our own.

Next Arthur Young visits the Landes on his way to Bordeaux.
Here extraordinary changes have taken place within the last
twenty years; what then must be the transformation wrought
during the course of a century? Plantations, the sinking of
wells, drainage, and irrigation, are fast fixing the unstable
sands, making fruitful the marsh, and creating a healthful
climate and fertile soil. Early in the present century the land

1 M. H. Baudrillart, “ Contemporary Review,” May, 1886.

xii INTRODUCTION.

here was sold “au son de la voix; ” 1 in other words, the
accepted standard of measurement was the compass of human
lungs. The stretch of ground reached by a man’s voice sold for
a few francs. CrOps are now replacing the scant herbage of the
salt marsh, and the familiar characteristic of the landscape, the
shepherd’s stilts, are already almost a thing of the past. The
échasse, or in patois, chanque, a word dating from the English
occupation, and derived by some authorities from “ shank,” is
naturally discarded as the morass is transformed into solid
ground. Six hundred thousand hectares of Landes planted
with sea-pines produce resin to the annual value of fifteen
million francs.

This noble tree, the phi/us maritima, is here achieving a
climatic revolution similar to the changes effected by the febri-
fugal Eucalyptus in the once fever-stricken plains of Algeria.
The cork-tree, or chéne-liége, has proved equally effective.
Many arid tracts are now covered with magnificent forests of
recent growth, not only affording a source of revenue, but trans-
forming the aSpect and climatic conditions of the country. Only
an inconsiderable proportion of the Landes remains in its former
state.

Arthur Young’s second journey takes him through Brittany
and Anjou. Here also advance has been so rapid within our
own time that the traveller revisiting these provinces finds his
notes of ten or fifteen years ago utterly at fault.

“ Landes—landes—landes ” (wastes, wastes, wastes), “ a
country possessing nothing but privilege and poverty,” such is
the verdict passed by the Suffolk squire on Brittany in 1788.
The privileges were swept away with a stroke of the pen twelve
months later; the poverty, though an evil not to be so summarily
dealt with, has gradually given way to a happier state of things
Of no French province can the economist now write more hope-
fully.

\Vere I to renew my acquaintance with the friendly tenant
farmers of Nozay in the Loire Inférieure, described by me else-
where, or the hospitable freeholders of Hennebont in the Mor-
bihan, I should without doubt find many changes for the better.
The sabots into which the bare feet of both master and men,
mistress and maids, were thrust a few years ago, have been

1 See E. Réclus, “ Géographie de la France.”

INTRODUCTION. xiii

replaced by shoes and stockings. Wheaten bread and butcher’s
meat find their way to many a farmhouse table. Cookery has
improved. \Vages have risen. Dwellings are built on a more
wholesome plan.1 Intellectual progress, whilst hardly keeping
pace with the spread of material well-being, is yet satisfactory in
the extreme. \Vhen interrogated by travellers of our own day in
French, the Breton peasant would shake his head and pass on.
Only the ebbing generation now remains ignorant of its mother
tongue. '

One curious omission must have struck most readers of the
French travels. This quick and accurate observer who takes
note of every object that meets his eye, who traverses the three
historic highroads, diverging to the right and to the left in quest
of information, never by any chance whatever mentions a village
‘school. Had such schools existed we may be sure that he would
have visited them, bequeathing us in a few graphic sentences an
outline of their plan and working. The education of the pe0ple
was a dead letter in France at the time he wrote. Here and
there the curé or fréres Ignorantins would get the children to-
gether and teach them to recite the catechism or spell a credo
and paternoster. Writing, arithmetic, much less the teaching
of French, were deemed unnecessary. The Convention during
its short régime (1792-1796) decreed a comprehensive scheme
of primary instruction, lay, gratuitous and obligatory, but the
initiative was not followed up, and the first law on the subject
carried into effect was that of 1833. How slowly matters
advanced in Brittany may be gathered from an isolated fact.
80 late as 1872 two-thirds of the inhabitants of the Ille and
Vilaine could neither read nor write. It remained for the
Third Republic to remove this stigma, and Within the last
eighteen years schools have sprung up in all directions. The
department just named numbered in 1884 between seven and
eight hundred alone.2

1 See M. H. Baudrillart, “ Revue des Deux Mondes,” 15th Oct. and
15th Nov., 1884.

2 During the year spent by the present writer in Western France
(1875-6), the following announcement often met the eye at Nantes:
“Ecrivain publique, 10 centimes par lettre.” Women servants who
could read, much less write, were then an exception. The free night-
schools opened by the municipal council rendered infinite service before

xiv INTRODUCTION.

Agricultural progress has been more rapid. Rotation crops
and four-course farming have long superseded the ruinous
method of sowing the same crops, generally buckwheat or oats,
for several years in succession, followed by an equally long
period. of fallow. Arthur Young’s corner-stone of good farming,
a fine piece of turnips, may now be seen here as at his native
Bradfield. Artificial manures and machinery are used instead
of the dried leaves and antiquated implements once in vogue.
Upper Brittany has won for itself the name of the granary of
western France, from its abundance of corn. The Breton breed
of horses and cattle is second to none throughout the country.
Between the years 1840 and 1880 upwards of 400,000 hectares
of wastes have been brought under cultivation, and the process
of clearing goes steadily on.

To many causes are due this transformation of a region so
long stationary. Foremost stands the great agricultural college
of Grand J ouan, near Nozay, in the Loire Inférieure, founded
in 1830. Our Suffolk farmer sighed for such an institution,
and predicted the advantages that would accrue generally from
training schools of practical and theoretic agriculture. Such
schools, alike on a large or modest scale, the latter called ferme-
école, are now scattered all over France, Grand Jouan, pre-
cursor of the rest, still retaining pre-eminence. Its object is
twofold: firstly, to form good farmers, gardeners, land-sur-
veyors, and agricultural chemists; secondly, to develop the
progress of agriculture by the introduction of the newest ma-
chinery and the most improved methods, by farming high, in
fact, for the benefit of outsiders. The curriculum occupies two
years and a half; day students, many of whom belong to the
peasant class, are received at a cost of two hundred francs
yearly.

“It is Grand J ouan that teaches us to farm,” remarked a.
tenant farmer of the neighbourhood to the present writer in
1875, when showing, with no little pride, a field of turnips
grown upon a layer of bone phOSphate.

The spread of railways, the creation of roads and other fa-
cilities of communication, must be taken into account, also the

the passing of the great educational act of 1886. At the School Board
election, Hastings, 1889, many voters could neither read nor write!

INTRODUCTION. XV

great advantages enjoyed by Brittany in respect of climate.
Magnolias and camellias flourish out of doors all the year round
at Nantes, and arrived at St. Pol de Léon (Finistére) in No-
vember, the tourist finds the soft air and warm sunshine of the
south. The fruit and vegetables of Roscofi“ and other equally
favoured spots produce sums that would have appeared fabulous
a few years ago, much more in Arthur Young’s time.1 The
strawberries of Plougastel alone bring an annual return of half
a million francs. These market gardens, varying in extent
from two or three to twenty-five hectares, are the property of
peasant owners, but here as elsewhere a great variety of land
tenure is found.

Métayage, whilst existing in the Cotes du Nord and the Loire
Inférieure, is not regarded with much favour by the Breton.
Tenant farming and ownership are more congenial to his some-
what uncompromising temperament. The domaine congéable,2 a
contract dating from the twelfth century, and of universal ac-
ceptance fifty years ago, is now found only in Finistere and
the Morbihan. Nothing could be simpler than this arrange-
ment—the owner handing over his land in return for a small
rent, the farmer becoming possessor of outbuildings, if erected
at his expense, stock and crOps, both parties being at liberty to
separate under certain conditions, one of which was the reim-
bursement of outlay. It will easily be seen that such a system
would work well whilst the land possessed little value and
capital was scarce. Nevertheless, the domaine congéwble is still
to be found in what we may well call a land of survivals. Two
of these unfortunately form a serious stumbling~block to pro-
gress, and seem likely to outlast the picturesque costumes, the
old-World traditions, even the ancient speech of the French
Bretagne. Beggary and intemperance, from time immemorial,
have degraded a population characterized by many sterling
qualities. So far backas 1536 3 we find severe edicts against

1 Nevertheless, in the space of five or six years the Revolution had
quadrupled the resources of civilization and enormously developed mate-
rial progress throughout the country.—Mignet, vol. ii. , p. 17 9.

2 “ Congéable. Tenure a domaine congéable, tenure avec faculté pour
le bailleur de congédier a volonté 1e preneur, en lui remboursant son amé-
lioration.”-—Littré.

3 See H. Martin, vol. viii., p. 273.

xvi INTRODUCTION.

drunkenness in Brittany, comprised in the celebrated judicial
reforms of Francois I. and his legists. According to this
Draconian code, for the first offence the punishment was a term
of bread and water diet in prison; for the second, flogging; in
case of incorrigibility, loss of ears and banishment.

Orphanages, industrial schools, benefit societies, and other
philanthrOpic measures are combating the first evil. The
second, it is to be lmped, will disappear with the gradual spread
of education and material well-being.

Great is the change that awaits the traveller in sunny, light-
hearted, dance-loving Anjou. The Breton peasant, taciturn,
reserved, yet hospitable, will set before his guest the best his
larder afi‘ords—cyder, rye-bread baked weeks before, hard
cheese, curds and whey; in Anjou the housewife brings out a
white loaf, fresh butter and jam, wine, even liqueur. A lady
tourist unaccompanied may safely entrust herself to a Breton
driver. Throughout the long day’s journey across solitary
regions he will never once open his lips unless interrogated.
But the English visitor in an Angevin country-house is soon
regarded as a friend by all the neighbours. Many and many a
time, the labours in the field over, the merry supper taken out
of doors ended, have I been invited to join the peasant folk in
the joyous round. Accompanied only by the sound of their
own voices, and needing no other stimulus, for ball-room a
stretch of sward, for illumination the stars, young and old for-
get the long day’s toil and the cares of life in these innocent
Bacchanalia. Ofttimes the dance would be prolonged till near
midnight, the presence of a stranger apparently adding zest to
the festivity ; but no matter how hilarious the mirth, how open-
hearted the sense of fellowship, no unseemly jest, no indecorous
word, jars our ears.

“Maine and Anjou,” writes our traveller, “have the ap-
pearance of deserts,” and he goes on to note one feature of the
country which even in our own time is apt to convey an idea of
poverty. Throughout the department of the Maine and Loire,
formed from the ancient Anjou, may still be seen those cave-
dwellings or Troglodyte villages which astonished Arthur
Young a century ago, ready-made habitations hollowed out of
the tufa or yellow calcareous rock abounding in the department.
Sometimes in our walks and drives we have the backs of the

INTRODUCTION. xvii

houses towards us, and see only their tall chimneys rising from
behind the hedges. Elsewhere we come upon a vast cave, in shape
like an amphitheatre, containing half-a-dozen cottages or human
burrows, crops and fruit-trees flourishing overhead. But already
in 1875 the darkest and most comfortless subterranean chambers
had been abandoned, and on revisiting the country fourteen
years later, I found neat, new dwellings everywhere Springing
up, the homes of peasant farmers built by themselves. In the
commune of St. Georges des Sept Voies I visited several new
houses constructed at a cost varying from £80 to £250, in every
case most. of the work being achieved by the owner. One
well-to-do peasant was building for himself an eight-roomed
house, or what in England would even be called a villa, with
flower-garden in front, parlour, kitchen, and offices on the
ground flour, above, four airy bedrooms.

In the Maine and Loire the land is much divided, very few
farms consist of a hundred hectares, by far the larger proportion
of three or four only, or closem’es. Yet between the years 1833
and 1870 1 the value of land showed a rise of 50 per cent., and
since that period progress has been far more rapid. The creation
of roads and railways,the use of artificial manures and machinery,
the cross-breeding of stock,had in 1862 given the Maine and Loire
the fourth rank among French. departments, whilst in 1880 it
stood first as a corn-producing country. Wine, corn, and fruit
are largely exported, and the slate quarries of Angers, the linen
manufactories of Cholet, employ thousands of hands, and bring
in vast revenues, the latter in 1869 reaching the total of fifteen
million francs.

The desert that saddened Arthur Young’s eyes may now be
described as a land of Goshen, overflowing with milk and honey.
The peasant wastes nothing and spends little; he possesses
stores of home-spun linen, home-made remedies, oil, vinegar,
honey, cyder, Wine of his own producing. So Splendid the
climate, so rich the soil, that the poorest eats asparagus, green
peas, and strawberries every day when in season, and, as every-
one owns crops, nobody pilfers his neighbour. The absolute
security of unguarded possessions is one advantage of peasant

1' See “Mémoires de la Société Industrielle de Maine et Loire,”
also E. Réclus, “ Géographie de la France.”

b

xviii INTRODUCTION.

property, the absence of pauperism, another. Each commune
charges itself with the maintenance of its sick or aged poor,
provided no members of their own family are able to undertake
the duty. The hatefulness of dependence and the strong in-
ducements to thrift held out by secure possession of the land,
render these public burdens comparatively light. As a rule only
intemperance or an accumulation of misfortunes reduce the
French peasant to accept alms.

The third journey covers an enormous area, and takes our
traveller into regions widely divergent both in respect of scenery,
pOpulation, and resources. He begins with Champagne, traverses
Alsace—Lorraine, as the forfeited departments of the Upper and
Lower Rhine are now called, makes his way through the J ura,
Burgundy, the Bourbonnais, Auvergne, obtains a glimpse of the
Rhone valley, visits the Papal state of Avignon and the Comté
de Nice, familiar in these days as the Riviera, at the time he
wrote, an appanage of Savoy.

It is curious that, although fully recognizing the existence of
peasant owners and, as has been seen, rendering ample justice
to their thrift and laboriousness, he never seems to have in-
spected any of the tiny holdings passed on the road. Probably
the poor peOple, humiliated by want and all kinds of wretched-
ness, would have resented such an intrusion, feeling, in Scrip-
tural phrase, “ Verily to see the poverty of the land art thou
come.” In our own day nothing flatters the flourishing farm-
ing folk of the Seine and Marne more than the visit of an in-
quiring stranger. They are never too busy to be courteous, and
the curious in agriculture need not hesitate to put a string of
questions. What a contrast is presented by that recorded con-
versation with a peasant woman of Mars-la-Tour (Meurthe and
Moselle) and chance acquaintance made with a housewife of
eastern France at the present time !

Arthur Young describes his interlocutor as miserably clad,
bent with toil, and although youthful, wearing a look of age,
whilst the story she poured out, was one of hopeless struggle
and unmitigated hardship. The farmeress of the rich cheese-
making country of Brie en Champagne still works hard, drives
to market with her eggs and butter, and even upon occasions
lends a hand in the harvest field. But on Sundays and holidays
her neat cotton dress is exchanged for a fashionable toilette;

INTRODUCTION. . xix

her children receive a liberal education; when her daughters
marry, they have a dowry of several thousand pounds.1 With
beaming satisfaction and genuine hospitality she welcomes an
English visitor, offering new milk or cordials, delighted to show
her household stores of linen, her dairy and poultry yard.
Upon one occasion, after a long ramble amid the cornfields and
vineyards near Couilly (Seine and Marne), I entered the shop of
a village baker, and asked for a roll. The mistress very kindly
invited me into her back parlour, brought out excellent bread,
Brie cheese, the pleasant wine of the country, refusing payment.
Hospitable instincts are fostered by prevailing ease and well-
being. The little towns of this department all possess public
baths, personal cleanliness is a noteworthy feature, and beggary
is nil. Here, however, we have under consideration one of the
wealthiest agricultural populations of France—the sale of cheese
alone at the Meaux market reaches the sum of six or seven
million francs yearly. Fruit and vegetables are largely exported,
the village curé, as well as his parishioners, adding to income
by the sale of pears and greengages. “ You have come only just
in time, ladies,” said the vicaire of one of these villages to my-
self and friends, bent on making a purchase, during the summer
of 1878; “ almost all my greengages are ordered for the
English market. Ah ! those English, those English, they
monopolize everything: our best fruit, and the island of
Cyprus.”

The rich red rose, erroneously called Provence rose, was in
reality introduced here by the Crusaders, but no longer forms an
article of commerce. Provins, ancient capital of La Brie, from
which the rose derived its name, is as picturesque a town as any
in the country.

The p0pu1arity enjoyed by Arthur Young on the other side of
La Manche need not astonish us. Yet one passage of these
Travels can but raise painful reflection in every conscientious
and patriotic mind. Nothing can be more painful to ardent
sympathizers with France and French character than a sojourn
in Alsace-Lorraine. The sorrowful, indeed agonized clinging of
born Alsatians to the mother-country, once witnessed, can never

1 I have heard of one rich farmer’s daughter of this district receiving
a million of francs, £40,000, as her marriage portion.

XX INTRODUCTION.

be forgotten. But who is able to read the following passage by
an English traveller in the Rhine provinces just a hundred years
ago, without some change of feeling ‘2—

“ In Saverne,” writes Arthur Young in 1789, “ I found myself
to all appearances in Germany. Looking at a map of France
and reading histories of Louis XIV. never threw his con-
quest or seizure of Alsace into the light which travelling into it
did; to cross a great range of mountains ; to enter a level plain
inhabited by a pe0ple totally distinct and different from that of
France, with manners, language, ideas, prejudices and habits
all different, made an impression of the injustice and ambition
of such a conduct much more forcible than ever reading had
done; so much more powerful are things than words.” Now-
a-days, if you question a blue-eyed, fair-haired, square-built
peasant girl of Alsace-Lorraine as to her origin, she will glance
round shyly to assure herself that there are no unfriendly
listeners, and proudly reply in the tongue of her primitive
ancestors, recently the conquerors of the fatherland, “Ich bin
Franzb‘sisch geboren ” (I am French by birth). When spending
an autumn in Alsace-Lorraine five years ago, I found Mulhouse
still a French town in every respect but name. “ Nous sommes
plus Franqais que les Franqais ” (we are more French than the
French themselves) was the universal sentiment of rich and
poor expressed without reserve in English hearing. A system
of repression only to be compared to the Russian rule in Poland,
and wholesale immigration of born Prussians, is gradually
forcing a hated nationality upon this population so susceptible
and so warm-hearted, uniting the graces of the French character
with the sturdy qualities of the Teuton.

Thrice unhappy Alsace! In the position of a beautiful and
richly-dowered orphan—alike the darling and the prey of one
jealous foster-parent after another—the ill-fated country seems
doomed to perpetual disenchantment and betrayal; her afi'ec-
tions no sooner firmly implanted than they are torn up by the
bleeding roots.

Of Franche-Comté not much is seen, the traveller’s plans
being disarranged by local disturbances. He does, however,
pass through the departments of the Doubs and the J ura, formed
from the ancient domain of Mary of Burgundy. Here, again,
we who know every inch of the road are struck by what at first

INTRODUCTION. xxi

appears an unaccountable omission. No reference is made to
the numerous village industries which now characterize the
country, not only from the economist’s point of View, but also
adding peculiar features to the landscape. In the remotest
valley of the Jura, breaking the solitude of pine forests, mingling
their din with the roar of mountain torrents, is now heard the
sound of mill-wheels and steam hammers, tall factory chimneys
not a little detracting from scenery inimitably described by
Ruskin. Whilst the majority of the inhabitants lead a pastoral
life, and cheese-making is carried on everywhere, hardly a ham-
let but possesses its special manufactory or handicraft. Turnery
and wood~carving at St. Claude, gem polishing at Septmoncel
and Oyonnax, clock and spectacle making at Morez,l employ
thousands of hands ; whilst among exports of lesser importance
figure wadding, gum, clock cases, bottles, and baskets. Many
of these trades are pursued by the craftsman at home and on
his own account. Hours alike both pleasant and profitable
have I spent in these cottage ateliers, chatting with my hosts as
they worked, the clean little room Opening on to a tiny garden,
the baby and the kitten sporting in the sun.

The wood-carvers are veritable artists, and their elegantly
carved pipe-stems find their way to the remotest corners of the
earth.

Diamond polishing and turnery were carried on in the J ura
several centuries ago. For the most part, however, village
industries, as well as village schools, were ignored by Arthur
Young, because they did not exist. When, in 1789, he passed
within a few miles of the marvellously placed little cathedral
city of St. Claude, the all-puissant count-bishOp, inheritor of the
rich abbey and its seigneurial dependencies, had only just been
compelled to enfranchise his forty thousand serfs. These bond-
servants of a Christian prelate, whose cause the so-called atheist
Voltaire had pleaded magnanimously in vain, were up to
that time mainmortable—that is to say, if childless, they had
no power to bequeath their pr0perty, which accrued to the
seigneur.

1 This lunettem’e resolves itself into a scientific study of noses !——a long-
nosed nation requiring one kind of spectacles, a short-nosed people an-
other, and so on. A pair of spectacles can be made here for three half-

pence.

xxii INTRODUCTION.

The country was not without resources, but its revenues did
not enrich the tiller of the soil. From early times the white
wines of the J ura were celebrated throughout France. “ I have
some wine of Arbois in my cellar,” wrote the gay Gascon,
Henry IV., to the Duke de Mayenne on their reconciliation,
“and I send you two bottles which I think you will not
dislike.”

The pretty little town of Arbois is worth visiting, not only for
the sake of tasting its matchless wine, but also for its scenery——
the valley of the Cuisance is indeed a corner of Eden. The soil
is poor and the land minutely subdivided in the J ura, yet the
condition of the peasant is now one of comparative ease and
entire independence. Both morally and intellectually these
mountaineers rank high among the rural population of France.
An excellent notion of the mental capacities of the small land-
owners may be obtained by attending a sitting of the J uge de
Paix. The skill and readiness with which they state their
cause and act the part of their own advocate are remark-
able. For the most part the quarrels among neighbours
arise from contested boundaries; the judge, after patiently
hearing both sides of the question, settles matters for once
and for all by visiting the spot, and in person fixing the
landmarks.

The villages of the Doubs, especially Ornans, home of the
painter Courbet, so picturesquely placed, are also active centres
of industry: kirsch, fabricated from cherries of local renown,
absinthe, tiles, nails, wire, are largely manufactured, to say
nothing of the Gruyére cheese, the staple product of Franche
Comté. The Revolution in a few years metamorphosed entire
regions. From this period dates the famous watch-making com-
merce of Besanqon. Introduced by the Convention in 1793, it is
now carried on so extensively that out of every hundred watches
manufactured in France, eighty-six come from the chef-lieu of
the Doubs. In 1880 the number of hands thus employed
reached a total of 46,000. The Bisontin watchmaker often
works on his own account; and here, as at Chateauroux in the
Indre, is witnessed a striking example of thrift among the
artizan class. Many of these working watchmakers contrive by
dint of extreme laboriousness and economy to purchase a vine-
yard or garden in the suburbs. They build a summer-house, or

INTRODUCTION. xxiii

even chalet, and with wives and children there spend Sundays
and holidays amid their fruit and flowers.

From Franche Comté our traveller reaches Burgundy and the
Bourbonnais. In the neighbourhood of Autun (SaGne and Loire)
he tells us that he looked for fat farmers, and found only
starving métayers. The department is neither pre-eminent in
the matter of agriculture nor of social advance, yet it is a sight
now-a-days to see “the fat farmers” at the September fair of
Autun. From early morning they pour into the town, some in
gigs or hooded carriages, with wife and children, others on foot,
and the greater number driving their cattle—the splendid white
oxen known as the Morvan breed. These peasant farmers wear
under the blue blouse shining broad cloth, and betake them-
selves at midday to the first hotel in the place, there to enjoy
the table d’hote breakfast ; but no sooner is business over, with.
out losing a moment, untempted by fireworks and other enter-
tainments, all set off homewards. Such experiences enable us
to understand the stability and solid wealth of the French
farmer. He is not above work, and does not disdain the
uniform of labour.

The same strict attention to daily concerns is seen on the
occasion of a general election. Just before attending one of
these cattle fairs of Autun I happened to be staying at St.
Honoré-les-Bains, in the adjoining department of the Nievre,
when an election took place. The peasant farmers, although
the day was Sunday, performed their electoral duties with the
utmost despatch, and returned to their homes.

Much of the scenery of this part of France has an English
look. We see fields set round with lofty hedges, winding lanes,
sweeps of gorse and heather, alternately recalling Devonshire
and Sussex. Here are found tenant farms, large properties
cultivated by their owners, small holdings parcelled out among
the peasants and métairies.

It was inevitable that a traveller in ArthurYoung’s time
should miss many objects of striking interest on the way. The
first itineraries of France seem to have been inspired by the
Englishman’s example—I allude to the voluminous works of
Millin and Vaysse de Villiers published in the early part of the
present century ; the departmental system had not as yet created
a French map, or, in the strict acceptance of the word, French

xxiv INTRODUCTION.

geography. Archaeology was a dead letter, and very little
interest was felt, even by educated pe0ple, in the scenery or
curiosities of their native land. Thus he halted at Auray, and
there was no one to point out the great stone avenues of Carnac
and the dolmens of Locmariaker; he passed through Alsace,
ignoring the famous shrine and grandiose site of St. Odille, ex-
tolled by Goethe in his poetic reminiscences. Arrived at Autun,
he was within easy reach of Avallon, so nobly towering over the
beautiful valley of the Cousin, and of the abbey church of
Vézélay, unique in splendour and of unique renown. Here,
too, he was on the threshold of the little Celtic kingdom of the
Morvan, where village communism, as existing among patri-
archal tribes, remained in force till our own day, and where the
stalwart husbandman still throws over his shoulder the Gallic
sagum, or short cloak, worn by the contemporaries of Vercinge-
torix. The last village commune was broken up in 1848. The
inhabitants of this most picturesque, but unproductive, country
depend largely on industrial earnings, many migrating to Paris
and other towns, and there pursuing various trades during part
of the year. The curious “ flottage a buches perdues,” or float-
ing of loose logs, a speciality of the Morvan, gives work to
thousands of men, women, and children at certain seasons.

A wretched village occupied the site of the world-famous iron-
foundries of Le Creusot, when Arthur Young journeyed from
Autun to Nevers in 1789. These works, now covering a super-
ficies of three hundred acres, and employing ten thousand hands,
have deveIOped into a town almost tripling the respective popu-
lations of the above-mentioned towns, chefs-lieux of the Saone
and Loire and the Niévre.

From “the mild, healthy, and pleasant plains of the Bour-
bonnais,” he passed into Auvergne, obtaining a glimpse of “the
rich Limagne,” of which Mr. Barham Zincke has given us an
exhaustive account. The Velay is rapidly traversed, and the
chateau of Polignac visited, already deserted by its owners, the
thankless protégés of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette. From
its ruined battlements and prison towers, the tourist now he-
holds a heart-quickening scene of rural ease and smiling fertility;
far and wide the beautifully cultivated plain, with its varied
cr0ps, not one inch of land wasted, the whole forming a brilliant
patchwork of green fields and yellow corn, whilst dotted here

INTRODUCTION. XXV

and there are neat little homesteads and pasturing flocks and
herds.

From Le Puy, chef-lieu of the Haute-Loire, in spite of
wretched inns and troublous times, Montélimar on the Rhone
is reached, at that time belonging to Dauphiné, in our own, chef-
lieu of the Drome. Here he describes “mountains covered with
chestnuts and various articles of cultivation, which in districts
not waste or volcanic, are waste, or in a great measure useless.”
Until the ravages of the phylloxera, the choicer vineyards of the
Drome sold at the rate of 60,000 francs the hectare; but the
manufactures of Crest and Romans now constitute the chief
wealth of this department.

Next he visits Avignon and the country of Venaissin, de-
scribed as “one of the richest districts in the kingdom,” and
followed by a picture of Vaucluse no traveller has as yet sur-
passed. It was not till two years later, be it remembered, that
the Papal state of Avignon and the little Comté Venaissin were
incorporated into French territory at the request of the inhabi-
tants, forming, with the principality of Orange and a portion of
Provence, the department of Vaucluse. The supersession of
madder by chemical dyes, and the phylloxera have of late years
greatly diminished the revenues of this wealthy region, which,
if visited in summer, almost persuades the stranger that he is in
the East. Nothing can be more Oriental than the veteran fig-
trees, the peach orchards, the olive groves, all veiled with finest
white dust beneath a burning blue sky.

Here may be said to end Arthur Young’s survey of France on
the eve of the Revolution, an enterprise altogether original, and
carried out under extraordinary circumstances. We need not
feel astonishment at the great pOpularity enjoyed by his work on
the other side of the Channel. \Vhilst many fairly educated
English folk have never so much as heard the author’s name,
it is familiar to every schoolboy in France. The Sufl'olk squire’s
scathing summing-up of the ancien régime, “Whenever you
stumble upon a grand seigneur, even one that is worth millions,
you are sure to find his property desert,” is cited in the elemen-
tary histories for public schools approved by the minister of
education. Whilst, moreover, English students have been
hitherto compelled to resort to the British Museum or wait
long and patiently for an expensive copy of these Travels to

xxvi INTRODUCTION.

turn up at a secondhand bookseller’s, unabridged edition after
edition has appeared in Paris.1

Arthur Young did not hesitate to tell his French readers
some blunt home-truths, apparently taken in excellent temper;
his journal must be described, for all that, as one long, graceful
acknowledgment of courtesies and hOSpitalities, recorded in an
age when anything like international friendship was rare in-
deed.

The book has greater claims upon French sympathy. In
spite of certain reservations, it is a vindication of peasant pro-
perty and the Revolution, the two cardinal points of French
belief. From the first page to the last, he sets down the abject
wretchedness of the peOple and the stagnant condition of trade
and commerce to bad government. But another adage of our
“ wise and honest traveller,” his famous axiom, “ The magic of
property turns sands to gold,” equally with improved adminis-
tration, must account for the contrasted picture that now meets
our view. By the light of after-events he was led to modify his
ideas concerning the establishment of a democracy in France.
But he had already given his experiences to the world; he
could not undo the eflect of his published work, and the obser-
vations summed up in his final chapter, to quote a great living
critic, were “ a luminous criticism of the most important side
of the Revolution, worth a hundred times more than Burke,
Paine, and Macintosh all put together. Young afterwards be-
came panic-stricken, but his book remained. There the writer
enumerates Without trope or invective the intolerable burdens
under which the great mass of the French peeple had for long
years been groaning. It was the removal of those burdens that
made the very heart’s core of the Revolution, and gave to
France that new life which so soon astonished and terrified
Europe.” 2

Into Arthur Young’s services to agriculture we have no space

1 Twenty thousand COpleS were printed by order of the Convention.
and distributed gratuitously in every commune. “ Ce que,” dit le
Ministre de l’Intérieur, Garat, “ contribua rapidement et sensiblement a
nLétacrlnorp’hoser lles cailloux des collines en vignes fécondes, et les plaines
a an onnees a, a tourte en ros {t (r .”——— . l ' '
Rémlution, Paris, 1794. g p1 urages Garat, \Iémmres, sur la

‘2 “ Burke,” by John Morley (“ English Men of Letters ”), p. 162.

INTRODUCTION. xxvii

to enter here. They have been briefly indicated by the bril-
liant, but all too rapid, historian of the English people. “ The
numerous enclosure bills,” writes Mr. Green, “which began
with the reign of George the Second, and eSpecially marked
that of his successor, changed the whole face of the country.
Ten thousand square miles of untilled land have been added,
under their operation, to the area of cultivation, while in the
tilled land itself the production had been more than doubled
by the advance of agriculture, which began with the travels
and treatises of Mr. Arthur Young.”

His claims are not only those of a foremost agriculturist, an
indefatigable promoter of the arts of peace, a citizen of the
world in the widest acceptation of the name. He had pondered
long and deeply on those social and political problems that
occupy thinkers of our own day. Eminently practical, be yet
indulged from time to time in the loftiest idealism. “Why
may not the time come,” he writes in an early work, “ when
the whole world shall be in a state of knowledge, elegance, and
peace?” Scattered throughout his writings we find, side by
side with a statesmanlike grasp of facts, veritable flashes of
inepiration, a deep phiIOSOphical insight into the possibilities
of human progress.1

' In one of his private note-books Arthur Young writes that the
manuscript of the French Travels went through a most careful process of
excision before being submitted to the printer. He adds, “ I am strongly
of opinion that if nine-tenths of other writers would do the same thing,
their performance would be so much the better, for one reads very few
quartos that would not be improved by reducing to octavo.”

Another interesting fact recorded is the item of expenditure. The first
journey, lasting just upon six months, cost £118 15.9. 203. The second
journey, of eighty-eight days, cost just £61, or at the rate of fourteen
shillings a day, about the sum an economical traveller would spend in
France at the present time, obtaining naturally much more comfort for
his money.

My warm thanks are due to Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Young,
grandson and granddaughter-in-law of the great agriculturist,
without whose kind assistance the following memoir could not
have been written. The materials were placed at my disposal
whilst enjoying the hOSpitality of Bradfield Hall, the modern
mansion occupying the site of Arthur Young’s old home.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

ARTHUR YOUNG was born Sept. 11, 1741, at Whitehall,
but this accident of birthplace does not deprive Suffolk of
a distinguished son. His home from the first, as it remained
throughout the greater part of his life, was Bradfield Hall, of
Bradfield-Combatch, near Bury St. Edmunds, a prOperty held
by the Young family since 1620. He was the youngest son of
the Reverend Dr. Arthur Young, Prebendary of Canterbury
Cathedral, chaplain to Arthur Onslow, Speaker of the House of
Commons, and rector of Bradfield, and of Lucretia, born, de
Coussmaker, a lady of Dutch extraction, whose family accom-
panied William III. to England. Mr. Speaker Onslow and the
BishOp of Bristol stood sponsors for the boy, appropriate inaugura-
tion of a life destined to be spent in the best company. From
his father, an extremely handsome man six feet in stature, and
the author of a learned work commended by Voltaire, he in-
herited good looks, a striking presence, and literary facility;
from his mother, an inordinate craving for knowledge, and
conversational powers of a high order. He describes her as very
amiable and cheerful, fond of conversation, for which she had a
talent, and a great reader on a variety of subjects. She brought
her husband a dowry of £80,000, and no inconsiderable portion
of this handsome jointure seems to have been swallowed up in
the speculations of her son, one of the greatest agriculturists and
least successful practical farmers who ever lived.

We can easily understand Arthur Young’s love of rural life
and keen appreciation of scenery, after a visit to Bradfield,
reached from Mark’s Tey on the Great Eastern Railway. It is
a sweet spot, in the near neighbourhood of much of the beau-
tiful country with which Gainsborough has familiarized us.
Alighting at the quiet little station of Whelnetham, we follow a

XXX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

winding road overhung with lofty elms, that leads to the vil-
lage; or in summer, knee-deep in wild flowers and waving
grasses, we may take a traverse through the meadows, their
lofty hedges a tangle of eglantine and honeysuckle, on every
side stretches of rich pasture, cornfields, and woods. The
place has a very old-world look; here and there, between the
trees, peeps a whitewashed cottage, with overhanging thatched
roof, or a farmhouse of equally rustic appearance, very little
modernization having taken place in these regions.

The Suffolk farmer, as Arthur Young modestly calls himself,
was in reality a country squire. His old home has been re-
placed by a Gothic mansion, but nothing can be more squirarchal
than the well-wooded park, ornamental water with its swans,
Queen Anne’s garden and stately avenues, leading to church
and lodge, which remain as they were in his own time. Oppo—
site the gates of Bradfield Hall stands the village ale-house, no
quainter, more antiquated hostelry in rural England. Between
park and village, consisting of church, rectory-house, and a
dozen cottages, lies the broad, elm-bordered road leading to
the railway station. This is the old London coach road followed
by our traveller when setting forth on his French travels a
hundred years ago, enterprises regarded by his family mad as
those of Don Quixote himself.

Entrancing as were these adventuresome journeys, we can
fancy with what pleasure he hailed the first glimpse of Brad-
field on returning home safe and sound from one expedition
after another.

As happens with so many men of genius, Arthur Young owed
little to schools or schoolmasters. He was first sent to the
grammar school at Lavenham—that exquisitely clean, pic-
turesque village, with its noble cathedral—no other name befits
the church—lying between Sudbury and W'helnetham.

“ I was sent to this school,” he writes, “in order to learn the
Latin and Greek languages, with the addition of receiving
instruction in writing and arithmetic, taught by a man who
attended every day for that purpose; but whether from my
being a favourite of his, or having my attention too much
affected by frequent visits to Bradfield, I afterwards found my-
self so ill-grounded in those languages, that for some time before
leaving school I found it necessary to give much attention to

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxxi

recover lost time. My mother soon bought me a little white
pony, which was sent every Saturday to bring me home, and
though the plan was that of returning every Monday morning,
yet the weather or some other circumstance would often occasion
delays, not a little injurious. The latter part of the time I had
a pointer and a gun, and went out with the master. I had also
a room to myself and a neat collection of books, and I re-
member beginning to write a history of England, thinking that
I could make a good one out of several others. How early began
my literary follies! I seemed to have a natural propensity to
writing books.” Pretty well this for a boy of nine or ten ! All
readers of the “ Travels in France ” will remember Arthur
Young's love of music and the drama. His diary shows at what
an early age those tastes were fostered. In his thirteenth year,
he tells us, he is taken to London, sees Garrick in tragedy, and
hears the Messiah. Another characteristic, equally familiar to
us, is his deep admiration of personal beauty, and his delight in
the society of graceful, attractive women. This, too, we find a
feature of his somewhat precocious boyhood.

“ What commanded more of my attention,” he writes, “ was
a branch of learning very different from Greek: it was the
lessons I received from a dancing-master, who came over once
a week from Colchester to teach the boys, and also some young
ladies. Two of these in succession made terrible havoc with my
heart. The first was a Miss Betsey Harrington, a Lavenham
grocer’s daughter, who was admitted by all who saw her to be
truly beautiful.”

On quitting Lavenham, his destiny remained for a moment
undecided. His father wished him to be sent to Eton, and
thence to one of the Universities. His mother opposed the
scheme, and he was apprenticed, with a premium of £600, to a
mercantile firm at Lynn. He wrote of this resolve in a strain
of regret those who come after him cannot share. Had paternal
influence prevailed, he tells us, his life might have been very
different. Originality is nowhere more refreshing than in the
Church. It is pleasant to fancy Arthur Young a bishop. But
what other pen would have given us that inimitable picture of
rural France on the eve of the great Revolution? Who else
would have fought so valiantly the cause of the farmer at

home ?

xxxii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

“Every circumstance,” he tells us, “attending this new
situation.was most detestable to my feelings, till I efi‘ected an
improvement by hiring a lodging, surrounding myself with
books, and becoming acquainted with a Miss Robertson, the
daughter of the elder partner. She was of a pleasing figure,
with fine black, expressive eyes; danced well, and performed on
the harpsichord, as she received instructions from Mr. Burney
(Dr. Burney, the author of ‘The History of Music ’), then a
person in the highest estimation for his powers of conversation
and agreeable manners.” In these interesting reminiscences he
Speaks of the great fOppery prevailing in dress—a weakness
from which he was not himself exempt, as the vivacious Fanny
Burney will tell us by-and-by. His extraordinary—we are al-
most tempted to say abnormal—energy becomes apparent in
these early days. The future author of a history of agriculture
in ten folio volumes was already busy with the pen, writing
pamphlets “ On the Theatre of the Present War in America,” and
kindred t0pics, for each of which he received the value of ten
pounds in books—an arrangement between publisher and literary
aspirant that might, perhaps, be judiciously followed in these
da 78.

In 1759, being just twenty, he left Lynn, “ without education,
pursuits, profession, or employment,” he writes despondingly.
His father died during the same year. Somewhat later, whilst
at Bristol recruiting from illness, his skill in chess-playing
attracted the attention of a military authority, who ofiered him
a commission in a cavalry regiment. If we could ill have
spared Arthur Young for the Church, still more should we have
begrudged him to the army. Again his mother interfered, and
posterity owes her a debt of gratitude. Instead of exchanging
bullets and sabre thrusts with his French neighbours, Arthur
Young was now destined to the more pacific international give-
and-take of roots and seeds. He become from that time a
farmer.

“I was absolutely destitute of all means of advancement in
any path of life that promised an independent support. So
situated, I could hardly fail of following the maternal advice, to
try what farming could do. I rented a small farm of my
mother’s, and farmed from 1763 to 1766. Having taken a
second farm that was in the hands of a tenant, I gained some

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxxiii

knowledge, but not much; and the painful effect was to con-
vince me that, to understand the business in any perfection, it
was necessary to continue my exertions for many years. And
the circumstance, perhaps, of all others in my life which I most
deeply regretted, and considered as a sin of the blackest dye, was
my publishing the result of my experiences during these four
years, which, speaking as a farmer, was nothing but ignorance,
folly, presumption, and rascality. The only use which resulted
from these years was to enable me to view the farms of other
men with an eye of more discrimination than I could possibly
have done without that practice. It was also the occasion of
my going on the Southern Tour in 1767, the Northern Tour in
1768, and the Eastern in 1770, extending through much the
greater part of the kingdom; and the execution of these tours
was considered by all who read them (and they were very gene-
rally read) to be of most singular utility to the general agricul-
ture of the kingdom.”

It will not escape observation that these jottings of old age,
interesting at they are, err on the side of redundancy and
epexegesis. We wholly miss the vivacity, terseness, and vigour
of the French Travels.

At twenty-four he married Miss Martha Allen, of Lynn,
sister to Fanny Burney’s stepmother. The marriage brought
him an enviable connection—troops of friends, a passport into
brilliant circles, but no fireside happiness. The lady was
evidently of a captious disposition, shrewish temper, and narrow
sympathies. “ I wonder how he could ever marry her I ” wrote
the quick-sighted author of “ Evelina.” On the other hand, a
generous woman might, perhaps, have had some ground for
jealousy. A few years later Arthur Young became famous.
Courted by the great, a conspicuous figure in society, handsome,
witty, versatile, he certainly found a London salon more to his
taste than a dull farmhouse—a day’s outing with the Burneys
more congenial than heavy land-farming in wet weather.

“ Last night,” writes Fanny, in the gossipy, ecstatic, in-
valuable journal of girlhood, “while Hetty, Susey, and myself
were at tea, that lively, charming, spirited 1 Mr. Young entered
the room. Oh, how glad we were to see him! He was in ex-
tremely good spirits.” Later she adds : “ Well, but now for our

1 The three adjectives seem to be an interpolation of a later date.
c

xxxiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

Greenwich party. Talking of happiness, sensibility, and a total
want of feeling, my mamma said, turning to me, ‘ Here’s a girl
will never be happy, never whilst she lives, for she possesses,
perhaps, as feeling a heart as ever girl had.’ Some time after,
when we were near the end of our journey, ‘ And so,’ said Mr.
Young, ‘ my friend Fanny possesses a very feeling heart ‘2 ’ He
harped on this some little time, till at last he said he would call
me feeling Fanny; it was characteristic, he said, and a good
deal more nonsense, that put me out of all patience, which same
virtue I have not yet sufficiently recovered to recount any more
of our conversation, charming as it was.”

In the meantime he was making one disastrous attempt at
practical farming after another, like a desperate gamester
doubling the stakes with every loss. For a year or two after
his marriage he remained at Bradfield, farming a c0pyhold of
twenty acres, his sole fortune, and eighty more, the property of
his mother.

This experiment proving a failure, he next hired an occupa-
tion of three times the size in Essex, which he was glad to be
rid of in five years‘ time, paying a premium of £100 to the in.
coming tenant. His successor, a practical farmer, made a good
deal of money out of the concern, probably as much as Arthur
Young had lost by it, so hampering to worldly success is the
possession of original ideas !

One of his farms he describes as “ a devouring wolf,” an
epithet that need not surprise us when we consider that he
made 3,000 experiments on his Suffolk holding alone.

The superstitious might see in the pertinacity with which
Mrs. Young encouraged her son’s ventures some preternatural
foreshadowing of his career. Again and again she advertised
for a farm for him, and nothing better ofiering itself, he hired
some land in Hertfordshire, which ere long he anathematized
as a “ hungry vitriolic gravel, a Nabob’s fortune would sink in
the attempt to raise good, arable crops to any extent in such a
country.”

One of the most curious incidents in a career that detractors
might well call Quixotic, is the origin of the famous English
Tours. Will it be believed that just as Cervantes‘ half-mad
hero set out in search of chivalrous adventure, and Dr. Syntax
in search of the picturesque, this thrice-ruined farmer deter-

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXXV

mined to explore the entire country till he could find land that
would pay ‘2 Whenever he put pen to paper he was successful.
Whenever he turned to experimental farming he almost ruined
himself. These narratives of home travel from an agricultural
point of view were a novelty, and also supplied an actual want.
Not only did he give a succinct picture of farming as carried on
at that time in various parts of England, but much information
valuable to the general reader. The three works were largely
sold, yet the author grew poorer and poorer.

In 1770 Fanny Burney gives a vivacious, jaunty picture of
her uncle, as she used to call him. She describes him as most
absurdly dressed for a common visit, being in light blue, em-
broidered with silver, having a bag and sword, and walking in
the rain. “ He was grown all airs and aflectation,” she adds,
“ yet I believe this was put on, for what purpose I cannot tell,
unless it were to let us see What a power of transformation he
possessed.”

A year later we have a very different account. “Mr. and
Mrs. Young have been in town for a few days,” scribbled the
girl-diarist. “ They are in a situation that quite afflicts me.
Mr. Young, whose study and dependence is agriculture, has
half undone himself by experiments. His writings upon this
subject have been amazingly well received by the public, and in
his tours through England he has been caressed and assisted
almost universally. Indeed, his conversation and appearance
must ever secure him welcome and admiration. But, of late,
some of his facts have been disputed, and though I believe it to
be only by envious and malignant people, yet reports of that
kind are fatal to an author, whose sole credit must subsist on
his veracity. In short, by slow but sure degrees, his fame has
been sported with and his fortune destroyed. . . . His children,
happily, have their mother’s jointure settled upon them. He
has some thoughts of going abroad, but his wife is averse to it.”
A few weeks later she adds, “ Mr. Young is not well, and
appears almost overcome with the horrors of his situation; in
fact, he is almost destitute. This is a dreadful trial for him, yet
I am persuaded he will still find some means of extricating
himself from his distresses, at least if genius, spirit, and enter-
prise can avail.”

His own diary for this year contains the following entry:

xxxvi BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

“ The same unremitting industry, the same anxiety, the same
vain hopes, the same perpetual disappointment, no happiness,
nor anything like it.” He had indeed reached one of the
acutest crises of his much-tried life ; ruin stared him in the face.

But three months after that last sorrowful mention of her
favourite, Fanny Burney once more strikes a cheerful note.
Mr. Young had dined with her sister and herself, she wrote.
Fortune, she hoped, smiled on him again, for he again smiled
on the world. The originator of three thousand unsuccessful
experiments was hardly the man to lose faith in himself. If
occasional fits of dejection overtook him, he was ready an hour
after to enter upon a history of agriculture throughout all ages
and in all countries, make gigantic schemes in the interest of
English husbandry, or to hire four thousand acres of Yorkshire
moorland with the intention of turning the wilderness into a
garden. His powers of work, of hoping against hOpe, of throw-
ing heart and soul into new interests and undertakings, were
phenomenal.

Of the year 1773 he writes: “Labour and sorrow, folly and
infatuation: here began a new career of industry, new hOpes,
and never-failing disappointment.” And once more the care-
less, yet inimitable pen of Fanny Burney gives us, in a few
lines, the catastrOphe that had wellnigh shipwrecked his life : “ I
have had lately a very long and very strange conversation with
Mr. Young. We happened to be alone in the parlour, and
either from confidence in my prudence, or from an entire and
unaccountable carelessness of consequences, he told me that he
was the most miserable fellow breathing, and almost directly said
that his connexions made him so, and most vehemently added
that if he was to begin the world again, no earthly thing should
prevail with him to marry! That now he was never easy but
when he was in a plow-cart, but that happy he could never be.
I am very sorry for him, but cannot wonder.”

In June, 1776, after a passage of twenty-four hours, he landed
in Ireland. His stay did not extend over three years, and
during a part of the time he was occupied in managing Lord
Kingsbury’s estate in County Cork. The result, nevertheless,
was a survey of the country, and an inquiry into the condition
of the pe0p1e, which for accuracy, fulness of detail, and acute-
ness of observation, render it invaluable to this day. “ Arthur

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxxvii

Young’s Tour in Ireland,” wrote Lord Lonsdale to Croker in
1849, “has given me the idea that his views of Ireland were
nearer the truth than any other work.”

An accession of fame does not always mean an increase of
fortune, and the future was as hard a problem to the pepular
author, now in the prime of life and the fulness of powers, as to
the ambitious stripling of twenty. On his return from Ireland
he wrote, “ I arrived at Bradfield on the first of January, and
had then full time to reflect upon What should be the pursuit of
my life, and upon what plan I could devise for that fresh
establishment of myself which should at the same time prevent
any relapse into those odious dependencies and uncertainties
which from 1771 to 1778 had been the perpetual torment of my
life. Whilst I was hesitating what plan to follow, an emigra-
tion to America crossed my mind, and much occupied my
thoughts.” This project was prevented by his mother’s ad-
vanced years, and instead he took up leases on her estate,
gradually increasing his occupation to four hundred acres.
Henceforth his home was Bradfield, of which a few years later
he became owner.

“ My father,” he tells us, “inherited Bradfield from his father
Bartholomew Young, Esq., called Captain from a command in
the militia, and it is remarkable that with only a part of the
present estate he lived genteelly, and drove a coach and four on
a preperty which would in the present time only maintain the
establishment of a wheelbarrow.”

Four children had been born to him, two daughters and a
son, and after an interval of thirteen years, his youngest and
best-beloved child, the little girl familiar to readers of the
French Travels. Whilst he appears to have been an affec-
tionate and conscientious father, all the passionate depth and
tenderness of his nature were lavished on this latest born, his
“ darling child,” his “lovely Bobbin.” Her name was Martha,
but her bright, quick ways, rosy complexion, and dark, vivacious
eyes, had won for her the pet name of Robin, afterwards changed
to Bobbin, and these mentions of Bobbin in private diaries, little
notes written to her from France, and letters to others concern-
ing her welfare, show his character in a new and touching light.
This exquisite child—for the adoring praise of her father is
amply substantiated by others—was the supreme joy and con-

xxxviii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

solation of a life often steeped in uncommon bitterness, and
when she died, there went forth a wail from an utterly deso-
lated heart, that moves us to tears after the long lapse of years.
This awful shadow is as yet far ofi". The existence of his dar-
ling corresponded to the most brilliant years of Arthur Young’s
career.

Glancing at the entries made between 1780 and 1787, that is
to say, between the Irish and French journeys, we find many a
stirring episode, and much evidence of indefatigable, even
colossal labours, undertaken in a 110de Spirit. Some of these
memoranda are passing humorous: he tells us, for instance,
how whilst at Petworth, on a visit to Lord Egremont, he went
into a bath at four o’clock a.m., the thermometer standing below
zero, and on coming out walked straight into a shrubbery, and
rubbed himself in the snow to see the effect of cold upon the
body. It had none, he complacently adds, except that of in-
creasing strength and activity. From another note we learn
that he had been busy on stanzas to a lady.

The year 1788 opens with the project of the “Annals of
Agriculture,” which he calls, as well he might do, one of the
greatest speculations of his life. Literary contributions were
invited from all sides, and the work was launched under royal
patronage. Arthur Young not only acted as editor, but wrote
voluminously for its pages. The “ Annals ” consist of forty-five
quarto volumes, and although much of the information therein
contained has been superseded, they form, in the words of a
competent authority, “ a noble addition to any library. It is
here, as a statesman, that Arthur Young stands pre-eminent.
On questions of home or international trade, on commerce, or
prices, on monopolies, on religious bigotry, on class arrogance
and insolence, on endowed charities, on the poor laws, on the
law of settlement, on taxation direct and indirect, on bounties
and drawbacks, he knew as much as Cobden, and has written
as wisely. That which his great contemporary Adam Smith
reasoned out, Arthur Young seems to have reached with electric
deSpatch by instinct.” 1

The “Annals” made a noise in the world; even Dr. Burney

’ H. Pell, Esq._. M.P. See “ Arthur Young, agriculturist, author,
and statesman,” “ The Farmers’ Club,” \V. Johnson, Salisbury Square.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxxix

wrote enthusiastically about them. Would he were ten years
younger, he said, he would take Arthur Young’s white house
and as much land as he could spare, and enter himself as his
scholar. From far and near came testimonies equally flattering,
and from remote quarters of EurOpe, flocked disciples and pupils
to sit at the feet of the modern Varro. Among those who found
their way to Bradfield were three young Russians, sent by the
Empress Catherine to study farming under his care. He gives
an amusing account of their examination. One of the three was
so much awed that he resolutely refused to open his lips, for.
which offence, adds the narrator, I sincerely hope he was not
sent to Siberia. Later came the nephew of the Polish ambas-
sador, “a heavy, dull man, with a Tartar countenance; his
intention was to learn agriculture, but he made poor progress.”
The Duke de Liancourt, that amiable champion of the Revolu-
tion, the President of the Dijon Parliament—and other distin-
guished personages familiar to readers of the French Travels——
also visited Bradfield.

In the midst of these multifarious and engrossing occupations
the scheme of an agricultural survey of France was gradually
taking shape in his mind. Whilst contributing largely to the
“Annals,” making a variety of experiments with the aid of
Priestley, holding what may be called a professorial chair in
his own home, he was full of new projects.

In 1784 he had crossed to Calais with his son Arthur, “just
to say that he had been in France.” In 1787 his friends, the
Duke de Liancourt and Lazonski, invited him to join them in a
Pyrenean tour, and the invitation was accepted.

“ This was touching a string tremulous to vibrate,” he writes;
“I had long wished for an Opportunity to examine France.
My darling child, my lovely Bobbin, I left in perfect health,
the rest of my family well and provided for in every respect as
they had themselves chalked out, the ‘Annals ’ lodged in the
hand of a man on whose friendship and abilities I could entirely
confide.” In spite of vehement remonstrances and agonized
entreaties, he set out. “ I implore you to give up this mad
scheme. Think of your wife and children,” his brother had
written, and much more in the same strain, working himself up
into a veritable frenzy of panic. An expedition to Patagonia,
or a journey round the world, could hardly have inspired this

xl BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

timid counsellor with livelier terrors. He certainly never ex-
pected to see the foolhardy traveller again.

Arthur Young’s mother had died two years before, and the
event is thus noted in his journal: “ My ever dear and venerated
mother died. Happy, happy spirit.” During her lifetime, as
we have seen, he shrank from the notion of quitting England.

It is a curious and interesting fact that these French journeys
exactly realized a plan of travel laid down in an early work.
If we turn to the last chapter of that well-written and charac-
teristic little book, “The Farmer’s Letters to the People of
England” (second edition, 1768), we shall find his own agri-
cultural survey of France anticipated in every point. The
nobility and men of large fortune travel, he writes, but no
farmers; unfortunately those who have this peculiar and dis-
tinguishing advantage, the noble opportunity of benefitting
themselves and their country, seldom inquire or even think
about agriculture. Then follows the sketch of a farmer’s tour
in routes laid down for his imaginary traveller, being precisely
those he was himself to follow a decade later. French Flanders
must be visited, Lorraine and the adjoining provinces, Cham-
pagne and Burgundy. Then the tour of Franche Comté and
of the Lyonnais should be made; next that of Normandy,
Brittany, Orleannais, and Anjou. All the noble improvements
of the Marquis de Turbilly in that province ought to be viewed
with the most attentive eyes. From Anjou the traveller should
journey through Guienne and Languedoc; next examine Pro-
vence—then enter Dauphiné, Gascony, and examine the heaths
of Bordeaux ; thence make his way to Spain, and travel towards
Galicia.

To few of us is granted in middle age such entire fulfilment
of the worthiest aspirations of youth. Little, perhaps, did the
writer foresee that he was himself to be “ that wise and honest
traveller,” who should describe rural France on the eve of the
Revolution, not only for his own countrymen and his own
epoch, but for all Europe and generations to come. \Ve are
gratified to find him at Turbilly, warmly received by its noble
owner, and inspecting his farm, as he begged to be allowed to
do, with the oldest surviving labourer of the late marquis.

He had left no anxieties behind him when setting out for
France, but his heart is ever with his adored child. The fond

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xli

letters he wrote to her in his large, clear, enviable handwriting
have all been preserved. From Moulins, August 7, 1787, he
writes, Bobbin being then four years old: “I think it high
time to inquire how you do, pass your time, how the Mag
(magpie) does, and the four kittens. I hope you have taken
care of them, and remembered your papa wants cats. Do the
flowers grow in your garden ‘2 Are you a better gardener than
you used to be ? The Marquis de Guerchy’s little girls have a
little house on a little hill, and on one side a little flower
garden, on the other side a little kitchen garden, which they
manage themselves and keep very clean from weeds. Bobbin
would much like to see it.” From Bagneres de Luchon he
writes to his eldest daughter: “ Do not forget to let me know
how Bobbin does. God send her well and free from accidents.
1 hope she does not go alone near hedges for fear of snakes.”
From Limoges he sends many kisses to his dear little Bobbin,
and her sister Mary is to say that he will be sure to bring her a
French doll.

We must pass briefly over these rich, happy, dazzling years.
The French Travels obtained all the éclat of a brilliant inven-
tion, which indeed, in a literary sense, they may be described.
No one had done the same thing before, and now it was done
to perfection. The author’s name was soon in everybody's
mouth. He received invitations to half-a-dozen courts. All
the learned societies of Europe and America enrolled him as a
member. His work was translated into a score of languages,
and princes, statesmen, political economists, wits—not only of
his own nationality, but from various parts of the world—paid
a visit to Bradfield. Among his correspondents and guests
were Washington, Pitt, Burke, Wilberforce, La Fayette, Priest-
ley, Jeremy Bentham, that eccentric yet admirable philanthro-
pist, Berchtold, and the Due de Liancourt. Never, perhaps,
had been seen in Suffolk such distinguished international
gatherings.

The Burneys were, of course, frequent visitors at the pleasant
country house described in “Camilla.” Occasionally the too
hospitable host—for although now owner of the maternal es-
tate, Arthur Young was far from rich—would give a féte
champétre. At an early hour the guests arrived. The fish-
ponds in the park were dragged, and after a long animated

xlii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

morning spent by both sexes out of doors, the party sat down
to a four o’clock dinner, degustating the fish just caught.

Travelling on the continent was now out of the question, but
the home journeys were continued. We find mention of an
eleven days’ tour in Yorkshire, made at a cost of £17 38. He
also visited Norfolk, Bedfordshire, and Essex. Meantime the
pen was as busy as ever. In the year 1792 the editor con-
tributed twenty-five papers to the “ Annals” on various sub-
jects: Mr. Pitt’s speech; the abolition of the slave trade;
turnips in Germany ; a Spanish merino ram, inter alia.

The merino ram was a present from the king, and is thus
commented upon in the journal: “This year (1791) His
Majesty had the goodness to present me with a present of a
Spanish ram. The world is full of those who consider military
glory as the prOper object of the ambition of monarchs, who
measure regal merit by the millions that are slaughtered, by
the public robbery and plunder that are dignified by the title
of dignity and conquest, and who look down on every exertion
of peace and tranquillity as unbecoming those who aim at the
epithet great, and unworthy the aim of men that are born for
masters of the globe. My ideas are cast in a very different
mould, and I believe the period is advancing with accelerated
pace that shall exhibit character in a light totally new, and
shall rather brand than exalt the virtues hitherto admired, that
shall pay more homage to the prince who gave a ram to a
farmer than for wielding the sceptre.”

It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that these remi-
niscences belong to old age. No one could write more agreeable
English than the Suflolk squire in his prime.

A ram and a secretaryship of £600 a year! Such were the
ultimate rewards of a man of splendid talents, one who had
rendered signal services to his country I Seldom, indeed, is the
irony running through human fortunes so forcibly brought home

to us, the lesson of the poet’s words, so humiliatingly borne
out——

“ Alas I the gratitude of men,
Has of’tner left me mourning.”

In 1798 the Board of Agriculture was established by Act of
Parliament. Here Arthur Young saw the realization of a

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xliii

darling scheme, and as secretary he was certainly the right
man in the right place. Yet he felt doubtful of nomination,
and even laid a wager of books with his friend, Sir John
Sinclair, a set of the “Annals ” against the “ Statistical His-
tory of Scotland,” that some one else would be chosen for the
post. He lost his wager, and thus wrote of his appointment :
“ What a change in the destinies of a man’s life ! Instead of
entering the solitary lord of 4,000 acres (in allusion to his
former purchase of Yorkshire moorland) in the keen atmosphere
of lofty rock and mountain torrent, with a little creation rising
gradually around me, making the black wilderness smile with
cultivation and grouse give way to industrious pOpulation,
active, energetic, though remote and tranquil, and every instant
of my existence making two blades of grass grow where one
was found before, behold me at a desk in the smoke, the fog,
the din of Whitehall.”

“ It is well to be reminded,” writes an author before quoted,
Mr. Pell, “that a distinguished man like Arthur Young was satis—
fied to hold in old age an appointment with a salary of £600 a year,
finding herein a haven of rest after all his troubles and labours.”
In this new capacity he showed all his phenomenal powers of
work. The business of the new board was carried on with the
utmost assiduity. Whilst directing several clerks and organiz-
ing schemes innumerable, he found time for literary undertak-
ings that would have appalled the soul of any but Varro himself.
It is odd that these two great authorities on agriculture, re-
moved from each other by twelve centuries, should be among
the most voluminous writers on record. Arthur Young had
already begun his history of agriculture, the Opus magnum, the
crowning achievement of his life, destined as he hOped to be his
legacy to the nation. Alas! like many another bequest of its
kind, it occupies a spare cupboard into which the light of day
never enters. The encyclopaedia was eventually finished, and
consisted of ten folio volumes of manuscript ; some years after
his death, a relation and devoted disciple got through the for-
midable task of reducing the ten massive tomes to six. We
hardly know which to admire most, the industry of author or
compiler. Were a third enthusiast to take the matter in hand,
and pare down the abridgment by yet a sixth, we should doubt-
less have a compendium of husbandry adapted to every library

xliv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

and perhaps the only work of the kind ever produced by a
single pen.

Meantime honours and distinctions continued to pour in.
The Empress Catherine sent him a magnificent gold snuff-box,
with two rich ermine cloaks for his wife and eldest daughter.
From her representative at Moscow came a second snuff-box,
set with diamonds, and inscribed with the words in Russian,
“From a pupil to his master.” The Society of Arts adjudged
him the honorary gold medal. The Salford Agricultural Society
offered a special medal, on which was engraved, “ for his
services to his country.”

And Fanny Burney paid him her prettiest compliments,
which very likely he valued far more than gold snuff—boxes or
medals. In a letter preserved at Bradfield occurs the follow-
ing:—“P.S. Will Honeycomb says, if you would know any-
thing of a lady’s meaning, (always provided she has any) when
she writes to you, look at the postscript. Now, pray, dear Sir,
how came you ever to imagine what you are pleased to blazon
to the world with all the confidence of self-belief that you think
farming the only thing worth manly attention ‘2 You who, if
taste, rather than circumstances, had been your guide, might
have found wreaths and flowers almost any way you had
turned, as fragrant as those of Ceres.”

The enforced residence in London had many attractions. He
dined out, he tells us, from twenty-five to thirty times in one
month, and had received during the same period, “ forty invita-
tions from people of the highest rank and consequence.” He
mentions the fact of having had two interviews with the king,
and what interests us in a far greater degree, a dinner in
company of Hannah More. I was very eager, he writes, in
listening to every word that fell from her lips, though not nearly
so much so as I should have been many years after; an allu-
sion explained by the last pages of this memoir. In 1796 he
visited Burke, and this entry is too interesting to be passed by.
The pair had corresponded on agriculture and had met before.
Burke was naturally delighted with Arthur Young’s recantation,
“ The Example of France.” He had not seen, he wrote, anything
in this controversy which stood better bottomed. It was a
“ most able, useful, and reasonable pamphlet.” “ I reached Mr.
Burke’s before breakfast,” writes Young, “ and had every reason

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xlv

to be pleased with my reception. ‘Why, Mr. Young,’ said
Burke, ‘ it is many years since I saw you, and to the best of my
recollection you have not sufiered the smallest change. You
look as young as you did sixteen years ago. You must be very
strong. You have no belly. Your form shows lightness. You
have an elastic mind.’ I wish I could have returned anything
like the compliment, but I was shocked to see him so broken,
so low, and with such expressions of melancholy. I almost
thought that I had come to see the greatest genius of the age in
vain. The conversation was remarkably desultory, a broken
mixture of agricultural observations, French madness, price of
provisions, the death of his son, the absurdity of regulating
labour, the mischief of our poor laws, the difficulty of our
cottagers keeping cows, an argumentative discussion of any
Opinion seemed to distress him, and I therefore avoided it.
Speaking on public affairs he said: ‘ I never read a newspaper,
but if anything happens to occur which they think will interest
me, I am told of it.’ I observed there was strength of mind in
the resolution. ‘Oh, no,’ he replied; ‘it is mere weakness of
mind.’ It was evident that he would not publish on the subject
that had brought me to Gregory’s (here Arthur Young alludes
to a project mooted in parliament for regulating the price of
labour), but he declared himself absolutely inimical to any regu-
lation whatever by law, that all such interference was not only
unnecessary but mischievous. He observed that the supposed
scarcity was extremely ill understood, and that the consump-
tion of the pe0ple was clear proof of it. This in his neighbour-
hood was not lessened, as he had learned by a very careful
examination of many bakers, butchers, and excisemen, nor had
the poor been distressed further than what resulted immediately
from that improvidence which was occasioned by the poor laws.
After breakfast he took me a sauntering walk for five hours over
his farm, and to a cottage where a scrap of land had been
stolen from the waste. I was glad to find his farm in good
order, and doubly so to hear that it was his only amusement
except the attention he paid to a school for sixty children of
noble French emigrants.

“ Mrs. Crewe arrived just before dinner, and though she exerted
herself with that brilliance of imagination which renders her
conversation so interesting, it was not sufficient to raise the

xlvi BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

drooPing spirits of Mr. Burke ..... Yet he tried once or twice
to rally, and once even to pun. Mrs. Crewe observing that
Thelwel was to stand for Norwich, observed that it would be
horrid for Mr. Wyndham to be turned out by such a man.
‘Aye,’ Mr. Burke replied, ‘that would not tell well.’ She
laughed at him in the style of condemning a bad pun. Some-
body said it was a fair one. Burke said, ‘ It was neither very
bad nor very good.’ My visit on the whole,” adds Arthur
Young, “was interesting. I am glad once more to have seen
and conversed with the man who I hold to possess the greatest
and most brilliant parts of any person of the age he lived in.
But to behold so great a genius so depressed with melancholy,
stooping with infirmity of body, feeling the anguish of a lace-
rated mind, and sinking into the grave under accumulated
misery—to see all this in a character I venerate, and apparently
without resource or comfort, wounded every feeling of my soul,
and I left him next day almost as low-Spirited as himself.”

The clouds were already gathering about his own horizon. A
year later, and he too was a grief-stricken, desolated, pre-
maturely aged man.

His second daughter Elizabeth, married to a son of Hoole,
the translator of Ariosto, had died of consumption in 1794.
Signs of the same terrible disease now began to show themselves
in his bright, his adored Bobbin. In the midst of his engrossing
occupations we find him constantly thinking of her, writing
long letters, fulfilling her childish commissions. Bobbin has
expressed a wish for a workbox, and he bestows as much
attention on the purchase as if he were in treaty for 4,000 acres
of moorland. He had looked at a good many, he wrote,
but could find none under twenty-five shillings, or at still
higher prices ; he hears, however, that good ones are to be had
at a lower figure, and will continue his researches. He shows
the most painful eagerness about her health. She is to tell him
every particular as to appetite, sleep, pulse, thirst. One of these
letters ends thus: “ I cannot read half your mother’s letter, but
enough to see that she is very angry with me for I know not
what.” He sends strict orders concerning her. Miss Patty is
to ride out in the chaise or on double horse when Bonnet (a
bailifi') is not obliged to be absent from the farm. If he is at
market, when the days are long and Miss Patty rises early, she

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xlvii

can have a ride before breakfast. Bonnet is to pay Miss Patty a
shilling a Week. In another note he reasons with the little
patient on the childishness of demurring at medicines. She is
ordered steel, and only takes it under protest. He urges her
by the love she bears her father to follow out the doctor’s orders
in every particular. Change of air was tried, but the precious
life could not be saved. She died about twelve months after
his visit to Burke. “On Friday morning, June 19, at twelve
minutes past one,” he writes, “ my dear, angelic child breathed
her last.” In a note below follows a later entry, “ Here was my
call to God. Oh! may it prove effective.”

He never recovered from the blow. In his overpowering grief
he could not bear to part with the mortal remains of his darling.
When, at last, he consented to interment, the coffin was placed
under the family pew, her heart lying where he knelt in prayer.
He wept himself blind ; the terrible calamity that now gradually
overtook him being indeed imputed to excess of weeping.

Sorrow mastered, unmanned a nature singularly hopeful and
elastic. He became a prey to morbid intr08pection, to the
gloomiest views of human life. He fell at last into the mood
that incites men to write or read such works as “ Baxter’s
Saints’ Rest,” or in our own day, to join the Salvation Army.
The blindness came on by slow degrees, and for some time he
remained at his post.

“In London, I am alone and therefore at peace,” he writes
significantly in 1798. “ I rise at four or five, and go to bed at
nine or ten. I go to no amusements, and read some Scrip-

ture every day. I never lay aside my good books but for
business.”

He still continues to see old friends, however, and his former
interest in public affairs does not wholly desert him. During
the same year he visits Pitt several times at Holwood, and
throws heart and soul into new enterprises. The loss of his child
has awakened pity for suffering childhood. In one month alone
we find seven dinners given to about forty-eight poor children
each time. Another entry is to this effect: “ Dinner to fifteen
poor children, eleven shillings, another dinner, do., do., another
to thirty-seven poor children, sixteen shillings and Sixpence,” and
so on, and so on. Perhaps the following note may have some-
thing to do with these charities. “ 1798. Sold copyright of

xlviii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

my travels for 280 guineas.” What travels these were he does
not say.

The business of the Board was still carried on as laboriously
as before, but in 1808 he writes that his sight is so indifferent
he is afraid of writing at all, and further on, “ My eyes grow
worse and worse. For me to read a letter of two sheets and
a half would be a vain attempt. I pick out as much as they
will let me.”

Three years later he was operated upon for cataract, and from
a curious and interesting letter written by his wife, we learn the
cause, or supposed cause, of failure. All seemed going on well
with the somewhat intractable patient, and the oculists held out
good hepe of recovery on one condition. He must remain
calm. Weeping would be fatal. Wilberforce paid him a visit
as he sat bandaged in a dark room. The visitor had been
cautioned on no account whatever to agitate him, but either
underrating his friend’s susceptibility or his own, he began in
his soft gentle voice, “ The Duke of Grafton is dead,” and went
on to speak of the duke’s death so touchingly that the other
burst into tears. The mischief was done past recall. The last
twelve years of life were spent by Arthur Young in total blind-
ness. They were busier for all that than those of many men in
the meridian. He was now chiefly at Bradfield, where the in-
defatigable veteran severely taxed the energies of his com-
paratively youthful associates. Besides his French secretary,
M. St. Croix, he often enjoyed the friendly services of a grand-
daughter of Dr. Burney’s, Miss Francis by name, a lady who,
like Mezzofanti, was “ a monster of languages, a Briareus of
parts of speech, a walking polyglot.” It was a definite under-
standing that this linguistic knowledge—to what special uses it
was put we are not informed—should be kept up. Every day
Miss Francis enjoyed an hour or more for the purpose of read-
ing a little Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Spanish, Italian, Dutch, and
so on. In a letter to her brother, Mary Young, the only sur-
viving daughter, amusingly describes one of these long, well-filled
days. When at Bradfield, she tells us, Miss Francis slept over
the servant’s hall with a packthread round her wrist, this pack-
thread passing through the keyhole communicated with Arthur
Young’s room, and when he wanted to awake her, which was
generally between four or five o’clock in the morning, he pulled

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xlix

it, on which she immediately rose. The pair would then sally
forth for a two hours’ walk on the turnpike road, stopping at
some farmhouse to take milk, and afterwards distributing
religious tracts at the cottages by the way, Miss Francis dues-
tioning the people upon their principles, reading to them,
and catechizing the children. “At half-past eight 1 they
return,” writes Miss Young, “as that is the hour Mrs. St.
Croix gets up, who finds it quite enough to read and write for
two hours and a half before breakfast. After breakfast the three
adjourn to the library till one, when Mr. St. Croix takes his
walk for an hour, Miss Francis and my father read, write, or
walk till three o’clock. He puts children to school at Bradfield,
Cuckfield, and Heningfield, and every Sunday they meet and
are catechized. Every Sunday night a hundred meet, when Mr.
St. Croix reads a sermon and chapter, and my father eXplains
for an hour, after which a prayer dismisses them. Last Sunday
they (Arthur Young and the linguist) went to church at Acton.
Every Sunday they go to Acton or Ampton, each church ten
miles out and ten home, besides teaching the schools and the
meeting in the hall.” She adds, “ My father has taken out a
license for the hall (tie. Bradfield), as there is an assembly of
people which would have been liable to information.” This
letter bears date May 13, 1814.

The Sunday evening services made a deep impression on the
country folks. The villagers of Bradfield and the neighbour-
hood still talk of the blind old Squire who was a great preacher.
They know little or nothing of his literary fame. The achieve-
ment by which he will be remembered is to them a sealed book.
But he lives in local memory as a second Wesley, a wonderful
stirrer-up of men’s consciences, an unrivalled expounder of the
Gospel. There is still living at Bury St. Edmunds (1889) a nonage—
narian who has a vivid recollection of Arthur Young’s sermons.
In his vehemence the orator would move to and fro till he
gradually had his back turned to the congregation, whereupon
his daughter or secretary would gently place their hands upon
his shoulders and restore him to the proper position.

It is a touching figure we now take leave of, that blind,
fervid, silver-haired preacher, a hundred eager faces fixed upon

1 There seems some confusion here, surely six must be meant.

d

l BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

his own, the rapt silence of the crowded meeting-place only
broken‘by his trembling, impassioned tones. For the story of
Arthur Young’s life mainly is told. The world had not yet
lost sight of him. He was from time to time pleasantly re-
minded of the conspicuous part he had played in it. He tells
us how, in 1815, when breakfasting with Wilberforce, he met
General Macaulay, who, recently travelling from Geneva to
Lyons, had visited a French farm, where he found everything
“in the highest style of management, and so much superior to
all the rest of the country, that he inquired into the origin of
such superiority. The answer of the owner was, ‘ My cultiva-
tion is entirely that of Monsieur Arthur Young, whose recom-
mendations I have carried into practice with the success you
see.’ ” For the most part the remaining years were uneventful.
He bore his privations and infirmities with resignation, and
retained full possession of his faculties to the last. He died at
Sackville Street on the 20th April, 1820, and was buried at
Bradfield. The handsome tomb in the form of a sarcophagus
erected to his memory stands close to the roadside, over against
the entrance to his old home. Passers-by may read the some-
what stilted yet veracious inscription on the outer slab :—

“ Let every real patriot shed a tear,
For genius, talent, worth, lie buried here.”

In France such a man would have had his statue long ago.
Perhaps this more modest tribute were more to his taste. That
a native of his beloved Suffolk, herself a frequent wayfarer
throughout the length and breadth of France, should edit his
French Travels a hundred years after they were written, would
surely have pleased Arthur Young well.

Of his children two survived him, his daughter Mary, who
died unmarried, and his son Arthur, whose son, the present
owner of Bradfield, is the last of Arthur Young’s race and name.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

A Six \Veeks’ Tour through the Southern Counties of England
and \Vales. London, 1768. 8vo. Second edition, enlarged,
1769. 8vo. Third edition, 1772. 8vo.

A Six Months’ Tour through the North of England, contain-
ing an account of the present state of Agriculture, Manufactures,
and Population in several counties of this kingdom. London,
1771. 8vo. 4 vols. Plates.

The Farmer’s Tour through the East of England; being a
Register of a Journey through various counties, to inquire into
the state of Agriculture, Manufactures, and Population. Lon-
don, 1770-71. 8vo. 4 vols.

Tour in Ireland; With general observations on the present
state of that kingdom in 1776-7-8. Dublin, 1780. 8vo. 2 vols.
London, 1780. 8vo. 2 vols.

Travels during the years 1787, 1788, 1789, and 1790, under-
taken more particularly with a view of ascertaining the Cultiva-
tion, Wealth, Resources, and National Prosperity of the Kingdom
of France. Bury St. Edmunds, 1794. 4to. 2 vols. Vol.1. is a
second edition, the first edition having been published in 1792.
Reprinted, Dublin, 1798. 8vo. 2 vols.

The Farmer’s Letters to the People of England ; containing
the sentiments of a practical Husbandman on the present con-
dition of Husbandry, &c. London, 1868, 1871. 8vo. 2 vols.

The Farmer’s Guide in Hiring and Stocking Farms. Lon-
don, 1770. 8vo. 2 vols. With plans.

Rural Economy, or Essays on the Practical Part of Hus-
bandry. London, 1770. 8vo.

A Course of Experimental Agriculture. London, 1770. 4to.
2 vols.

lii BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Political Arithmetic, or Observations on the present state of
Great Britain, and the principles of her policyin the Encourage-
ment of Agriculture. London, 1774.

The Farmer’s Kalendar. London, 1800. 8vo. 1808. 8vo.
215th edition. Edited and extended by J. C. Morton. London,
Routledge, 1862, bds., 103. 6d.

Essays on Manures. London, 1804. 8vo.

Advantages which have resulted from the Board of Agricul-
ture. London, 1809. .8vo.

Inquiry into the progressive value of money, as marked by
the price of Agricultural Products. London, 1812.

Agricultural Surveys. Published by the Board of Agriculture.

Essex. 2 vols. 1807. 8vo.

Hertfordshire. 1804. 8vo.

'Lincolnshire. 1798. 8vo.

Norfolk. 1804. 8vo.

Oxfordshire. 1809 or 1813. 8vo.

Sufiolk. 1794. 4to. 1798, 1804. 8vo.

Sussex. 1703, 1808. 4to.

Hampshire. 1794.

Baxteriana; a selection from the works of Richard Baxter.
1815.

Oweiana. Select Passages from the Writings of John Owen,
DD. 1817.

Tracts and Pamphlets (in British Museum) as follows :—

On the Husbandry of three celebrated Farmers, Bakewell,
Arbuthnot, and Duckett. 1811.

The Expediency of a Free Exportation of Corn at this time.
1770.

An Idea of the Present State of France. 1798.

Letter concerning the Present State of France. 1769.

Observations on the Waste Lands of Great Britain. 1773.

Proposals to the Legislature for numbering the People. 1771.

The question of Wool truly stated. 1788.

On the Size of Farms (contributed to Hunter’s “ Georgical
Essays ”). 1803.

On Summer Fallowing, in Hunter‘s “ Georgical Essays.”
1803.

Letters on Agriculture to General Washington. 1813.

An Address. 1793.

BIBLIOGRAPHY. liii

The Constitution safe without Reform. 1795.

An Inquiry into the state of the public mind among the
Lower Classes. 1798.

An Essay on HOps. 1769.
The Example of France. 1793. (Numerous editions.)
Peace and Reform. 1799.

An Inquiry into the propriety of applying Wastes to the better
maintenance of the Poor. 1801.

“ The Annals of Agriculture ” contain many contributions of
Arthur Young not reprinted elsewhere.

d2

PREFACE.

IT is a question whether modern history has anything

more curious to offer to the attention of the politician,
than the progress and rivalship of the French and English
empires, from the ministry of Colbert to the revolution in
France. In the course of those 130 years, both have
figured with a degree of splendour that has attracted the
admiration of mankind.

In proportion to the power, the wealth, and the resources.
of these nations, is the interest which the world in general
takes in the maxims of political oeconomy by which they
have been governed. To examine how far the system of
that oeconomy has influenced agriculture, manufactures,
commerce, and public felicity, is certainly an inquiry of no
slight importance; and so many books have been com-
posed on the theory of these, that the public can hardly
think that time misemployed which attempts to give THE:
PRACTICE.

The survey which I made, some years past, of the agri-
culture of England and Ireland (the minutes of which I
published under the title of Tours), was such a step to-
wards understanding the state of our husbandry as I shall
not presume to characterise; there are but few of the
European nations that do not read these Tours in their-
own language; and, notwithstanding all their faults and
deficiencies, it has been often regretted, that no similar
description of France could be resorted to, either by the

lvi TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

farmer or the politician. Indeed it could not but be
lamented, that this vast kingdom, which has so much
figured in history, were likely to remain another century
unknown, with respect to those circumstances that are the
objects of my enquiries. An hundred and thirty years
have passed, including one of the most active and con-
spicuous reigns upon record, in which the French power
and resources, though much overstrained, were formidable
to Europe. How far were that power and those resources
founded on the permanent basis of an enlightened agricul-
ture? How far on the more insecure support of manu-
factures and commerce? How far have wealth and power
and exterior splendour, from whatever cause they may have
arisen, reflected back upon the pe0ple the prosperity they
implied ? Very curious inquiries; yet resolved insufficiently
by those whose political reveries are spun by their fire-
sides, or caught flying as they are whirled through Europe
in post-chaises. A man who is not practically acquainted
with agriculture, knows not how to make those inquiries ;
he scarcely knows how to discriminate the circumstances
productive of misery, from those which generate the feli-
city of a peOple; an assertion that will not appear para-
doxical, to those who have attended closely to these sub-
jects. At the same time, the mere agriculturist, who makes
such journies, sees little or nothing of the connection be-
tween the practice in the fields, and the resources of the em-
pire; of combinations that take place between operations ap-
parently unimportant, and the general interest of the state ;
combinations so curious, as to convert, in some cases, well
cultivated fields into scenes of misery, and accuracy of
husbandry into the parent of national weakness. These
are subjects that never will be understood from the specu-
lations of the mere farmer, or the mere politician; they
demand a mixture of both; and the investigation of a

PREFACE. lvii

mind free from prejudice, particularly national prejudice ;
from the love of system, and of the vain theories that are
to be found in the closets of speculators alone. God for-
bid that I should be guilty of the vanity of supposing my-
self thus endowed! I know too well the contrary; and
have no other pretension to undertake so arduous a work,
than that of having reported the agriculture of England
with some little success. Twenty years experience, since
that attempt, may make me hope to be not less qualified
for similar exertions at present.

The clouds that, for four or five years past, have indi-
cated a change in the political sky of the French hemi-
sphere, and which have since gathered to so singular a
storm, have rendered it yet more interesting, to know
what France was previously to any change. It would in-
deed have been matter of astonishment, if monarchy had
risen, and had set in that region, without the kingdom
having had any examination professedly agricultural.

The candid reader will not expect, from the registers of
a traveller, that minute analysis of common practice,
which a man is enabled to give, who resides some months,
or years, confined to one spot; twenty men, employed
during twenty years, would not effect it; and supposing it
done, not one thousandth part of their labours would be
worth a perusal. Some singularly enlightened districts
merit such attention; but the number of them, in any
country, is inconsiderable; and the practices that deserve
such a study, perhaps, still fewer: to know that unen-
lightened practices exist, and want improvement, is the
chief knowledge that is of use to convey; and this rather
for the statesman than the farmer. No reader, if he
knows anything of my situation, will expect, in this work,
what the advantages of rank and fortune are necessary to
produce—of such I had none to exert, and could combat

lviii TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

difficulties with no other arms than unremitted attention,
and unabating industry. Had my aims been seconded by
that success in life, which gives energy to effort, and vigour
to pursuit, the work would have been more worthy of the
public eye; but such success must, in this kingdom, be
sooner looked for in any other path than in that of the
plough; the non ullus amtro dignus honos, was not more
applicable to a period of confusion and bloodshed at
Rome, than one of peace and luxury in England.

One circumstance I may be allowed to mention, because
it will shew, that whatever faults the ensuing pages con-
tain, they do not flow from any presumptive expectation
of success: a feeling that belongs to writers only, much
more popular than myself: when the publisher agreed to
run the hazard of printing these papers, and some progress
being made in the journal, the whole MS. was put into
the compositor’s hand to be examined, if there were a
sufficiency for a volume of sixty sheets; he found enough
prepared for the press to fill 140: and I assure the
reader, that the successive employment of striking out
and mutilating more than the half of what I had written,
was executed with more indifference than regret, even
though it obliged me to exclude several chapters, upon
which I had taken considerable pains. The publisher
would have printed the whole; but whatever faults may
be found with the author, he ought at least to be exempted
from the imputation of an undue confidence in the public
favour ; since, to expunge was undertaken as readily as to
compose—So much depended in the second part of the
work on accurate figures, that I did not care to trust to
myself, but employed a schoolmaster, who has the reputa-
tion of being a good arithmetician, for examining the cal-
culations, and I hope he has not let any material errors
escape him.

PREFACE. lix

The revolution in France was a hazardous and critical
subject, but too important to be neglected; the details I
have given, and the reflections I have ventured, will, I
trust, be received with candour, by those who consider how
many authors, of no inconsiderable ability and reputation,
have failed on that difficult theme: the course I have
steered is so removed from extremes, that I can hardly
hope for the approbation of more than a few; and I may
apply to myself, in this instance, the words of Swift :——“ I
have the ambition, common with other reasoners, to wish at
least that both parties may think me in the right; but if
that is not to be hoped for, my next wish should be, that
both might think me in the wrong; which I would under—
stand as an ample justification of myself, and a sure
ground to believe that I have proceeded at least with im-
partiality, and perhaps with truth.”

TRAVELS DURING THE YEARS
1787, 1788, AND 1789.

HERE are two methods of writing travels ; to register
the journey itself, or the result of it. In the former
case, it is a diary, under which head are to be classed all
those books of travels written in the form of letters. The
latter usually falls into the shape of essays on distinct
subjects. Of the former method of composing, almost
every book of modern travels is an example. Of the latter,
the admirable essays of my valuable friend Mr. Professor
Symonds, upon Italian agriculture,l are the most perfect
spe01mens.

It is of very little importance what form is adopted by
a man of real genius; he will make any form useful, and
any information interesting. But for persons of more
moderate talents, it is of consequence to consider the cir-

cumstances for and against both these modes.
The journal form hath the advantage of carrying with it
a greater degree of credibility ; and, of course, more weight.
A traveller who thus registers his observations is detected
the moment he writes of things he has not seen. He is
precluded from giving studied or elaborate remarks upon
insufficient foundations: If he sees little, he must register
little : if he has few good opportunities, of being well
informed, the reader is enabled to observe it, and will be
induced to give no more credit to his relations than the
sources of them appear to deserve : If he passes so rapidly
through a country as necessarily to be no judge of what he
sees, the reader knows it: if he dwells long in places of

1 See “ Annals of Agriculture,” vol. iii.

B

2 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

little or no moment with private views or for private
business, the circumstance is seen; and thus the reader
has the satisfaction of being as safe from imposition either
designed or involuntary, as the nature of the case will
admit: all which advantages are wanted in the other
method.

But to balance them, there are on the other hand some
weighty inconveniences ; among these the principal is, the
prolixity to which a diary generally leads; the very mode
of writing almost making it inevitable. It necessarily
causes repetitions of the same subjects and the same
ideas; and that surely must be deemed no inconsider-
able fault, when one employs many words to say what
might be better said in a few. Another capital objection
is, that subjects of importance, instead of being treated
dc suite for illustration or comparison, are given by scraps
as received, without order, and without connection; a
mode which lessens the effect of writing, and destroys
much of its utility.

In favour of composing essays on the principal objects
that have been observed, that is, giving the result of
travels and not the travels themselves, there is this
obvious and great advantage, that the subjects thus treated
are in as complete a- state of combination and illustra-
tion as the abilities of the author can make them; the
matter comes with full force and effect. Another admir-
able circumstance is brevity; for by the rejection of all
useless details, the reader has nothing before him but what
tends to the full explanation of the subject: of the dis-
advantages, I need not speak; they are sufficiently noted
by shewing the benefits of the diary form; for proportion-
ably to the benefits of the one will clearly be the disad-
vantages of the other.

After weighing the pour and the centre, I think that it
is not impracticable in my peculiar case to retain the bene-
fits of both these plans.

With one leading and predominant object in view,
namely agriculture, I have conceived that I might throw
each subject of it into distinct chapters, retaining all the
advantages which arise from composing the result only of
my travels.

'rnavnns IN FRANCE. 3

At the same time, that the reader may have whatever
satisfaction flows from the diary form, the observations
which I made upon the face of the countries through
which I passed; and upon the. manners, customs, amuse-
ments, towns, roads, seats, 850., may, without injury, be
given in a journal, and thus satisfy the reader in all those
points, with which he ought in candour to be made acquain-
ted, for the reasons above intimated.

It is upon this idea that I have reviewed my notes, and
executed the work I now offer to the public.

But travelling upon~ paper, as well as moving amongst,
rocks and rivers, hath its difficulties. When I had traced
my plan, and begun to work upon it, I rejected without
mercy a variety of little circumstances relating to myself
only, and of conversations with various persons which I
had thrown upon paper for the amusement of my family
and intimate friends. For this I was remonstrated with
by a person, of whose judgment I think highly, as having
absolutely spoiled my diary, by expunging the very pas-
sages that would best please the mass of common readers;
in a word, that I must give up the journal plan entirely or
let it go as it was written—To treat the public like a
friend, let them see all, and trust to their candour for for-
giving trifles. He reasoned thus: Depend on it, Young,
that those notes you wrote at the moment, are more likely to
please than what you will now produce coolly, with the idea
of reputation in your head : whatever you strike out will be
what is most interesting, for you will be guided by the impor-
tance of the subject ; and believe me, it is not this considera-
tion that pleases so much as a careless and easy mode of
thinking and writing, which every man exercises most when
he does not compose for the press. That I am right in this
opinion you yourself aflord a proof. Your tour of Ireland
(he was pleased to say) is one of the best accounts of a coun-
try I have read, yet it had no great success. Why? Because the
chief part of it is a farming diary, which, however valuable
it may be to consult, nobody will read. If, therefore, you
print your journal at all, print it so as to be read ; or reject
the method entirely, and confine yourself to set dissertations.
Remember the travels of Dr. and Mrs. , from
which it would be difiicult to gather one single important

 

 

4 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

idea, yet they were received with applause; may, the bagatelles
of Baretti, amongst the Spanish muletee'rs were read with
avidity.

The high opinion I have of the judgment of my friend,
induced me to follow his advice; in consequence of which,
I venture to ofier my itinerary to the public, just as it was
written on the spot: requesting my reader, if much should
be found of a trifling nature, to pardon it, from a reflec-
tion, that the chief object of my travels is to be found in
another part of the work, to which he may at once have re-
course, if he wish to attend only to subjects of a more
important character.

JOURNAL.

MAY 15, 1787.

THE streight that separates England, so fortunately for
her, from all the rest of the world, must be crossed
many times before a traveller ceases to be surprised at the
sudden and universal change that surrounds him on land-
ing at Calais. The scene, the peOple, the language, every
object is new ; and in those circumstances in which there
is most resemblance, a discriminating eye finds little diffi-
culty in discovering marks of distinctions.

The noble improvement of a salt marsh, worked by
Mons. Mouron of this town, occasioned my acquaintance
some time ago with that gentleman ; and I had found him
too well informed, upon various important objects, not to
renew it with pleasure. I spent an agreeable and instruc-
tive evening at his house—165 miles.

The 17th. Nine hours rolling at anchor had so fatigued
my mare, that I thought it necessary for her to rest one
day; but this morning I left Calais. For a few miles the
country resembles parts of Norfolk and Suffolk; gentle-
hills, with some inclosures around the houses in the vales,
and a distant range of wood. The country is the same to
Boulogne; Towards that town, I was pleased to find
many seats belonging to people who reside there. How
often are false ideas conceived from reading and report!
I imagined that nobody but farmers and labourers in
France lived in the country; and the first ride I take in
that kingdom shews me a score of country seats. The
road excellent.

Boulogne is not an ugly town; and from the ramparts

6 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [MAY,.

of the upper part the view is beautiful, though low water
in the river would not let me see it to advantage. It is
well known that this place has long been the resort of great
numbers of persons from England, whose misfortunes in
trade, or extravagance in life, have made a residence
abroad more agreeable than at home. It is easy to suppose
that they here find a level of society that tempts them to
herd in the same place. Certainly it is not cheapness, for
it is rather dear, The mixture of French and English
women makes an odd appearance in the streets ; the latter
are dressed in their own fashion; but the French heads
are all without hats, with close caps, and the body covered
with a long cloak that reaches to the feet. The town has
the appearance of being flourishing: the buildings good,
and in repair, with some modern ones ; perhaps as sure a
test of prosperity as any other. They are raising also a
new church, on a large and expensive scale. The place on
the whole is chearful, and the environs pleasing ; and the
sea-shore is a flat strand of firm sand as far the tide
reaches. _- The high land adjoining is worth viewing by
those who have not already seen the petrification..of clay;
it is found in the stoney and argilaceous state, just as
what I described at Harwich. (“Annals of AgriCulture,”
vol. vi. p. 218.)—24: miles.

The 18th. The view of Boulogne from the other side,
at the distance of a mile is apleasing landscape ; the river
meanders in the vale, and spreads in a fine reach under
the town, just before it falls into the sea, which opens
between two high lands, one of which backs the town.—
The view wants only wood; for if the hills had more, fancy
could scarcely paint a more agreeable scene. The country
improves, more inclosed, and some parts strongly resemb-
ling England. Some fine meadows about Bonbrie,1 and
several chateaus. I am not professedly in this diary on
husbandry, but must just observe, that it is to the full as
bad as the country is good; corn miserable and yellow
with weeds, yet all summer fallowed with lost attention,
On the hills, which are at no great distance from the sea,
the trees turn their heads from it, shorn of their foliage :
it is not therefore to the SW. alone that we should attri—

1 Pont. de Brique (Pas de Calais).

1787.] ROADS.—-—MONTREUIL. 7

bute this effect—If the French have not husbandry to
shew us, they have roads ; nothing can be more beautiful,
or kept in more garden order, if I may use the expression,
than thatwhich passes through a fine wood of Mons. Neu-
villier’s ; and indeed for the whole way from Samer1 it is
wonderfully formed : a vast causeway, with hills cut to
level vales ; which would fill me with admiration, if I had
known nothing of the abominable corveésf—that make me
commiserate the oppressed farmers, from whose extorted
labour, this magnificence has been wrung. Women gather-
ing grass and weeds by hand in the woods for their cows is
a. trait of poverty. .

Pass turtmrries,3 near Montreuil,4 like those at Newbury.
The walk round the ramparts of that town is pretty: the
little gardens in the bastions below are singular. The
place has many English; for what purpose not easy to
conceive, for it is unenlivened by those circumstances that
render towns pleasant. In a short conversation with an
English family returning home, the lady, who is young,
and I conjecture agreeable, assured me I should find the
court of Versailles amazingly splendid. Oh ! how she
loved France l—and should regret going to England if she
did not expect soon to return. As she had crossed the
kingdom of France, I asked her what part of it pleased her
best ; the answer was, such as a pair of pretty lips would
be sure to utter, “ Oh! Paris and Versailles.” Her hus-
band, who is not so young, said “ Touraine.” It is pro-
bable, that a farmer is much more likely to agree with the
sentiments of the husband than of the lady, notwithstand-
ing her charms—~24: miles. '

The 19th. Dined, or rather starved, at Bernay," where

1 (Pas de Calais.) A

2 Here is an illustration of the corvée under the administration of ' the
Duke d’Aguillon in Brittany during the reign of Louis XV. : “ Un mal-
heureux corvoyeur, qui pays quarante sous de capitation, et qui n’a pour
vivre que ce qu’il peut gagner dans la journée, sera tenu d’entretenir
environ six toises (measure of six feet) de chemin, entretien évalué a
neuf livres (the livre varied in value from twenty to twenty-five sous)
chaque année. De plus on la transportait d’une route sur une autre, loin
de chez lui.”—-Petz’tion of the Parliament of Rennes. H. Martin, His-
toire de France, vol. xvi., p. 237.

3 Turbary; Fr. Tourbiére (peat-bed). .
4 Montreuil-sur-mer (Pas de Calais). 5 (Pas de Calais.)

8 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [man

for the first time I met with that wine of whose ill fame I
had heard so much in England, that of being worse than
small beer. No scattered farm-houses in this part of
Picardy, all being collected in villages which is as unfor-
tunate for the beauty of a country, as it is inconvenient to
its cultivation. To Abbeville,1 unpleasant, nearly flat;
and though there are many and great woods, yet they are
uninteresting. Pass the new chalk chateau of Mons. St.
Maritan, who, had he been in England, would not have
built a good house in that situation, nor have projected
his walls like those of an alms-house.

Abbeville is said to contain 22,000 souls ; it is old, and
disagreeably built; many of the houses of wood, with a
greater air of antiquity than I remember to have seen;
their brethren in England have been long ago demolished.
Viewed the manufacture of Van Robaisf which was esta-
blished by Lewis XIV. and of which Voltaire and others
have spoken so much. I had many enquiries concerning
wool and woollens to make here ; and, in conversation with
the manufacturers, found them great politicians, condemn-
ing with violence the new commercial treaty 3 with England.
—-—30 miles.

The 21st. It is the same flat and unpleasing country to
‘Flixcourtf—LS miles.

The 22d. Poverty and poor crops to Amiens; women
are now ploughing with a pair of horses to sow barley.
The difference of the customs of the two nations is in
nothing more striking than in the labours of the sex; in
England, it is very little that they will do in the fields
except to glean and make hay; the first is a party of pilfering,
and the second of pleasure: in France, they plough and

1 (Pas de Calais.)

2 The Van Robais, Dutch cloth manufacturers invited to France by
Colbert.

3 This treaty, so liberal in spirit, was signed at Versailles in Sept.
1786, and ratified the following year. The trade between the two
countries had been up to that time comparatively small; imports and
exports were doubled within twelve months after the treaty had come
into force. Among the clauses was one providing entire religious
liberty for subjects of both countries, and the right of sepulture “ in con-
venient places to be appointed for that purpose.” These friendly and

profitable commercial relations were soon interrupted by war. Knight‘s
Hist. Eng, vol. vi., 1). 797. ‘ (Somme)

1787.] CLERMONT. 9

fill the dung-cart. Lombardy peplars seem to have been
introduced here about the same time as in England.

Picquigny 1 has been the scene of a remarkable trans-
action, that does great honour to the tolerating spirit of
the French nation. Mons. Colmar, a Jew, bought the
seignory and estate, including the viscounty of Amiens, of
the Duke of Chaulnes, by virtue of which he appoints the
canons of the cathedral of Amiens. The bishop resisted
his nomination, and it was carried by appeal to the parlia-
ment of Paris, whose decree was in favour of Mons. Colmar.
The immediate seignory of Picquigny, but without its
dependences, is resold to the Count d’Artois.

At Amiens, view the cathedral, said to be built by the
English; it is very large and beautifully light and deco-
rated. They are fitting it up in black drapery, and a
great canopy, with illuminations for the burial of the
prince de Tingry, colonel of the regiment of cavalry, whose
station is. here. To view this was an object among the
people, and crouds were at each door. I was refused en-
trance, but some officers being admitted, gave orders that
an English gentleman without should be let in, and I was
called back from some distance and desired very politely
to enter, as they did not know at first that I was an
Englishman. These are but trifies, but they show libe-
rality, and it islfair to report them. If an Englishman
receives attention in France, because he is an Englishman,
what return ought to be made to a Frenchman in England
is sufliciently obvious. The chateau d’eau or machine for
supplying Amiens with water is worth viewing ; but plates
only could give an idea of it. The town abounds with
woollen manufactures. I conversed with several masters
who united entirely with those of Abbeville in condemning
the treaty of commerce—15 miles.

The 23rd. To Breteuil '9‘ the country is diversified, woods
everywhere in sight the whole journey—21 miles.

The 24th. A flat and uninteresting chalky country
continues about to Clermont,3 where it improves; is hilly
and has wood. The view of the town as soon as the dale
is seen, with the Duke of Fitzjames’ plantation is pretty.“
24 miles.

’ (Somme) 2 (Oise.) 3 (Oise)

10 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [mm

The 25th. The environs of Clermont are picturesque.
The hills about Liancourt are pretty and spread with a
sort of cultivation I had never seen before, a mixture of
vineyards (for here the vines first appear), gardens and
corn. A piece of wheat, a scrap of lucerne, a patch of
clover or vetches, a bit of vine with cherry and other
fruit trees scattered among all, and the whole cultivated
with the spade; it makes a pretty appearance, but must
form a poor system of trifling.

Chantilly—magnificence is its reigning character, it is
never lost. There is not taste or beauty enough to soften
it into milder features; all but the chateau 1 is great, and
there is something imposing in that; except the gallery of
the great Condé’s battles and the cabinet of natural history,
which is rich in very fine specimens, most advantageously
arranged; it contains nothing that demands particular
notice; nor is there one room which in England would be
called large. The stable is truly great and exceeds very
much indeed anything of the kind I had ever seen. It is
580 feet long and 40 broad, and is sometimes filled with
240 English horses. I had been so accustomed to the
imitation in water of the waving and irregular lines of
nature that I came to Chantilly 2 prepossessed against the
idea of a canal, but the view of one here is striking and
had the effect which magnificent scenes impress. It arises
from extent and from the right lines of the water uniting
with the regularity of the objects in view. It is Lord
Kames, 3 I think, who says the part of the garden contiguous
to the house should pal take of the regularity of the build-
ing; with much magnificence about a place this is un-
avoidable. The efiect here, however, is lessened by the
parterre before the castle, in which the division and the
diminutive jets d’ eau are not of a size to correspond with
the magnificence of the canal. The menaoei 1e is very
pretty, and exhibits a prodigious variety t50f domestic
poultry, fr om all parts of the world; one of the best objects

1 The chateau here spoken of was razed as a fortress in 1792 and
replaced in 1880 by the elegant construction of the Due dAumale
p1 esented to the Institut 1n 1886.

3 (Oise.)

3 Home, Henry, Lord Kames, Scotch judge and author, died 1782.

1787.] LUZARCH. 11

to which a menagerie can be applied; these, and the
Corsican stag had all my attention. The hameau contains
an imitation of an English garden; the taste is but just
introduced into France, so that it will not stand a critical
examination.‘ The most English idea I saw is the lawn in
front of the stables; it is large, of a good verdure, and
well kept; proving clearly that they may have as fine
lawns in the north of France as in England. The labyrinth
is the only complete one I have seen, and. I have no incli-
nation to see another: it is in gardening what a rebus is
in poetry. In the Sylvae are many very fine and scarce
plants. I wish those persons who view Chantilly, and are
fond of fine trees would not forget to ask for the great
beech; this is the finest I ever saw; strait as an arrow,
and, as I guess, not less than 80 or 90 feet high ; 40 feet
to the first branch, and 12 feet diameter at five from the
ground. It is in all respects one of the finest trees that
can anywhere be met with. Two others are near it, but
not equal to this superb one. The forest around Chantilly,
belonging to the Prince of Condé,Jl is immense, spreading
far and wide; the Paris road crosses it for ten miles, which
is its least extent. They say the capitainerie, or para-
mountship, is above 100 miles in circumference. That is
to say, all the inhabitants for that extent are pestered with
game, without permission to destroy it, in order to give one
man diversion. Ought not these capitaineries to be ex-
tirpated?

At Luzarch,2 I found that my mare, from illness, would
travel no further; French stables, which are covered dung-
hills, and the carelessness of garcons d’ecuries, an execrable
set of vermin, had given her cold. I therefore left her to
send for from Paris, and went thither post ; by which ex-
periment I found that posting in France is much worse,

1 This prince headed the emigration, a movement that sealed the fate
of Louis XVI. The vast Bourbon-Condé estate became the property of
the Duke d’Aumale on the mysterious death of the last duke (son of the
above-mentioned) in 1830. The old man was found at the chateau of
St. Len, hanging by his cravat from the sill of a window, and foul play
was suspected. He was father of the Duke d’Enghien, foully murdered
by the first Napoleon.

2 Luzarches (connected with Paris by a railway branching from the
Boulogne and Calais line) (Seine et Oise).

12 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [MAE

and even, upon the whole, dearer than in England. Being
in a post-chaise I travelled to Paris, as other travellers 1n
post-chaises do, knowing little or nothing. The last ten
miles I was eagerly on the watch for that throng of
carriages which near London impede the traveller. I
watched in vain; for the road, quite to the gates, is, on
comparison, a perfect desert. So many great roads join
here, that I suppose this must be accidental. The entrance
has nothing magnificent; ill built and dirty. To get to
the Rue de Varenne Faubourg St. Germain, I had the
whole city to cross, and passed it by narrow, ugly, and
crouded streets.

At the hotel de la Rochefoucauld I found the Duke of
Liancourt 1 and his sons, the Count de la Rochefoucauld,
and the Count Alexander, with my excellent friend Mon-
sieur de Lazowskif all of whom I had the pleasure of
knowing in Suffolk. They introduced me to the Duchess
d’Estissac, mother of the Duke of Liancourt, and to the
Duchess of Liancourt. The agreeable reception and friendly
attentions I met with from all this liberal family were well
calculated to give me the most favourable impression
3“ * * *.—42 miles.

The 26th. So short a time had I passed before in
France, that the scene is totally new to me. Till we have
been accustomed to travelling we have a prOpensity to stare
at and admire everything—and to be on the search for
novelty, even in circumstances in which it is ridiculous to

1 It was the Duke de Liancourt who summoned courage to break to
Louis XVI. the fall of the Bastille. “ It is a revolt!” said the King. “ No,
sire,” replied the Duke, “it is a revolution! ” This true philanthropist
and public-spirited citizen was one of the most amiable and dignified
figures at the court of Versailles. His leanings were to constitutional
monarchy, and he made every effort to reconcile the court and the
assembly. Finding the cause of the Revolution, from his point. of view,
hopeless, he quitted France, and after years of exile quietly ended his
days at Liancourt among the country people by whom he was so de-
servedly beloved. Died 1827, in the Rue St. Honoré, No. 29.

2 Madame Roland gives a painful portrait of this Polish protégé of the
Duke. The National Assembly having suppressed his office as inspector
of manufactures, he threw himself into sans-culottism, took part in the
terrible events of September, 1792, and died soon after. His funeral
oration was pronounced by Robespierre. See “ Me’moires de Madame
Roland.” Paris, 1885.

1787.] VERSAILLES. 13

look for it. I have been upon the full silly gape to find
out things that I had not found before, as if a street in
Paris could be composed of anything but houses, or houses
formed of anything but brick or stone—or that the peOple
in them, not being English, would be walking on their
heads. I shall shake off this folly as fast as I can, and
bend myattention to mark the character and disposition
of the nation. Such vievs naturally lead us to catch the
little circumstances which sometimes express them; not
an easy task, but subject to many errors.

I have only one day to pass at Paris, and that is taken
up with buying necessaries. At Calais, my abundant care
produced the inconvenience it was meant to avoid ; I was
afraid of losing my trunk, by leaving it at Dessein’s for
the diligence; so I sent it to M. Mouron’s.——-The conse-
quence is, that it is not to be found at Paris, and its con-
tents are to be bought again before I can leave this city on
our journey to the Pyrenees. I believe it may be received
as a maxim, that a traveller should always trust his bag-
gage to the common voitures of the country, without any
extraordinary precautions.

After a rapid excursion, with my friend Lazowski, to see
many things; but too hastily to form any correct idea,
spend the evening at his brother’s, where I had the plea-
sure of meeting Mons. de Broussonet,1 secretary of the
Royal Society of Agriculture, and Mons. Desmarets, both
of the Academy of Sciences. As Mons. Lazowski is well
informed in the manufactures of France, in the police of
which he enjoys a post of consideration, and as the other
gentlemen have paid much attention to agriculture, the
conversation was in no slight degree instructive, and I re-
gretted that a very early departure from Paris would not
let me promise myself a further enjoyment so congenial
with mv feelings, as the company of men, whose conversa-
tion shewed a] marked attention to objects of national

1 Broussonet, Pierre Auguste, a distinguished naturalist, and no in-
significant politician, whose life was a long series of adventures. Pro-
scribed as a Girondin by the Convention, he contrived with great diffi-
culty to cross the Pyrenees, whencehe crossed to Africa, and became
physician to the English Embassyun Morocco. In 1805 he became-
member of the Corps Législatif. Died 1807.

14 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [mam

importance. On the breaking up of the party, went with
count Alexander de la Rochefoucauld post to Versailles,
to be present at the fete of the day following; (Whitsun-
day) slept at the duke de Liancou1t’ s hotel.

The 27th. Breakfasted with him at his apartments in
the palace, which are annexed to his office of grand master
of the wardrobe, one of the principal in the court of
France. —Here I found the duke surrounded by a circle of
noblem en, among whom was the duke de la Rochefoucauld,1
well known for his attention to natural history; I was
introduced to him, as he is going to Bagnere de Luchon in
the Pyrenees, where I am to have the honour of being in
his party.

The ceremony of the day was, the King’s investing the
Duke of Berri, son of the count D’Artois, with the cordon
blue. The Queen’ s band was in the chapel where the
ceremony was performed, but the musical effect was thin
:and weak. During the service the King was seated between
his two brothers, tDand seemed by his carriage and inatten-
tion to wish himself a hunting. He would certainly have
been as well employed, as in hearing afterwards from his ,
throne a feudal oath of chivalry, I suppose, or some such
nonsense, administered to a boy of ten years old. Seeing
much pompous folly I imagined it was the dauphin, and
asked a lady of fashion near me; at which she laughed 111
my face, as if I had been guilty of the most egregious
idiotism: nothing could be done in a worse manner; for
the stifling of her expression only marked it the more. I
applied to Mons. de la Rochefoucauld to learn what gross
absurdity I had been guilty of so unwittingly; when, for-
sooth, it was because the dauphin, as all the world knows
in France, has the cordon blue put around him as soon as
he is born. So unpardonable was it for a foreigner to be
ign01 ant of such an important part of French history, as
that of giving a babe a blue slobbering bib instead of a
white one!

‘ Like his kinsman the Due de Liancourt, one of the public spirited
noblemen who welcomed the Revolution. “ La constitution sera faite ou
nous ne serons plus” were his wo1ds two years later. Ot liberal mind
and sterling wo1th the Duke de la Rochefoucauld deserved a better
fate. Killed at Gisms, 1794.

1787.] VERSAILLES. 15

After this ceremony was finished, the King and the
knights walked in a sort of procession to a small apart-
ment in which he dined, saluting the Queen as they passed.
There appeared to be more ease and familiarity than form
in this part of the ceremony; her majesty, who, by the
way, is the most beautiful woman I saw to-day, received
them with a variety of expression. On some she smiled ;
to others she talked; a few seemed to have the honour of
being more in her intimacy. Her return to some was
formal, and to others distant. To the gallant Suffrein 1 it
was respectful and benign. The ceremony of the King’s
dining in public is more odd than splendid. The Queen
sat by him with a cover before her, but ate nothing; con-
versing with the duke of Orleans, and the duke of Liancourt,
who stood behind her chair. To me it would have been a
most uncomfortable meal, and were I a sovereign, I would
sweep away three-fourths of these stupid forms ; if Kings
do not dine like other peeple, they lose much of the plea-
sure of life ; their station is very well calculated to deprive
them of much, and they submit to nonsensical customs,
the sole tendency of which is to lessen the remainder. The
only comfortable or amusing dinner is a table of ten or
twelve covers for the peOple whom they like; travellers
tell us that this was the mode of the late King of Prussia,
who knew the value of life too well to sacrifice it to empty
forms on the one hand, or to a monastic reserve on the
other.

The palace of Versailles, one of the objects of which
report had given me the greatest expectation, is not in the
least striking: I view it without emotion: the impression
it makes is nothing. What can compensate the want of
unity? From whatever pointviewed, it appears an assem-
blage of buildings; a splendid quarter of a town, but not
a fine edifice; an objection from which the garden front is
not free, though by far the most beautiful.—-—The great
gallery is the finest room I have seen; the other apart-

1 This brave admiral had commanded the French fleets in the East
(1773, 1783), coming to sharp encounters with our own off the Coasts of
Madras and Ceylon. His most brilliant exploit was the capture of Trin-
Comalee, but these successes were not seconded by the weak government
at home, and the Treaty of Versailles cut short his career. Died 1788.

16 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [111.111,

ments are nothing , but the pictures and statues are well
known to be a capital collection. The whole palace, ex-
cept the chapel, seems to be open to all the world; we
pushed through an amazing croud of all sorts of people to
see the procession, many of them not very well dressed,
whence it appears, that no questions are asked. But the
officers at the door of the apartment in which the King
dined, made a distinction, and would not permit all to
enter promiscuously.

Travellers speak much, even very late ones, of the re-
markable inte1est the French take in all that personally
concerns their King, shewing by the eagerness of their
attention not curiosity only, but love. Where, how, and
in whom those gentlemen discovered this I know not.——It
is either misrepresentation, or the people are changed in a
few years more than is credible. Dine at Paris, and in
the evening the duchess of Liancourt, who seems to be one
of the best of women, carried me to the opera at St. Cloud,1
where also we viewed the palace which the Queen is build-
ing; it is large, but there is much in the front that does
not please me.——20 miles.

The 28th. Finding my mare sufficiently recovered for
a journey, a point of importance to a traveller so weak in
cavalry as myself, I left Paris, accompanying the count de
la Rochefoucauld and my friend Lazowski, and commencing
a jou1ney that is to cross the whole kingdom to the Py-
renees. The road to Oileans 1s one of the greatest that
leads f1 om Paris, I expected, therefore, to have my former
impression of the little traffic near that city removed; but
on the contrary, it was confirmed; it is a desert compared
with those around London. In ten miles we met not one
stage or diligence , only two messageries, and very few
chaises ; not a tenth of what would have been met had we
been leaving London at the same hour. Knowing how
great, rich, and important a city Paris 1s, this circumstance
Ierplexes me much. Should it afterwards be confirmed,
conclusions 111 abundance a1e to be drawn.

For a few miles, the scene is everywhere scattered with

1 This chateau, famous as the scene of Napoleon’ s Coup d état of the-
18 B1 umaire from which also emanated the ordonnances of Challes X.
was destroy ed by the P1ussian fire in 187 0.

1787J ORLEANS. 17

the shafts of quarries, the stone drawn up by lanthorn
wheels of a great diameter. The country diversified; and
its greatest want to please the eye is a river; woods gene-
rally in view; the proportion of the French territory
covered by this production for want of coals, must be
prodigious, for it has been the same all the way from
Calais. At Arpajon,1 the maréchal duke de Mouchy 2 has
a small house, which has nothing to recommend it.-—20
nukm.

The 29th. To Estamps 3 is partly through a flat coun-
try, the beginning of the famous Pays de Beauce. To
Toury,‘ flat and disagreeable, only two or three gentle-
men’s seats in sight—31 miles.

The 30th. One universal fiat, uninclosed, uninteresting,
and even tedious, though small towns and villages are
every where in sight; the features that might compound
a landscape are not brought together. This Pays de
Beauce contains, by reputation, the cream of French hus-
bandry; the soil excellent; but the management all fal-
low. Pass through part of the forest of Orleans belonging
to the duke of that name: it is one of the largest in France.

From the steeple of the cathedral at Orleans, the pros-
pect is very fine. The town large, and its suburbs, of
single streets, extend near a league. The vast range of
country, that spreads on every side, is an unbounded
plain, through which the magnificent Loire bends his
stately way, in sight for 14 leagues; the whole scattered
with rich meadows, vineyard, gardens, and forests. The
population must be very great; for, beside the city, which
contains near 40,000 peOple, the number of smaller towns
and villages strewed thickly over the plain is such as to
render the whole scene animated. The cathedral, from
which we had this noble prospect is a fine building, the

I (Seine et Disc.)

2 Philippe Comte de Noailles, Duc de Mouchy, with his wife, guil-
lotined during the Terror. He was son of Adrian Maurice, Maréchal
de France and Due de Noailles, and father of that public-spirited
Viscount who took the lead in renouncing feudal privileges on the
assemblage of the States General.

3 Etampes (Seine et Oise).

4 Station on the Orleans railway (Loiret).

C

18 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [MAY,

choir raised by Henry IV. The new church is a pleasing
edifice; the bridge a noble structure of stone, and the first
experiment of the flat arch made in France, where it is
now so fashionable. It contains nine, and is 410 yards
long, and 45 feet wide. To hear some Englishmen talk,
one would suppose there was not a fine bridge in all
France; not the first, nor the last error I hope that tra-
vellin g will remove. There are many barges and boats at -
the quay, built upon the river in the Bourbonnois, &c.
loaded with wood, brandy, wine, and other goods ; on
arriving at Nantes, the vessels are broken up and sold
with the cargo. Great numbers built with spruce fir. A
boat goes from hence to that city, when demanded by six
passengers, each paying a louis-d’or : 1 they lie on shore
every night, and reach Nantes in four days and a half.
The principal street leading to the bridge is a fine one, all
busy and alive, for trade is brisk here. Admire the fine
acacias scattered about the town—20 miles.

The 31st. On leaving it, enter soon the miserable pro-
vince of Sologne, which the French writers call the t'riste
Sologne.2 Through all this country they have had severe
spring frosts, for the leaves of the walnuts are black and
cut ofi. I should not have expected this unequivocal
mark of a bad climate after passing the Loire. To La
Ferté Lowendahl,3 a dead flat of hungry sandy gravel, with
much heath. The poor people, who cultivate the soil here,
are métayersf that is, men who hire the land without
ability to stock it; the proprietor is forced to provide
cattle and seed, and he and his tenant divide the produce ;
a miserable system, that perpetuates poverty and excludes
instruction. Meet a man employed on the roads who was

1 Coin thus called in the reign of Louis XIII. 3 value in 1787 twenty-
four francs.

2 Plantations, irrigation, canalization and improved methods of agri-
culture are gradually transforming this region. La Sologne forms part
of the two departments of Loiret. and Loir and Cher.

3 La Ferté-Saint-Aubin (Loiret).

4 Métayage, Lat. Medietarius, is the system of farming on half
profits, so successful in various parts of France. The owner of the land
supplies the soil rent-free, the farmer gives the necessary labour, the fruits
being equally shared. Complex as such an arrangement may appear at

first sight, métayage must be counted as a factor of great importance
in the agricultural prosperity of France.

1787.] LA LOGE—CHATEAUROUX. 19

prisoner at Falmouth four years; he does not seem to have
any rancour against the English; nor yet was he very well
pleased with his treatment. At La Ferté is a handsome
chateau of the ma1qu1s de Croix, with several canals, and
a great command of water. To Nonant-le-Fuzelier,2 a
strange mixture of sand and water. Much inclosed, and
the houses and cottages of wood filled between the studs
with clay or bricks, and covered not with slate but tile,
with some barns boarded like those in Suffolk—rows of
pollards in some of the hedges; an excellent road of sand ;
the general features of a woodland country ; all combined
to give a strong resemblance to many parts of England;
but the husbandry is so little like that of England, that
the least attention to it destroyed every notion of simi-
larity—27 miles.

JUNE 1. The same wretched country continues to La
Loge;3 the fields are scenes of pitiable management, as
the houses are of misery. Yet all this country highly
improveable, if they knew what to do with it: the pro-
perty, perhaps, of some of those glittering beings, who
figured in the procession the other day at Versailles.
Heaven grant me patience while I see a country thus
neglected—and forgive me the oaths I swear at the ab-
sence and ignorance of the possessors.——Enter the gene-
rality4 of Bourges, and soon after a forest of oak belonging
to the count d’Artois; the trees are dying at top, before
they attain any size. There the miserable Sologne ends;
the first view of Ve‘rson" and its vicinity is fine. A noble
vale spreads at your feet, through which the river Cher 6
leads, seen in several places to the distance of some leagues,
a bright sun burnished the water, like a string of lakes
amidst the shade of a vast woodland. See Bourges to the
left—18 miles.

The 2d. Pass the rivers Cher and Lave; the bridges
well built ; the stream fine, and with the wood, buildings,
boats, and adjoining hills, form an animated scene. Several

1 The Chateau de Lowendal (Loiret).

2 Nouant-le-Fuzelier (Loir and Cher). This little town is an active
centre of bee-farming.

3 (Loir and Cher.) 4 Généralité, ancient fiscal division.

5 Vierzon (Cher). 6 (Chen)

2O TRAVELS .IN FRANCE. DUNE,

new houses, and buildings of good stone in Verson; the
place appears thriving, and doubtless owes much to the
navigation. We are now in Berri, a province governed by
a provincial assembly, consequently the roads good, and
made without corvées. Vatan 1 is a little town that sub-
sists chiefly by spinning. We drank there excellent San-
cere 2 wine, of a deep colour, rich flavour, and good body,
20/.3 the bottle; but in the country 10. An extensive
prospect before we arrived at Chateauroux“ where we
viewed the manufactures—40 miles.

The 3d. Within about three of Argenton 5 come upon
a fine scene, beautiful, yet with bold features; a narrow
vale bounded on every side with hills covered with wood,
all of which are immediately under the eye, without a.
level acre, except the bottom of the vale, through which a
river flows, by an old castle picturesquely situated to the
right ; and to the left, a tower rising out of a wood.

At Argenton, walk up a rock that hangs almost over
the town. It is a delicious scene. A natural ledge of
perpendicular rock pushes forward abruptly over the vale,
which is half a mile broad, and two or three long: at one
end closed by hills, and at the other filled by the town
with vineyards rising above it; the surrounding scene
that hems in the vale is high enough for relief ; vineyards,
rocks or hills covered with wood. The vale cut into in-
closures of a lovely verdure, and a fine river winds through
it, with an outline that leaves nothing to wish. The
venerable fragments of a castle’s ruins, near the point of
view, are well adapted to awaken reflections on the triumph
of the arts of peace over the barbarous ravages of the
feudal ages, when every class of society was involved in
commotion, and the lower ranks were worse slaves than at
present.

The general face of the country, from Verson to Ar-
genton, is an uninteresting flat with many heaths of ling.

1 Vatan (Indre). "’ Sancerre (Cher), famous for its wines.

3 Sol. sou.

4 Chfiteauroux (Indre). From time immemorial this town has been:
celebrated for its cloth manufactures.

‘ (Indre), within easy reach of the valley of La. Creuse, immortalized
by George Sand.

1787 .] LIMOGE. 21

No appearance of population, and even towns are thin.
The husbandry poor and the people miserable. By the
circumstances to which I could give attention I conceive
them to be honest and industrious; they seem clean ; are
civil, and have good countenances. They appear to me as
if they would improve their country, if they formed the
part of a system, the principles of which tended to national
prosperity.—18 miles.

The 4th. Pass an inclosed country, which would have
a better appearance if the oaks had not lost their foliage
by insects, whose webs hang over the buds. They are
but now coming into leaf again. Cross a stream which
separates Berri from La Marche ;1 chesnuts appear at
the same time; they are spread over all the fields, and
yield the food of the poor. A variety of hill and dale,
with fine woods, but little signs of population. Lizards
for the first time also. There seems a connection relative
to climate between the chesnuts and these harmless
animals. They are very numerous, and some of them
near a foot long. Sleep at La Ville au Brun.2—-—24: miles.

The 5th. The country improves in beauty greatly;
pass a vale, where a causeway stops the water of a small
rivulet and swells it into a lake, that forms one feature of
a delicious scene. The indented outlines and the swells
margined with wood are beautiful; the hills on every side
in unison ; one now covered with ling the prophetic eye of
taste may imagine lawn. Nothing is wanted to render
the scene a garden, but to clear away rubbish.

The general face of the country, for 16 miles, by far
the most beautiful I have seen in France; it is thickly
inclosed, and full of wood ; the umbrageous foliage of the
chesnuts gives the same beautiful verdure to the hills, as
watered meadows (seen for the first time to day) to the
vales. Distant mountainous ridges form the back ground,
and make the whole interesting. The declivity of country,
as we go down to Bassiesf’ ofiers a beautiful view; and

1 The tract of uncultivated land serving as a frontier between two
states or seignorial domains. Thus we find la Marche between 1e
Berri, and le Limousin, les Marches in Savoy, &c. From the first-
named was formed the department of la Corréze. .

2 (Indre.) 3 Bassines (Hte. Vienne).

22 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

the approach to the town, presents a landscape fanciquy
grouped of rock, and wood, and water. To Limoge, pass
another artificial lake between cultivated hills; beyond
are wilder heights, but mixed with pleasant vales; still
another lake more beautiful than the former, with a fine
accompanyment of wood; across a mountain of chesnut
copse, which commands a scene of a character different
from any I have viewed either in France or England, a
great range of hill and dale all covered with forest, and
bounded by distant mountains. Not a vestige of any
human residence; no village: no house or but, no smoke
to raise the idea of a peopled country; an American
scene ; wild enough for the tomohawk of the savage.
Stop at an execrable auberge, called Maison Rouge, where
we intended to sleep; but, on examination, found every
appearance so forbidding, and so beggarly an account of a.
larder, that we passed on to Limoge. The roads through
all this country, are truly noble, far beyond any thing I
have seen in France or elsewhere—4:4 miles.

The 6th. View Limoge, and examine its manufactures.
It was certainly a Roman station, and some traces of its
antiquity are still remaining. It is ill built, with narrow
and crooked streets, the houses high and disagreeable.
They are raised of granite, or wood with lath and plaister,
which saves lime, an expensive article here, being brought
from a distance of twelve leagues; the roofs are of pantiles,
with projecting eaves, and almost flat; a sure proof we
have quitted the region of heavy snows. The best of their
public works is noble fountain, the water conducted three
quarters of a league by an arched aqueduct brought under
the bed of a rock 60 feet deep to the highest spot in the
town, where it falls into a bason 15 feet diameter, cut out
of one piece of granite; thence the water is let into reser-
voirs, closed by sluices, which are opened for watering the
streets, or in cases of fires.

The cathedral is ancient, and the roof of stone; there
are some arabesque ornaments cut in stone, as light, airy,
and elegant as any modern house can boast, whose decora-
tions are in the same taste.

The present bishop has erected a large and handsome
palace, and his garden is the finest object to be seen at.

1787 .] LIMOGE. 23

Limoge, for it commands a landscape hardly to be equalled
for beauty: it would be idle to give any other description
than just enough to induce travellers to view it. A river
winds through a vale, surrounded by hills that present
the gayest and most animated assemblage of villas, farms,
vines, hanging meadows, and chesnuts blended so for-
tunately as to compose a scene truly smiling. This bishop
is a friend of the count de la Rochefoucauld’s family; he
invited us to dine, and gave us a very handsome enter-
tainment. Lord Macartney,1 when a prisoner in France,
after the Grenades were taken, spent some time with him ;
there was an instance of French politeness shewn to his
lordship, that marks the urbanity of this peOple. The
order came from court to sing Te Deum on the very day
that Lord Macartney was to arrive. Conceiving that the
public demonstrations of joy for a victory that brought
his noble guest a prisoner, might be personally unpleasant
to him, the bishop proposed to the intendant to postpone
the ceremony for a few days, in order that he might not
meet it so abruptly; this was instantly acceded to, and
conducted in such a manner afterwards as to mark as
much attention to Lord Macartney’s feelings as to their
own. The bishop told me, that Lord Macartney spoke
better French than he could have conceived possible for a
foreigner, had he not heard him; better than many well
educated Frenchmen.

The post of intendant here was rendered celebrated by
being filled by that friend of mankind, Turgot, whose well
earned reputation in this province placed him at the
head of the French finances, as may be very agreeably
learned, in that production of equal truth and elegance,
his life by the marquis of Condorcet. The character which
Turgot left here is considerable. The noble roads we have
passed, so much exceeding any other I have seen in France,
were amongst his good works ; an epithet due to them be-
cause not made by corve’es. There is here a society of

1 Lord Macartney was appointed envoy extraordinary to the Empress
of Russia in 1764, and later governor of Tobago. ()n the capture of
that island he was sent to France. In 1780 he became governor of
Madras, and afterwards Governor-General of Bengal. St. Lucia, St.

Vincent, Grenada, and Tobago (the Windward Islands) now belong to
England.

24 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

agriculture, which owes it origin to the same distinguished
patriot: but in that most unlucky path of French exertion
he was able to do nothing: evils too radically fixed were
in the way of the attempt. This society does like other
societies,———they meet, converse, ofier premiums, and pub-
lish nonsense. This is not of much consequence, for the
people, instead of reading their memoirs, are not able to
read at all. They can however see,- and if a farm was
established in that good cultivation which they ought to
copy, something would be presented from which they
might learn. I asked particularly if the members of this
society had land in their own hands, from which it might
be judged if they knew anything of the matter themselves:
I was assured that they had; but the conversation pre-
sently explained it: they had métayers around their
country-seats, and this was considered as farming their
own lands, so that they assume something of a merit from
the identical circumstance, which is the curse and ruin of
the whole country. In the agricultural conversations we
have had on the journey from Orleans, I have not found
one person who seemed sensible of the mischief of this
system.

The 7th. No chesnuts for a league before we reach
Piere Bussiere,ll they say because the basis of the country
is a hard granite; and they assert also at Limoge, that in
this granite there grow neither vines, wheat, nor chesnuts,
but that on the softer granites these plants thrive well: it
is true, that chesnuts and this granite appeared together
when we entered Limosin. The road has been incompar-
ably fine, and much more like the well kept alleys of a
garden than a common high way. See for the first time
old towers, that appear in this country—83 miles.

The 8th. Pass an extraordinary spectacle for English
eyes, of many houses too good to be called cottages, with-
out any glass windows. Some miles to the right is
Pompadour,2 where the King has a stud; there are all
kinds of horses, but chiefly Arabian, Turkish and English.
Three years ago four Arabians were imported, which had

1 Pierre bussiére (Hte. Vienne).
3 (l)ordogne.) This village was created a marquisate by Louis XV.
for his mistress. Chateau and haras remain.

1787.] BRIVE. 25

been procured at the expence of 7 2,000 livres (314191.)1
the price of covering a mare is only three livres to the
groom; the owners are permitted to sell their colts as they
please, butifthese came upto the standard height, the King’s
officers have the prefe1ence, provided they give the price
offered by others. These horses are not saddled till six
years old. They pasture all day, but at night are confined
on account of wolves, which are so common as to be a
great plague to the people. A horse of six years old, a
little more than four feet six inches high, is sold for 701.;
and 151. has been ofiered for a colt of one year old. Pass
Uzarch; 3 dine at Donzenac; ° between which place and
Brive meet the first maize, or Indian corn.

The beauty of the country, through the 34 miles from
St. George" to Brivef is so various, and in every respect so
striking and interesting, that I shall attempt no particular
description, but observe in general, that I am much in
doubt, whether there be anything comparable to it either
in England or Ireland. It is not that a fine view breaks
now and then upon the eye to compensate the traveller for
the dulness of a much longer district; but a quick succes-
sion of landscapes, many of which would be rendered
famous in England, by the resort of travellers to view
them. The country is all hill or valley; the hills are very
high, and would be called with us mountains, if waste and
covered with heated; but being cultivated to the very t0ps,
their magnitude is lessened to the eye. Their forms are
various. they swell in beautiful semi- globes; they project
in abrupt masses, which inclose deep glens: they eXpand
into amphitheatres of cultivation that rise in gradation to
the eye: in some places tossed into a thousand inequali-
ties of surface; in others the eye reposes on scenes of the
softest verdure. Add to this, the rich robe with which
nature’s bounteous hand has dressed the slopes, with
hanging woods of chesnut. And whether the vales open
their verdant bosoms, and admit the sun to illumine the
rivers in their comparative repose; or whether they be
closed 1n deep glens, that afford a passage with difficulty

1 The livre differed in value from twenty to twenty-five sons.
2 Uzerche (Corréze). ' ‘ 3(Corréze. )
4 St. Germain les- Belles (Hte. Vienna). 5 (Ibid.)

26 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

to the water rolling over their rocky beds, and dazzling the
eye with the lustre of cascades; in every case the features
are interesting and characteristic of the scenery. Some
views of singular beauty rivetted us to the spot; that of
the town of Uzarch, covering a conical hill, rising in the
hollow of an amphitheatre of wood, and surrounded at its
feet by a noble river, is unique. Derry in Ireland has
something of its form, but wants some of its richest
features. The water-scenes from the town itself, and im-
mediately after passing it, are delicious. The immense
view from the descent to Donzenac is equally magnificent.
To all this is added the finest road in the world, every
where formed in the most perfect manner, and kept in
the highest preservation, like the well ordered alley of
a garden, without dust, sand, stones, or inequality, firm
and level, of pounded granite, and traced with such a
perpetual command of prospect, that had the engineer no
other object in view, he could not have executed it with a
more finished taste.

The view of Brive, from the hill is so fine, that it gives
the expectation of a beautiful little town, and the gaiety of
the environs encourages the idea; but on entering, such a
contrast is found as disgusts completely. Close, ill built,
crooked, dirty, stinking streets, exclude the sun, and
almost the air from every habitation, except a few toler-
able ones on the promenade—34 miles.

The 9th. Enter a different country with the new pro-
vince of Quercy,1L which is a part of Guienne ; not near so
beautiful as Limosin, but, to make amends, it is far better
cultivated. Thanks to maize, which does wonders! Pass
Noailles, on the summit of a high hill, the chateau? of the
Marshal Duke of that name—Enter a calcareous country,
and lose chesnuts at the same time.

In going down to Souillac,3 there is aprospect that must
universally please: it is a bird’s eye view of a delicious
little valley, sunk deep amongst some very bold hills that

1 Formerly le pays de Cadurqnes, now the department. of the Lot.

9 The chateau still remains. The Due de Noailles here mentioned
was brother of the unfortunate Due de Monchy. He was created
Marshall of France by Louis XV. without having rendered any services

deserving the honour. Died 1793. (H. Martin.)
3 Souillac (Lot).

1787.] PONT-DE-RODEZ. 27

inclose it; a margin of wild mountain contrasts the extreme
beauty of the level surface below, a scene of cultivation
scattered with fine walnut trees; nothing can apparently
exceed the exuberant fertility of this spot.

Souillac is a little town in a thriving state, having some
rich merchants. They receive staves from the mountains
of Auvergne by their river Dordonne, which is navigable
eight months in the year ; these they export to Bordeaux
and Libourn; also wine, corn, and cattle, and import salt
in great quantities. It is not in the power of an English
imagination to figure the animals that waited upon us
here, at the Chapeau Rouge. Some things that called
themselves by the courtesy of Souillac women, but in
reality walking dung-hills.-——But a neatly dressed clean
waiting girl at an inn, will be looked for in vain in France.
——34 miles.

The 10th. Cross the Dordonne by a ferry; the boat
well contrived for driving in at one end, and out at the
other, without the abominable operation, common in
England, of beating horses till they leap into them; the
price is as great a contrast as the excellence; we paid for
an English whisky,1 a French cabriolet, one saddle-horse
and six persons, no more than 508. (2s. ld.) I have paid half-
a-crown awheel in England for execrable ferries, passed over
at the hazard of the horses limbs—This river runs in a very
deep valley between two ridges of high hills: extensive
views, all scattered with villages and single houses; an
appearance of great pOpulation. Chesnuts on a calcareous
soil, contrary to the Limosin maxim.

Pass Payrac,2 and meet many beggars, which we had
not done before. All the country, girls and women, are
without shoes or stockings; and the ploughmen at their
work have neither sabots nor feet to their stockings. This
is a poverty, that strikes at the root of national prosperity;
a large consumption among the poor being of more conse-
quence than among the rich: the wealth of a nation lies
in its circulation and consumption; and the case of poor
people abstaining from the use of manufactures of leather
and wool ought to be considered as an evil of the first
magnitude. It reminded me of the misery of Ireland.

1 A light carriage, also called tint-whiskey. 2 (Lot)

28 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE.

Pass Pont- de Rodez, and come to high land, whence we
enjoyed an immense and singular prospect of ridges, hills,
vales, and gentle slopes, rising one beyond another in
every direction, with few masses of wood, but many
scattered trees. At least forty miles are tolerably distinct
to the eye, and without a level acre; the sun, on the point
of being set, illumined part of it, and displayed a vast
number of villages and scattered farms. The mountains
of Auvergne, at the distance of 100 miles, added to the
view. Pass by several cottages, exceedingly well built, of
stone and slate or tiles, yet without any glass to the
windows ; can a country be likely to thrive where the great
object is to spare manufactures? Women picking weeds
into their aprons for their cows, another sign of poverty I
observed, during the whole way from Calais—~30 miles.

The 11th. See for the first time the Pyrenees, at the
distance of 150 miles—To me, who had never seen an
object farther than 60 or 70, I mean the Wicklow moun-
tains, as I was going out of Holyhead, this was interesting.
Wherever the eye wandered in search of new objects it
was sure to rest there. Their magnitude, their snowy
height, the line of separation between two great kingdoms,
and the end of our travels altogether account for th1s
effect. Towa1ds Cahors the country changes, and has
something of a savage aspect; yet houses are seen every
where, and one- third of it under vines.

That town is bad; the streets neither wide nor strait,
but the new road is an improvement. The chief object of
its trade and resource ale vines and brandies. The true
Vin de Cahors, which has a great reputation, is the produce
of a range of vineyards, very rocky, on a ridge of hills full
to the south, and 1s called Vin de Grave, because growing
on a gravelly soil. In plentiful years, the price of good
wine here does not exceed that of the cask; last year it
was sold at 10s. 6d. a barique, or 8d. a dozen. We drank
it at the Trois Rois from three to ten years old, the lattel
at 808. (1s. 3d.) the bottle; both excellent, full bodied,
g1eat spirit, without being fie1y, and to my palate much
better than our pmts. I liked it so well, that I established

1 Pont de Rode (Lot). 3 (1101:.)

1787.] MONTAUBON. 29

a correspondence with Mons. Andoury, the innkeeper.’E
The heat of this country is equal to the production of
strong wine. This was the most burning day we had
experienced.

On leaving Cahors, the mountain of rock rises so imme-
diately, that it seems as if it would tumble into the town.
The leaves of walnuts are now black with frosts that
happened within a fortnight. On enquiry, I found they
are subject to these frosts all through the spring months;
and though rye is sometimes killed by them, the mildew
in wheat is hardly known ;-—a fact sufiiciently destructive
of the theory of frosts being the cause of that distemper.
It is very rare that any snow falls here. Sleep at Ventillac.2
—22 miles.

The 12th. The shape and colour of the peasants houses
here add a beauty to the country ; they are square, white,
and with rather flat roofs, but few windows. The peasants.
are for the most part land-pr0prietors. Immense view of'
the Pyrenees before us, of an extent and height truly sub-
lime: near Perges,3 the view of a rich vale, that seems to.
reach uninterruptedly to those mountains is a glorious
scenery; one vast sheet of cultivation: every where chequered
with these well built white houses ;——the eye losing itself
in the vapour, which ends only with that stupendous
ridge, whose snow-capped heads are broken into the boldest
outline. The road to Caussade 4 leads through a very fine
avenue of six rows of trees, two of them mulberries, which
are the first we have seen. Thus we have travelled almost.
to the Pyrenees before we met with an article of culture-
which some want to introduce into England. The vale-
here is all on a dead level; the roads finely made, and
mended with gravel. Montauban 5 is old, but not ill built.
There are many good houses, Without forming handsome-
streets. It is said to be very populous, and the eye con-
firms the intelligence. The cathedral is modern, and pretty
well built, but too heavy. The public college, the seminary,

‘ I since had a barrique of him ; but whether he sent bad wine, which
I am not willing to believe, or that it came through bad hands, I know-
not. It is, however, so bad, as to be item for folly.—Am‘lz0r’s note.

2 Ventaillac (Lot). 3 Pignols (Tarn et Garonne).

4 (Tarn et Garonne.) 5 Montauban (ibid.).

30 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

the bishOp’ s palace, and the house of the first president of
the court of aids are good buildings: the last large, with a
most shewy entrance. The promenade is finely sit;uated

built on the highest part of the rampart, and commanding
that noble vale, or 1ather plain, one of the richest in
EurOpe, which extends on one side to the sea, and in front
to the Pyrenees; whose towering masses, heaped one upon
another, in a stupendous manner, and covered with snow,
ofier a variety of lights and shades from indented forms,
and the immensity of their projections. This prospect,
which contains a semi-circle of an hundred miles diameter,
has an oceanic vastness, in which the eye loses itself; an
almost boundless scene of cultivation; an animated, but
confused mass of infinitely varied parts—melting gradu-
ally into the distant obscure, from which emerges the
amazing frame of the Pyrenees, rearing their silvered
heads far above the clouds. At Montauban, I met Capt.
Plampin, of the royal navy , he was with Major Crew, who
has a house and family here, to which he politely carried

s; it is sweetly situated on the skirts of the town, com-
manding a fine view; they were ,so obliging as to resolve
my enquiries upon some points, of which a residence made
them complete judges. Living is reckoned cheap here; a
family was named to us, whose income was supposed to be
about 1500 louis a-year, and who lived as handsomely as
in England on 50001. The comparative dearness and
cheapness of different countries, is a subject of consider—
able importance, but difficult to analize. As I conceive the
English to have made far greater advances in the useful
.arts, and in manufactures, than the French have done,
England ought to be the cheaper country. What we meet
with 1n France, is a cheap mode of living, which is quite
another consideration. —-30 miles.

The 13th. Pass Grisolles, where are well built cottages
without glass, and some with no other light than the door.
Dine at Pompiuion, at the Grand Soleil, an uncommonlv
good 1n11, whe1e Capt. Plampin, who accompanied us thus
far, took his leave. He1e we had a violent storm of thun-
der and lightning, with rain much heavier I thought than
I had known in England ; but, when we set out for Tou.

‘ (Tarn et Garonne.) 2 Pompignon (Tarn et Garonne).

1787J Tounouzm. 31

louze, I was immediately convinced that such a violent
shower had never fallen in that kingdom ; for the destruc-
tion it had poured on the noble scene of cultivation, which
but a moment before was smiling with exuberance, was
terrible to behold. All now one scene of distress: the
finest crOps of wheat beaten so flat to the ground, that I
question whether they can ever rise again ; other fields so
inundated, that we were actually in doubt whether we
were looking on what was lately land or always water.
The ditches had been filled rapidly with mud, had over- _
flowed the road, and swept dirt and gravel over the
crOps.

Cross one of the finest plains of wheat that is any
where to be seen; the storm, therefore, was fortunately
partial. Pass St. Jorry;1 a noble road, but not better
than in Limosin. It is a desert to the very gates; meet
not more persons than if it were 100 miles from any town.
——31Infles

The 14th. View the city,2 which is very ancient and
very large, but not peopled in proportion to its size: the
buildings are a mixture of brick and wood, and have con-
sequently a melancholy appearance. This place has always
prided itself on its taste for literature and the fine arts.
It has had a university since 1215 ; and it pretends that
its famous academy of Jeux Floraux3 is as old as 1323.
It has also a royal academy of sciences, another of painting,
sculpture, and architecture. The church of the Cordel-
liers4 has vaults, into which we descended, that have the
property of preserving dead bodies from corruption; we
saw many that they assert to be 500 years old. If I had
a vault well lighted, that would preserve the countenance
and physiognomy as well as the flesh and bones, I should
like to have it peopled with all my ancestors; and this
desire would, I suppose, be proportioned to their merit
and celebrity; but to one like this, that preserves cada-

1 St. Jory (Hte. Garonne). 9 Toulouse.

3 The jean: floraux or poetic tourneys celebrated the visit of Charles
Le Bel to Toulouse in 1323 or 1324. A golden violet was givei to the
author of the best poem, also the title of docteur du gaz' saber. But the
days of Provencal poetry were over, and the king did not even attend the
crowning of the successful candidate.

4 \0w desecratcd, and used for the storage of hay.

32 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

verous deformity, and gives perpetuity to death, the vora-
city of a common grave is preferable. But Toulouze is
not without objects more interesting than churches and
academies; these are the new quay, the corn mills, and
the canal de Brien. The quay is of a great length, and in
all respects a noble work: the houses intended to be built
will be regular like those already erected, in a stile auk-
ward and inelegant. The canal de Brien,1 so called from
the archbishop of Toulouze,‘2 afterwards prime minister
and cardinal, was planned and executed in order to join
the Garonne at Toulouze with the canal of Languedoc,
which is united at two miles from the town with the same
river. The necessity of such a junction arises from the
navigation of the river in the town being absolutely im-
peded by the wear which is made across it in favour of
the corn mills. It passes arched under the quay to the
river, and one sluice levels the water with that of Langue-
doc canal. It is broad enough for several barges to pass
abreast. These undertakings have been well planned, and
their execution is truly magnificent: there is however
more magnificence than trade; for while the Languedoc
canal is alive with commerce, that of Brien is a desert.
Among other things we viewed at Toulouze, was the
house 3 of Mons. du Barre,4L brother of the husband of the
celebrated countess. By some transactions, favourable to
anecdote, which enabled him to draw her from obscurity,
and afterwards to marry her to his brother, he contrived
to make a pretty considerable fortune. On the first floor

1d The canal de Brienne, joining the canals de Languedoc and do
Mi i.

'2 The anti-Protestant Loménie de Brienne, in power at the time this
was written, dismissed the following year.

3 The Hotel Dubarry, now No. 13, Place St. Raymond, is occupied
by nuns of the Benedictine Order. \Vhat became of the portrait here
mentioned is not known, no mention of it occurring in the list of objects
confiscated in 1794.

‘ Madame du Barry, the infamous favourite of Louis XV. She had
fled from Paris on the outbreak of the Revolution, but ventured to the
Bernardine Convent at Couilly (Seine and Marne), now destro ed, in
order to get her diamonds there hidden. She was seized and guil otined
during the Terror. Helen Maria Williams gives a fearful picture of
her execution. One of the least pitiable victims of the guillotine, none
showed more abject weakness.

1787.] ST. MARTINO. 33

is one principal and complete apartment, containing seven
or eight rooms, fitted up and furnished with such profusion
of expence, that if a fond lover, at the head of a kingdom’s
finances, were decorating for his mistress, he could hardly
give in large any thing that is not here to be seen on a
moderate scale. To those who are fond of gilding here is
enough to satiate; so much that to an English eye it has
too gaudy an appearance. But the glasses are large and
numerous. The drawing-room very elegant (gilding
always excepted).—Here I remarked a contrivance which
has a pleasing effect; that of a looking-glass before the
chimnies, instead of those various screens used in England :
it slides backwards and forwards into the wall of the
room. There is a portrait of Madame du Barre, which is
said to be very like; if it really is, one would pardon a
King some follies committed at the shrine of so much
beauty—As to the garden, it is beneath all contempt,
except as an object to make a man stare at the efforts to
which folly can arrive: in the space of an acre, there are
hills of genuine earth, mountains of pasteboard, rocks of
canvass: abbés, cows, sheep, and shepherdesses in lead;
monkeys and peasants, asses and altars, in stone. Fine
ladies and blacksmiths, parrots and lovers, in wood.
Windmills and cottages, shops and villages, nothing ex-
cluded except nature.

The 15th. Meet Highlanders, who put me in mind of those
of Scotland; saw them first at Montauban; they have round
flat caps, and loose breeches: “ Pipers, blue bonnets, and
oat-meal, are found,” says Sir James Stuart, “in Catalonia,
Auvergne and Swabia, as well as in Lochabar.” Many of
the women here are without stockings. Meet them coming
from the market, with their shoes in their baskets. The
Pyrenees, at sixty miles distance, appear now so distinct,
that one would guess it not more than fifteen; the lights
and shades of the snow are seen clearly—30 miles.

_ The 16th. A ridge of hills on the other side of the

Garonne, which began at Toulouze, became more and more

regular yesterday; and is undoubtedly the most distant

ramification of the Pyrenees, reaching into this vast vale

quite to Toulouze, but no farther. Approach the moun-

tains ; the lower ones are all cultivated, but the higher
D

34 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

seem covered with wood: the road now is bad all the way.
Meet many waggons, each loaded with two casks of wine,
quite backward in the carriage and as the hind wheels are
much higher than the lower ones, it shews that these
mountaineers have more sense than John Bull. The
wheels of these waggons are all shod with wood instead of
iron. Here, for the first time, see rows of maples, with
vines, trained in festoons, from tree to tree; they are con-
ducted by a rope of bramble, vine cutting, or willow.
They give many grapes, but bad wine. Pass St. Martino,1
and then a large village of well built houses, without a
single glass window—30 miles.

The 17th. St. Graudens2 is an improving town, with
many new houses, something more than comfortable. An
uncommon view of St. Bertrand; 3 you break at once upon
a vale sunk deep enough beneath the point of view to
command every hedge and tree, with that town clustered
round its large cathedral, on a rising ground; if it had
been built purposely to add a feature to a singular prospect,
it could not have been better placed. The mountains rise
proudly around, and give their rough frame to this ex-
quisite little picture.

Cross the Garonne, by a new bridge of one fine arch,
built of hard blue limestone. Medlars, plumbs, cherries,
maples in every hedge, with vines trained—Stop at Lau-
resse ;4 after which the mountains almost close, and leave
only a narrow vale, the Garonne and the road occupying
some portion of it. Immense quantities of poultry in all
this country; most of it the people salt and keep in
grease. We tasted a soup made of the leg of a goose
thus kept, and it was not nearly so bad as I expected.

Every Cl‘Op here is backward, and betrays a want of
sun; no wonder, for we have been long travelling on the
banks of a rapid river, and must now be very high, though
still apparently in vales. The mountains, in passing on,
grow more interesting. Their beauty, to northern eyes, is
very singular; the black and dreary prospects which our

St. Martory (Hte. Garonne).

(Hte. Garonne.)

St. Bertrand de Commingos (Htc. Garonne).
Loures (Hte. Pyrenees).

)
2
3
4

1787.] LUCHON. 35

mountains offer are known to every one; but here the
climate cloaths them with verdure, and the highest sum-
mits in sight are covered with wood; there is snow on
still higher ridges.

Quit the Garonne some leagues before Sirpe, where the
river Neste2 falls into it. The road to Bagnere is along
this river, in a very narrow valley, at one end of which 1s
built the town of Luchon,3 the termination of our journey ,
which to me has been one of the most agreeable I ever
undertook; the good humour and good sense of my com-
panions are well calculated for travelling; one renders a
journey pleasing, and the other instructive—Having now
crossed the kingdom, and been in many French inns, I
shall in general observe, that they are on an average better
in two respects, and worse in all the rest, than those in
England. We have lived better in point of eating and
drinking beyond a question, than we should have done in
going from London to the Highlands of Scotland, at double
the expence. But if in England the best of every thing is
ordered, without any attention to the expence, we should
for double the money have lived better than we have done
in France ; the common cookery of the French gives great
advantage. It is true, they roast every thing to a chip, if
they are not cautioned: but theyg o'ive such a number and
variety of dishes, that if you do not like some, there are
others to please your palate. The desert at a French 1nn
has no rival at an English one ; nor are the liqueurs to be
despised. —We sometimes have met with bad wine, but
upon the whole, far better than such port as English inns
give. Beds are better in France; in England they are
good only at good inns; and we have none of that tor-
ment, which is so perplexing in England, to have the
sheets aired; for we never trouble our heads about them,
doubtless on account of the climate. After these two
points, all is a blank. You have no parlour to eat in;
only a room with two, three, or four beds. Apartments
badly fitted up; the walls white-washed; or paper of dif-

1 Cierp (Hte. Garonne).
2 This word N este, meaning a torrent stream, is frequently found in
the Pyrenees.
2Bagnéres de Luchon (Hte. Garonne).

36 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

ferent sorts in the same room; or tapestry so old, as to be
a fit nidus for moths and spiders; and the furniture such,
that an English innkeeper would light his fire with it.
For a table, you have every where a board laid on cross
bars, which are so conveniently contrived, as to leave room
for your legs only at the end.
toms, and the back universally a direct perpendicular, that
defies all idea of rest after fatigue. Doors give music as
well as entrance ; the wind whistles through their chinks ;
and hinges grate discord. Windows admit rain as well as
light ; when shut they are not so easy to open ; and when
open not easy to shut. MOps, brooms, and scrubbing-
brushes are not in the catalogue of the necessaries of a
French inn. Bells there are none; the fille must always
be bawled for; and when she appears, is neither neat
well dressed, nor handsome. The kitchen is black with
smoke; the master commonly the cook, and the less you
see of the cooking, the more likely you are to have a
stomach to your dinner ; but this is not peculiar to France.
Copper utensils always in great plenty, but not always
well tinned. The mistress rarely classes civility or attention
to her guests among the requisites of her trade. —30 miles.
The 28th. Having being now ten days fixed in our
lodgings, which the Count de la Rochefoucauld’ s friends
had provided for us; it is time to minute a few particulars
of our life here. Mons. Lazowski and myself have two
good rooms on a ground floor, with beds 1n them, and a
servant’s room, for 4 liv. (3s. 6d.) a- day. We are so un-
accustomed in England to live in our bed-chambers, that
it is at first aukward in France to find that people live no
where else: At all the inns I have been in, it has been
always in bed- rooms; and here I find, that every body,
let his rank be what it may, lives in his bed-chamber.
This 1s novelo; our English custom is far more convenient,
as well as more pleasing. But this habit I class with the
oeconomy of the French, The day after we came, I was
introduced to the La Rochefoucauld party, with whom we
have lived; it consists of the duke and dutchess de la
Rochefoucauld, daughter of the duke de Chabot; hel
brother, the prince de Laon and his princess, the daughter
of the duke de Montmo1enci; the count de Chabot, another

                        

1787.] BAGNERE nn LUCHON. 37

brother of the dutchess de la Rochefoucauld; the marquis
D’Aubourval, who, with my two fellow-travellers and
myself, made a party of nine at dinner and supper. A
‘traiteur serves our table at 4 liv. a head for the two meals,
two courses and a good desert for dinner ; for supper one,
and a desert; the whole very well served, with. every
thing in season: the wine separate, at 6/. (8d) a bottle.
With difficulty the Count’s groom found a stable. Hay is
little short of 51. English per ton; oats much the same
price as in England, but not so good: straw dear, and so
scarce, that very often there is no litter at all.

The States of Languedoc are building a large and hand-
some bathing house, to contain various separate cells, with
baths, and a large common room, with two arcades to walk
in, free from sun and rain. The present baths are horrible
holes; the patients lie up to their chins in hot sulphureous
water, which, with the beastly dens they are placed in, one
would think sufficient to cause as many distempers as they
cure. They are resorted to for cutaneous eruptions. The
life led here has very little variety. Those who bathe or
drink the waters, do it at half after five or six in the morn-
ing; but my friend and myself are early in the mountains,
which are here stupendous; we wander among them to
admire the wild and beautiful scenes which are to be met
with in almost every direction. The whole region of the
Pyrenees is of a nature and aspect so totally difierent
from every thing that I had been accustomed to, that these
excursions were productive of much amusement. Cultiva-
tion is here carried to a considerable perfection in several
articles, especially in the irrigation of meadows: we seek
out the most intelligent peasants, and have many and long
conversations with those who understand French, which
however is not the case with all, for the language of the
country is a mixture of Catalan, Provencal, and French.—
This, with examining the minerals (an article for which the
duke de la Rochefoucauld likes to accompany us, as he

ossesses a considerable knowledge in that branch of
natural history), and with noting the plants with which we
are acquainted, serves well to keep our time employed
sufficiently to our taste. The ramble of the morning
finished, we return in time to dress for dinner, at half after

38 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

twelve or one: then adjourn to the drawing-room of madam
de la Rochefoucauld, or the countess of Grandval alter-
nately, the only ladies who have apartments large enough
to contain the whole company. None are excluded; as the-
first thing done, by every person who arrives, is to pay a.
morning visit to each party already in the place; the visit
is returned, and then every body is of course acquainted at
these assemblies, which last till the evening is cool enough
for walking. There is nothing in them but cards, trick-
track, chess, and sometimes music; but the great feature
is cards: I need not add, that I absented myself often
from these parties, which are ever mortally insipid to me
in England, and not less so in France. In the evening,
the company splits into different parties, for their prome-
nade, which lasts till half an hour after eight; supper is.
served at nine : there is, after it, an hour’s conversation in
the chamber of one of our ladies; and this is the best part
of the day,—for the chat is free, lively, and unaffected;
and uninterrupted, unless on a post-day, when the duke
has such packets of papers and pamphlets, that they turn
us all into politicians. All the world are in bed by eleven.
In this arrangement of the day, no circumstance is so ob-
jectionable as that of dining at noon, the consequence of
eating no breakfast; for as the ceremony of dressing is
kept up, you must be at home from any morning’s excur-
sion by twelve o’clock. This single circumstance, if ad-
hered to, would be sufficient to destroy any pursuits, ex-
cept the most frivolous. Dividing the day exactly in halves,
destroys it for any expedition, enquiry, or business that~
demands seven or eight hours attention, uninterrupted by
any calls to the table or the toilette: calls which, after
fatigue or exertion, are obeyed with refreshment and with
pleasure. We dress for dinner in England with propriety,
as the rest of the day is dedicated to ease, to converse, and
relaxation ; but by doing it at noon, too much time is lost.
What is a man good for after his silk breeches and stock-
ings are on, his hat under his arm, and his head bien
poudré ?——Can he botanize in a watered meadow ?—Can he
clamber the rocks to mineralize ?—Can he farm with the
peasant and the ploughman ?——He is in order for the con-
versation of the ladies, which to be sure is in every country,

1787.] SCENERY. 39

but particularly in France, where the women are highly
cultivated, an excellent employment; but it is an employ-
ment that never relishes better than after a day spent in
active toil or animated pursuit ; in something that has en-
larged the sphere of our conceptions, or added to the stores
of our knowledge—I am induced to make this observation,
because the noon dinners are customary all over France,
except by persons of considerable fashion at Paris. They
cannot be treated with too much ridicule or severity, for
they are absolutely hostile to every view of science, to
every spirited exertion, and to every useful pursuit in life.

Living in this way, however, with several persons of the
first fashion in the kingdom, is an object to a foreigner
solicitous to remark the manners and character of the
nation. I have every reason to be pleased with the experi-
ment, as it aflords me a constant opportunity to enjoy the
advantages of an unafiected and polished society, in which
an invariable sweetness of disposition, mildness of charac-
ter, and what in English we emphatically call good temper,
eminently prevails :—seeming to arise—at least I conjec-
ture it, from a thousand little nameless and peculiar cir-
cumstances ; not resulting entirely from the personal
character of the individuals, but apparently holding of the
national one—Beside the persons I have named, there are
among others at our assemblies, the marquis and marchio-
ness de Hautfort; the duke and dutchess de Ville (this
dutchess is among the good order of beings) ; the Chevalier
de Peyrac; Mons.-1’Abbé Bastard; baron de Serres; vis-
countess Duhamel ; the bishops of Croire 1 and Montauban ;
Mons. de la. Marche ; the baron de Montagu, a chess
player; the Chevalier de Cheyron; and Mons. de Belle-
comb, who commanded in Pondicherry, and was taken by
the English. There are also about half a dozen young
officers, and three or four abbeés.

If I may hazard a remark on the conversation of French
assemblies, from what I have known here, I should praise
them for equanimity but condemn them for insipidity.
All vigour of thought seems so excluded from expression,
that characters of ability and of inanity meet nearly on a
par : tame and elegant, uninteresting and polite, the

1 Cahors is evidently meant.

4O TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

mingled mass of communicated aside has powers neither to
offend nor instruct ; where there is much polish of character
there is little argument ; and if you neither argue nor
discuss, what is conversation ?—Good temper, and habitual
ease, are the first ingredients in private society; but Wit,
knowledge, or originality, must break their even surface
into some inequality of feeling, or conversation is hke a
journey on an endless flat.

Of the rural beauties we have to contemplate, the valley
of Larbousse,1 in a nook of which the town of Luchon is
situated, is the principal, with its surrounding accompany-
ment of mountain. The range that bounds it to the north,
is bare of wood but covered with cultivation; and a large
village, about three parts of its height, is perched on a
steep, that almost makes the unaccustomed eye tremble
With apprehension, that the village, church, and peOple will
come tumbling into the valley. Villages thus perched, like
eagles nests on rocks, are a general circumstance in the
Pyrenees, which appear to be wonderfully peopled. The
mountain, that forms the western wall of the valley, is of
a prodigious magnitude. Watered meadow and cultiva-
tion rise more than one-third the height. A forest of oak
and beech forms a noble belt above it; higher still is a
region of ling; and above all snow. From whatever point
viewed, this mountain is commanding from its magnitude,
and beautiful from its luxuriant foliage. The range which
closes in the valley to the east is of a character different
from the others; it has more variety, more cultivation,
villages, forests, glens, and cascades. That of Grouzat,
which turns a mill as soon as it falls from the mountain,
is romantic, with every accompanyment necessary to give a
high degree of picturesque beauty. There are features in
that of Montauban, which Claude Loraine would not have
failed transfusing on his canvass ; and the view of the vale
from the chesnut rock is gay and animated. The termina-
tion of our valley to the south is striking; the river Neste
pours in incessant cascades over the rocks that seem an
eternal resistance. The eminence in the centre of a small
vale, on which is an old tower, is a wild and romantic spot ;
the roar of the waters beneath unites in effect with the

1 Larboust, or de l’Arboust, east of Bagnéres-de-Luchon.

1787.] BEARS. 41

mountains, whose towering forests, finishing in snow, give
an awful grandeur, a gloomy greatness to the scene; and
seem to raise a barrier of separation between the king-
doms, too formidable even for armies to pass. But what
are rocks, and mountains, and snow, when opposed to
human ambition ?—-—In the recesses of the pendent woods,
the bears find their habitation on the rocks, and above, the
eagles have their nests. All around is great ; the sublime
of nature, with imposing majesty, impresses awe upon the
mind; attention is rivetted to the spot; and imagination,
with all its excursive powers, seeks not to wander beyond
the scene.

Deepens the murmurs of the falling floods,
And breathes a browner horror o’er the woods.

To view these scenes tolerably, is a business of some
days; and such is the climate here, or at least has been
since I was at Bagnere de Luchon, that not more than one
day 1n three 1s to C’be depended on for fine weather. The
heights of the mountains is such, that the clouds, perpetu-
ally broken, pour down quantities of rain. From June
26th to July 2d, we had one heavy shower, which lasted
without intermission for sixty hours. The mountains,
though so near, were hidden to their bases in the clouds.
They: do not only arrest the fleeting ones, which are passing
in the atmosphere, but seem to have a generative power;
for you see small ones at first, like thin vapour rising out
of glens, forming on the sides of the hills, and 1ncreasing
by degrees, till they become clouds heavy enough to rest
on the tOps, or else rise into the atmosphere, and: pass away
with others.

Among the original tenants of this immense range of
mountains, the first in point of dignity, from the import-
ance of the mischief they do, are the bears. There are
both sorts, carnivorous and vegetable-eaters ; the latter are
more mischievous than their more terrible brethren, coming
down 1n the night and eating the corn, particularly buck-
wheat and maize; and they are so nice in choosing the
sweetest ears of the latter, that they trample and spoil 1n-
finitely more than they eat. The carnivorous bears wage

‘ Pope, Elisa to Abelard, lines 169, 170.

42 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JULY,

war against the cattle and sheep, so that no stock can be
left in the fields at night. Flocks must be watched by
shepherds, who have fire-arms, and the assistance of many
stout and fierce dogs; and cattle are shut up in stables
every night in the year. Sometimes, by accident, they
wander from their keepers, and if left abroad, they run a
considerable risque of being devoured—The bears attack
these animals by leaping on their back, force the head to
the ground, thrust their paws into the body in the violence
of a dreadful hug. There are many hunting days every
year for destroying them; several parishes joining for that
purpose. Great numbers of men and boys form a cordon,
and drive the wood where the bears are known or suspected
to be. They are the fattest in winter, when a good one is
worth three louis. A bear never ventures to attack a
wolf ; but several wolves together, when hungry, will attack
a bear, and kill and eat him. Wolves are here only in
winter. In summer, they are in the very remotest parts of
the Pyrenees—the most distant from human habitations :
they are here, as every where else in France, dreadful to
shee .

Alpart of our original plan of travelling to the Pyrenees,
was an excursion into Spain. Our landlord at Luchon had
before procured mules and guides for persons travelling on
business to Saragossa and Barcelona, and at our request
wrote to Vielle,‘ the first Spanish town across the moun-
tains, for three mules and a conductor, who speaks
French; and being arrived according to appointment, we
set out on our expedition. For the register of this Tom-
into Spain, I must refer the reader to the Annals of Agri-
culture, vol. viii. p. 193.

JULY 21. Return.—r-Leave J onquieres,2 where the coun-
tenances and manners of the pe0p1e would make one be-
lieve all the inhabitants were smugglers. Come to a most
noble road, which the King of Spain is making; it begins
at the pillars that mark the boundaries of the two monar-
chies, joining with the French road: it is admirably
executed. Here take leave of Spain and re-enter France:
the contrast is striking. When one crosses the sea from

I Viella (Catalonia). 2 J onquiera (Catalonia).

1787.] PERPIGNAN. 43

Dover to Calais, the preparation and circumstance of a.
naval passage, leave the mind by some gradation to a.
change: but here, without going through a town, a bar-
rier, or even a wall, you enter a new world. From the
natural and miserable roads of Catalonia, you tread at;
once on a noble causeway, made with all the solidity and
magnificence that distinguishes the highways of France.
Instead of beds of torrents you have well built bridges;
and from a country wild, desert, and poor, we found our-
selves in the midst of cultivation and improvement. Every
other circumstance spoke the same language, and told us
by signs not to be‘ mistaken, and some great and Operating
cause worked an effect too clear to be misunderstood. The
more one sees, the more I belive we shall be led to think,
that there is but one all-powerful cause that instigates
mankind, and that is GOVERNMENT !—Others form excep-
tions, and give shades of difierence and distinction, but
this acts with permanent and universal force. The present
instance is remarkable; for Roussillon1 is in fact a part
of Spain; the inhabitants are Spaniards in language and
in customs; but they are under a French government.

Great range of the Pyrenees at a distance. Meet shep-
herds that speak the Catalan. The cabriolets we meet are
Spanish. The farmers thresh their corn like the Spaniards.
The inns and the houses are the same. Reach Perpig-
nan ;2 there I parted with Mons. Lazowski. He returned
to Bagnere de Luchon, but I had planned a tour in Lan-
guedoc, to fill up the time to Spare—~15 miles.

The 22d. The Duke de la Rochefoucauld had given me
a letter to Mons. Barri de Lasseuses, major of a regiment
at Perpignan, and who, he said, understood agriculture,
and would be glad to converse with me on the subject. I
sallied out in the morning to find him, but being Sunday,
he was at his country-seat at Pia, about a league from the
town. I had a roasting walk thither, over a dry stony
country under vines. Mons. Madame, and Mademoiselle
de Lasseuses, received me with great politeness. I ex-

‘ Le Roussillon, now forming the department of Les Pyrenees-
Orientales, was added to the French crown in 1659 by the treaty of the
Pyrenees.

2 (Pyrenées-Orientales.)

44 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

plained the motives of my coming to France, which were
not to run idly through the kingdom with the common
herd of travellers, but to make myself a master of their
agriculture; that if I found any thing good and applicable
"to England, I might c0py it. He commended the design
greatly ; said it was travelling with a truly laudable
motive; but expressed much astonishment, as it was so
uncommon; and was very sure there was not a single
Frenchman in all England on such an errand. He desired
I would spend the day with him. I found the vineyard
the chief part of his husbandry, but he had some arable
land, managed in the singular manner' of that province.
He pointed to a village which he said was Rivesalta,1 which
produced some of the most famous wine in France; at
dinner I found that it merited its reputation. In the
evening returned to Perpignan, after a day fertile in useful
information—8 miles.

The 23d. Take the road to Narbonne. Pass Rivesalta.
Under the mountain there is the largest spring I ever saw.
Otters-Pool and Holly-well are bubbles to it. It rises at
the foot of the rock, and is able to turn immediately many
mills; being at once rather a river than a spring. Pass
an uninterrupted fiat waste, without a single tree, house,
or village for a considerable distance: by much the ugliest
country I have seen in France. Great quantities of corn
every where treading out with mules, as in Spain. Dine
at Sejean,2 at the Soleil, a good new inn, where I acci-
dentally met with the marquis de Tressan. He told me,
that I must be a singular person to travel so far with no
other object than agriculture : he never knew nor heard of
the like; but approved much of the plan, and wished he
could do the same.

The roads here are stupendous works. I passed a hill,
cut through to ease a descent, that was all in the solid
rock, and cost 90,0001iv. (3,9371.) yet it extends but a few
hundred yards. Three leagues and an half from Sejean to
‘Narbonne cost 1,800,000 liv. (78,7501.) These ways are
superb even to a folly. Enormous sums have been spent
to level even gentle slopes. The causeways are raised and

l Rivesaltes, station and seat of the wine trade (Pyrenécs-Orientales).
2 Slgean, on the lagoon of that name (Aude).

1787.] LANGUEDOC. 45

walled on each side, formng one solid mass of artificial
road, carried across the vallies to the height of six, seven,
or eight feet, and never less than 50 wide. There is a.
bridge of a single arch, and a causeway to it, truly mag-
nificent; we have not- an idea of what such a road is in
England. The traffic of the way, however, demands no
such exertions; one-third of the breadth is beaten, one-
third rough, and one-third covered with weeds. In 36'.
miles, I have met one cabriolet, half a dozen carts, and
some old women with asses. For what all this waste of'
treasure ?—-In Languedoc, it is true, these works are not.
done by corvées; but there is an injustice in levying the:
amount not far short of them. The money is raised by
tailles, and, in making the assessment, lands held by a
noble tenure are so much eased, and others by a base one
so burthened, that 120 arpents in this neighbourhood held
by the former, pay 90 liv. and 400 possessed by a plebeian
right, which ought proportionally to pay 300 liv. is, instead
of that, assessed at 1400 liv. At N arbonne, the canal 1'
which joins that of Languedoc, deserves attention; it is a.
very fine work, and will, they say, be finished next month.
-—-36 miles.

The 24th. Women without stockings, and many with-.
out shoes; but if their feet are poorly clad they have a
superb consolation in walking upon magnificent causeways :.
the new road is 50 feet wide, and 50 more digged away or;
destroyed to make it.

The vintage itself can hardly be such a scene of activity
and animation as this universal one of treading out the
corn, with which all the towns and villages in Languedoe
are now alive. The corn is all roughly stacked around a.
dry firm spot, where great numbers of mules and horses
are driven on a trot round a centre, a woman holding the.
reins, and another, or a girl or two, with whips drive; the-
men supply and clear the floor; other parties are dressing,
by throwing the corn into the air for the wind to blow
away the chaff. Every soul is employed, and with such an
air of cheerfulness, that the pe0ple seem as well pleased
with their labour, as the farmer himself with his great,

1 La Robine.

46 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [J ULY,

heaps of wheat. The scene is uncommonly animated and
joyous. I stopped and alighted often to see their method;
I was always very civilly treated, and my Wishes for a good
price for the farmer, and not too good a one for the poor,
well received. This method, which entirely saves barns,
depends absolutely on climate: from my leaving Bagnere
de Luchon to this moment, all through Catalonia, Rous-
:sillon, and this part of Languedoc, there has been nothing
like rain ; but one unvarying clear bright sky and burning
sun, yet not at all sufiocating, or to me even unpleasant.
I asked whether they were not sometimes caught in the
rain? they said, very rarely indeed; but if rain did come,
it is seldom more than a heavy shower, which a hot sun
quickly succeeds and dries every thing speedily.

The canal of Languedoc 1 is the capital feature of all
this country. The mountain through which it pierces is
insulated, in the midst of an extended valley, and only
half a mile from the road. It is a noble and stupendous
work, goes through the hill about the breadth of three
‘toises, and was digged without shafts.

Leave the road, and crossing the canal, follow it to
Beziers ; 2 nine sluice-gates let the water down the hill to
join the river at the town.-——A noble work! The port is
broad enough for four large vessels to lie abreast; the
greatest of them carries from 90 to 100 tons. Many of
them were at the quay, some in motion, and every sign of
.an animated business. This is the best sight I have seen
in France. Here Lewis XIV. thou art truly great !—Here,
with a generous and benignant hand, thou dispensest ease
and wealth to thy people !—-Si sic omnia, thy name would
indeed have been revered. To effect this noble work, of
uniting the two seas, less money was expended than to
besiege Turin, or to seize Strasbourg like a robber. Such
an employment of the revenues of a great kingdom is the
only laudable way of a monarch’s acquiring immortality;
.all other means make their names survive with those only
of the incendiaries, robbers, and violators of mankind.

1 The canal de Languedoc or du Midi, called also Le canal des deux
Mers, which unites the Mediterranean with the Atlantic, was created
under Louis XIV. by Riquet.

2 Beziers (Hérault).

1787.] BEZIERS. 47

The canal passes through the river for about half a league,
separated from it by walls which are covered in floods;
and then turns off for Cette. Dine at Beziers. Knowing
that Mons. l’Abbé Rozier,1 the celebrated editor of the
Journal Physique, and who is now publishing a dictionary
of husbandry, which in France has much reputation, lived
and farmed near Beziers, I enquired at the inn the way to
his house. They told me that he had left Beziers two
years, but that the house was to be seen from the street,
and accordingly shewed it me from something of a square
open on one side to the country; adding, that it belonged
now to a Mons. de Rieuse, who had purchased the estate
of the Abbe. To view the farm of a man celebrated for
his writings, was an object, as it would, at least, enable
me, in reading his book, to understand better the allusions
he might make to the soil, situation, and other circum-
stances. I was sorry to hear, at the table d’hote, much
ridicule thrown on the Abbe Rozier’s husbandry, that it
had beaucoup de fantasia mais rien solide; in particular,
they treated his paving his vineyards as a ridiculous cir-
cumstance. Such an experiment seemed remarkable, and
I was glad to hear it, that I might desire to see these
paved vineyards. The Abbe here, as a farmer, has just
that character which every man will be sure to have who
departs from the methods of his neighbours; for it is not
in the nature of countrymen, that any body should come
among them who can presume with impunity to think for
themselves. I asked why he left the country? and they
gave me a curious anecdote of the bishop of Beziers cut-
ting a road through the Abbé’s farm, at the expence of the
province, to lead to the house of his (the bishop’s) mis-
tress, which occasioned such a quarrel that Mons. Rozier
could stay no longer in the country. This is a pretty
feature of a government : that a man is to be forced to sell
his estate, and driven out of a country, because bishops
make love.——I suppose to their neighbours wives, as no
other love is fashionable in France. Which of my neigh-
bours’ wives will tempt the bishop of Norwich to make a
road through my farm, and drive me to sell Bradfield ?—

1 Rozier (Francois), an ecclesiastic and agricultural writer, born 1754,
killed at the siege of Lyons, 1793.

48 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JULY,

I give my authority for this anecdote, the chat of a table
d’hote; it is as likely to be false as true; but Languedo-
cian bishops are certainly not English ones. ——Mons. de
Rieuse received me politely, and satisfied as many of my
enquiries as he could; for he knew little more of the
Abbe’ s husbandry than common report, and what the farm
itself told him, As to paved vineyards, there was no such
thing; the report must have taken rise from a vineyard of
Burgundy grapes, which the Abbé planted in a new
manner; he set them in a curved form, in a foss, covering
them only with flints instead of earth; this succeeded well.
I walked over the farm, which is beautifully situated, on.
the slope and top of a hill, which commands Beziers, its
rich vale, its navigation, and a fine accompanyment of
mountains.

Beziers hasa fine promenade; and is becoming, they
say, a favourite residence for the English, preferring the
ai1 to that of Montpellier. Take the road to Pezenas. It
leads up a hill, which commands, for some time, a view of
the Mediterranean. Through all this country, but parti-
cularly in the olive grounds, the cricket (cicala) makes a»
constant, sharp, monotonous noise; a more odious com-
panion on the road can hardly be imagined. Pezenas
opens on a very fine country, a vale of six or eight leagues
extent all cultivated; a beautiful mixture of vines, mul-
be1ries, olives, towns, and scatte1ed houses, with a great
deal of fine lucerne; the whole bounded by gentle hills,
cultivated to their tops. —At supper, at the table d’hote,
we were waited on by a female without shoes or stockings,
exquisitely ugly, and diffusing odours not of roses: there
were, however, a croix de St. Louis,2 and two or three mer—
cantile-looking people that prated with her very familiarly:
at an ordina1y of farmers, at the poorest and remotest
market village 111 England, such an animal would not be
allowed by the landlord to enter his house; or by the
guests their room. —-32 miles.

The 25th. The road, in crossing a valley to and from a

3 Pézenas (Hérault).

2 An order created by Louis XIV. ., and conferred only on officers
naval and militwary Suppressed by the Convention, 1792, re established.
under the Restoration, this order was finally abolished 1n July, 1830..

1787.] BEAUCAIRE. 49

bridge, is a magnificent walled causeway, more than a mile
long, ten yards wide, and from eight to twelve feet high;
with stone posts on each side at every six yards—a prodi-
gious work.—I know nothing more striking to a traveller
than the roads of Languedoc: we have not in England a con-
ception of such exertions; they are splendid and superb;
and if I could free my mind of the recollection of the unjust
taxation which pays them, I should travel with admiration
at the magnificence displayed by the states of this province.
The police of these roads is however execrable—for I
scarcely meet a cart but the driver is asleep in it.

Taking the road to Montpellier, pass through a pleasing
country ; and by another immense walled causeway, twelve
yards broad and three high, leading close to the sea. To
Pijan,1 and near Frontignan 2 and Montbasin,3 famous for
their muscat wines.-—Approach Montpellier ; the environs,
for near a league, are delicious, and more highly ornamented
than any thing I have seen in France—Villas well built,
clean, and comfortable, with every appearance of wealthy
owners, are spread thickly through the country. They are,
in general, pretty square buildings; some very large.
Montpellier, with the air rather of a great capital than of
a provincial town, covers a hill that swells proudly to the
view.-—But on entering it, you experience a disappoint-
ment from narrow, ill-built, crooked streets, but full of
people, and apparently alive with business; yet there is no
considerable manufacture in the place; the principal are
verdigrease, silk handkerchiefs, blankets, perfumes and
liqueurs. The great object for a stranger to view is the
promenade or square, for it partakes of both, called the
Perouf—There is a magnificent aqueduct on three tires of
arches for supplying the city with water, from a hill at a
considerable distance; a very noble work ; a chateau d’eau
receives the water in a circular bason, from which it falls
into an external reservoir, to supply the city, and the jets
d’eau that cool the air of a garden below, the whole in a
fine square considerably elevated above the surrounding
ground, walled in with a ballustrade, and other mural
decorations, and in the centre a good equestrian statue of

’ Pignan (Hérault). 2 (Hérault.)
3 Montbazin (Hérault). ‘ Place du Peyrou.

50 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JULY,

Louis XIV. There is an air of real grandeur and magni-
ficence in this useful work, that struck me more than any
thing at Versailles. The view is also singularly beautiful.
To the south, the eye wanders with delight over a rich
vale, spread with villas, and terminated by the sea. To
the north, a series of cultivated hills. On one side, the
vast range of the Pyrenees trend away till lost 1n remote-
ness. On the other, the eternal snows of the Alps pierce
the clouds. The whole view one of the most stupendous
to be seen, when a clear sky approximates these distant
objects—32 miles.

The 26th. The fair of Beaucaire 1 fills the whole coun-
try with business and motion; meet many carts loaded;
and nine diligences going or coming. Yesterday and
to day the hottest I ever experienced; we had none like
them in Spain—the flies much worse than the heat—30
miles.

The 27th. The amphitheatre of Nismes is a prodigious
work, which shews how well the Romans had adapted these
edifices to the abominable uses to which they were erected.
The convenience of a theatre that could hold 17000 spec-
tators without confusion; the magnitude; the massive
and substantial manner in which it is built without mortar,
that has withstood the attacks of the weather, and the
worse depredations of the barbarians in the various
revolutions of sixteen centuries, all strike the attention
forcibly.

I viewed the Maison Quarré last night; again this
morning, and twice more in the day , it is beyond all com-
parison the most light, elegant, and pleasing building I
ever beheld. Without any magnitude to render it 1mposing ,
without any extraordinary magnificence to surprize, it
rivets attention. There is a magic harmony 1n the pro-
portions that charms the eye. One can fix on no particular
part of pre- -eminent beauty , it is one perfect whole of
symmetry and grace. What an infatuation in modern
architects, that can overlook the chaste and elegant sim-
plicity of taste, manifest 1n such a work; and yet rear such
piles of laboured foppery and heaviness as are to be met

1 (Gard) The celebrated fairs formerly held here ha\e much de-
creased 1n importance.

1787.] FORT DU GARD. 51

with in France. The temple of Diana, as it is called, and
the ancient baths, with their modern restoration, and the
promenade, form parts of the same scene, and are magnifi-
cent decorations of the city. I was, in relation to the
baths, in ill luck, for the water was all drawn off, in order
to clean them and the canals—The Roman pavements are
singularly beautiful, and in high preservation. My quarters
at Nismes were at the Louvre, a large, commodious, and
excellent inn, the house was almost as much a fair from
morning to night as Beaucaire itself could be. I dined
and supped at the table d’hote; the cheapness of these
tables suits my finances, and one sees something of the
manners of the peOple ; we sat down from twenty to forty
at every meal, most motley companies of French, Italians,
Spaniards, and Germans, with a Greek and Armenian;
and I was informed, that there is hardly a nation in Europe
or Asia; that have not merchants at this great fair, chiefly
for raw silk, of which many millions in value are sold in
four days: all the other commodities of the world are to
be found there.

One circumstance I must remark on this numerous table
d’hote, because it has struck me repeatedly, which is the
taciturnity of the French. I came to the kingdom expect-
ing to have my ears constantly fatigued with the infinite
volubility and spirits of the peeple, of which so many
persons have written, sitting, I suppose, by their English
fire-sides. At Montpellier, though 15 persons and some
of them ladies were present, I found it impossible to make
them break their inflexible silence with more than a mono-
syllable, and the whole company sat more like an assembly
of tongue-tied quakers, than the mixed company of a
peOple famous for loquacity. Here also, at Nismes, with
a different party at every meal it is the same ; not a
Frenchman will Open his lips. To day at dinner, hopeless
of that nation, and fearing to lose the use of an organ they
had so little inclination to employ, I fixed myself by a
Spaniard, and having been so lately in his country, I found
him ready to converse, and tolerably communicative ; but
we had more conversation than thirty other persons main-
tained among themselves.

The 28th. Early in the morning to the Pont du Gard,

52 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

through a plain covered with vast plantations of olives to
the left, but much waste rocky land. At the first view of
that celebrated aqueduct, I was rather disappointed,
having expected something of greater magnitude ; but
soon found the error: I was, on examining it more nearly,
convinced that it possessed every quality that ought to
make a strong impression. It is a stupendous work; the
magnitude, and the massive solidity of the architecture,
which may probably endure two or three thousand years
more, united with the undoubted utility of the undertaking,
to give us a high idea of the spirit of exertion which exe-'
cuted it for the supply of a provincial town: the surprize,
however, may cease, when we consider the nations enslaved
that were the workmen—Returning to Nismes, meet many
merchants returning from the fair; each with a child’s
drum tied to their cloakbag: my own little girl was too
much in my head not to love them for this mark of atten-
tion to their children ;-—but why a drum ?—Have they not,
had enough of the military in a kingdom, where they are
excluded from all the honours, respect, and emolument,
that can flow from the sword ?—I like Nismes much; and
if the inhabitants are at all on a par with the appearance
of their city, I should prefer it for a residence to most, if
not all the towns I have seen in France. The theatre,
however, is a capital point, in that Montpellier is said to
exceed it.—24.~ miles.

The 29th. Pass six leagues of a disagreeable country
to Sauve.1 Vines and olives. The chateau of Mons. Sab-
batier 2 strikes in this wild country; he has inclosed much
with dry walls, planted many mulberries and olives, which
are young, thriving, and well inclosed, yet the soil is so
stony, that no earth is visible; some of his walls are four
feet thick, and one of them twelve thick and five high,
whence it seems, he thinks moving the stones a necessary
improvement, which I much question. He has built three
or four new farm-houses; I suppose he resides on this
estate for improving it. I hope he does not serve ; that no
moon- shine pursuit may divert him from a conduct honour-

‘ (Gard)
2 The chateau Sabatier is seen to the right on the railway from
Nimes to Le Vigan.

1787.] GANGE. 53

able to himself, and beneficial to his country.—Leaving
Sauve, I was much struck with a large tract of land,
seemingly nothing but huge rocks; yet most of it inclosed
and planted with the most industrious attention. Every
man has an olive, a mulberry, an almond, or a peach-tree,
and vines scattered among them; so that the whole ground
is covered with the oddest mixture of these plants, and
bulging rocks that can be conceived. The inhabitants of
this village deserve encouragement for their industry; and
if I was a French minister, they should have it. They
would soon turn all the deserts around them into gardens.
Such a knot of active husbandmen, who turn their rocks
into scenes of fertility, because I suppose THEIR OWN,
would do the same by the wastes, if animated by the same
omnipotent principle. Dine at St. Hyppolite,1 with eight
protestant merchants returning home to Rouverge,’2 from
the fair of Beaucaire ; as we. parted at the same time, we
travelled together; and from their conversation, I learned
some circumstances of which I wanted to be informed;
they told me also, that mulberries extend beyond Vigan,3
but then, and especially about Milhaud,‘ almonds take
their place, and are in very great quantities.

My Rouverge friends pressed me to pass with them to
Milhaud and Rodez, assured me, that the cheapness of their
province was so great, that it would tempt me to live some
time amongst them. That I might have a house at Mil-
haud, of four tolerable rooms on a floor furnished, for 12
louis a-year; and live in the utmost plenty with all my
family, if I would bring them over, for 100 louis a-year:
that there were many families of noblesse, who subsisted
on 50, and even on 25 a-year. Such anecdotes of cheap-
ness are only curious when considered in a political light,
as contributing on one hand to the welfare of individuals;
and on the other, as contributing to the prosperity, wealth,
and power of the kingdom; if I should meet with many
such instances, and also with others directly contrary, it
will be necessary to consider them more at large.—

30 miles.

1 St. Hippolyte du Fort (Gard).
2 The Rouergne (Aveyron).
3 Le Vigan (Gard). ‘ Millau (Aveyron).

54 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

The 30th. Going out of Gange,‘ I was surprised to find
by far the greatest exertion in irrigation which I had yet
seen in France; and then pass byo some steep mountains,
highly cultivated in terraces. Much watering at St.
Laurence. The scenery very interesting to a farmer. From
Gange, to the mountain of rough ground which I crossed, the
ride has been the most interesting which I have taken in
France; the efforts of industry the most vigorous; the
animation the most lively. An activity has been here, that
has swept away all difficulties before it, and has cloathed
the very rocks with verdure. It would be a disgrace to
common sense to ask the cause. the enjoyment of prOperty
must have done it. Give a man the secure possession of a
bleak rock, and he will turn it into a garden; give him a
nine years lease of a garden, and he will convert it into a
desert. To Montadier,8 over a rough mountain covered
with box and lavender; it is a beggarly village, with an
auberge that made me almost shrink. Some cut throat
figures were eating black bread, whose visages had so
much of the gallies that I thought I heard their chains
rattle. I looked at their legs, and could not but imagine
they had no business to be free. There is a species of
countenance here so horridly bad, that it is impossible to
be mistaken in one’s reading. I was quite alone, and
absolutely without arms. Till this moment, I had not
dreamt of carrying pistols : I should now have been better
satisfied, if I had had them. The master of the auberge,
who seemed first cousin to his guests, procured for me
some wretched bread with difficulty, but it was not black.
-——No meat, no eggs, no legumes, and execrable wine: no
corn for my mule; no hay; no straw; no grass: the loaf
fortunately was large; I took a piece, and sliced the rest
for my four-footed Spanish friend, who ate it thankfully,
but the aubergiste growled.——Descend by a winding and
excellent road to Maudieres,“ where a vast arch is thrown
across the torrent. Pass St. Maurice,5 and cross a ruined
forest amongst fragments of trees. Descend three hours,
by a most noble road hewn out of the mountain side to

1 Ganges (Hérault). 2 St. Laurence 1e Minier (Hérault).
3 Mondardier (Hérault). 4 Madieres (Hérault).
5 (Hérault.)

1787.] MIREPOIX. 55

Lodeve,1 a dirty, ugly, ill built town, with crooked close
streets, but populous, and very industrious—Here I drank
exclellent light and pleasing white Wine at 5/. a bottle—~36
m1 es.

The 31st. Cross a mountain by a miserable road, and
reach Beg de Rieuk,2 which shares with Carcassonne, the
fabric of Londrins,3 for the Levant trade—Cross much
waste to Beziers.-——I met to-day with an instance of igno-
rance in a well dressed French merchant, that surprised
me. He had plagued me with abundance of tiresome
foolish questions, and then asked for the third or fourth
time what country I was of. I told him I was a Chinese.
How far off is that country ?——I replied, 200 leagues.
Dena: cents lieus! Diable! c’est un grand chemin! The
other day a Frenchman asked me, after telling him I was
an Englishman, if we had trees in England ?—I replied,
that we had a few. Had we any rivers ?—Oh, none at all.
Ah ma fo'i c’est bien trieste! This incredible ignorance,
when compared with the knowledge so universally dissemi-
nated in England, is to be attributed, like every thing else,
to government—40 miles.

AUGUST 1. Leave Beziers, in order to go to Capestan 4
by the pierced mountain. Cross the canal of Languedoc
several times; and over many wastes to Pleraville.5 The
Pyrenees now full to the left, and their roots but a few
leagues off. At Carcassonne they carried me to a fountain
of muddy water, and to a gate of the barracks; but I was
better pleased to see several large good houses of manu-
facturers, that shew wealth—40 miles.

The 2d. Pass a considerable convent, with a long line
of front, and rise to Fanjour.6—16 miles. .

The 3d. At Mirepoix 7 they are building a most magni-
ficent bridge of seven flat arches, each of 64 feet span,

1 Lodéve (Hérault).

'3 Bédarieux (Hérault). The route here taken is most picturesque, and
decent inns are to be had.

3 Londrins, cloth, imitating that of London, hence the name, manu-
factured in Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné.

‘ Capestang. The Col de Malpas’ spur of the Cévennes is intersected
by a tunnel 500 metres long (Hérault).

5 Prouille (Hérault). 6 Faujeaux (Hérault).

7 Mirepoix (Ariége).

56 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

which will cost 1, 800, 000 liv. (78, 7501.) , it has been 12
years erecting, and will be finished in two more. The
weather for several days has been as fine as possible, but

y;hot to day the heat was so disagreeable, that I
resrted from 12 to 3 at Mirepoix; and found it so burning,
that it was an effort to go half a quarter of a mile to view
the bridge. The myriads of flies were ready to devour me,
and I could hardly support any light 1n the room. Riding
fatigued me, and I enquired for a carriage of some sort to
carry me, while these great heats should continue; I had
done the same at Carcassonne; but nothing like a cabriolet
of any sort was to be had. When it is recollected that
that place is one of the most considerable manufacturing
towns in France, containing 15,000 pe0ple, and that
Mirepoix is far from being a mean place, and yet not a
voiture of any kind to be had, how will an Englishman
bless himself for the universal conveniences that are
spread through his own country, in which I believe
there 1s not a town of 1500 peOple in the kingdom where
post chaises and able horses are not to be had at a moment’s
warning? What a contrast! This confirms the fact de-
ducible from the little traffic on the roads even around
Paris itself. Circulation is stagnant in France—The heat
was so great that I left Mirepoix disordered with it : This
was by far the hottest day that I ever felt. The hemi-
sphere seemed almost in a flame with burning rays that
rendered it impossible to turn ones eyes within many
degrees of the radiant 01b that now blazed 1n the heavens.
—Cross another fine new bridge of three arches, and
come to a woodland, the first I have seen for a great
distance. Many vines about Pamiers, which is situated in
a beautiful vale, upon a fine river. The place itself is
ugly, stinking, and ill built; with an inn! Adieu, Mons.
Gascit; if fate sends me to such another house as thine——
be it an expiation for my sins !——28 miles.

The 4th. Leaving Amous, 2 there is the extraordinary
spectacle of a 1iver issuing out of a cavern in a mountain
of rock; 011 c1ossing theb hill you see where it enters by
another cavern .—--It pie1ces the mountain. Most countries,

1 (Ariege.)
2 Amous. Aulus is evidently here meant'(Ariége).

1787.] ST. GERONDS.—INNS. 57

however, have instances of rivers passing under ground.
At St. Geronds ’ go to the Croix Blanche, the most execrable
receptacle of filth, vermin, impudence, and imposition that
ever exercised the patience, or wounded the feelings of a
traveller. A withered bag, the daemon of beastliness, pre-
sides there. I laid, not rested, in a chamber over a stable,
whose effluviee through the broken floor were the least
ofiensive of the perfumes afiorded by this hideous place.
-—It could give me nothing but two stale eggs, for which I
paid, exclusive of all other charges, 20/: Spain brought
nothing to my eyes that equalled this sink, from which an
English hog would turn with disgust. But the inns all
the way from Nismes are wretched, except at Lodeve,
Grange, Carcassonne, and Mirepoix. St. Geronds must
have, from its appearance, four or five thousand peOple.
Pamiers near twice that number. What can be the circu-
lating connection between such masses of people and other
towns and countries, that can be held together and sup-
ported by such inns? There have been writers who look
upon such observations as rising merely from the petulance
of travellers, but it shews their extreme ignorance. Such
circumstances are political data. We cannot demand all
the books of France to be opened in order to explain the
amount of circulation in that kingdom : a politician must
therefore collect it from such circumstances as he can
ascertain; and among these, traffic on the great roads, and
the convenience of the houses prepared for the reception of
travellers, tell us both the number and the condition of
those travellers; by which term I chiefly allude to the
natives, who move on business or pleasure from place to
place ; for if they are not considerable enough to cause good
inns, those who come from a distance will not, which is
evident from the bad accommodations even in the high
road from London to Rome. On the contrary, go in
England to towns that contain 1500, 2000, or 3000 people,
in situations absolutely cut off from all dependence, or
almost the expectation of what are properly called travel-
lers, yet you will meet with neat inns, well dressed and
clean people keeping them, good furniture, and a refreshing

‘ St. Girons (Basses-Pyrenées).

58 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGU8T,

civility; your senses may not be gratified, but they will
not be offended; and if you demand a post chaise and a
pair of horses, the cost of which is not less than 801. in
Spite of a heavy tax, it will be ready to carry you whither
you please. Are no political conclusions to be drawn from
this amazing contrast? It proves that such a p0pulation
in England have connections with other places to the
amount of supporting such houses. The friendly clubs of
the inhabitants, the visits of friends and relations, the
parties of pleasure, the resort of farmers, the intercourse
with the capital and with other towns, form the support of
good inns; and in a country where they are not to be
found, it is a proof that there is not the same quantity of
motion; or that it moves by means of less wealth, less
consumption, and less enjoyment. In this journey through
Languedoc, I have passed an incredible number of splendid
bridges, and many superb causeways. But this only
proves the absurdity and Oppression of government.
Bridges that cost 70 or 80,0001. and immense causeways to
connect towns, that have no better inns than such as I
have described, appear to be gross absurdities. They can-
not be made for the mere use of the inhabitants, because
one-fourth of the expense would answer the purpose of
real utility. They are therefore objects of public magnifi-
cence, and consequently for the eye of travellers. But
what traveller, with his person surrounded by the beggarly
filth of an inn, and with all his senses offended, will not
condemn such inconsistencies as folly, and will not wish
for more comfort and less appearance of splendour.—30
miles.

The 5th. To St. Martory 1 is an almost uninterrupted
range of well inclosed and well cultivated country.—For
an hundred miles past, the women generally without shoes,
even in the towns; and in the country many men also.—
The heat yesterday and to-day as intense as it was before :
there is no bearing any light in the rooms: all must be
shut close, or none are tolerably cool: in going out of a.
light room into a dark one, tho’ both to the north, there is
a very sensible coolness; and out of a dark one into a

1 (Htc. Garonne.)

1787.] BAGNERE. 59

roofed balcony, is like going into an oven. I have been
advised every day not to stir till four o’clock. From ten
in the morning till five in the afternoon, the heat makes
all exercise most uncomfortable ; and the flies are a curse
of Egypt. Give me the cold and fogs of England, rather
than such a heat, should it be lasting. The natives, how-
ever, assert, that this intensity has now continued as long
as it commonly does, namely, four or five days; and that
the greatest part even of the hottest months is much
cooler than the weather is at present—In 250 miles distant,
I have met on the read two cabriolets only, and three
miserable things like old English one-horse chaises; not
one gentleman ; though many merchants, as they call them-
selves, each with two or. three cloak-bags behind him :
—a paucity of travellers that is amazing—28 miles.

The 6th. To Bagnere de Luchon, rejoining my friends,
and not displeased to have a little rest in the cool moun—
tains, after so burning a ride—28 miles.

The 10th. Finding our party not yet ready to set out
on their return to Paris, I determined to make use of the
time there was yet to spare, ten or eleven days, in a tour to
Bagnere de Bigorre to Bayonne,1 and to meet them on the
way to Bourdeaux, at Auch. This being settled, I mounted
my English mare, and took my last leave of Luchon.—28
miles.

The 11th. Pass a convent2 of Bernardine monks, who
have a revenue of 30,000 liv. It is situated in a vale,
watered by a charming Chrystal stream, and some hills,
covered with oak, shelter it behind—Arrive at Bagnere,
which contains little worthy of notice, but it is much fre-
quented by company on account of its waters. To the
valley of Campan,3 of which I had heard great things, and
which yet much surpassed my expectation. It is quite
different from all the other vales I have seen in the Pyre-
nees or in Catalonia. The features and the arrangement
novel. In general the richly cultivated slepes of those
mountains are thickly inclosed; this, on the contrary, is
open. The vale itself is a flat range of cultivation and

1 (Hte. Pyrenees.) 2 No longer in existence.
3 (Hte. Pyrenees.) “ Celebrated perhaps beyond its deserts from the
time of Arthur Young to the present.”-—Murmy’s Guide.

60 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUS'L

watered meadow, spread thickly with villages and scattered
houses. The eastern boundary is a rough, steep, and rocky
mountain, and afiords pasturage to goats and sheep; a
contrast to the western, which forms the singular feature
of the scene. It is one noble sheet of corn and grass unin-
closed, and intersected only by lines that mark the division
of properties, or the channels that conduct water from the
higher regions for irrigating the lower ones; the whole
hanging is one matchless slope of the richest and most
luxuriant vegetation. Here and there are scattered some
small masses of wood, which chance has grouped with
wonderful happiness for giving variety to the scene. The
season of the year, by mixing the rich yellow of ripe corn,
with the green of the watered meadows, added greatly to
the colouring of the landscape, which is upon the whole the
most exquisite for form and colour that my eye has ever
been regaled with—Take the road to Lourde,l where is a
castle on a rock, garrisoned for the mere purpose of keep.
*ing state prisoners, sent hither by lettres dc cachet. Seven
or eight are known to be here at present ; thirty have been
here at a time; and many for life—torn by the relentless
hand of jealous tyranny from the bosom of domestic com-
fort ; from wives, children, friends, and hurried for crimes
unknown to themselves—more probably for virtues—to
languish in this detested abode of misery—and die of des-
pair. Oh, liberty! liberty !——and yet this is the mildest
government of any considerable country in Europe, our
own excepted. The dispensations of providence seem to
have permitted the human race to exist only as the prey of
tyrants, as it has made pigeons for the prey of hawks—35
miles.

The 12th. Pau 2 is a considerable town, that has a parlia-
ment and a linen manufacture ; but it is more famous for
being the birth-place of Henry IV. I viewed the castle,
and was shewn, as all travellers are, the room in which
that amiable prince was born, and the cradle, the shell of
a tortoise, in which he was nursed. What an effect on

‘ Lourdes (Hte. Pyrenees), celebrated in these days for its so-called
miraculous fountain and pilgrimages. The castle is now used as a
barrack.

'3 (Basses-Pyrenees.)

1787.] MONENG.-—-ANSPAN. 61.

posterity have great and distinguished talents ! This is a.
considerable town, but I question whether any thing would
ever carry a stranger to it but its possessing the cradle of a.
favourite character.

Take the road to Moneng,1 and come presently to a scene
which was so new to me in France, that I could hardly be-
lieve my own eyes. A succession of many well built, tight,
and COMFORTABLE farming cottages, built of stone, and
covered with tiles; each having its little garden, inclosed
by clipt thorn hedges, with plenty of peach and other fruit
trees, some fine oaks scattered in the hedges, and young
trees nursed up with so much care, that nothing but the
fostering attention of the owner could effect any thing like
it. To every house belongs a farm, perfectly well inclosed,
with grass borders mown and neatly kept around the com
fields, with gates to pass from one inclosure to another.
The men are all dressed with red caps, like the highlanders
of Scotland. There are some parts of England (where
small yeomen still remain) that resemble this country of
Bearne; but we have very little that is equal to what I
have seen in this ride of twelve miles from Pau 2 to Moneng.
It is all in the hands of little proprietors, without the.
farms being so small as to occasion a vicious and miserable
population. An air of neatness, warmth, and comfort.
breathes over the whole. It is visible in their new built
houses and stables ; in their little gardens; in their hedges;
in the courts before their doors; even in the coops for their-
poultry, and the sties for their hogs. A peasant does not
think of rendering his pig comfortable, if his own happi-
ness hangs by the thread of a nine years lease. We are
now in Bearne, within a few miles of the cradle of Henry
IV. Do they inherit these blessings from that good prince ?
The benignant genius of that good monarch, seems to rei
still over the country; each peasant has the fowl in the pct.
—-34 miles.

The 13th. The agreeable scene of yesterday continues ;
many small properties; and every appearance of rural

1 Monein (Basses-Pyrenees).

2 “ Dans nos campagnes, tout le monde est propriétaire.”—Rem0n--
strance of the Parliament of Pam, 1788. See H. Martin’s “Histoire
de France,” vol. xvi., p. 668.

62 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [suousn

happiness. Navareen 1 is a small walled and fortified town,
consisting of three principal streets, which cross at right
angles, with a small square. From the ramparts there is
the view of a fine country. The linen fabric spreads
through it. To St. Palais 2 the country is mostly inclosed,
and much of it with thorn-hedges, admirably trained, and
kept neatly clipped—25 miles.

The 14th. Left St. Palais, and took a guide to conduct
me four leagues to Anspan.3 Fair day, and the place
crouded with farmers ; I saw the soup prepared for what
‘we should call the farmer’s ordinary. There was a moun-
tain of sliced bread, the colour of which was not inviting ;
ample provision of cabbage, grease, and water, and about
.as much meat for some scores of people, as half a dozen
English farmers would have eaten, and grumbled at their
host for short commons—26 miles.

The 15th. Bayonne is by much the prettiest town I
have seen in France ; the houses are not only well built of
:stone, but the streets are wide and there are many openings
which, though not regular squares, have a good effect.
The river is broad, and many of the houses being fronted
to it, the view of them from the bridge is fine. The pro-
menade is charming; it has many rows of trees, whose
heads join and form a shade delicious in this hot climate.
In the evening, it was thronged with well dressed pe0ple of
both sexes: and the women, through all the country, are
the hand'somest I have seen in France. In coming hither
from Pau, I saw what is very rare in that kingdom, clean
and pretty country girls; in most of the provinces, hard
labour destroys both person and complexion. The bloom
of health on the cheeks of a well dressed country girl is not
the worst feature in any landscape. I hired a chaloup for
viewing the embankment at the mouth of the river. By
the water spreading itself too much, the harbour was in-
jured; and government, to contract it, has built a wall on
“the north bank a mile long, and another on the south shore
of half the length. It is from ten to 20 feet wide, and

1 Navarrenx (Basses Pyrenees).

2 St. Palais (Basses Pyrenees).

3 Hasparren (Basses Pyrenees), an important Basque town, still cele-
brated for its fairs.

1787.] DAX—AIRE. 63

about twelve high, from the top of the base of rough stone,
which extends twelve or fifteen feet more. Towards the
mouth of the harbour, it is twenty feet wide, and the stones
on both sides crampt together with irons. They are now
driving piles of pine 16 feet deep, for the foundation. It
is, on the whole, a work of great expence, magnificence
and utility.

The 16th. To Dax is not the best way to Auch, but I
had a mind to see the famous waste called Les Landes de
Bourdeaxum,1 of which I had long heard and read so much.
I was informed, that by this route, I should pass through
more than twelve leagues of them. They reach almost to
the gates of Bayonne ; but broken by cultivated spots for
a league or two. These landes are sandy tracts covered
with pine trees, cut regularly for resin. Historians report,
that when the moors were expelled from Spain, they ap-
plied to the court of France for leave to settle on and
cultivate these landes ; and that the court was much con-
demned for refusing them. It seems to have been taken
for granted, that they could nOt be peOpled with French ;
and therefore ought rather to be given to Moors, than to
be left waste—At Dax, there is a remarkably hot spring
in the middle of the town. It is a very fine one, bubbling
powerfully out of the ground in a large bason, walled in ;
it is boiling hot; it tastes like common water, and I was
told that it was not impregnated with any mineral. The
only use to which it is applied is for washing linen. It is
at all seasons of the same heat, and in the same quantity.
—27 miles.

The 17th. Pass district of sand as white as snow, and
so loose as to blow ; yet has oaks two feet in diameter, by
reason of a bottom of white adhesive earth like marl.
Pass three rivers, the waters of which might be applied in
irrigation, yet no use made of them. The duke de

1 Some notion of the transformation effected in this region since
Arthur Young’s time may be gathered from the following facts:
290,000 hectares have been rendered fertile by canals, which in 1877
reached a total of 2,200 kilometres. 90,000 hectares, lying between the
mouth of the Garonne and of the Adour, are now covered with pine
forests, the creation of this century. A very small portion of the
Landes remains in the condition our author found it just a hundred
years ago. See E. Réclus, “ Géographie de la France.”

64 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGU8T,

Bouillon 1 has vast possessions in these lands. A Grand
Seigneur will at any time, and in any country, explain the
reason of improveable land being left waste—29 miles.

The 18th. As dearness is, in my opinion, the general
feature of all money exchanges in France, it is but candid
to note instances to the contrary. At Airé,2 they gave me,
at the Croix d’Or, soup, eels, sweet bread, and green-peas,
a pigeon, a chicken, and veal-cutlets, with a dessert of bis-
cuits, peaches, nectarines, plumbs, and glass of liqueur,
with a bottle of good wine, all for 40/2 (20d.) oats for my
mare 2Qfl and hay 10/: At the same price at St. Severe,3
I had a supper last night not inferior to it. Every thing
at Airé seemed good and clean ; and what is very uncom-
mon, I had a parlour to eat my dinner in, and was attended
by a neat well dressed girl. The last two hours to Airé it
rained so violently, that my silk surtout was an insufficient
defence ; and the old landlady was in no haste to give me
fire enough to be dried. As to supper, I had the idea of
my dinner.—35 miles.

The 19th. Pass Beek,‘ which seems a flourishing little
place, if we may judge by the building of new houses.
The Clef d’Or is a large, new, and good inn.

In the 270 miles, from Bagnere de Luchon to Auch,5 a,
general observation I may make is, that the whole, with
very few exceptions, is inclosed ; and that the farm-houses.
are every where scattered, instead of being, as in so many
parts of France collected in towns. I have seen scarcely
any gentlemen’s country seats that seem at all modern;
and, in general, they are thin to a surprising degree. I
have not met with one country equipage, nor any thing
like a gentleman riding to see a neighbour. Scarcely a.
gentleman at all. At Auch, met by appointment my
friends, on their return to Paris. The town is almost-
vvithout manufactures or commerce, and is supported
chiefly by the rents of the country. But they have many

1 The duchy of Bouillon was incorporated with French territory in
1793, but annexed to Luxemburg in 1815, and now forms part of Belgian
Luxembourg. See Lalanue’s “ Dictionuaire historique de la France.”

2 Aire (Landes). 3 St. Sever (Landes).

4 Beck. Vic-Bigorre (Landes).

5 Auch (Gers). This name is Basque.

1787.] AGUILLON. 65

of the noblesse in the province, too poor to live here; some
indeed so poor, that they plough their own fields; and
these may possibly be much more estimable members of
society, than the fools and knaves that laugh at them.—
31 miles.

The 20th. Pass Fleuran,1 which contains many good
houses, and go through a populous country to La Tour,2 a
bishoprick, the diocesan of which we left at Bagnere de
Luchon. The situation is beautiful on the point of a ridge
of hills—20 miles.

The 22d. By Leyrac,3 through a fine country, to the
Garonne, which we cross by a ferry. This river is here a
quarter of a mile broad, with every appearance of com-
merce. A large barge passedloaded with cages of poultry;
of such consequence throughout the extent of this naviga-
tion is the consumption of the great city of Bourdeaux.
The rich vale continues to Agen,‘ and is very highly culti-
vated; but has not the beauty of the environs of Leitour.
If new buildings are a criterion of the flourishing state of
a place, Agen prOSpers. The bishop has raised a mag-
nificent palace, the centre of which is in good taste; but
the junction with the wings not equally happy—23 miles.

The 23d. Pass a rich and highly cultivated vale to
Aguillon ;'5 much hemp, and every woman in the country
employed on it. Many neat well built farm-houses on
small properties, and all the country very populous. View
the chateau of the Due d’Aguillon,6 which, being in the
town, is badly situated, according to all rural ideas ; but a
town is ever an accompanyment of a chateau in France, as
it was formerly in most parts of Europe; it seems to have

1 Fleurance (Gers), one of the numerous towns in this department
having a foreign name. We find Barcelone, Cologne, Pis (Pisa),
Valence, originally seigneurial fortresses.

2 Lectoure (Gers), no longer an episcopate.

3 Leyrac (Lot and Garonne).

4 (Lot and Garonne).

'5 Aigullon ( Lot and Garonne).

6 That cruel and lawless governor of Brittany whose conduct was the
subject of a petition to Louis XV. from the Parliament of Rennes. He
was disgraced by Louis XVI. His son rehabilitated family honour
with the Vicomte de Noailles and others, surrendering feudal privileges
on the outbreak of the Revolution. The chateau here spoken of was
never completed, and the title is now extinct.

F

66 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [1111011313

resulted from a feudal arrangement, that the Grand
Seigneur might keep his slaves the nearer to his call, as a
man builds his stables near his house. This edifice is a
considerable one, built by the present Duke ; begun about
twenty years ago, when he was exiled here during eight
years. And, thanks to that banishment, the building went
on nobly; the body of the house done, and the detached
wings almost finished. But as soon as the sentence was
reversed, the duke went to Paris, and has not been here
since, consequently all now stands still. It is thus that
banishment alone will force the French nobility to execute
what the English do for pleasure—reside upon and adorn
their estates. There is one magnificent circumstance,
namely, an elegant and spacious theatre; it fills one of the
wings. The orchestra is for twenty-four musicians, the
number kept, fed, and paid, by the duke when here. This
elegant and agreeable luxury, which falls within the com-
pass of a very large fortune is known in every country in
Europe except England: the possessors of great estates
here preferring horses and dogs very much before any en-
tertainment a theatre can yield. To Tonnance.‘-—-25 miles.

The 24th. Many new and good country seats, of gen-
tlemen, well built, and set off with gardens, plantations,
&c. These are the efiects of the wealth of Bourdeaux.
These people, like other Frenchmen, eat little meat; in the
town of Leyrac five oxen only are killed 1n a year; whereas
an English town with the same population would consume
two or three oxen a week. A noble view towards Bour-
deaux for many leagues, the river appearing in four or
five places. Reach Langon,2 and drink of its excellent
white wine—32 miles.

The 25th.——Pass through Barsac,3 famous also for its
wines. They are now ploughing with oxen between the
rows of the vines, the operation which gave Tull‘ the idea
of horse-hoeing com. Great population and country seats
all the way. At Castrses the count1y changes to an un-

1 Tonneins (Lot and Garonne). 2 (Gironde.)
3 (Gironde.)
Tull, Jethro, ag1icultura1 wxiter who made the tour of Europe,
died 1740.
(Tarn. )

1787.] BOURDEAUX. 67

interesting fiat. Arrive at Bourdeauiri,1 through a continued
village—30 miles.

26th. Much as I had read and heard of the commerce,
wealth, and magnificence of this city, they greatly sur-
passed my expectations. Paris did not answer at all, for
it is not to be compared to London; but we must not
name Liverpool in competition with Bourdeaux. The grand
feature here, of which I had heard most, answers the
least; I mean the quay, which is respectable only for
length, and its quantity of business, neither of which, to
the eye of a stranger, is of much consequence, if devoid of
beauty. The row of houses is regular, but without either
magnificence or beauty. It is a dirty, sloping, muddy
shore; parts without pavement, incumbered with filth and
stones; barges lie here for loading and unloading the
ships, which cannot approach to what should be a quay.
Here is all the dirt and disagreeable circumstances of trade,
without the order, arrangement, and magnificence of a
quay. Barcelona is unique in this respect. When I pre-
sumed to find fault with the buildings on the river, it must
not be supposed that I include the whole; the crescent
which is in the same line is better. The place rag/ale, with
the statute of Lewis XV. in the middle, is a fine opening,
and the buildings which form it regular and handsome.
But the quarter of the chapeaa rouge is truly magnificent,
consisting of noble houses, built, like the rest of the city,
of white hewn stone. It joins the chateau trompette, which
occupies near half a mile of the shore. This fort is bought
of the king, by a company of speculators, who are now
pulling it down with an intention of building a fine square
and many new streets, to the amount of 1800 houses. I
have seen a design of the square and the streets, and it
would, if executed, be one of the most splendid additions
to a city that is to be seen in Europe. This great work
stands still at present through a fear of resumptions. The
theatre, built about ten or twelve years ago, is by far the
most magnificent in France. I have seen nothing that
approaches it. The building is insulated; and fills up a
space of 306 feet by 165, one end being the principal front,

1 I leave the spelling of Bordeaux as Arthur Young wrote. Bour-
deaux is a little town in the Drome.

68 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGU8T,

containing a portico the whole length of it, of twelve very
large Corinthian columns. The entrance from this portico
is by a noble vestibule, which leads not only to the dif-
ferent parts of the theatre, but also to an elegant oval
concert-room and saloons for walking and refreshments.
The theatre itself is of a vast size; in shape the segment.
of an oval. The establishment of actors, actresses, singers,
dancers, orchestra, &c. speak the wealth and luxury
of the place. I have been assured, that from thirty to
fifty louis a night have been paid to a favourite actress
from Paris. Larrive,l the first tragic actor of that capital,
is now here, at 500 liv. (211. 12s. 6d.) a night, with two
benefits. Dauberval, the dancer and his wife (the Mada-
moiselle Theodore of London) are retained as principal
ballet-master and first female dancer, at a salary of 28,000'
liv. (12251.) Pieces are performed every night, Sundays.
not excepted, as every where in France. The mode of
living that takes place here among merchants is highly
luxurious. Their houses and establishments are on expen-
sive scales. Great entertainments, and many served on
plate: high play is a much worse thing ;—and the scanda-
lous chronicle speaks of merchants keeping the dancing
and singing girls of the theatre at salaries which ought to
import no good to their credit. This theatre, which does
so much honour to the pleasures of Bourdeaux, was raised
at the expence of the town, and cost 270,0001. The new
tide corn-mill, erected by a company, is very well worth
viewing. A large canal is dug and formed in masonry of
hewn stone, the walls four feet thick, leading under the
building for the tide coming in, to turn the water wheels.
It is then conducted in other equally well formed canals
to a reservoir; and when the tide returns it gives motion
to the wheels again. Three of these canals pass under the
building for containing 24: pairs of stones. Every part of
the work is on a scale of solidity and duration, admirabl

executed. The estimate of the expence is 8,000,000 liv.
(350,0001.); but I know not how to credit such a sum.
How far the erection of steam engines to do the same
business would have been found a cheaper method, I shall

1 Larrive, Henri, 1733-1802, celebrated actor and vocalist.

1787.] CAVIGNAC. 69

not enquire; but I should apprehend that the common
water mills, on the Garonne, which start without such
enormous expences for their power, must in the common
course of common events ruin this company. The new
houses that are building in all quarters of the town, mark,
too clearly to be misunderstood, the prosperity of the place.
The skirts are every where composed of new streets; with
still newer ones marked out, and partly built. These
houses are in general small, or on a middling scale, for in-
.ferior tradesmen. They are all of white stone, and add, as
they are finished, much to the beauty of the city. I
enquired into the date of these new streets, and found
that four or five years were in general the period: that is
to say, since the peace ; and from the colour of the stone
of those streets next in age, it is plain that the spirit of
building was at a stop during the war. Since the peace
they had gone on with great activity. What a satire on
the government of the two kingdoms, to permit in one the
prejudices of manufacturers and merchants, and in the
other the insidious policy of an ambitious court, to hurry
the two nations for ever into wars that check all beneficial
works, and spread ruin where private exertion was busied
in deeds of prosperity. The rent of houses and lodgings
rises every day, as it has done since the peace considerably,
at the same time that so many new houses have been and
are erecting, unites with the advance in the prices of every
thing: they complain that the expences of. living have risen
in ten years full 30 per cent.—-—There can hardly be a clearer
proof of an advance in prosperity.

The commercial treaty with England being a subject too
interesting not to have demanded attention, we made the
necessary enquiries—Here it is considered in a very diffe-
rent light from Abbeville and Rouen : at Bourdeaux they
think it a wise measure, that tends equally to the benefit of
both countries. This is not the place for being more
particular on the trade of this town.

We went twice to see Larrive do his two capital parts of
the Black Prince in Mons. du Belloy’s 1 Piere 1e Cruel, and
Philoctete, which gave me a very high idea of the French

1 De Belloy, a dramatic writer famous in his day, now forgotten.

70 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

theatre. The inns at this city are excellent; the hotel
d’Angletere and the Prince of Asturias; at the latter we
found every accommodation to be wished, but with an in—
consistence that cannot be too much condemned: we had
very elegant apartments, and were served on plate, yet the
necessary-house the same temple of abomination that is to
be met in a dirty village.

'The 28th. Leave Bourdeaux ;—cross the river by a
ferry, which employs twent -nine men and fifteen boats,
and lets at 18,000 liv. (78;1.)a year. The view of the
Garonne is very fine, appearing to the eye twice as broad
as the Thames at London ; and the number of large ships
lying in it, makes it, I suppose, the richest water view that.
France has to boast. From hence to the Dordonne, a.
noble river, though much inferior to the Garonne, which
we cross by another ferry that lets at 6000 liv. Reach
Cavignac.1-—20 miles.

The 29th. To Barbesieux," situated in a beautiful.
country, finely diversified and wooded; the marquisate of
which, with the chateau, belongs to the duke de la Roche—
foucauld, whom we met here ; he inherits this estate from
the famous Louvois, the minister of Louis XIV. In this.
thirty-seven miles of country, lying between the great
rivers Garonne, Dordonne, and Charente, and consequently
in one of the best parts of France for markets, the
quantity of waste land is surprising : it is the predominant
feature the whole way. Much of these wastes belonged to
the prince de Soubise,3 who would not sell any part of
them. Thus it is whenever you stumble on a Grand
Seigneur, even one that was worth millions, you are sure
to find his prOperty desert. The duke of Bouillon’s and
this prince’s are two of the greatest properties in France;

‘ (Gironde.) 2 Barbézieux (Charente).

3 The so-called“roi de la Maraude,” who commanded the French forces
during the régime of the “ Reine Pompadour.” His men gave him the
above sobriquet. because of the unlimited license allowed them to pillage
and plunder. With an army demoralized by debauchery and want, the
officers being followed by a train of courtezans, pedlars, and hangers-on,
the soldiers dependent entirely on black mail, he set out for the defeat
of Rosbach. For a victory gained by another later, Madame de Pom-v
padour gave Soubise a marshal’s baton. See H. Martin, vol xv. pp.
517-21.

1787.] CHAUNAY. 71

and all the signs I have yet seen of their greatness, are
wastes, landes, deserts, fern, ling—Go to their residence,
wherever it may be, and you would probably find them in
the midst of a forest, very well peopled with deer, wild
boars, and wolves. Oh! if I was the legislator of France
for a day, I would make such great lords skip again.1
We supped with the duke de la Rochefoucauld; the pro-
vincial assembly of Saintonge is soon to meet, and this
nobleman, being the president, is waiting for their
assembling.

The 30th. Through a chalk country, well wooded,
though without inclosures to Angouléme ; the approach to
that town is fine ; the country around being beautiful with
the fine river Charente,2 here navigable, flowing through it,
the efiect striking—25 miles.

The 31st. Quitting Angouléme, pass through a country
almost covered with vines, and across a noble wood belong-
ing to the duchess d’Anville, mother of the duke de la
Rochefoucauld, to Verteul,3 a chateau of the same lady,
built in 1459, Where we found every thing that travellers
could Wish in a hospitable mansion. The Emperor Charles
V. was entertained here by Anne de Polignac, Widow of
Francis II. count de la Rochefoucauld, and that prince,
said aloud, n’avoir jamais été en maison qui sentit mieux 8a
grande vertu honnéteté at seigneurie gue celle lea—It is excel-
lently kept ; in thorough repair, fully furnished, and all in
order, which merits praise, considering that the family
rarely are here for more than a few days in a year, having
many other and more considerable seats in different parts
of the kingdom. If this just attention to the interests of
posterity was more general, we should not see the melan-
choly spectacle of ruined chateaus in so many parts of
France. In the gallery is a range of portraits from the
tenth century ; by one of which it appears, that this estate

1 I can assure the reader that these sentiments were those of the
moment; the events that have taken place almost induced me to strike
many such passages out, but it is fairer to all parties to leave them.—
Autkor’s note.

2 “ The fairest river in my kingdom,” said Henri IV.

3 Verteuil, in the valley of the Charente. The chateau has been in
part reconstructed by M. de la Rochefoucauld, and is not to be confounded
with the magnificent chateau de la Rochefoucauld, near Angouléme.

72 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEPT.

came by a Mademoiselle 1a Rochefoucauld, in 1470. The
park, woods, and river Charente here are fine: the last
abounds greatly in carp, tench, and perch. It is at any
time easy to get from 50 to 100 brace of fish that weigh
from three to IOlb. each: we had a brace of carp for
supper, the sweetest, without exception, I ever tasted. If
I pitched my tent in France, I should choose it to be by a
river that gave such fish. Nothing provokes one so in a
country residence as a lake, a river, or the sea within view
of the windows, and a dinner every day without fish, which
is so common in England-27 miles.

SEPTEMBER 1st. Pass Caudec,1 Rufiec,2 Maisons-Blan-
ches,3 and Chaunay.“ At the first of these places, view a
very fine flour-mill built by the late count de Brogliof
brother of the marechal de Broglio, one of the ablest and
most active officers in the French service. In his private
capacity, his undertakings were of a national kind; this
mill, an iron forge, and the project of a navigation, proved,
that he had a disposition for every exertion that could,
according to the prevalent ideas of the times, benefit his
country; that is to say, in every way except the one in
which it would have been effective—practical agriculture.
This day’s journey has been, with some exceptions,
through a poor, dull, and disagreeable country—35 miles.

The 2d. Poitou,6 from what I see of it, is an unim-
proved, poor, and ugly country. It seems to want com-
munication, demand, and activity of all kinds; nor does
it, on an average, yield the half of what it might. The
lower part of the province is much richer and better.

‘ (Charentc.) 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. ‘ Ibid.

5 Father of the unfortunate Prince Claude Victor, who accepted
command under the Convention, but refusing to acknowledge the Do-
chéance, was guillotined 1794.

6 N 0 part of France has more rapidly improved in our own time than
Poitou, now forming the three departments of Vendée, Deux Sévres,
and la Vienne. I revisited La Vendée in 1885, after an interval of ten
years, to find extraordinary progress: agriculture has made great
strides, works of public utility have been erected, railways now intersect
the country, and, owing to the indefatigable labours of peasant. owners,
hundreds of thousands of acres of waste land have been put under
cultivation. The “ unimproved, poor, and ugly country” of Arthur
Young is now one vast garden. La Vendée is the region of large farms
and stock raising. Mule breeding is carried on largely around Niort.-—ED.

1787.] LES onmns. 73

Arrive at Poitiers, which is one of the worst built towns
I have seen in France; very large and irregular, but con-
taining scarcely any thing worthy of notice, except the
cathedral, which is well built, and very well kept.-—-The
finest thing by far in the town is the promenade, which is
the most extensive I have seen ; it occupies a considerable
space of ground, with gravelled walks, &c. excellently
kept—12 miles.

The 3d. A white chalky country to Chateaurault,1 opens,
and thinly peopled, though not without country-seats.
That town has some animation, owing to its navigable
river, which falls into the Loire. There is a considerable
cutlery manufacture: we were no sooner arrived, than our
apartment was full of the wives and daughters of manu-
facturers, each with her box of knives, scissars, toys, &c.
and with so much civil solicitude to have something bought,
that had we wanted nothing it would have been impossible
to let so much urgency prove vain. It is remarkable, as
the fabrics made here are cheap, that there is scarcely
any division of labour in this manufacture; it is in the
hands of distinct and unconnected workmen, who go
through every branch on their own account, and without
assistance, except from their families.——25 miles.

The 4th. Pass a better country, with many chateaus,
to Les Ormes,2 where we stOpped to see the seat built by
the late count de Voyer d’Argenson. This chateau is a.
large handsome edifice of stone, with two very consider-
able wings for offices and strangers’ apartments: the en-
trance is into a neat vestibule, at the end of which is the
saloon, a circular marble room, extremely elegant and well
furnished ; in the drawing-room are paintings of the four
French victories of the war of 1744: in every apartment
there is a strong disposition to English furniture and
modes. This pleasing residence belongs at present to the
count d’Argenson. The late count who built it formed
with the present duke of Grafton, in England, the scheme
of a very agreeable party. The duke was to go over with
his horses and pack of fox-hounds, and live here for some

1 Chatellerault (Vienne).
2 This chateau, with its fine gardens, still remains, and is in the
possession of the Argenson family.

74 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [snmx

months, with a number of friends. It originated in the
proposal to hunt French wolves with English fox-dogs.
Nothing could be better planned than the scheme, for Les
Ormes is large enough to have contained a numerous
party; but the count’s death destroyed the plan. This is
a sort of intercourse between the nobility of two kingdoms,
which I am surprised does not take place sometimes; it
would vary the common scenes of life very agreeably, and
be productive of some of the advantages of travelling in
the most eligible way—23 miles.

The 5th. Through a dead flat and unpleasant country,
but on the finest road I have seen in France—nor does it
seem possible that any should be finer; not arising from
great exertions, as in Languedoc, but from being laid flat
with admirable materials. Chateaus are scattered every
where in this part of Touraine; but farm houses and
cottages thin, till you come in sight of the Loire, the banks
of which seem one continued village. The vale, through
which that river flows, may be three miles over; a dead
level of burnt russet meadow.

The entrance of Tours 1 is truly magnificent, by a new
street of large houses, built of hewn white stone, with
regular fronts. This fine street, which is wide, and with
foot pavements on each side, is cut in a strait line through
the whole city to the new bridge, of fifteen flat arches,
each of seventy-five feet span. It is altogether a noble
exertion for the decoration of a provincial town. Some
houses remain yet to be built, the fronts of which are
done; some reverend fathers are satisfied with their old
habitations, and do not choose the expence of filling up the
elegant design of the Tours projectors; they ought, how-
ever, to be unroosted if they will not comply, for fronts
without houses behind them have [a ridiculous appearance.
From the tower of the cathedral there is an extensive
view of the adjacent country; but the Loire, for so con-
siderable a river, and for being boasted as the most beauti-
ful in Europe, exhibits such a breadth of shoals and sands
as to be almost subversive of beauty. In the chapel of the
old palace of Louis XI. Les Plessis les Tours,2 are three

1 (Indre and Loire.) 2 Plessis-les-Tours.

1787.] CHAN-TELOUP. 75

pictures which deserve the travellers notice ; a hol
family, St. Catharine, and the daughter of Herod; they
seem to be of the best age of Italian art. There is a very
fine promenade here; long and admirably shaded by four
rows of noble and lofty elms, which for shelter against a
burning sun can have no superior ; parallel with it is
another on the rampart of the old walls, which looks down
on the adjacent gardens; but these walks, of which the
inhabitants have long boasted, are at present objects of
melancholy; the corporation has offered the trees to sale,
and I was assured they would be cut down the ensuing
winter.——One would not wonder at an English corporation
sacrificing the ladies’ walk for plenty of turtle, venison, and
madeira; but that a French one should have so little
gallantry, is inexcusable.

The 9th. The count de la Rochefoucauld having a
feverish complaint when he arrived here, which prevented
our proceeding on the journey, it became the second day
a confirmed fever; the best physician of the place was
called in, whose conduct I liked much, for he had recourse
tovery little physick, but much attention to keep his apart-
ment cool and airy; and seemed to have great confidence
in leaving nature to throw off the malady that oppressed
her. Who is it that says there is a great difierence be-
tween a good physician and a bad one ; yet very little be-
tween a good one and none at all?

Among other excursions, I took a ride on the banks of
the Loire towards Saumur, and found the country the
same as near Tours; but the chateaus not so numerous or
good. Where the chalk hills advance perpendicularly to-
wards the river, they present a most singular spectacle of
uncommon habitations;1 for a great number of houses are
cut out of the white rock, fronted with masonry, and holes
cut above for chimnies, so that you sometimes know not.
where the house is from which you see the smoke issuing.
These cavern-houses are in some places in tires one above
another. Some with little scraps of gardens have a pretty
efiect. In general, the proprietors occupy them ; but many
are let at 10, 12, and 15 liv. a year. The people I talked

1 These strange dwellings are being superseded in Maine and Loire
by neatly-built cottages, homes of peasant owners.

76 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [BEP'L

with seemed well satisfied with their habitations, as good
and comfortable: a proof of the dryness of the climate.
In England the rheumatism would be the chief inhabi-
tant. Walked to the Benedictine convent of Marmoutier,1
of which the cardinal de Rohan, at present here, is
abbot.

The 10th. Nature, or the Tours doctor, having recovered
the count, we set forward on our journey. The road to
Chanteloup is made on an embankment, that secures a
large level tract from floods. The country more uninterest-
ing than I could have thought it possible for the vicinity
of a great river to be.—-—View Chantcloup, the magnificent
seat of the late duke de Choiseul.2 It is situated on a
rising ground, at some distance from the Loire, which in
winter, or after great floods, is a fine object, but at present
is scarcely seen. The ground-floor in front consists of
seven rooms: the dining - room of about thirty by
twenty, and the drawing-room thirty by thirty-three:
the library is seventy-two by twenty, but now fitted up
by the present possessor, the duke de Penthievre, with
.very beautiful tapestry from the Gobelins.——In thepleasure-
ground, on a hill commanding a very extensive prospect;
is a Chinese pagoda, 120 feet high, built by the duke, in
commemoration of the persons who visited him in his exile.
On the walls of the first room in it their names are en-
graved on marble tablets. The number and rank of the
persons do honour to the duke and to themselves. The
idea was a happy one. The forest you look down on from
this building is very extensive; they say eleven leagues
across: ridings are cut pointing to the pagoda; and when
the duke was alive, these glades had the mischievous ani-
mation of a vast hunt, supported so liberally as to ruin the
master of it, and transferred the property of this noble
estate and residence from his family to the last hands I

1 Now a ruin.

2 The able and patriotic minister of Louis XV. who restoned the
French navy, effected the annexation of Lorraine and Corsica to the
crown, expelled the Jesuits, and protected Poland. He was banished
because he would not acknowledge the authority of the infamous
Dubarry. “ Tout cc qui restait de l’honneur Francaise a Versailles en

sortit avec Choiseul." H. Martin, vol. xv. The chateau was destroyed
in 1830.

1787.] BLOIS. 77

should wish to see it in—a prince of the blood. Great.
lords love too much an environ of forest, boars, and hunts-
men, instead of marking their residence by the accompany-
ment of neat and well cultivated farms, clean cottages, and
happy peasants. In such a method of shewing their mag»
nificence, rearing forests, gilding domes, or bidding aspiring-
columns rise, might be wanting; but they would have, in-
stead of them, erections of comfort, establishments of ease,
and plantations of felicity: and their harvest, instead of
the flesh of boars, would be in the voice of chearful grati-
tude—they would see public prosperity flourish on its best.
basis of private happiness—As a farmer, there is one-
feature which shews the duke had some merit ; he built a
noble cow-house; a platform leads along the middle, be-
tween two rows of mangers, with stalls for seventy-two,
and another apartment, not so large, for others, and for-
calves. He imported 120 very fine Swiss cows, and visited
them with his company every day, as they were kept con--
stantly tied up. To this I may add the best built sheep-
house I have seen in France: and I thought I saw from:
the pagoda part of the farm better laid out and ploughed
than common in the country, so that he probably imported
some ploughmen.——This has merit in it ; but it was all the
merit of banishment. Chanteloup would neither have been
built nor decorated, nor furnished, if the duke had not been
exiled. It was the same with the duke d’Aguillon. These
ministers would have sent the country to the devil before
they would have reared such edifices, or formed such esta‘
blishments, if they had not both been sent from Versailles.
View the manufacture of steel at Amboise,1 established by
the duke de Choiseul. Vineyards the chief feature of agri--
culture—37 miles.

The 11th. To Blois,2 an old town, prettily situated on
the Loire, with a good stone bridge of eleven arches. We-
viewed the castle, for the historical monument it affords.
that has rendered it so famous. They shew the room where.
the council assembled, and the chimney in it before which
the duke of Guise was standing when the king’s page came
to demand his presence in the royal closet: the door he was.

1 (Indre and Loire.) 2 (Loir and Cher.)

78 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP'L

entering when stabbed: the tapestry he was in the act of
turning aside: the tower where his brother the cardinal
sufiered; with a hole in the floor into the dungeon of
Louis XI. of which the guide tells many horrible stories,
in the same tone, from having told them so often, in which
the fellow in Westminster Abbey gives his monotonous
history of the tombs. The best circumstance attending
the view of the spots, or the walls within which great,
daring, or important actions have been performed, is the
impression they make on the mind, or rather on the heart
of the spectator, for it is an emotion of feeling, rather than
an effort of reflection. The murders, or political executions
perpetrated in this castle, though not uninteresting, were
inflicted on, and by men that command neither our love,
nor our veneration. The character of the period, and of
the men that figured in it, were alike disgusting. Bigotry
and ambition, equally dark, insidious, and bloody, allow
no feelings of regret. The parties could hardly be better
employed than in cutting each others throats. Quit the
Loire, and pass to Chambord. The quantity of vines is
very great; they have them very flourishing on a flat poor
blowing sand. How well satisfied wonld my friend Le
.Blanc be if his poorest sands at Cavenham gave him 100
dozen of good wine per acre per annum ! See at one coup
d’aeil 2000 acres of them. View the royal chateau of
Chambord,1 built by that magnificent prince Francis I. and
inhabited by the late marechal de Saxe. I had heard much
of this castle, and it more than answered my expectation.
It gives a great idea of the splendor of that prince. Com-
paring the centuries, and the revenues of Louis XIV. and
Francis I. I prefer Chambord infinitely to Versailles.
The apartments are large, numerous, and well contrived.
I admired particularly the stone stair-case in the centre of
the house, which, being in a double spiral line, contains
two distinct stair-cases, one above another, by which means
people are going up and down at the same time, without
seeing each other. The four apartments in the attic, with
arched stone roofs, were in no mean taste. One of these
count Saxe turned into a neat well contrived theatre. We

‘ (Loir and Cher.)

1787 .] CLAREY. 79

were shewn the apartment which that great soldier occu-
pied, and the room in which he died. Whether in his bed
or not is yet a problem for anecdote hunters to solve.
A report not uncommon in France was, that he was ran
through the heart in a duel with the Prince of Conti, who
came to Chambord for that purpose; and great care was
taken to conceal it from the king (Louis XV.), who had
such a friendship for the marechal, that he would certainly
have driven the prince out of the kingdom. There are
several apartments modernized, either for the marechal or
for the governors that have resided here since. In one
there is a fine picture of Louis XIV. on horseback. Near
the castle are the barracks for the regiment of 1500 horse,
formed by marechal de Saxe, and which Louis XV. gave
him, by appointing them to garrison Chambord while their
colonel made at his residence. He lived here in great
splendour, and highly respected by his sovereign, and the
whole kingdom.—The situation of the castle is bad; it is
low, and without the least prospect that is interesting; in-
deed the whole country is so flat that a high ground is
hardly to be found in it. From the battlements we saw
the environs, of which the park or forest forms three-
fourths; it contains within a wall about 20,000 arpents,
and abounds with all sorts of game to a degree of profusion.
Great tracts of this park are waste or under heath, &c. or
at least a very imperfect cultivation: I could not help
thinking, that if the king of France ever formed the idea
of establishing one compleat and perfect farm under the
turnip culture of England, here is the place for it. Let
him assign the chateau for the residence of the director and
all his attendants; and the barracks,which are now applied
to no use whatever, for stalls for cattle, and the profits of
the wood would be sufficient to stock and support the whole
undertaking.‘ What comparison between the utility of
such an establishment, and that of a much greater expence
applied here at present for supporting a wretched haras
(stud), which has not a tendency but to mischief ! I may,

1 Numerous schools of agriculture, to which are attached model farms,
now exist in France, supported by the State. State-paid professors of
agriculture who lecture gratuitously in the country are now appomted to
many chef-lieux.

80 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP'L

however, recommend such agricultural establishments; but
they never were made in any country, and never will be, till
mankind are governed on principles absolutely contrary to
those which prevail at present—until something more is
thought requisite for a national husbandry than academies
and memoirs—35 miles.

The 12th. In two miles from the park wall regain the
high road on the Loire. In discourse with a vigneron, we
were informed that it froze this morning hard enough to
damage the vines ; and I may observe, that for four or five
days past the weather has been constantly clear, with a
bright sun, and so cold a north-east wind as to resemble
much our cold clear weather in England in April; we have
all our great coats on the day through. Dine at Clarey,1
and view the monument of that able but bloody tyrant
Louis XI. in white marble ; he is represented in a kneeling
posture, praying forgiveness, I suppose, which doubtless
was promised him by his priests for his basenesses and his
murders. Reach Orleans—30 miles.

The 13th. Here my companions, wanting to return as
soon as possible to Paris, took the direct road thither;
but, having travelled it before, I preferred that by Petivier 2
in the way to Fountainbleau. One motive for my taking
this road was its passing by Denainvilliers, the seat of the
late celebrated Mons. du Hamel,3 and where he made those
experiments in agriculture which he has recited in many
of his works. At Petivier I was just by, and walked
thither for the pleasure of viewing grounds I had read of
so often, considering them with a sort of classic reverence.
His homme d’afi'aire, who conducted the farm, being dead, I
could not get many particulars to be depended upon.
Mons. Fougeroux, the present possessor, was not at home,
or I should doubtless have had all the information I
wished. I examined the soil, a principal point in all ex-

1 Notre Dame de Cléry (Loiret).

2 Pithivier (Loiret).

3 The works of this celebrated writer on rural economy and vegetable
physiology have been translated into English. “ A Practical Treatise
on Husbandry,” London, 1750 ; “ The Elements of Agriculture.” trans-
lated by Philip Miller, London, 1764. Duhamel died 1732. The-
chateau still exists.

1787.] FOUNTAINBLEAU. 81

periments, when conclusions are to be drawn from them ;
and I also took notes of the common husbandry. Learn-
ing from the labourer who attended me that the drill-
ploughs, &c., were yet in being, on a loft in one of the
offices, I viewed them with pleasure, and found them as
well as I can remember, very accurately represented in
the plates which their ingenious author has given. I was
glad to find them laid up in a place out of common traffic,
where they may remain safe till some other farming
traveller, as enthusiastic as myself, may view the venerable
remains of a useful genius. Here is a stove and bath for
'ng wheat, which he also has described. In an in-
closure behind the house is a plantation of various curious
exotic trees, finely grown, also several rows of ash, elm,
and pOplar along the roads, near the chateau, all planted
by Mons. du Hamel. It gave me still greater pleasure to
find that Denainvilliers is not an inconsiderable estate.
The lands extensive; the chateau respectable; with offices,
gardens, &c. that prove it the residence of a man of for-
tune; from which it appears, that this indefatigable author,
however he might have failed in some of his pursuits, met
with that reward from his court which did it credit to
bestow ; and that he was not like others, left in obscurity
to the simple rewards which ingenuity can confer on itself.
Four miles before Malsherbs 1 a fine plantation of a row of
trees on each side the road begins, formed by Mons. de
Malsherbs, and is a striking instance of attention to deco-
rating an Open country. More than two miles of them
are mulberries. They join his other noble plantations at
Malsherbs, which contain a great variety of the most curious
trees that have been introduced in France. —-—36 miles.

The 14th. After passing three miles through the forest
of Fountainbleau, arrive at that town, and view the royal
palace, which has been so repeatedly added to by several
kings, that the share of Francis I. its original founder, is
not easily ascertained. He does not appear to such advan-
tage as at Chambord. This has been a favourite with
the Bourbons, from there having been so many Nimrods
of that family. Of the apartments which are shewn here,

1 (Loiret.) The chateau of Malesherbes still belongs to the descen-
dants of the noble defender of Louis XVI. here mentioned.
G

82 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [snp'n

the king’s, the queen’s, monsieur’s, and madame’s, are the
chief. Gilding seems the prevalent decoration : but in the
queen’s cabinet it is well and elegantly employed. The
painting of that delicious little room is exquisite; and
nothing can exceed the extremity of ornament that is here
with taste bestowed. The tapestries of Beauvais and the
Gobelins, are seen in this palace to great advantage. I
liked to see the gallery of Francis I. preserved to its
ancient state, even to the andirons in the chimney, which
are those that served that monarch. The gardens are
nothing; and the grand canal, as it is called, not to be
compared with that at Chantilly. In the pond that joins
the palace, are carp as large and as tame as the Prince of
Condé’s. The landlord of the inn at Fountainbleau thinks
that royal palaces should not be seen for nothing; he
made me pay 10 liv. for a dinner, which would have cost
me not more than half the money at the star and garter at
Richmond. Reach Meulan.‘-——34 miles.

The 15th. Cross, for a considerable distance, the royal
oak forest of Senz’ir.2——About Montgeron,3 all open fields,
which produce corn and partridges to eat it, for the num-
ber is enormous. There is on an average a covey of birds
on every two acres, besides favourite spots, where they
abound much more. At St. George 4 the Seine is a much
more beautiful river than the Loire. Enter Paris once
more, with the same observation I made before, that there
is not one-tenth of the motion on the roads around it that
there is around London. To the hotel de la Rochefou-
cauld.———20 miles.

The 16th. Accompanied the count de la Rochefoucauld
to Liancourt—38 miles.

I went thither on a visit for three or four days ; but the
whole family contributed so generally to render the place
in every respect agreeable, that I staid more than three
weeks. At about half a mile from the chateau is a range
of hill that was chiefly a neglected waste: the duke of
Liancourt has lately converted this into a plantation, with
winding walks, benches, and covered seats, in the English

’ Melun (Seine and Marne). ’ Sénart (Seine and Marne).
3 Montgeron (Seine and Oise).
‘ Villeneuve St. Georges (Seine and Oise).

1787.] LIANCOURT. 83

style of gardening. The situation is very fortunate. These
ornamented paths follow the edge of the declivity to the
extent of three or four miles. The views they command
are every where pleasing, and in some places great. Nearer
to the chateau the dutchess of Liancourt has built a
menagerie and dairy in a pleasing taste. The cabinet and
anti-room are very pretty; the saloon elegant, and the
diary entirely constructed of marble. At a village near
Liancourt, the duke has established a manufacture of
linen and stuffs mixed with thread and cotton, which
promises to be of considerable utility; there are 25 looms
employed, and preparations making for more. As the
spinning for these looms is also established, it gives em-
ployment to great numbers of bands who were idle, for
they have no sort of manufacture in the country though it
is populous. Such efiorts merit great praise. Connected
with this is the execution of an excellent plan of the duke’s
for establishing habits of industry in the rising generation.
The daughters of the poor people are received into an in-
stitution to be educated to useful industry: they are in-
structed in their religion, taught to write and read, and to
Spin cotton : are kept till marriageable, and then a regu-
lated proportion of their earnings given them as a marriage
portion. There is another establishment of which I am
not so good a judge; it is for training the orphans of
soldiers to be soldiers themselves. The duke of Liancourt
has raised some considerable buildings for their accommo-
dation well adapted. to the purpose. The whole is under
the superintendance of a worthy and intelligent oflicer,
Mons. le Roux, captain of dragoons, and croix de St. Louis,
who sees to every thing himself. There are at present 120
boys, all dressed in uniform.—My ideas have all taken a
turn which I am too old to change: I should have been
better pleased to see 120 lads educated to the plough, in
habits of culture superior to the present ; but certainly the
establishment is humane, and the conduct of it excellent.1

1 A French traveller, Vaysse de Villiers, visiting Liancourt in 1816,
gives a delightful picture of the progress effected by this true humani-
tarian; numerous industries established, and agriculture furthered by
the introduction of hemp, flax, colza, the hop, the vine, besides many
vegetables hitherto unknown in these regions.

84 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEPT.

The ideas I had formed, before I came to France, of a
country residence in that kingdom, I found at Liancourt to
be far from correct. I expected to find it a mere transfer
of Paris to the country, and that all the burthensome forms
of a city were preserved, without its pleasures ; but I was
deceived; the mode of living, and the pursuits, approach
much nearer to the habits of a great nobleman’s house in
England, than would commonly be conceived. A break-
fast of tea for those that chose to repair to it; riding,
sporting, planting, gardening, till dinner, and that not till
half after two o’clock, instead of their old fashioned hour
of twelve; music, chess, and the other common amuse-
ments of a rendezvouz-room, with an excellent library of
seven or eight thousand volumes, were well calculated to
make the time pass agreeably; and to prove that there is
a great approximation in the modes of living at present in
the difierent countries of Europe. Amusements, in truth,
ought to be numerous within doors; for, in such a climate,
none are to be depended on without: the rain that has
fallen here is hardly credible. I have, for five-and-twenty
years past, remarked in England, that I never was pre-
vented by rain from taking a walk every day without
going out while it actually rains; it may fall heavily for
many hours; but a person who watches an opportunity
gets a walk or a ride. Since I have been at Liancourt,
we have had three days in succession of such incessant]
heavy rain, that I could not go an hundred yards from the
house to the duke’s pavilion, without danger of being quite
wet. For ten days more rain fell here, I am confident, had
there been a guage to measure it, than ever fell in England
in thirty. The present fashion in France, of passing some
time in the country is new; at this time of the year, and
for many weeks past, Paris is, comparatively speaking,
empty. Every body that have country-seats are at them ;.
and those who have none visit others who have. This re-
markable revolution in the French manners is certain]
one of the best customs they have taken from England ;
and its introduction was effected the easier, being assisted
by the magic of Rousseau’s writings. Mankind are much
indebted to that splendid genius, who, when living, was
hunted from country to country, to seek an asylum, with

1787.] LIANCOURT. 85

as much venom as if he had been a mad dog; thanks to
the vile spirit of bigotry, which has not yet received its
death’s wound. Women of the first fashion in France are
now ashamed of not nursing their own children; and stays
are universally proscribed from the bodies of the poor in-
fants, which were for so many ages tortured in them, as
they are still in Spain. The country residence may not
have efiects equally obvious ; but they will be no less sure
in the end, and in all respects beneficial to every class in
the state.

The duke of Liancourt being president of the provincial
assembly of the election of Clermont,1 and passing several
days there in business, asked me to dine with the assembly,
as he said there were to be some considerable farmers
present. These assemblies, which had been proposed many
years past by the French patriots, and especially by the
marquis de Mirabeau,2 the celebrated l’ami des hommes;
which had been treated by M. Necker, and which were
viewed with eyes of jealousy by certain persons who wished
for no better government than one whose abuses were the
chief foundation of their fortunes; these assemblies were
to me interesting to see. I accepted the invitation with
pleasure. Three considerable farmers, renters, not pro-
prietors of land, were members, and present. I watched
their carriage narrowly, to see their behaviour in the
presence of a great lord of the first rank, considerable pro-
perty, and high in royal favour; and it was with pleasure
that I found them behaving with becoming ease and free-
dom, and though modest, and without anything like flip-
pancy, yet without any obsequiousness offensive to English
ideas. They started their Opinions freely, and adhered to
them with becoming confidence. A more singular spec-
tacle, was to see two ladies present at a dinner of this sort,
with five or six and twenty gentlemen; such a thing could
not happen in England. To say that the French manners

1 Clermont de l’Oise (Disc).

2 Father and persecutor of the great tribune. His famous pamphlet
“ L’Ami des Hommes,” was followed by the “ Théorie de l’Impot,” which
consigned its author to the Bastille. “ L’Ami des hommes et le tyran de
sa famille,” is the historic verdict passed on the father of Mirabeau.—
H. Martin, vol. xvi. , p. 180.

86 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [seen

in this respect, are better than our own, is the assertion of
an obvious truth. If the ladies are not present at meetings
where the conversation has the greatest probability of
turning on subjects of more importance than the frivolous
topics of common discourse, the sex must either remain on
one hand in ignorance, or, on the other, filled with the
foppery of over education, learned, affected, and forbidding.
The conversation of men, not engaged in trifling pursuits,
is the best school for the education of a woman.

The political conversation of every company I have seen
has turned much more on the affairs of Holland than on
those of France. The preparations going on for a war with
England, are in the mouths of all the world; but the
finances of France are in such a state of derangement, that
the peOple best informed assert a war to be impossible;
the marquis of Verac, the late French ambassador at the
Hague, who was sent thither; as the English politicians
assert, eXpressly to bring about a revolution in the govern-
ment, has been at Liancourt three days. It may easily be
supposed, that he is cautious in what he says in such a
mixed company; but it is plain enough, that he is well
persuaded that that revolution, change, or lessening the
Stadtholder’s power; that plan, in a word, whatever it was,
for which he negotiated in Holland, had for some time been
matured and ready for execution, almost without a possi-
bility of failure, had the count de Vergennes consented,
and not spun out the business by refinement on refine-
ment, to make himself the more necessary to the French
cabinet ; and it unites with the idea of some sensible
Dutchmen, with whom I have conversed on the subject.

During my stay at Liancourt, my friend Lazowski ac-
companied me on a little excursion of two days to Erme-
nonville, the celebrated seat of the marquis de Girardon.
We passed by Chantilly to Morefountain,1 the country-
seat of Mons. de Morefountain, prevost des merchands of
Paris; the place has been mentioned as decorated in the
English style. It consists of two scenes ; one a garden of
winding walks, and ornamented with a profusion of temples.
benches, grottos, columns, ruins, and I know not what: I

1 Mortefontaine (Oise).

17 87.] ROUSSEAU. 87

hope the French who have not been in England do not
consider this as the English taste. It is in fact as remote
from it as the most regular stile of the last age. The water
view is fine. There is a gaiety and chearfulness in it that
contrast well with the brown and unpleasing hills that sur-
round it, and which partake of the waste character of the
worst part of the surrounding country. Much has been
done here; and it wants but few additions to be as perfect
as the ground admits.

Reach Ermenonville,1 through another part of the prince
of Conde’s forest, which joins the ornamented grounds of
the marquis Grirardon.2 This place, after the residence and
death of the persecuted but immortal Rousseau, whose
tomb every one knows is here, became so famous as to be
resorted to very generally. It has been described, and
plates published of the chief views ; to enter into a parti-
cular description would therefore be tiresome, I shall only
make one or two observations, which I do not recollect
having been touched on by others. It consists of three
distinct water scenes; or of two lakes and a river. We
were first shewn that which is so famous for the small isle
of poplars, in which reposes all that was mortal of that ex-
traordinary and inimitable writer. This scene is as well
imagined, and as well executed as could be wished. The
water is between forty and fifty acres; hills rise from it on
both sides, and it is sufficiently closed in by tall wood at
both ends, to render it sequestered. The remains of de-
parted genius stamp a melancholy idea, from which decora-
tion would depart too much, and accordingly there is little.
We viewed the scene in a still evening. The declining sun
threw a lengthened shade on the lake, and silence seemed
to repose on its unruffled bosom ; as some poet says, I for-
get who. The worthies to whom the temple of philos0phers
is dedicated, and whose names are marked on the columns,
are NEWTON, Lucem.—DESCARTES. Nil in rebus inane.—
VOLTAIRE, Ridiculum.——R0USSEAU, Nata/ram—And on
another unfinished column, Quis hoc perficiet? The other

1 Ermenonville (Oise), on the Soissons railway. Rousseau was in-
terred here in the Ile de Peupliers, but his remains were removed to
the Panthéon in 1794.

2 Marquis de Girardin, the friend of Rousseau, died 1808.

88 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [0013

lake is larger ; it nearly fills the bottom of the vale, around
which are some rough, rocky, wild, and barren sand hills;
either broken or spread with heath; in some places wooded,
and in others scattered thinly with junipers. The charac-
ter of the scene is that of wild and undecorated nature, in
which the hand of art was meant to be concealed as much
as was consistent with ease of access. The last scene is
that of a river, which is made to wind through a lawn, re-
ceding from the house, and broken by wood: the ground
is not fortunate ; it is too dead a flat, and no where viewed
to much advantage.

From Ermenonville we went, the morning after, to
Brasseuse,Jl the seat of Madame du Pont, sister to the
dutchess of Liancourt. What was my surprize at finding
this viscountess a great farmer ! A French lady, young
enough to enjoy all the pleasures of Paris, living in the
country and minding her farm, was an unlooked for
spectacle. She has probably more lucerne than any other
person in EurOpe—25O arpents. She gave me, in a most
unafiected and agreeable manner, both lucerne and dairy
intelligence ; but of that more elsewhere. Returned to
Liancourt by lE’ont,2 where there is a handsome bridge, of
three arches, the construction uncommon, each pier con-
sisting of four pillars, with a towing-path under one of the
arches for the barge-horses, the river being navigable.

Amongst the morning amusements I partook at Lian-
court was la chasse. In deer shooting, the sportsmen place
themselves at distances around a wood, then beat it, and
seldom more than one in a company gets a shot; it is more
tedious than is easily conceived: like angling, incessant
expectation, and perpetual disappointment. Partridge and
hare shooting are almost as different from that of England.
We took this diversion in the fine vale of Catnoir,3 five or
six miles from Liancourt ; arranging ourselves in a file at
about thirty yards from person to person, and each with a.
servant and a loaded gun, ready to present when his master
fires: thus we marched across and cross the vale, treading
up the game. Four or five brace of hares, and twenty

1 (Oise.) 9 Pent St. Maixence (Disc).
3 Catenoy (Oise).

1787.] runs. 89

brace of partridges were the spoils of the day. I like this
mode of shooting but little better than waiting for deer.
The best circumstance to me of exercise in company (it was
not so once) is the festivity of the dinner at the close of
the day. To enjoy this, it must not be pushed to great
fatigue. Good spirits, after violent exercise, are always the
afiectation of silly young folks (I remember being that
sort of fool myself, when I was young), but with something
more than moderate, the exhileration of body is in unison
with the flow of temper, and agreeable company is then
delicious. On such days as these we were too late for the
regular dinner, and had one by ourselves, with no other
dressing than the refreshment of clean linen; and these
were not the repasts when the dutchess’s champaigne had
the worst flavour. A. man is not worth hanging that does
not drink a little too much on such occasions. mais prenez-
y “garde repeat it often; and make it a mere drinking
party, the lustre of the pleasure fades, and you become
what was an English fox-hunter. One day while we were
thus dining ct Z’Anglais, and drinking the plough, the chace,
and I know not what, the dutchess of Liancourt and some
of her ladies came in sport to see us. It was a moment
for them to have betrayed ill-nature in the contempt of
manners not French, which they might have endeavoured
to conceal under a laugh :—but nothing of this ; it was a
good humoured curiosity; a natural inclination to see
others pleased and in spirits. I ls ont été‘ dc grands chasseurs
aujourd’hui, said one. Oh I ils s’applaudissent dc lewrs
'ezvploites. Do they drink the gun? said another. Leurs
maitresses certainement, added a third. Taime a les coir en
gaiété; il 3/ a quelque chose d’aimable clans tout ceci. To
note such trifles may seem superfluous to many. but what
is life when trifles are withdrawn? and they mark the
temper of a nation better than objects of importance. In
the moments of council, victory, flight, or death, mankind,
I suppose, are nearly the same. Trifles discriminate better,
and the number 1s infinite that gives me an Opinion of the
good temper of the French. I am fond neither of a man
nor a recital that can appear only on stilts and dressed 1n
holiday geers. It is every-day feelings that decide the
colour of our lives; and he who values them the most

90 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [ocr.

plays the best for the stake of happiness. But it is time
to quit Liancourt, which I do with regret. Take leave of
the good old dutchess, whose hospitality and kindness
ought long to be remembered. -—51 miles.

The 9th, 10th, and 11th. Return by Beauvais and
Ili’ontoise,2 and enter Paris for the fourth time, confirmed 1n
the idea that the roads immediately leading to that capital
are deserts, comparatively speaking, with those of London.
By what means can the connnection be carried on with the
country? The French must be the most stationary pe0ple
upon earth, when in a place they must rest without a
thought of going to another. Or the English must be the
most restless; and find more pleasure in moving from one
place to another, than in resting to enjoy life in either. If
the French nobility went to their country seats only when
exiled there by the court, the roads could not be more soli-
tary.——25 miles.

The 12th. My intention was to take lodgings ; but
on arriving at the hotel de la Rochefoucauld, I found that
my hospitable dutchess was the same person at the capital
as in the country; she had ordered an apartment to be
ready for me. It grows so late in the season, that I shall
make no other stay in this capital than what will be neces-
sary for viewing public buildings. This will unite well
enough with delivering some letters I brought to a few

men of science, and it will leave me the evenings for the
theatres, of which the1e are many in Paris. In throwing
on paper a rapid coup d’aeil, of what I see of a city, so
well known 1n England, I shall be apt to delineate my own
ideas and feelings, perhaps more than the objects them-
selves; and be it remembered, that I profess to dedicate
this careless itinerary to trifles, much more than to objects
that are of real consequence. From the towe1 of the cathe-
dral, the view of Paris is complete. It is a v ast city, even
to the eye that has seen London from St. Paul’s s; being
ci1 cular, gives an advantage to Paris; but a much greater
is the atmosphere. It 1s now so clear, that one would sup-
pose it the height of summer. the clouds of coal smoke
that envelope London, always prevent a distinct view of

1 (Oise.) 2 (Seine and Oise.)

1787.] PARIS. I 91

that capital, but I take it to be one-third at least larger
than Paris. The buildings of the parliament-house 1 are
disfigured by a gilt and taudry gate, and a French roof.
The hotel des Monoies is a fine building ; and the facade of
the Louvre one of the most elegant in the world, because
they have (to the eye) no roofs; in proportion as a roof is
seen a building sufiers. I do not recollect one edifice of
distinguished beauty (unless with domes) in which the
roof is not so flat as to be hidden, or nearly so. What
eyes then must the French architects have had, to have
loaded so many buildings with coverings of a height de-
structive of all beauty? Put such a roof as we see on the
parliament-house or on the Thuilleries, upon the facade of
the Louvre, and where would its beauty be ?——At night to
the opera,2 which I thought a good theatre, till they told
me it was built in six weeks; and then it became good for
nothing in my eyes, for I suppose it will be tumbling down
in six years. Durability is one of the essentials of build-
ing; what pleasure would a beautiful front of painted
pasteboard give ? The Alceste of Gluck was performed;
that part by Mademoiselle St. Huberti, their first singer,
an excellent actress. As to scenes, dresses, decora-
tions, dancing, &c. this theatre beats the Haymarket to
nothing.

The 13th. Across Paris to the rue des blancs Manteaux,
to Mons. Broussonet,3 secretary of the Society of Agricul-
ture; he is in Burgundy. Called on Mr. Cook from Lon-
don, who is at Paris with his drill-plough, waiting for
weather to shew its performance to the duke of Orleans;

1 The Palais de Justice, made over to the Parliament of Paris by
Charles VII. Very little remains of the original building, which was
almost as ancient as the Palais de Thermes. See Lalanne’s “ Diction-
naire historique de la France.”

2 The opera-house having been burnt in 1781, the Theatre de la Porte-
St. Martin for a time used in its stead, was planned and built in seventy-
five days. It was completely destroyed by fire during the Commune
(1871), and has been since rebuilt.—Lalanne.

3 Broussonet, Pierre Auguste, a distinguished naturalist, and no in-
significant politician, whose life was a long series of adventures. Pro-
scribed as a Girondin by the Convention, he contrived with great diffi-
culty to cross the Pyrenees, whence he crossed to Africa, and became
physician to the English Embassy in. Morocco. In 1805 he became
member of the Corps Législatif.

92 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [oer

this is a French idea, improving France by drilling. A
man should learn to walk before he learns to dance. There
is agility 111 cutting capers, and it may be done with grace;
but where is the necessity to cut them at all. There has
been much rain to day; and it is almost incredible to a
person used to London, how dirty the streets of Paris are,
and how horribly inconvenient and dangerous walking is
without a foot-pavement. We had a large party at dinner,
with politicians among them, and some interesting conver-
sation on the present state of France. The feeling of
every body seems to be that the archbishop 1 will not be
able to do any thing towards exonerating the state from
the burthen of its present situation; some think that he
has not the inclination ; others that he has not the courage;
others that he has not the ability. By some he is thought
to be attentive only to his own interest; and by others,
that the finances are too much deranged to be within the
power of any system to recover, short of the states- general
of the kingdom; and that it is impossible for such an
assembly to meet without a revolution in the government
ensuing. All seem to think that something extraordinary
will happen; and a bankruptcy 1s an idea not at all un-
common. But who is there that will have the courage to
make it ?

The 14th. To the benedictine abbey of St. Germain, to
:see pillars of African marble, &c. It is the richest abbey
in France: the abbot has 300,000 liv. a year (13,1251.) I
lose my patience at such revenues being thus bestowed;
consistent with the spirit of the tenth century, but not
with that of the eighteenth. What anoble farm would the
fourth of this income establish! what turnips, what cab-
bages, what potatoes, what clover, what sheep, what wool!
——Are not these things better than a fat ecclesiastic? If
an active English farmer was mounted behind this abbot,
I think he would do more good to France with ha1f the in-
come than half the abbots of the kingdom with the whole
of theirs Pass the bastile; another pleasant object to
make ag1 eeable emotions vibrate in a man’ s bosom. I
search for good farmers, and run my head at eve1y tum

1 Loménie de Brienne, minister.

1 787'] PARIS. 93

against monks and state prisoners—To the arsenal, to
wait on Mons. Lavoisier,1 the celebrated chemist, whose
theory of the non-existence of phlogiston, has made as
much noise in the chemical world as that of Stahl, which
established its existence. Dr. Priestly had given me a
letter of introduction. I mentioned in the course of con-
versation his laboratory, and he appointed Tuesday. By
the Boulevards, to the Place Louis XV.2 which is not pro-
perly a square, but a very noble entrance to a great city.
The facades of the two buildings erected are highly finished.
The union of the Place Louis XV. with the champs Elisées,
the gardens of the Thuilleries and the Seine is open, airy,
elegant, and superb; and is the most agreeable and best
built part of Paris ; here one can be clean and breathe.
freely. But by far the finest thing I have yet seen at Paris
is the Halle aux bleds, or corn market: it is a vast rotunda ;
the roof entirely of wood, upon a new principle of carpentry,
to describe which would demand plates and long explana-
tions; the gallery is 150 yards round, consequently the
diameter is as many feet: it is as light as if suspended by
the fairies. In the ground area, wheat, pease, beans, len-
tils, are stored and sold. In the surrounding divisions,
flour on wooden stands. You pass by stair-cases doubly
winding within each other to spacious apartments for rye,
barley, oats, &c. The whole is so well planned, and so
admirably executed, that I know of no public building that.
exceeds it in either France or England. And if an appro-
priation of the parts to the conveniences wanted, and an
adaptation of every circumstance to the end required, in
union with that elegance which is consistent with use, and
that magnificence which results from stability and duration
are the criteria of public edifices, I know nothing that
equals it :--it has but one fault, and that is situation; it
should have been upon the banks of the river, for the con-
venience of unloading barges without land carriage. In

1 Lavoisier, guillotined in 17 94, fell a victim to the prescription of the
“ fermiers-généraux,” or collectors of the revenue, to which hated body
he had belonged in 1769. His wife, daughter of a “fermier-général,”
escaped the fate of her husband, and married Count Romford in 1805,
from whom she was shortly afterwards separated. She aided Lavoisier

in his experiments and published his “ Mémoires de Chimie.”
2 The Place de la Concorde.

94 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [0013.

the evening, to the Comedic Italienne,1 the edifice fine; and
the whole quarter regular and. new built, a private specu-
lation of the duke de Choiseul, whose family has a box en-
tailed for ever.——L’Aimant jaloux. Here is a young singer,
Mademoiselle Renard, with so sweet a voice, that if she sung
Italian, and had been taught in Italy, would have made a
delicious performer.

To the tomb of Cardinal de Richlieu,2 which is a noble
production of genius: by far the finest statue I have seen.
Nothing can be wished more easy and graceful than the
attitude of the cardinal, nor more expressive nature than
the figure of weeping science. Dine with my friend at the
Palais Royale, at a coffee-house; well dressed people ;
every thing clean, good, and well served: but here, as
every where else, you pay a good price for good things; we
ought never to forget that a low price for bad things is not
cheapness. In the evening to l’Ecole des Peres, at the Come-
dic Francaise, a crying larmoyant thing. This theatre,
the principal one at Paris, is a fine building, with a magni-
ficent portico. After the circular theatres of France, how
can any one relish our ill contrived oblong holes of London?

The 16th. To Mons. Lavoisier, by appointment.
Madame Lavoisier, a lively, sensible, scientific lady, had
prepared a dejeune’ Anglois of tea and coffee, but her con-
versation on Mr. Kirwan’s Essay on Phlogiston,3 which she
is translating from the English, and on other subjects,
which a woman of understanding, that works with her
husband in his laboratory, knows how to adorn, was the
best repast. That apartment, the operations of which

1 The privilege of holding an opéra comique in Paris was first accorded
in 1647, and this opera was afterwards amalgamated with the Comédie
Italienne, under which title Louis XVI. granted state patronage to the
company. When Arthur Young wrote, representations were given in a
building occupying the site of the Opéra Comique, recently destroyed by
fire. The Comédie Frangaise mentioned above, was installed in the
building erected in 1782, and burnt down in 1799, afterwards recon-
structed, and now known as the Odéon. By the Theatre Francais alluded
to further on, is evidently meant the above company.——Lalanne.

9 This masterpiece of Girardon, hidden during the Revolution, is re-
placed in the church of the Sorbonne. The pleureuses, or weeping
figures are portraits of the cardinal’s nieces.

3 Richard Kirwan, 1734-1812, author of many scientific and philo-
sophical works.

1787.] PARIS. 95

have been rendered so interesting to the philosophical
world, I had pleasure in viewing. In the apparatus for
aerial experiments, nothing makes so great a figure as the
machine for burning inflammable and vital air, to make,
or deposit water ; it is a splendid machine. Three vessels
are held in suspension with indexes for marking the im-
mediate variations of their weights ; two that are as large
as half hogsheads, contain the one inflammable, the other
the vital air, and a tube of communication passes to the
third, where the two airs unite and burn; by contrivances,
too complex to describe without plates, the loss of weight
of the two airs, as indicated by their respective balances,
equal at every moment to the gain in the third vessel from
the formation or deposition of the water, it not being yet
ascertained whether the water be actually made or de-
posited. If accurate (of which I must confess I have
little conception), it is a noble machine. Mons. Lavoisier,
when the structure of it was commended, said, Man's 022i
monsieur, at me‘me par un artiste Francois! with an accent
of voice that admitted their general inferiority to ours. It
is well known that we have a considerable exportation of
mathematical and other curious instruments to every part
of Europe, and to France amongst the rest. Nor is this
new, for the apparatus with which the French academicians
measured a degree in the polar circle was made by Mr.
George Graham.1 Another engine Mons. Lavoisier shewed
us was an electrical apparatus inclosed in a balloon, for
trying electrical experiments in any sort of air. His pond
of quicksilver is considerable, containing 2501b. and his
water apparatus very great, but his furnaces did not seem
so well calculated for the higher degrees of heat as some
others I have seen. I was glad to find this gentleman
Splendidly lodged, and with every appearance of a man of
considerable fortune. This ever gives one pleasure: the
employments of a State can never be in better hands than
of men who thus apply the superfluity of their wealth.
From the use that is generally made of money, one would
think it the assistance of all others of the least consequence
in affecting any business truly useful to mankind, many of

1 Whitehurst’s “ Formation of the Earth,” 2nd edit. p. 6.—-Author’s
note.

96 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [own

the great discoveries that have enlarged the horizon of
science having been in this respect the result of means
seemingly inadequate to the end: the energic exertions of
ardent minds, bursting from obscurity, and breaking the
bands inflicted by poverty, perhaps by distress. To the
hotel des invalids, the major of which establishment had
the goodness to shew the whole of it. In the evening to
Mons. Lomond,1 a very ingenious and inventive mechanic,
who has made an improvement of the jenny for spinning
cotton. Common machines are said to make too hard a
thread for certain fabrics, but this forms it loose and
spongy. In electricity he has made a remarkable dis-
covery: you write two or three words on a paper; he
takes it with him into a room, and turns a machine inclosed
in a cylindrical case, at the top of which is an electrometer,
a small fine pith ball; a wire connects with a similar
cylinder and electrometer in a distant apartment ; and his
wife, by remarking the corresponding motions of the ball,
writes down the words they indicate: from which it appears
that he has formed an alphabet of motions. As the length
of the wire makes no difference in the effect, a corres-
pondence might be carried on at any distance: within and
without a besieged town, for instance; or for a purpose
much more worthy, and a thousand times more harmless,
between two lovers prohibited or prevented from any
better connection. Whatever the use may be, the in-
vention is beautiful. Mons. Lomond has many other
curious machines, all the entire work of his own hands :
mechanical invention seems to be in him a natural pro-
pensity. In the evening to the Comedic Franca-ise. Mola
did the Baum-u Bienfaisant, and it is not easy for acting to
be carried to greater perfection.

The 17th. To Mons. l’Abbé Messier,2 astronomer royal,
and of the Academy of Sciences. View the exhibition, at-
the Louvre, of the Academy’s paintings. For one history
piece in our exhibitions at London here are ten; abundantly
more than to balance the difference between an annual and

‘1 No mention of this inventor of a mechanical system of telegraph
occurs in Lalanne’s biographical dictionary, but aerial telegraphy in-
vented by Chappe was put into use by the Convention in 1794. See
Lalanne. ’ Messier, Charles, 1770-1817.

1787.] PARIS. 97

biennial exhibition. Dined today with a party, whose
conversation was entirely political. Mons. de Calonne’s 1
Req'ue‘te an Roi is come over, and all the world are reading
and disputing on it. It seems, however, generally agreed
that, without exonerating himself from the charge of the
agiotage, he has thrown no inconsiderable load on the
shoulders of the archbishop of Toulouze, the present
premier, who will be puzzled to get rid of the attack. But
both these ministers were condemned on all hands in the
lump ; as being absolutely unequal to the difficulties of so
arduous a period. One opinion pervaded the whole com-
pany, that they are on the eve of some great revolution in
the government: that every thing points to it: the con-
fusion in the finances great; with a deficit impossible to
provide for without the states-general of the kingdom, yet
no ideas formed of what would be the consequence of their
meeting: no minister existing, or to be looked to in or out
of power, with such decisive talents as to promise any
other remedy than palliative ones: a prince on the throne,
with excellent dispositions, but without the resources of a
mind that could govern in such a moment without minis-
ters: a court buried in pleasure and dissipation; and
adding to the distress, instead of endeavouring to be placed
in a more independent situation: a great ferment amongst
all ranks of men, who are eager for some change, without
knowing what to look to, or to hepe for: and a strong
leaven of liberty, increasing every hour since the American
revolution; altogether form a combination of circum-
stances that promise e’er long to ferment into motion, if

1 It was the fate of Louis XVI. to have the worst ministers as well
as the best; after T urgot and Malesherhes,.Calonne and Loménie de
Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse. Called to a task for which Sully or
Richelieu must have proved inadequate, Calonne played with the for-
tunes of France as a desperate gamester, doubling the stakes in the face
of ruin. During the space of a few years the loans had reached the
figure of 1,250 millions, and the annual deficit of the budget, 115 mill-
lions. This revelation resulted in his fall. In 1789 he became the agent
of the emigrant nobles at Turin. His successor Loménie de Brienne,
Archbishop of Toulouse, afterwards of Sens, had, in the words of Mignet,
only hopeless courses before him, and could decide upon none. The
queen’s favour followed him into exile, and he received a cardinal’s hat,
but went over to the popular side when revolution seemed the winning
game. He committed suicide in 1794.——Mignet, vol. i.,H. Martin, vol. xvi.

H

98 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [OCT.

some master hand, of very superior talents, and inflexible
courage, is not found at the helm to guide events, instead
of being driven by them. It is very remarkable, that such
conversation never occurs, but a bankruptcy is a topic : the
curious question on which is, would a bankruptcy occasion a,
civil war, and a total overthrow of the government .7 The answers
that I have received to this question, appear to be just:
such a measure, conducted by a man of abilities, vigour,
and firmness, would certainly not occasion either one or
the other. But the same measure, attempted by a man of
a different character, might possibly do both. All agree,
that the states of the kingdom cannot assemble without
more liberty being the consequence; but I meet with so
few men that have any just ideas of freedom, that I ques-
tion much the species of this new liberty that is to arise.
They know not how to value the privileges of THE PEOPLE :
as to the nobility and the clergy, if a revolution added any
thing to their scale, I think it would do more mischief
than good.1

The 18th. To the Gobelins, which is undoubtedly the
first manufacture of tapestry in the world, and such an one
as could be supported only by a crowned head. In the
evening to that incomparable comedy Na Metromanie, of
Pyron, and well acted. The more I see of it the more I
like the French theatre ; and have no doubt in preferring
it far to our own. Writers, actors, buildings, scenes, de-
corations, music, dancing, take the whole in a mass, and it
is unrivalled by London. We have certainly a few bril-
liants of the first water; but throw all in the scales, and
that of England kicks the beam. I write this passage
with a lighter heart than I should do were it giving the
palm to the French plough.

The 19th. To Charenton, near Paris, to see l’Ecole
Veterinmlre,2 and the farm of the Royal Society of Agricul-

1 In transcribing these papers for the press, I smile at some remarks
and circumstances which events have since placed in a singular position;
but I alter none of these passages ; they explain what were the opinions
in France, before the revolution, on topics of importance ; and the events

which have since taken place render them the more interesting. June,
1790.—Autlzor’s note.

2 This veterinary school still exists.

1787.] CHARENTON. 99

ture. Mons. Chabert,1 the directeur-general, received us
with the most attentive politeness. Mons. Flandrein, his
assistant, and son-in-law, I had had the pleasure of know-
ing in Sufiolk. They shewed the whole veterinary esta-
blishment, and it does honour to the government of France.
It was formed in 1766 : in 1783 a farm was annexed to it,
and four other professorships established; two for rural
(economy, one for anatomy, and another for chemistry.—
1 was informed that Mons. d’Aubenton, who is at the head
of this farm with a salary of 60001iv. a year, reads lectures
of rural oeconomy, particularly on sheep, and that a flock
was for that purpose kept in exhibition. There is a spacious
and convenient apartment for dissecting horses and other
animals ; a large cabinet, where the most interesting parts
of all domestic animals are preserved in spirits; and also
of such parts of their bodies that mark the visible effect of
distempers. This is very rich. This, with a similar one
near Lyons, is kept up (exclusive of the addition of 1783),
at the moderate expence, as appears by the writings of M.
Necker, of about 60,000 liv. (26001.) Whence, as in many
other instances, it appears that the most useful things cost
the least. There are at present about one hundred eléves
from different parts of the kingdom, as well as from every
country in Europe, except England; a strange exception,
considering how grossly ignorant our farriers are; and that
the whole expence of supporting a young man here does not
exceed forty louis a-year; nor more than four years neces-
sary for his complete instruction. As to the farm, it is
under the conduct of a great naturalist, high in royal aca-
demies of science, and whose name is celebrated through
Europe for merit in superior branches of knowledge. It
would argue in me a want of judgment in human nature,
to expect good practice from such men. They would pro-
bably think it beneath their pursuits and situation in life
to be good ploughmen, turnip-hoers, and shepherds; I
should therefore betray my own ignorance of life, if I was
to express any surprize at finding this farm in a situation
that—I had rather forget than describe. In the evening,
to a field much more successfully cultivated, Mademoiselle
St. Huberti, in the Penelope of lE’icini.
1 Philibert Chabent, 1734 1814.

100 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [OCT.

The 20th. To the Ecole Militaire,‘ established by
Louis XV. for the education of 140 youths, the sons of the
nobility; such establishments are equally ridiculous and
unjust. To educate the son of a man who cannot afford
the education himself, is a gross injustice, if you do not
secure a situation in life answerable to that education. If
you do secure such a situation, you destroy the result of
the education, because nothing but merit ought to give
that security. You educate the children of men, who are-
well able to give the education themselves, you tax the
peOple who cannot afford to educate their children, in order
to ease those who can well afford the burthen; and in such
institutions, this is sure to be the case. At night to
l’Ambigu O'omiquc,2 a pretty little theatre, with plenty of
rubbish on it. Coffee-houses on the boulevards, music,
noise, and filles without end; every thing but scavengers
and lamps. The mud is a foot deep; and there are parts
of the boulevards without a single light.

The 21st. Mons. de Broussonet being returned from
Burgundy, I had the pleasure of passing a couple of hours
at his lodgings very agreeably. He is a man of uncommon
activity, and possessed of a great variety of useful know—
ledge in every branch of natural history; and he speaks
English perfectly well. It is very rare that a gentleman is
seen better qualified for a post than Mons. de Broussonet
for that which he occupies, of secretary to a Royal
Society.

The 22d. To the bridge of Neuilié,3 said to be the finest
in France. It is by far the most beautiful one I have any
where seen. It consists of five vast arches; fiat, from the.
Florentine model; and all of equal span ; a mode of build-
ing incomparably more elegant, and more striking than our
system of different sized arches. To the machine at Marly;
which ceases to make the least impression. Madame du
Barré’s residence, Lusienne,‘ is on the hill just above this.
machine ; she has built a pavilion on the brow of the de-

1 The Ecole Militaire was suppressed by the Revolution, and from
that time the building has been used as cavalry barracks.

2 Like most of the theatres mentioned here, since burnt and rebuilt.

3 N euilly, this famous bridge was built by Perronet.

4 Lucienne, the pavilion of Madame Dubarry, still stands.

1787.] VERSAILLES. 101

clivity, for commanding the prospect, fitted up and de-
corated with much elegance. There is a table formed of
Seve 1 porcelain, exquisitely done. I forget how many
thousand louis d’ors it cost. The French, to whom I Sp0ke
of Lusienne, exclaimed against mistresses and extravagance,
with more violence than reason in my opinion. Who, in
common sense, would deny a king the amusement of a mis-
tress, provided he did not make a business of his play-
thing? Mats Frederic le Grand avoit-il une maitresse, lui
faso'it-il baiti'r des pavv‘illorns, et les meubloit-il dc tables dc
porcelaine .7 No: but he had that which was fifty times
worse: a king had better make love to a handsome woman
than to one of his neighbour’s provinces. The king of
Prussia’s mistress cost an hundred millions sterling, and
the lives of 500,000 men; and before the reign of that mis-
tress is over, may yet cost as much more. The greatest
genius and talents are lighter than a feather, weighed
philosophically, if rapine, war, and conquest, are the efiects
of them.

To St. Germain’s, the terrace of which is very fine.
Mons. de Broussonet met me here, and we dined with Mons.
Breton, at the maréchal duc de Noailles, who has a good
collection of curious plants. Here is the finest cephora
japonica 2 I have seen.——10 miles.

The 23d. To Trianon, to view the Queen’s Jardlin
Anglo-is. I had a letter to Mons. Richard, which procured
admittance. It contains about 100 acres, disposed in the
taste of what we read of in books of Chinese gardening,
whence it is supposed the English style was taken. There
is more of Sir William Chambers 3 here than of Mr. Brown 4
--—more eflort than nature—and more expence than taste.
It is not easy to conceive any thing that art can introduce
in a garden that is not here; woods, rocks, lawns, lakes,
rivers, islands, cascades, grottos, walks, temples, and even

1 Sévres (Seine and Cise). The famous porcelain manufactory was
established by Louis XV. in 17 56.

2 Japanese J aponica.

3 Sir W. Chambers (1726-1796), an architect of distinction, laid out the
royal gardens at Kew, wrote inter alia, “ Dissertation on Chinese
Gardening.”

4 Mr. Brown seems to be Robert Brown of Mickle, contributor to the
“ Edinburgh Farmers’ Magazine,” 1153-1831.

102 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [001

villages. There are parts of the design very pretty, and
well executed. The only fault is too much crouding; which
has led to another, that of cutting the lawn by too many
gravel walks, an error to be seen in almost every garden I
have met with in France. But the glory of La Petite
Trianon is the exotic trees and shrubs. The world has
been successfully rifled to decorate it. Here are curious
and beautiful ones to please the eye of ignorance ; and to
exercise the memory of science. Of the buildings, the
temple of love is truly elegant.

Again to Versailles. In viewing the king’s apartment,
which he had not left a quarter of an hour, with those
slight traits of disorder that shewed he lived in it, it was
amusing to see the blackguard figures that were walking
uncontrouled about the palace, and even in his bed-cham-
ber; men whose rags betrayed them to be in the last stage
of poverty, and I was the only person that stared and
wondered how the devil they got there. It is impossible
not to like this careless indifference and freedom from sus-
picion. One loves the master of the house, who would not
be hurt or ofiended at seeing his apartment thus occupied,
if he returned suddenly; for if there was danger of this,
the intrusion would be prevented. This is certainly a fea-
ture of that good temper which appears to me so visible
every where in France. I desired to see the Queen’s apart-
ments, but I could not. Is her majesty in it? No. Why
then not see it as well as the king’s? Ma foi, Mons. c’est
un autre chose. Ramble through the gardens, and by the
grand canal, with absolute astonishment at the exaggera-
tions of writers and travellers. There is magnificence in
the quarter of the orangerie, but no beauty any where;
there are some statues good enough to wish them under
cover. The extent and breadth of the canal are nothing to
the eye; and it is not in such good repair as a farmer’s
horse-pond. The menagerie is well enough, but nothing
great. Let those who desire that the buildings and esta-
blishments of Louis XIV. should continue the impression
made by the writings of Voltaire, go to the canal of Lan-
guedoc, and by no means to Versailles—Return to Paris.
-—14 miles.

The 24th. With Mons. de Broussonet to the King’s

1787.] PARIS. 103

cabinet of natural history and the botanical garden, which
is in beautiful order. Its riches are well known, and the
politeness of Mons. Thouin, which is that of a most amiable
disposition, renders this garden the scene of other rational
pleasures besides those of botany. Dine at the Invalides,
with Mons. Parmentier,1 the celebrated author of many
oeconomical works, particularly on the boulangem'e of France.
This gentleman, to a considerable mass of useful know-
ledge, adds a great deal of that fire and vivacity for which
his nation has been distinguished, but which I have not
recognized so often as I expected.

The 25th. This great city appears to be in many re-
spects the most ineligible and inconvenient for the resi-
dence of a person of small fortune of any that I have seen;
and vastly inferior to London. The streets are very nar-
row, and many of them crouded, nine tenths dirty, and all
without foot-pavements. Walking, which in London is so
pleasant and so clean, that ladies do it every day, is here a
toil and a fatigue to a man, and an impossibility to a well
dressed woman. The coaches are numerous, and, what are
much worse, there are an infinity of one-horse cabriolets,
which are driven by young men of fashion and their imi-
tators, alike fools, with such rapidity as to be real nuisances,
and render the streets exceedingly dangerous, without an
incessant caution. I saw a poor child run over and pro-
bably killed, and have been myself many times blackened
with the mud of the kennels. This beggarly practice, of
driving a one-horse booby hutch about the streets of a great
capital, flows either from poverty or wretched and despic-
able oeconomy; nor is it possible to speak of it with too
much severity. If young noblemen at London were to
drive their chaises in streets without foot-ways, as their
brethren do at Paris, they would speedily and justly get

1 Parmentier was the apostle of the potato in France. Turgot had
indeed introduced it as an article of human food into the Limousin and
the south. Parmentier was mainly instrumental in extending its use
throughout the entire country. The poor king aided him, and wore as a
“ button-hole,” a potato blossom. This worthy follower of Olivier de
Serres devoted his whole life to the solution of two problems, the arrest
of periodic famines, and the increase of food supplies. He also greatly
furthered the cultivation of maize and improved bread baking; died
1813.—-See H. Martin, vol. xvi. p. 523.

104: TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [0021“.

very well threshed, or rolled in the kennel. This circum-
stance renders Paris an ineligible residence for persons,
particularly families that cannot afford to keep a coach ; a
convenience which is as dear as at London. The fiacres,
hackney-coaches, are much worse than at that city; and
chairs there are none, for they would be driven down in the
streets. To this circumstance also it is owing, that all
persons of small or moderate fortune, are forced to dress in
black, with black stockings; the dusky hue of this in com-
pany is not so disagreeable a circumstance as being too
great a distinction ; too clear a line drawn in company be-
tween a man that has a good fortune, and another that has
not. With the pride, arrogance, and ill temper of English
wealth this could not be borne; but the prevailing good
humour of the French eases all such untoward circum-
stances. Lodgings are not half so good as at London, yet
considerably dearer. If you do not hire a whole suite of
rooms at an hotel, you must probably mount three, four, or
five pair of stairs, and in general have nothing but a bed-
chamber. After the horrid fatigue of the streets, such an
elevation is a delectable circumstance. You must search
with trouble before you will be lodged in a private family,
as gentlemen usually are at London, and pay a higher
price. Servants wages are about the same as at that city.
It is to be regretted that Paris should have these disadvan-
tages, for in other respects I take it to be a most eligible
residence for such as prefer a great city. The society for a
man of letters, or who has any scientific pursuit, cannot be
exceeded. The intercourse between such men and the
great, which, if it is not upon an equal footing, ought never
to exist at all, is respectable. Persons of the highest rank
pay an attention to science and literature, and emulate the
character they confer. I should pity the man who expected,
without other advantages of a very different nature, to be
well received in a brilliant circle at London, because he was
a fellow of the Royal Society. But this would not be the
case with a member of the Academy of Sciences at Paris;
he is sure of a good reception every where. Perhaps this
contrast depends in a great measure on the difference of
the governments of the two countries. Politics are too
much attended to in England to allow a due respect to be

1787.] CANAL or PICARDY. 105

paid to any thing else ; and should the French establish a
freer government, academicians will not be held in such
estimation, when rivalled in the public esteem by the
orators who hold forth liberty and property in a free
parliament.

The 28th. Quit Paris, and take the road to Flanders.
Mons. de Broussonet was so obliging as to accompany me
to Dugny, to view the farm of Mons. Creté de Palieul, a
very intelligent cultivator. Take the road to Senlis : 1 at
Dammertin,2 I met by accident a French gentleman, a
Mons. du Pré du St. Cotin. Hearing me conversing with
a farmer on agriculture, he introduced himself as an
amateur, gave me an account of several experiments he had
made on his estate in Champagne, and promised a more
particular detail; in which he was as good as his word.—
22 miles.

The 29th. Pass Nanteul,3 where the Prince of Condé has
a chateau, to Villes-Coterets,‘ in the midst of immense
forests belonging to the duke of Orleans. The crop of this
country, therefore, is princes of the blood; that is to say,
hares, pheasants, deer, boars !——26 miles.

The 30th. Soissons 5 seems a poor town, without
manufactures, and chiefly supported by a corn-trade,
which goes hence by water to Paris and Rouen.—-—25
miles.

The Slst. Coucy 6 is beautifully situated on a hill, with
a fine vale winding beside it. At St. Grobin,7 which is in
the midst of great woods, I viewed the fabric of plate-glass
the greatest in the world. I was in high luck, arriving
about half an hour before they begun to run glasses for
the day. Pass La Fere.8 Beach St. Quintinf’ where are
considerable manufactures that employed me all the after-
noon. From St. Gobin, are the most beautiful slate roofs
I have any where seen.-—3O miles.

NOVEMBER 1. Near Belle Angloise 1° I turned aside half
a league to view the canal of Picardy, of which I had heard

' (Oise.) 2 Dammartin (Seine and Marne).
3 Nanteuil-Ie-Hardouin (Uise). 4 Villers-Cotterets (Aisne).

5 Soissons (162d) 6 Coucy (117221.).

7 St. Gobain (16221.). 8' La Fére (11nd).

9 St. Quintin (1b2'd.). 1° Bellenglise (16211.).

106 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [NOV.

much. In passing from St. Quintin to Cambray the
country rises so much, that it was necessary to carry it in
a tunnel under ground for a considerable depth, even
under many vales as well as hills. In one of these vallies
there is an Opening for visiting it by an arched stair-case,
on which I descended 134 steps to the canal, and, as this
valley is much below the adjacent and other hills, the
great depth at which it is dug, may be conceived. Over
the door of the descent, is the following inscription :—
L’ann. 1781.—-—M0ns. le Comte d’Agay etant intendant de cette
province, Mons. Laurent de Lionni etant directeur de l’ancien
at nonvean canal de Picardie, cfiMons. de Champrosé inspecteur,
Joseph II. Emperenr Roi desRomaines, a parconrrn en battean
le canal sons terrain depnis cet endroit jnsqnes an pnit, N 0.
20, le 28, cf: a temoigné sa satisfaction d’avoir vn cet ouvrage en
ces termes: “ J e snis fier d’etre homme, qnand je vois qn’un de
mes semblables a ose imaginer cf: eaecnter nn ouvrage aussi
caste et anssi hardie. C’ette idea me leve l’ame.”—These
three Messieurs lead the dance here in a very French style.
The great Joseph follows humbly in their train; and as to
poor Louis XVI. at whose expence the whole was done,
these gentlemen certainly thought that no name less than
that of an emperor ought to be annexed to theirs. ‘Vhen
inscriptions are fixed to public works, no names ought to be
permitted but those of the king, whose merit patronizes, and
the engineer or artist whose genius executes the work. As
to a mob of intendants, directors, and inspectors, let them
go to the devil! The canal at this place is ten French
feet wide and twelve high, hewn entirely out of the chalk
rock, imbedded, in which are many fiints—no masonry.
There is only a small part finished of ten toises long for a
pattern, twenty feet broad and twenty high. Five thousand
toises are already done in the manner of that part which I
viewed; and the whole distance under ground, when the
tunnel will be complete, is 7020 toises (each six feet) or
about nine miles. It has already cost 1,200,000 liv.
(52,5001.) and there wants 2,500,0001iv. (109,3751.) to com-
plete it; so that the total estimate is near four millions.
It is executed by shafts. At present there is not above
five or six inches of water in it. This great work has stood
still entirely since the administration of the archbishop of

1787.] LISLE. 107

Toulouze.1 When we see such works stand still for want
of money, we shall reasonably be inclined to ask, What
are the services that continue supplied? and to conclude,
that amongst kings, and ministers, and nations, oeconomy
is the first virtue :—without it, genius is a meteor; vic-
tory a sound; and all courtly splendour a public robbery.

At Cambray,2 view the manufacture. These frontier
towns of Flanders are built in the old style, but the streets
broad, handsome, well paved, and lighted. I need not
observe, that all are fortified, and that every step in this
country has been rendered famous or infamous according
to the feelings of the spectator, by many of the bloodiest
wars that have disgraced and exhausted Christendom. At
the hotel de Bourbon I was well lodged, fed, and attended :
an excellent inn.—-22 miles.

The 2d. Pass Bouchaine3 to Valenciennes,“ another old
town, which, like the rest of the Flemish ones, manifests
more the wealth of former than of present times—18
miles.

The 3d. To Orchees ; 5 and the 4th to Lisle,6 which is
surrounded by more windmills for expressing the oil of
coleseed, than are to be seen any where else I suppose in
the world. Pass fewer drawbridges and works of fortifica-
tion here than at Calais ; the great strength of this place
is in its mines and other soutemines. In the evening to
the play.

, The cry here for a war with England amazed me.
Every one I talked with said, it was beyond a doubt the
English had called the Prussian army into Holland; and
that the motives in France for a war were numerous
and manifest. It is easy enough to discover, that the
origin of all this violence is the commercial treaty, which
is execrated here, as the most fatal stroke to their manu-
factures they ever experienced. These people have the

1 This canal was completed by Napoleon I. in 1810. A communication
was thereby opened between the river Scheldt. and the extreme eastern
departments of France and the Atlantic through the rivers Somme,
Seine and Loire.

2 (Nord) Famous for its batiste or cambric, so called after Bap-
tiste, the inventor, whose statue adorns the Esplanade.

3 Bouchain (Nord). 4 (Nord)

5 Orchies (Ibid.). 6 Lille (Ibid).

108 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [N0v.

true monopolizing ideas; they would involve four-and-
twenty millions of people in the certain miseries of a war,
rather than see the interest of those who consume fabrics,
preferred to the interest of those who make them. The
advantages reaped by four-and-twenty millions of con-
sumers are lighter than a feather compared with the in-
conveniences sustained by half a million of manufacturers.
Meet many small carts in the town, drawn each by a dog:
I was told by the owner of one, what appears to me incre-
dible, that his dog would draw 7001b. half a league. The
wheels of these carts are very high, relative to the height
of the dog, so that his chest is a good deal below the
axle.

The 6th. In leaving Lisle, the reparation of a bridge
made me take a road on the banks of the canal, close
under the works of the citadel. They appear to be very
numerous, and the situation exceedingly advantageous,
on a gently rising ground, surrounded by low watry
meadows, which may with ease be drowned. Pass Dar-
mentiers,1 a large paved town. Sleep at Mont. Casself—
30 miles.

The 7th. Cassel is on the summit of the only hill in
Flanders. They are now repairing the bason at Dunkirk,3
so famous in history for an imperiousness in England,
which she must have paid dearly for. Dunkirk, Gibraltar,
and the statue of Louis XIV. in the Place de Victoire, I
place in the same political class of national arrogance.
Many men are now at work on this bason, and, when
finished, it will not contain more than twenty or twenty-
five frigates; and appears to an unlearned eye, a ridiculous
object for the jealousy of a great nation, unless it pro-
fesses to be jealous of privateers.—-I made enquiries con-
cerning the import of wool from England, and was assured
that it was a very trifling object. I may here observe,
that when I left the town, my little cloak-bag was examined
as scrupulously as if I had just left England, with a cargo
of prohibited goods, and again at a fort two miles of Dun-
kirk being a free port, the custom-house is at the gates.

1 D’armentieres or Armentiéres (Nord).
9 Cassel on the Mont Cassel (Nord).
3 (Nord.)

1787.] RETURN TO ENGLAND. 109

What are we to think of our woollen manufacturers in Eng-
land, when suing for their wool-bill, of infamous memory,
bringing one Thomas Wilkinson from Dunkirk quay, to
the bar of the English House of Lords to swear that wool
passes from Dunkirk without entry, duty, or any thing
being required, at double custom-houses, for a check on
each other, where they examine even a cloak-bag. On such
evidence, did our legislature, in the true shop-keeping
spirit, pass an act of fines, pains, and penalties against all
the wool-growers of England. Walk to Rossendal1 near
the town, where Mons. le Brun has an inprovement on the
Dunes, which he very obligingly shewed me. Between the
town and that place are a great number of neat little
houses, built with each its garden, and one or two fields.
inclosed of most wretched blowing dune sand, naturally as.
white as snow, but improved by industry. The magic of
PROPERTY turns sand to gold—18 miles.

The 8th. Leave Dunkirk, where the Concierge, a good
in, as indeed I have found all in Flanders. Pass Gravel-
line,2 which, to my unlearned eyes, seems the strongest
place I have yet seen, at least the works above ground are-
more numerous than at any other. Ditches, ramparts, and
drawbridges without end. This is a part of the art mili-
tary I like: it implies defence, and leaving rascality to
neighbours. If Gengischan or Tamerlane had met with
such places as Gravelline or Lisle in their way, where would
their conquests and extirpations of the human race have
been ?—Reach Calais. And here ends a journey which
has given me a great deal of pleasure, and more informa-
tion than I should have expected in a kingdom not so well
cultivated as our own. It has been the first of my foreign
travels ; and has with me confirmed the idea, that to know
our own country well, we must see something of others.
Nations figure by comparison ; and those ought to be
esteemed the benefactors of the human race, who have most
established public prosperity on the basis of private happi-
ness. To ascertain how far this has been the case with the
French, has been one material object of my tour. It is an
enquiry of great range, and no trifling complexity; but a.

1 Le Rosendael. 2 (Nord)

110 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [Nov.

single excursion is too little to trust to. I must come again
and again before I venture conclusions. ——25 miles.

Wait at Desseins three days for a wind (the duke and
dutchess of Gloucester are in the same inn and situation)
and for a pacquet. A captain behaved shabbilly: deceived
me, and was hired by a family that would admit nobod}
but themselves :——I did not ask what nation this family
was of. —Dover-—London—Bradfield, —and have more plea-
sure in giving my little girl a French doll, than 1n viewing
Versailles.

1788.] NEWCHATEL. 111

1788.

THE long journey I had last year taken in France, sug-
gested a variety of reflections on the agriculture, and
on the sources and progress of national prosperity in that
kingdom; in Spite of myself, these ideas fermented in my
mind ; and while I was drawing conclusions relative to the
political state of that great country, in every circumstance
connected with its husbandry. I found, at each moment
of my reflection, the importance of making as regular a
survey of the whole as was possible for a traveller to efiect.
Thus instigated, I determined to attempt finishing what I
had fortunately enough begun.

JULY 30. Left Bradfield; and arrived at Calais—161
miles.

AUGUST 5. The next day I took the road to St. Omers.1
Pass the bridge Sans Pareil, which serves a double pur-
pose, passing two streams at once ; but it has been praised
beyond its merit, and cost more than it was worth. St.
Omers contains little deserving notice; and if I could
direct the legislatures of England and Ireland, should con-
tain still less :——why are catholics to emigrate in order to
be ill educated abroad, instead of being allowed institutions
that would educate them well at home? The country is
seen to advantage from St. Bertin’s steeple-25 miles.

The 7th. The canal of St. Omers is carried up a hill by
a series of sluices. To Aire,2 and Lilliers,3 and Bethune,‘
towns well known in military story—~25 miles.

The 8th. The country now a champaign, one changes;
from Bethune to Arras 5 an admirable gravel road. At the
last town there is nothing but the great and rich abbey of
Var,“ which they would not shew me—it was not the right
day—or some frivolous excuse. The cathedral is nothing.
——1 7% miles.

1 (Pas de Calais.) 2 Aire-sur-la-Lys (Pas de Calais).

3 Lillers (Pas de Calais). 4 Béthune (Pas de Calais).

5 Arras (Pas de Calais).

‘5 Ancient Benedictine abbey of St. Vaast, now appropriated to the
bishop’s palace, seminary, museum, and public library.

112 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [nueusn

The 9th. Market-day; coming out of the town I met.
at least an hundred asses, some loaded with a bag, others
a sack, but all apparently with a trifling burthen, and
swarms of men and women. This is called a market, being
plentifully supplied ; but a great proportion of all the
labour of a country is idle in the midst of harvest, to supply
a town which in England would be fed by 1%. of the people :
whenever this swarm of triflers buz in a market, I take a
minute and vicious division of the soil for granted. Here
my only companion de voyage, the English mare that
carries me, discloses by her eye a secret not the most
agreeable, that she is going rapidly blind. She is moon-
eyed; but our fool of a Bury farrier assured me I was safe
for above a twelvemonth. It must be confessed this is one
of those agreeable situations which not many will believe
a man would put himself into. Ma foy ! this is a piece of
my good luck ;—the journey at best is but a drudgery, that
others are paid for performing on a good horse, and I pay
myself for doing it on a blind one ;——I shall feel this in-
convenience perhaps at the expence of my neck—20
miles.

The 10th. To Amiens.1 Mr. Fox slept here last night,
and it was amusing to hear the conversation at the table
d’hote ; they wondered that so great a man should not
travel in a greater style :—-I asked what was his style ?
Monsieur and Madame were in an English post-chaise, and
the fille and valet de chambre in a cabriolet, with a French
courier to have horses ready. What would they have?
but a style both of comfort and amusement? A plague on
a blind mare !-—But I have worked through life; and he-
TALKS.

The 11th. By Poix"3 to Aumale ; 3 enter Normandy.—
25 miles.

The 12th. From thence to Newchatel,‘ by far the finest
country since Calais. Pass many villas of Rouen mer-
chants—4O miles.

1 (Somme)

’ Passed on the railway from Rouen to Amiens (Seine Infé-
rieure).

3 Aumale, the ancient Albemarle (Seine Inférieure).

‘ Neufchatel, anciently a fortress (Seine Inférieure).

1788.] NEWCHATEL. 113

The 13th. They are right to have country villas—to
get out of this great ugly, stinking, close, and ill built town,
which is full of nothing but dirt and industry.~ What a
picture of new buildings does a flourishing manufacturing
town in England exhibit! The choir of the cathedral is
surrounded by a most magnificent railing of solid brass.
They shew the monument of Rollo, the first duke of Nor-
mandy, and of his son; of William Longsword ; also those
of Richard Coeur de Lion; his brother Henry; the Duke
of Bedford, regent of France; of their own King Henry V. ;
of the Cardinal d’Amboise, minister of Louis XII. The
altar-piece is an adoration of the shepherds, by Philip of
Champagne. Rouen 1 is dearer than Paris, and therefore it
is necessary for the pockets of the people that their bellies
should be wholesomely pinched. At the table d’hote, at
the hotel pomme du pin we sat down, sixteen, to the fol-
lowing dinner, a soup, about 31b. of bouilli, one fowl, one
duck, a small fricassee of chicken, rote of veal, of about
21b. and two other small plates with a sallad: the price
45/: and 20/. more for a pint of wine; at an ordinary of
20d. a head in England there would be a piece of meat
which would, literally speaking, outweigh this whole din-
ner! The ducks were swept clean so quickly, that I moved
from table without half a dinner. Such table d’hotes are
among the cheap things of France! Of all sombre and
t'r'iste meetings a French table d’hote is foremost; for eight
minutes a dead silence, and as to the politeness of addres-
sing a conversation to a foreigner, he will look for it in
vain. Not a single word has any where been said to me
unless to answer some question: Rouen not singular in
this. The parliament-house here is shut up, and its mem-
bers exiled a month past to their country seats, because
they would not register the edict for a new land-tax. I
enquired much into the common sentiments of the people,
and found that the King personally from having been here,
is more popular than the parliament, to whom they attri-
bute the general dearness of every thing. Called on Mons.

’ (Seine Inférieure.) A very different impression is now made on the
traveller by the French Manchester, one of the handsomest provincial
towns in France. It is odd that so many-sided an observer should have
halted at Rouen without a souvenir of Jeanne d’Arc.

I

114 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

d’Ambournay, the author of a treatise on using madder
green instead of dried, and had the pleasure of a long con-
versation with him on various farming topics, interesting to
my enquiries.

The 14th. To Barentin,1 through abundance of apples
and pears, and a country better than the husbandry: to
Yvelt 2 richer, but miserable management—21 miles.

The 15th. Country the same to Bolbec ; 3 their inclo-
sures remind me of Ireland, the fence is a high broad
parapet bank, very well planted with hedges and oak and
beech trees. All the way from Rouen there is a scattering
of country seats, which I am glad to see ; farm-houses and
cottages every where, and the cotton manufacture in all.
Continues the same to Harfleur.4 To Havre de Grrace,5 the
approach strongly marks a very flourishing place : the hills
are almost covered with little new built villas, and many
more are building; some are so close as to form almost
streets, and considerable additions are also making to the
town—30 miles.

The 16th. Enquiries are not necessary to find out the
prosperity of this town; it is nothing equivocal: fuller of
motion, life, and activity, than any place I have been at in
France. A house here, which in 1779 let without any fine
on a lease of six years for 240 liv. per almum, was lately
let for three years at 600 liv. which twelve years past was
to be had at 24 liv. The harbour’s 6 mouth is narrow and
formed by a mole, but it enlarges into two oblong basons
of greater breadth; these are full of ships, to the number
of some hundreds, and the quays around are thronged with
business, all hurry, bustle, and animation. They say a
fifty gun ship can enter, but I suppose without her guns.
What is better, they have merchant-men of five and six
hundred tons: the state of the harbour has however given
them much alarm and perplexity ; if nothing had been done
to improve it, the mouth would have been filled up with

1 On the railway from Rouen to Havre (Seine Infe'rieure).

2 Yvetot. (Seine Inférienre).

3 Bolbec-Nointat, station, omnibus to Bolbec. There is a river of the
same name.

4 Le Havre (Seine Inférieure). 5 Honflenr (Seine Inferieure).
6 The harbour consnsts now of the Avant-Port, or tidal harbour and
eight floating docks.

1788.] HONFLEUR. 115

sand, an increasing evil; to remedy which, many engineers
have been consulted. The want of a back water to wash it
out is so great, that they are now, at the King’s expence,
forming a most noble and magnificent work, a vast bason,
walled off from the ocean, or rather an inclosure of it by
solid masonry, 700 yards long, five yards broad, and 10 or
12 feet above the surface of the sea at high water ; and for
400 yards more it consists of two exterior walls, each three
yards broad, and filled up seven yards wide between them
with earth; by means of this new and enormous bason,
they will have an artificial back-water capable, they calcu-
late, of sweeping out the harbour’s mouth clean from all
obstructions. It is a work that does honour to the king-
dom. The view of the Seine from this mole is striking;
it is five miles broad, with highlands for its Opposite shore ;
and the chalk cliffs and promontories, that recede to make
way for rolling its vast tribute to the ocean, bold and noble.

Wait on Mons. l’Abbé Dicquemarre.1 the celebrated
naturalist, where I had also the pleasure of meeting Made-
moiselle le Masson Golft, author of some agreeable perfor-
mances; among others, Entretien sur le Ha/m'e, 1781, when
the number of souls was estimated at 25,000. The next
day Mons. le Reiseicourt, captain of the corps royale du
Gem's, to whom also I had letters, introduced me to Messrs.
Hombergs, who rank amongst the most considerable mer-
chants of France. I dined with them at one of their coun-
try houses, meeting a numerous company and splendid
entertainment. These gentlemen have wives and daughters,
cousins and friends, cheerful, pleasing, and well informed.
I did not like the idea of quitting them so soon, for they
seemed to have a society that would have made a longer
residence agreeable enough. It is no bad prejudice surely
to like peOple that like England; most of them have been
there—Nous avons assure’ment en France de belles, cl’alg/re-
ables et de bonnes chases, mais 0n trouve une telle ene’rgie clams
votre nation—

The 18th. By the passage-packet, a decked vessel, to
Honfieur, seven and a half miles, which we made with a
strong north wind in an hour, the river being rougher than

1 Dicquemare (Jacques Francois), 1733-1789, a distinguished natura-
list and astronomer.

116 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

I thought a river could be. I-Ionfleur is a small town, full
of industry, and a bason full of ships, with some Guinea-
men 1 as large as at Havre. At Pont au de Mer,2 wait on
Mons. Martin, director of the manufacture royale of leather.
I saw eight or ten Englishmen that are employed here (there
are 40 in all), and conversed with one from Yorkshire, who
told me he had been deceived into coming ; for though they
are well paid, yet they find things very dear, instead of very
cheap, as they had been given to understand—20 miles.

The 19th. To Pont l’Eveque,3 towards which town the
country is richer, that is, has more pasturage; the whole
has singular features, composed of orchard inclosures, with
hedges so thick and excellent, though composed of willow,
with but a sprinkling of thorns, that one can scarcely see
through them; chateaus are scattered, and some good, yet
the road is villainous. Pont l’Eveque is situated in the
Pay d’Auge,4 celebrated for the great fertility of its pas-
tures. To Lisieux,5 through the same rich district, fences
admirably planted, and the country thickly inclosed and
wooded—At the hotel d’Angleterre, an excellent inn, new,
clean, and well furnished; and was well served and well
fed—26 miles.

The 20th. To Caen ;6 the road passes on the brow of a
hill, that commands the rich valley of Corbon, still in the
Pays d’Auge, the most fertile of the whole, all is under
fine Poictou bullocks, and would figure in Leicester or
Northampton.-—— 28 miles.

The 21st. The marquis de Guerchy, who I had had the
pleasure of seeing in Suffolk, being colonel of the regiment
of Artois, quartered here, I waited on him ; he introduced
me to his lady, and remarked, that as it was the fair of
Guibrayf’ and himself going, I could not do better than

1 Probably slavers. See for particulars of this horrible traffic, E.
Souvestre’s “ En Bretagne,” p. 166. The Convention in 1794 abolished
slavery throughout the French dominions, prohibited slave-dealing, and
granted free civil rights to negroes. Napoleon I. (1802) re-established
slavery and slave-dealing, and it remained for the second republic to undo
his work in 1848. —See Lalanne’s “ Diet. Hist. de la. France.”

2 Pout. Audemer. 3 Pout l’Evéque (Calvados).
4 La vallée d’Auge, celebrated for its pastures (Calvados).
5 (Calvados.) 5 (Calvados.)

7 A suburb of Falaise (Calvados).

1788.] GUILBRAY. 117

accompany him, since it was the second fair in France. I
readily agreed: in our way, we called at Bon, and dined
with the marquis of Turgot, elder brother of the justly
celebrated comptroller-general: this gentleman is author of
some memoirs on planting, published in the Trimestres of
the Royal Society of Paris: he shewed and explained to us
all his plantations, but chiefly prides himself on the exotics ;
and I was sorry to find in proportion not to their promised
utility, but merely to their rarity. I have not found this
uncommon in France ; and it is far from being so in Eng-
land. I wished every moment, of a long‘walk to change
the conversation from trees to husbandry, and made many
efforts, but all in vain. In the evening to the fair play-
house—Richard Coeu-r de Lion ; and I could not but re-
mark an uncommon number of pretty women. Is there
no antiquarian that deduces English beauty from the mix-
ture of Norman blood ? or who thinks, with Major J ardine,
that nothing improves so much as crossing; to read his
agreeable book of travels, one would think none wanting,
and yet to look at his daughters, and hear their music, it
would be impossible to doubt his system. Supped at the
marquis d’Ecougal’s, at his chateau a la Frenaye. If these
French marquisses cannot shew me good cr0ps of corn and
turnips, here is a noble one of something else—of beautiful
and elegant daughters, the charming copies of an agreeable
mother : the whole family I pronounced at the first blush
amiable: they are chearful, pleasing, interesting: I want
to know them better, but it is the fate of a traveller
to meet opportunities of pleasure, and merely see to quit
them. After supper, while the company were at cards, the
marquis conversed on topics interesting to my enquiries.—
22% miles.

The 22d. At this fair of Guilbray, merchandize is sold,
they say, to the amount of six millions (262,5001.) but at
that of Beaucaire to ten: I found the quantity of English
goods considerable, hard and queen’s ware; cloths and
cottons. A dozen of common plain plates, 3 liv. and 4s liv.
for a French imitation, but much worse; I asked the man
(a Frenchman) if the treaty of commerce would not be very
injurious with such a difference—C’est piécisement le con-
tmire Mons.—quelque mauvaise que soit cette imitation, on

118 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [aneusn

n’a encore 'rie'n fait d’aussi bien en France ;. l’annéeprochaine.
ou fem mileage—nous perfection'nerons—et en fin nous l’em-
portemns sur sous—I believe he is a very good politician,
and that Without competition, it is not possible to perfect
any fabric. A dozen with blue or green edges, English, 5
liv. 58. Return to Caen; dine with the marquis of Guerchy,
lieutenant-colonel, major, &c. of the regiment, and their
wives present a large and agreeable company. View the
Abbey of Benedictines,1 founded by W. the Conqueror.
It is a splendid building, substantial, massy, and magnifi-
cent, with very large apartments, and stone stair-cases
worthy of a palace. Sup with Mons. du Mesni, captain
of the corps ole Genie, to whom I had letters; he had
introduced me to the engineer employed on the new port,
which will bring ships of three or four hundred tons to
Caen, a noble work, and among those which do honour to
France.

The 23d. Mons. de Guerchy and the Abbe’e de , ac-
companied me to view Harcourt,2 the seat of the duke.
d’Harcourt, governor of Normandy, and of the Dauphin ;
I had heard it called the finest English garden in France,
but Ermenonville will not allow that claim, though not.
near its equal as a residence. Found at last a horse to try
in order to prosecute my journey a little less like Don:
Quixotte, but it would by no means do, an uneasy stumbling:
beast, at a price that would have bought a good one, so my
blind friend and I must jog on still further—30 miles.

The 24th. To Bayeux ; 3 the cathedral has three towers,
one of which is very light, elegant, and highly orna-
mented.

The 25th. In the road to Carentan,4 pass an arm of the
sea at Issigny,5 which is fordable. At Carentan I found
myself so ill, from accumulated colds I suppose, that I
was seriously afraid of being laid up—not a bone Without
its aches; and a horrid dead leaden weight all over me-

 

1 The church of St. Etienne, or the Abbaye aux Hommes.

2 The chateau de F ontaine-Henri, a few miles from Caen, built in the
early part of sixteenth century, interior not shown to strangers-

3 (Calvados.)

4 Here is entered the peninsula of the Cotentin (Maudie).

5 Isigny (Manche).

1788.] CHERBOURG. 119

I went early to bed, washed down a dose of antimonial
powders, which proved sudorific enough to let me prosecute
my journey—23 miles.

The 26th. To Volognes ; 1 thence to Cherbourg, a thick
woodland, much like Sussex. The marquis de Guerchy
had desired me to call on Mons. Doumerc, a great improver
at Pierbutte near Cherbourg, which I did ; but he was
absent at Paris: however his bailiff, Mons. Baillio, with
great civility shewed me the lands, and explained every
thing—3O miles.

The 27th. Cherbourg. I had letters to the duke de
Beuvron, who commands here ; to the count de Chavagnac,
and M. de Meusnier, of the Academy of Sciences, and
translator of Cook’s Voyages ; the count is in the country.
So much had I heard of the famous works erecting to form
a harbour here, that I was eager to view them without the
loss of a moment: the duke favoured me with an order for
that purpose, I therefore took a boat, and rowed across the
artificial harbour formed by the celebrated cones. As it is
possible that this itinerary may be read by persons that
have not either time or inclination to seek other books for
an account of these works, I will in a few words sketch the
intention and execution. The French possess no port for
ships of war from Dunkirk to Brest, and the former capable
of receiving only frigates. This deficiency has been fatal
to them more than once in their wars with England, whose
more favourable coast affords not only the Thames, but
the noble harbour of Portsmouth. To remedy the want,
they planned a mole across the open bay of Cherbourg;
but to inclose a space sufficient to protect a fleet of the line,
would demand so extended a wall, and so exposed to heavy
seas, that the expence would be far too great to be thought
of; and at the same time the success too dubious to be
ventured. The idea of a regular mole was therefore given
up, and a partial one, on a new plan adopted; this was to
erect in the sea, a line where a mole is wanted, insulated
columns of timber and masonry, of so vast a size, as to re-
sist the violence of the ocean, and to break its waves sufli-
ciently to permit a bank being formed between column and

1 Valognes (Manche).

120 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

column. These have been called cones from their form.
They are 140 feet diameter at the base ; 60 diameter at the
top, and 60 feet vertical height, being, when sunk in the
sea, 30 to 34 feet, immersed at the low water of high tides.
These enormous broad-bottomed tubs being constructed of
oak, with every attention to strength and solidity, when
finished for launching, were loaded with stone just sufficient
for sinking, and in that state each cone weighed 1000 tons
(of 2000 lb.) To float them, sixty empty casks, each of ten
pipes, were attached around by cords, and in this state of
buoyancy the enormous machine was floated to its destined
spot, towed by numberless vessels, and before innumerable
spectators. At a signal the cords are cut in a moment,
and the pile sinks: it is then filled instantly with stone
from vessels ready attending, and capped with masonry.
The contents of each filled only to within four feet of the
surface, 2500 cubical toises of stone.1 A vast number of
vessels are then employed to form a bank of stone from
cone to cone, visible at low water in neap tides. Eighteen
cones, by one account, but 33 by another, would complete
the work, leaving only two entrances, commanded by two
very fine new-built forts, Royale and d’Artois, thoroughly
well provided, it is said, for they do not shew them, with an
apparatus for heating cannon balls. The number of cones
will depend on the distances at which they are placed. I
found eight finished, and the skeleton frames of two more
in the dock-yard; but all is stopped by the archbishop of
Toulouze, in favour of the oeconomical plans at present in
speculation. Four of them, the last sunk, being most ex-
posed, are now repairing, having been found too weak to
resist the fury of the storms, and the heavy westerly seas.
The last cone is much the most damaged, and, in propor-
tion as they advance, they will be still more and more ex-
posed, which gives rise to the Opinion of many skilful
engineers, that the whole scheme will prove fruitless, un-
less such an expence is bestowed on the remaining cones as
would be sufficient to exhaust the revenues of a kingdom.
The eight already erected have for some years given a new
appearance to Cherbourg; new houses, and even streets,

1 The toise, measure of six feet.

1788.] CHERBOURG. 121

and such a face of activity and animation, that the stop to
the works was received with blank countenances. The

say, that, quarry-men included, 3000 were employed. The
effect of the eight cones ah eady erected, and the bank of
stone formed between them has been to give perfect secu-
rity to a considerable portion of the intended harbour.
Two 40 gun ships have lain at anchor within them these
eighteen months past, by way of experiment, and though
such storms have happened in that time as have put all to
severe trials, and, as I mentioned before, considerably
damaged three of the cones, yet these ships have not re-
ceived the smallest agitation; hence it is a harbour for a
small fleet without doing more. Should they ever proceed
with the rest of the cones, they must be built much stronger,
perhaps larger, and far greater precautions taken in giving
them firmness and solidity : it is also a question, whether
they must not be sunk much nearer to each other; at all
events, the proportional expence will be nearly doubled, but
for wars with England, the importance of having a secure
harbour, so critically situated, they consider as equal almost
to any eXpence; at least this importance has its full weight
in the eyes of the peOple of Cherbourg. I remarked, in
rowing across the harbour, that while the sea without the
artificial bar was so rough, that it would have been un-
pleasant for a boat, within it was quite smooth. I mounted
two of the cones, one of which has this inscription :—
_ Louis XVI—Sm“ ee premiere cone echoue le 6 Juin 1784, a
1m l’immersion de celml de l’est, le 23 Jain 1786.—On the
whole, the undertaking is a prodigious one, and does no
trifling credit to the spirit of enterprize of the present age
in France. 1 The service of the marine is a favourite;

Whether justly or not, is another question, and this har-
bour shews, that when this great people undertake any
capital works, that are really favourites, they find inventive
genius to plan, and engineers of capital talents to execute
whatever 1s devised, in a manner that does honour to their
kingdom. The duke de Beuvron had asked me to dinner,

1 The famous breakwater or digne of Cherbourg was not completed
till our own time at a cost of two and a half millions sterling, fifty years’
labour and four million cubic feet of stone. The area enclosed by the
digne amounts to 1,000 hectares.

122 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

but I found that if I accepted his invitation, it would then
take me the next day to view the glass manufacture; I
preferred therefore business to pleasure, and taking with
me a letter from that nobleman to secure a sight of it, I
rode thither in the afternoon ; it is about three miles from
Cherbourg. Mons. de Puye, the director, explained every
thing to me in the most obliging manner. Cherbourg is
not a place for a residence longer than necessary; I was
here fleeced more infamously than at any other town in
France; the two best inns were full; I was obliged to go
to the barque, a vile hole, little better than a hog-sty;
where, for a miserable dirty wretched chamber, two suppers
composed chiefly of a plate of apples and some butter and
cheese, with some trifle besides too, bad to eat, and one
miserable dinner, they brought me in a bill of 31 liv.
(11. 7s. 1d.) they not only charged the room 3 liv. a night,
but even the very stable for my horse, after enormous
items for oats, hay, and straw. This is a species of pro-
fligacy which debases the national character. Calling, as I
returned, on Mons. Baillio, I shewed him the bill, at which
he exclaimed for imposition, and said the man and woman
were going to leave off their trade; and no wonder, if they
had made a practice of fleecing others in that manner.
Let no one go to Cherbourg without making a bargain for
everything he has, even to the straw and stable; pepper,
salt, and tablecloth—10 miles.

The 28th, return to Carentan ; and the 29th, pass through
a rich and thickly inclosed country, to Coutances, capital
of the district called the Cotentin. They build in this
country the best mud houses and barns I ever saw, excel-
lent habitations, even of three stories, and all of mud, with
considerable barns and other oflices. The earth (the best
for the purpose is a rich brown loam) is well kneaded with
straw; and being spread about four inches thick on the
ground, is cut in squares of nine inches, and these are
taken with a shovel and tossed to the man on the wall who
builds it; and the wall built, as in Ireland, in layers, each
three feet high, that it may dry before they advance. The
thickness about two feet. They make them project about
an inch, which they cut ofi layer by layer perfectly smooth.
If they had the English way of white washing, they would

1788.] COMBOURG. 123

look as well as our lath and plaister, and are much more
durable. In good houses the doors and windows are in
stone work—20 miles.

The 30th. A fine sea view of the Isles of Chausée,1 at.
five leagues distant; and afterwards Jersey, clear at about;
forty miles, with that of the town of Grandval 2 on a high
peninsula: entering the town, every idea of beauty is lost ;-
a close, nasty, ugly, ill built hole: market day, and myriadss
of triflers, common at a French market. The bay of Can-
calle, all along to the right, and St. Michael’s rock rising
out of the sea, conically, with a castle on the top, a most,
singular and picturesque object—30 miles.

The 31st. At Pout Orsin,3 enter Bretagne ; there seems.
here a more minute division of farms than before. There
is a long street in the episcopal town of Doll,4 without a
glass window; a horrid appearance. My entry into Bre—
tagne gives me an idea of its being a miserable province.—
22 miles.

SEPTEMBER 1st. To Combourg,5 the country has a
savage aspect; husbandry not much further advanced, at
least in skill, than among the Hurons, which appears in-
credible amidst inclosures; the peOple almost as wild as
their country, and their town of Combourg one of the most
brutal filthy places that can be seen ; mud houses, no win-
dows, and a pavement so broken, as to impede all pas-
sengers, but ease none—yet here is a chateau, and in-
habited; who is this Mons. de Chateaubriant,6 the owner.
that has nerves strung for a residence amidst such filth and
poverty? Below this hideous heap of wretchedness is a
fine lake, surrounded by well wooded inclosures. Coming
out of Hedé,7 there is a beautiful lake belonging to Mons.
de Blassac,8 intendant of Poictiers, with a fine accompany-
ment of wood. A very little cleaning would make here a
delicious scenery. There is a chateau, with four rows of

1 Archipelago of Chausey. ' 2 Granville (Manche).
3 Pontorson, on the branch railway from Vitré (Manche).
4 Do] (Ille and Vilaine). 5 (llle and Vilaine.)

5 Chateaubriand, the writer, spent part of his childhood here. In his.
“ Mémoires d’outre Tombe,” he often recurs to the scenes amid which.
his youth was past.

7 Hédé (Ille and Vilaine).

3 The Count de Blossac, after whom the promenade of Poitiers is called,

124: TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP'L

trees, and nothing else to be seen from the windows in the
true French stile. Forbid it, taste, that this should be the
house of the owner of that beautiful water; and yet this
Mons. de Blassac has made at Poictiers the finest prome-
nade in France ! But that taste which draws a strait line,
and that which traces a waving one, are founded on feel-
ings and ideas as separate and distinct as painting and
music—as poetry or sculpture. The lake abounds with
fish, pike to 361b. carp to 24lb. perch 41b. and tench 51b.
To Rennes the same strange wild mixture of desert and
cultivation, half savage, half human—31 miles.

The 2d. Rennes1 is well built, and it has two good
squares ; that particularly of Louis XV. where is his statue.
The parliament being in exile, the house is not to be seen.
The Benedictines garden, called the Tabour,2 is worth view-
ing. But the object at Rennes most remarkable at present
is a camp, with a marshal of France (de Stainville), and
four regiments of infantry, and two of dragoons, close to
the gates. The discontents of the peOple have been double,
first on account of the high price of bread, and secondly
for the banishment of the parliament. The former cause
is natural enough, but why the peOple should love their
parliament was what I could not understand, since the
members, as well as of the states, are all noble, and the
distinction between the noblesse and roturiers no where
stronger, more offensive, or more abominable than in Bre-
tagne. They assured me, however, that the populace have
been blown up to violence by every art of deception, and
even by money distributed for that purpose. The commo-
tions rose to such a height before the camp was established,
that the troops here were utterly unable to keep the peace.
Mons. Argentaise, to whom I had brought letters, had the
goodness, during the four days I was here, to shew and
explain every thing to be seen. I find Rennes very cheap;
and it appears the more so to me just come from Nor-
mandy, where every thing is extravagantly dear. The table
d’hote, at the grand maison, is well served; they give two
courses, containing plenty of good things, and a very ample
regular dessert: the supper one good course, with a large

1 (Ille and Vilaine.) 2 Le Thabor.

1 788.] GUINGAMP. 125

joint of mutton, and another good dessert; each meal, with
the common wine, 40/: and for 20 more you have very good
wine, instead of the ordinary sort: SOfl for the horse :
thus, with good wine, it is no more than 6 liv. 10/. a day,
or 53. 10d. Yet a camp which they complain has raised
prices enormously.

The 5th. To Montauban.1 The poor peOple seem poor
indeed; the children terribly ragged, if possible worse clad
than if with no cloaths at all; as to shoes and stockings
they are luxuries. A beautiful girl of six or seven years
playing with a stick, and smiling under such a bundle of
rags as made my heart ache to see her: they did not beg,
and when I gave them any thing seemed more surprized
than obliged. One third of what I have seen of this pro-
vince seems uncultivated, and nearly all of it in misery.
What have kings, and ministers, and parliaments, and
states, to answer for their prejudices, seeing millions of
hands that would be industrious, idle and starving, through
the execrable maxims of despotism, or the equally detes-
table prejudices of a feudal nobility.2 Sleep at the lion d’cr,
at Montauban, an abominable hole—20 miles.

The 6th. The same inclosed country to Brooms; 3 but
near that town improves to the eye, from being more hilly.
At the little town of Lamballe,“, there are above fifty
families of noblesse that live in winter, who reside on their
estates in the summer. There is probably as much foppery
and nonsense in their circles, and for what I know as much
happiness, as in those of Paris. Both would be better em-
ployed in cultivating their lands, and rendering the poor
industrious—30 miles.

The 7th. Leaving Lamballe, the country immediately
changes. The marquis d’Urvoy, who I met at Rennes, and
has a good estate at St. Brieuxf gave me a letter for his.
agent, who answered my questions—1232— miles.

The 8th. To Gruingamp,6 a sombre inclosed country.

1 Montauban-de-Bretagne (Ille and Vilaine).

2 See, for an account of the extraordinary progress in Brittany, the
contributions of M. H. Bandrillart, of the Institut, to the “ Revue des
deux Mondes,” Oct. 15, Nov. 15, 1884.

3 Broons (Cotes du Nord). 4 (Cotes du Nord.)

5 (Cotes du Nord.) 5 (Cotes du Nord.)

126 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [sEPT.

Pass Chateaulandrin,1 and enter Bas Bretagne. One recog-
nizes at once another people, meeting numbers who have
not more French than Je ne sai pas ce que vous dites, or J6
.n’entend rien. Enter Guingamp by gateways, towers, and
battlements, apparently of the oldest military architecture;
every part denoting antiquity, and in the best preservation.
The poor people’s habitations are not so good; they are
miserable heaps of dirt; no glass, and scarcely any light;
but they have earth chimnies. I was in my first sleep at
Belleislef‘ when the aubergiste came to my bedside, un-
drew a curtain, that I expected to cover me with spiders, to
tell me that I had come jument Anglois superbe, and that a
.signeur wished to buy it of me: I gave him half a dozen
flowers of French eloquence for his impertinence, when he
thought proper to leave me and his spiders at peace.
There was a great chassc assembled. These Bas Bretagne
signeurs are capital hunters, it seems, that fix on a blind
mare for an object of admiration. A-propos to the breeds
of horses in France; this mare cost me twenty-three
guineas when horses were dear in England, and had been
sold for sixteen when they were rather cheaper; her figure
may therefore be guessed; yet she was much admired, and
often in this journey; and as to Bretagne, she rarely met
:a rival. That province, and it is the same in parts of
Normandy, is infested in every stable with a pack of garran
poney stallions, sufficient to perpetuate the miserable
breed that is every where seen. This villainous hole, that
calls itself the grand maison, is the best inn at a post town
on the great road to Brest, at which marshals of France,
dukes, peers, countesses, and so forth, must now and then,
by the accidents to which long journies are subject to, have
found themselves. What are we to think of a country that
has made, in the eighteenth century, no better provision
"for its travellers 1—30 miles.

The 9th. Morlaix3 is the most singular port I have
seen. It has but one feature, a vale just wide enough for
a fine canal with two quays, and two rows of houses :
behind them the mountain rises steep, and woody on one
side; on the other gardens, rocks, and wood; the eflect

‘ Chateaulandrin (C6tes du Nord).
2 Belle-Isle-Bégard (Cotes du N ord). 3 (Finistére,)

1788.] LANDERNEAU. 127

romantic and beautiful. Trade now very dull, but flourished
much in the wan—20 miles.

The 10th. Fair day at Landervisier,1 which gave me an
opportunity of seeing numbers of Bas Bretons collected, as
well as their cattle. The men dress in great trowsers like
breeches, many with naked legs, and most with wooden
shoes, strong marked features like the Welch, with coun-
tenances a mixture of half energy half laziness; their per-
sons stout, broad, and square. The women furrowed with-
out age by labour, to the utter extinction of all softness of
sex. The eye discovers them at first glance to be a peOple
absolutely distinct from the French. Wonderful that they
should be found so, with distinct language, manners,
dress, &c. after having been settled here 1300 years—35
miles.

The 11th. I had respectable letters, and to respectable
people at Brest, in order to see the dock-yard, but they
were vain; Mons. le Chevalier de Tredairne particularly
applied for me earnestly to the commandant, but the order,
contrary to its being shewn either to Frenchmen or
foreigners, was too strict to be relaxed without an express
direction from the minister of the marine, given very rarely,
and to which, when it does come, they give but an un-
willing obedience. Mons. Tredairne, however, informed
me, that lord Pembroke saw it not long since by means of
such an order: and he remarked himself, knowing that I
could not fail doing the same, that it was strange to shew
the port to an English general and governor of Portsmouth,
yet deny it to a farmer. He however assured me, that the
duke of Chartres went away but the other day without
being permitted to see it. Gretry’s music at the theatre,
which, though not large, is neat and even elegant, was not
calculated to put me in good humour; it was Panama.—
Brest is a well built town, with many regular and hand-
some streets, and the quay where many men of war are
laid up, and other shipping has much of that life and
motion which animates a sea-port.

The 12th. Return to Landernau,2 where, at the duc de
Chartre, which is the best and cleanest inn in the bishopric,

.1 Landigisiau (Finistére). 2 Landerneau (Finistére).

128 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEPT.

as I was going to dinner, the landlord told me, there was
a Monsieur un homme comme il faut, and the dinner would
be better if we united; do tout mon cazur. He proved a
Bas Breton noble, with his sword and a little miserable but
nimble nag. This seigneur was ignorant that the duke de
Chartres, the other day at Brest, was not the duke that
was in Mons. d’Orvillier’s fleet. Take the road to Nantes.
——25 miles.

The 13th. The country to Chateaulin ‘ more moun—
tainous; one-third waste. All this region far inferior to
Leon 2 and Traguer ; 3 no exertions, nor any marks of intel-
ligence, yet all near to the great navigation and market of
Brest water, and the soil good. Quimper,4 though a. bis-
hopric, has nothing worth seeing but its promenades which
are among the finest in France—25 miles.

The 14th. Leaving Quimper, the seem to be more culti-
vated features; but this only for a moment ;——-wastes—-
wastes—wastes. Reach Quimperly.‘-——27 miles.

The 15th. The same sombre country to l’Orient,5 but
with a mixture of cultivation and much wood—I found
l’Orient so full of fools, gaping to see a man of war
launched, that I could get no bed for myself, nor stable for
my horse at the epcé royale. At the cheval blanc, a poor
hole, I got my horse crammed among twenty others, like;
herrings in a barrel, but could have no bed. The duke de
Brissac, with a suite of oflicers, had no better success. If'
the governor of Paris could not, without trouble, get a bed
at l’Orient, no wonder Arthur Young found obstacles. I
went directly to deliver my letters, found Mons. Besné, a
merchant, at home; he received me with a frank civility
better than a million of compliments; and the moment he-
understood my situation, offered me a bed in his house,
which I accepted. The Tourville, of 84 guns, was to be.
launched at three o’clock, but put off till the next day,

‘ (Finistere.)

2 The Léonnais of which St. Pol de Léon was formerly capital
(Finistere).

3 Tréguier (Cotes du Nord).

4 Quimper and Quimperle (Finistére) are beautifully situated and
possess beautiful churches.

5 Lorient. (Morbihan).

1788.] AURAY. 129

much to the joy of the aubergistes, 820. who were well
pleased to see such a swarm of strangers kept another day.
I wished the ship in their throats, for I thought only of
my poor mare being squeezed a night amongst the Bretagne
garrans; Sixpence, however to the garcon, had efiects mar-
velously to her ease. The town is modern, and regularly
built, the streets diverge in rays from the gate, and are
crossed by others at right angles, broad, handsomely built,
and well paved; with many houses that make a good
figure. But what makes l’Orient more known is being the
appropriated port for the commerce of India, containing
all the shipping and magazines of the company. The latter
are truly great, and speak the royal munificence from which
they arose. They are of several stories, and all vaulted in
stone, in a splendid style, and of vast extent. But they
want, at least at present, like so many other magnificent
establishments in France, the vigour and vivacity of an
active commerce. The business transacting here seems
trifling. Three 84 gun ships, the Tourville, I’Eole, and
Jean Bart, with a 32 gun frigate, are upon the stocks.
They assured me, that the Tourville has been only nine
months building: the scene is alive, and fifteen large men
of war being laid up here in ordinary, with some Indiamen,
and a few traders, render the port a pleasing spectacle.
There is a beautiful round tower, 100 feet high, of white
stone, with a railed gallery at top; the proportions light
and agreeable; it is for looking out and making signals.
My hospitable merchant, I find a plain unaffected character,
with some whimsical originalities, that make him more
interesting ; he has an agreeable daughter, who entertains
me with singing to her harp. The next morning the Tour-
ville quitted her stocks, to the music of the regiments, and
the shouts of thousands collected to see it. Leave l’Orient.
Arrive at Hennebon.‘—7% miles.

The 17th. To Auray,2 the eighteen poorest miles I have
yet seen in Bretagne. Good houses of stone and slate,
without glass. Auray has a little port, and some s100ps,
which always give an air of life to a town. To Vannes,3
the country various, but landes the more permanent feature.

' Hennekont (Morbihan). 2 (Morbihan.)

3 (Morbihan.)
K

130 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP'L

Vannes is not an inconsiderable town, but its greatest
beauty is its port and promenade.

The 18th. To Musiliac. Belleisle with the smaller
ones, d’Hedic8 and d’Honat, are in sight. Musiliac, if it
can boast of nothing else, may at least vaunt its cheapness.
I had for dinner two good flat fish, a dish of oysters, soup,
a fine duck roasted; with an ample dessert of grapes, pears,
walnuts, biscuits, liqueur, and a pint of good Bourdeaux
wine: my mare, besides hay, had three- fourths of a peck of
corn, and the whole 56/ 2/ to the fille and two to the
garcon, in all 2s. 6d. Pass landes—landes—landes—to la
Roche Bernard. The view of the river Villaine, is beauti-
ful from the boldness of the shores, there are no insipid
flats ; the river is two-thirds of the width of the Thames at
Westminster, and would be equal to any thing in the world
if the shores were woody, but they are the savage wastes of
this country—33 miles.

The 19th. Turned aside to Auvergnac,‘ the seat of the
count de la Bourdonaye,5 to whom I had a letter from the
dutchess d’Anville, as a person able to give me every species
of intelligence relative to Bretagne, having for five-and-
twenty years been first syndic of the noblesse. A fortui-
tous jumble of rocks and steeps could scarcely form a worse
road than these five miles : could I put as much faith in
two bits of wood laid over each other, as the good folks of
the country do, I should have crossed myself, but my blind
friend, with the most incredible sure footedness, carried me
safe over such places, that if I had not been 1n the every
day habit of the saddle, I should have shuddered at, though
guided by eyes keen as Eclipse’ s; for I suppose a fine
racer, on whose velocity so many fools have been ready to
lose their money, must have good eyes, as well as good legs.
Such a road, leading to several villages, and one of the
first noblemen of the province,s shews what the state of

3 Muzillac (Mmbihan).

9 Belle- 1le- --e11 Mer (Morbihan), the most important island of the de
partment, and well cultivated.

3 The isles of Hoedic and Honat (Le Canard and Le Camelot).

‘ Lauveignac (Loire Inté1ieure), now the seat of M. de Mondoret; it
is passed on the way from Guérande to St. N aza1re

‘i'Aftem a1 ds General of Div 1sion of the Republican armies in Belgium

and La Vendée, died 1793.

1788.] NAZAIRE. 131

society must be ;—-no communication—no neighbourhood
-—-—no temptation to the expences which flow from society ; a
mere seclusion to save money in order to spend it in towns.
The count received me with great politeness; I explained
to him my plan and motives for travelling in France, which
he was pleased very warmly to approve, expressing his sur-
prise that I should attempt so large an undertaking, as
such a survey of France, unsupported by my government ;
I told him he knew very little of our government, if he
supposed they would give a shilling to any agricultural
project or projector; that whether the minister was Whig
or tory made no difference, the party of THE PLOUGH never
yet had one on its side ; and that England has had many
Colberts but not one Sully. This led to much interesting
conversation on the balance of agriculture, manufactures,
and commerce, and on the means of encouraging them;
and, in reply to his enquiries, I made him understand their
relations in England, and how our husbandry flourished,
in spite of the teeth of our ministers, merely by the pro-
tection which civil liberty gives to property: and conse-
quently that it was in a poor situation, comparatively with
what it would have been in had it received the same atten-
tion as manufactures and commerce. I told M. de la
Bourdonaye that his province of Bretagne seemed to me to
have nothing in it but privileges and poverty, he smiled,
and gave me some explanations that are important; but
no nobleman can ever probe this evil as it ought to be done,
resulting. as it does from the privileges going to themselves,
and the poverty to the people. He shewed me his planta-
tions, which are very fine and well thriven, and shelter him
thoroughly on every side, even from the S. W. so near to
the sea; from his walks we see Belleisle and its neighbours,
and a little isle or rock belonging to him, which he says
the King of England took from him after Sir Edward
Hawke’s victory, but that his majesty was kind enough to
leave him his island after one night’s possession—20 miles.

The 20th. Take my leave of Monsieur and Madame de
la Bourdonaye, to whose politeness as well as friendly at-
tentions I am much obliged. Towards Nazaire 1 there is a
fine view of the mouth of the Loire, from the rising grounds,

1 St. N azaire (Loire Inférieure).

132 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SIP'L

but the headlands that form the embouchure are low,
which takes off from that greatness of the effect which
highlands give to the mouth of the Shannon. The swell.
ing bosom of the Atlantic boundless to the right. Savanal 1
poverty itself—33 miles.

The 21st. Come to an improvement in the midst of
these deserts, four good houses of stone and slate, and a
few acres run to wretched grass, which have been tilled,
but all savage, and become almost as rough as the rest. I
was afterwards informed that this improvement, as it is
called, was wrought by Englishmen, at the expence of a
gentleman they ruined as well as themselves—I demanded
how it had been done? Pare and burn, and sow wheat,
then rye, and then oats. Thus it is for ever and ever! the
same follies, the same blundering, the same ignorance; and
then all the fools in the country said, as they do now, that
these wastes are good for nothing. To my amazement find
the incredible circumstance, that they reach within three
miles of the great commercial city of Nantes! This is a
problem and a lesson to work at, but not at present. Ar-
rive—go to the theatre, new built of fine white stone, and
has a magnificent portico front of eight elegant Corinthian
pillars, and four others within, to part the portico from a
grand vestibule. Within all is gold and painting, and a,
coup d’aeil at entering, that struck me forcibly. It is, I be-
lieve, twice as large as Drury-Lane, and five times as mag--
nificent. It was Sunday, and therefore full. Mon Dieu I
cried I to myself, do all the wastes, the deserts, the heath,
ling, furz, broom, and bog, that I have passed for 300
miles lead to this spectacle? What a miracle, that all this
splendour and wealth of the cities in France should be so
unconnected with the country ! There are no gentle tran-
sitions from ease to comfort, from comfort to wealth: you
pass at once from beggary to profusion,—from misery in
mud cabins to Mademoiselle St. Huberti, in splendid
spectacles at 500 liv. a night, (211. 17s. 6d.) The country
deserted, or if a gentleman in it, you find him in some
wretched hole, to save that money which is lavished with
profusion in the luxuries of a capital—2O miles.

' Savenay (Loire Inférieure), here took place the final dispersion of
the Vendean army.

1788.] NANTES. 133

The 22d. Deliver my letters. As much as agriculture
is the chief object of my journey, it is necessary to acquire
such intelligence of the state of commerce, as can be best
done from merchants, for abundance of useful information
is to be gained, without putting any questions that a man
would be cautious of answering, and even without putting
any questions at all. Mons. Riédy was very polite, and
satisfied many of my enquiries; I dined once with him,
and was pleased to find the conversation take an important
turn on the relative situations of France and England in
trade, particularly in the West Indies. I had a letter also
to Mons. Epivent, consilier in the parliament of Rennes,
whose brother, Mons. Epivent de la Villesboisnet, is a very
considerable merchant here. It was not possible for any
person to be more obliging than these two gentlemen;
their attentions to me were marked and friendly, and ren-
dered a few days residence here equally instructive and
agreeable. The town has that sign of prosperity of new
buildings, which never deceives. The quarter of the
comedie is magnificent, all the streets at right angles and of
white stone. I am in doubt whether the hotel de Henri IV.
is not the finest inn in EurOpe: Dessein’s at Calais is
larger, but neither built, fitted up, nor furnished like this,
which is new. It cost 400,0001iv. (17,5001.) furnished,
and is let at 14,000 liv. per ann. (6121. 10s.) with no rent
for the first year. It contains 60 beds for masters, and
25 stalls for horses. Some of the apartments of two
rooms, very neat, are 6 liv. a day; one good 3 liv. but for
merchants 5 liv. per diem for dinner, supper, wine, and
chamber, and 35/. for his horse. It is, without comparison,
the first inn I have seen in France, and very cheap. It is
in a small square close to the theatre, as convenient for
pleasure or trade as the votaries of either can wish. The
theatre cost 450,000 liv. and lets to the comedians at
17,000 liv. a year ; it holds, when full, 120 louis d’or. The
land the inn stands on was bought at 9 liv. a foot: in some
parts of the city it sells as high as 15 liv. This value of
the ground induces them to build so high as to be destruc-
tive of beauty. The quay has nothing remarkable; the
river is choaked with islands, but at the furthest part next
to the sea is a large range of houses regularly fronted. An

134 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [snmx

institution common in the great commercial towns of
France, but particularly flourishing in Nantes, is a chambre
de lecture, or what we should call a book-club, that does
not divide its books, but forms a library. There are three
rooms, one for reading, another for conversation, and the
third is the library; good fires in winter are provided, and
wax candles. Messrs. Epivent had the goodness to attend
me in a water expedition, to view the establishment of Mr.
Wilkinson, for boring cannon, in an island in the Loire
below Nantes.1 Until that well known English manu-
facturer arrived, the French knew nothing of the art of
casting cannon solid, and then boring them. Mr. Wilkin--
son’s machinery, for boring four cannons, is now at work,
moved by tide wheels; but they have erected a steam
engine, with a new apparatus for boring seven more;
M. de la Motte, who has the direction of the whole, shewed
us also a model of this engine, about six feet long, five
high, and four or five broad; which he worked for us, by
making a small fire under the boiler that is not bigger than
a large tea-kettle; one of the best machines for a traveling“
philosopher that I have seen. Nantes is as eaflammé in
the cause of liberty, as any town in France can be; the-
conversations I witnessed here, prove how great a change is
efiected in the minds of the French, nor do I believe it will
be possible for the present government to last half a century
longer, unless the clearest and most decided talents are at the
helm. The American revolution has laid the foundation of
another in France, if government does not take care of itself."
The 23d one of the twelve prisoners 3 from the Bastile
arrived here—he was the most violent of them all—and his
imprisonment has been far enough from silencing him.

‘ The island of Indret is evidently meant, the great State factory of
arms at the present day.

2 It wanted no great spirit of prophecy to foretell this; but latter
events have shewn that I was very wide of the mark when I talked of
fifty years—Author's Note.

3 Twelve Breton gentlemen deputed to Versailles with a denunciation
of the ministers for their suspension of provincial parliaments. They
were at once sent to the Bastille. It was this war of the king and the
parliaments that brought about the assembly of the States-General, the
step being decided on by the assembly of Grenoble, July 21, 1788.
See H. Martin, vol. xvi., p 608, et seq.

1788.] MIGNIANNE. 135

The 25th. It was not without regret that I quitted a
society both intelligent and agreeable, nor should I feel
comfortably if I did not hope to see Messrs. Epivents
again; I have little chance of being at Nantes, but if they
come a second time to England, I have a promise of seeing
them at Bradfield. The younger of these gentlemen spent
a fortnight with Lord Shelburne at Bowood, which he re-
members W1th much pleasure; Colonel Barré and Dr.
Priestley were there at the same time. To Aucenis1 is all
inclosed: for seven miles many seats—22% miles.

The 26th. To the scene of the vintage. I had not
before been witness to so much advantage as here; last
autumn the heavy rains made it a melancholy business. At
present, all is life and activity. The country all thickly
and well inclosed. Glorious view of the Loire from a vil-
lage, the last of Bretagne, where is a great barrier across
the road and custom-houses, to search every thing coming
from thence. The Loire takes the appearance of a lake
large enough to be interesting. There is on both sides an
accompanyment of wood, which is not universal on this
river. The addition of towns, steeples, windmills, and a
great range of lovely country, covered with vines; the
character gay as well as noble. Enter Anjou, with a great
range of meadows. Pass St. George,2 and take the road to
Angers. For ten miles quit the Loire and meet it again at
Angers. Letters from Mons. de Broussonet; but he is
unable to inform me in What part of Anjou was the
residence of the marquis de Tourbilly; to find out that
nobleman’s farm, where he made those admirable improve-
ments, which he describes in the Memoire sur les defriche-
mans, was such an object to me, that I was determined to
go to the place, let the distance out of my way be what it
might—30 miles.

The 27th. Among my letters, one to Mons. de la Livo-
niere, perpetual secretary of the Society of Agriculture
here. I found he was at his country-seat, two leagues off
at Mignianne.3 On my arrival at his seat, he was sitting
down to dinner with his family; not being past twelve, I

1 Ancenis (Loire Inférieure).
2 St. Georges-sur-Loine4Maine and Loire).
3 La Meignanne.

136 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [snmx

thought to have escaped this awkwardness; but both him-
self and Madame prevented all embarrassment by very un-
aflectedly desiring me to partake with them, and making
not the least derangement either in table or looks, placed
me at once at my ease, to an indifferent dinner, garnished
with so much ease and chearfulness that I found it a repast
more to my taste than the most splendid tables could
afford. An English family in the country, similar in
situation, taken unawares in the same way, would receive
you with an unquiet hospitality, and an anxious politeness;
and after waiting for a hurry-scurry derangement of cloth,
table, plates, sideboard, pot and spit, would give you per-
haps so good a dinner, that none of the family, between
anxiety and fatigue, could supply one word of conversa-
tion, and you would depart under cordial wishes that you
might never return—This folly, so common in England, is
never met with in France: the French are quiet in their
houses, and do things without efiort.——Mons. Livoniere
conversed with me much on the plan of my travels, which
he commended greatly, but thought it very extraordinary
that neither government, nor the Academy of Sciences, nor
the Academy of Agriculture, should at least be at the ex-
pence of my journey. This idea is purely French; they
have no notion of private peOple going out of their way for
the public good, without being paid by the public; nor
could he well comprehend me, when I told him that every
thing is well done in England, except what is done with
public money. I was greatly concerned to find that he
could give me no intelligence concerning the residence of the
late marquis of Tourbilly, as it would be a provoking cir-
cumstance to pass all through the province without finding
his house, and afterwards hear perhaps that I had been
ignorantly within a few miles of it. In the evening re-
turned to Angers—2O miles.

The 28th. To La Fléche. The chateau of Duretal,1 be-
longing to the dutchess d’Estissac, is boldly situated above
the little town of that name, and on the banks of a beautiful
river, the slopes to which that hang to the south are
covered with vines. The country chearful, dry, and plea-

1 Durtal (Maine and Loire). This chateau still exists, partly restored.
It belonged to the two Marshals Schomberg.

1788.] TOURBILLY. 137‘

sant for residence. I enquired here of several gentlemen
for the residence of the marquis of Tourbilly, but all in
vain. The 80 miles to La Fléche the road is a noble one;
of gravel, smooth, and kept in admirable order. La
Fléche is a neat, clean, little town, not ill built, on the river
that flows to Duretal, which is navigable; but the trade is
inconsiderable. My first business here, as every where else
in Anjou, was to enquire for the residence of the marquis
de Tourbilly. I repeated my enquiries till I found that
there was a place not far from La Fléche, called Tourbilly,
but not what I wanted, as there was no Mons. de Tourbilly
there, but a marquis de Galway, who inherited Tourbilly
from his father. This perplexed me more and more; and
I renewed my enquiries with so much eagerness, that
several peOple, I believe, thought me half mad. At last I
met with an ancient lady who solved my difficulty; she in-
formed me, that Tourbilly, about twelve miles from La
Fléche, was the place I was in search of : that it belonged
to the marquis of that name, who had written some books
she believed; that he died twenty years ago insolvent;
that the father of the present marquis de Galway bought
the estate. This was sufficient for my purpose; I deter-
mined to take a guide the next morning, and, as I could
not visit the marquis, at least see the remains of his im-
provements. The news, however, that he died insolvent,
hurt me very much; it was a bad commentary on his book,
and foresaw, that whoever I should find at Tourbilly, would
be full of ridicule, on a husbandry that proved the loss of
the estate on which it was practised—30 miles.

The 29th. This morning I executed my project; my
guide was a countryman with a good pair of legs, who con-
ducted me across a range of such ling wastes as the
marquis Speaks of in his memoir. They appear boundless
here; and I was told that I could travel many—many
days, and see nothing else: what fields of improvement to
make, not to lose estates! At last we arrived at Tourbilly,1
a poor village, of a few scattered houses, in a vale between
two rising grounds, which are yet heath and waste; the
chateau in the midst, with plantations of fine p0p1ars lead-

' Turbilly (Maine and Loire). This chateau, XVIIth. Cent., still
exists, and is in possession of the De Broc family.

138 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [sEP'L

ing to it. I cannot easily express the anxious inquisitive
curiosity I felt to examine every scrap of the estate; no
hedge or tree, no bush but what was interesting to me; I
had read the translation of the marquis’s history of his
improvements in Mr. Mills’ husbandry,1 and thought it
the most interesting morsel I had met with, long before I
procured the original Memoire sur les defrichemens ; and
determined that if ever I should go to France to view im-
provements the recital of which had given me such plea-
sure. I had neither letter nor introduction to the present
owner, the marquis de Galway. I therefore stated to him
the plain fact, that I had read Mons. de Tourbilly’s book
with so much pleasure, that I wished much to view the
improvements described in it; he answered me directly in
good English, received me with such cordiality of polite-
ness, and such expressions of regard for the purport of my
travels, that he put me perfectly in humour with myself,
and consequently with all around me. He ordered break-
fast a l’Angloise; gave orders for a man to attend us in
our walk, who I desired might be the oldest labourer to be
found of the late marquis de Tourbilly’s. I was pleased
to hear that one was alive who had worked with him from
the beginning of his improvement. At breakfast Mons.
de Galway introduced me to his brother, who also spoke
English, and regretted that he could not do the same to
Madame de Galway, who was in the straw: he then gave
me an account of his father’s acquiring the estate and
chateau of Tourbilly. His great-grand-father came to
Bretagne with King James II. when he fled from the
English throne; some of the same family are still living
in the county of Cork, particularly at Lotta. His father
was famous in that province for his skill in agriculture;
and, as a reward for an improvement he had wrought on
the landes, the states of the province gave him a waste
tract in the island of Belleisle, which at present belongs to
his son. Hearing that the marquis de Tourbilly was totally
ruined, and his estates in Anj on to be sold by the creditors,

‘ This writer would appear to be the translator of Count Gyllenborg’s
“ Elements of Husbandry,” 1770, and spoken of in no polite terms as
“ Agriculture Mills” in a letter from John Gray to Smollett, 1771.
Mills also translated Virgil’s “ Georgies,” 1780.

1788.] TOURBILLY. 139

he viewed them, and finding the land very improveable,
made the purchase, giving about 15, 000 louis d’ ors for
Tourbilly, a price which made the acquisition highly advan-
tageous, notwithstanding his having bought some law-suits
with the estate. It is about 3000 arpents, nearly contiguous,
the seigneury of two parishes, with the haute justice, &c. a
handsome, large, and convenient chateau, oflices very com-
pleat, and many plantations, the work of the celebrated
man concerning whom my enquiries were directed. I was
almost breathless on the question of so great an improver
being ruined! “ You are unhappy that a man should be
ruined by an art you love so much.” Precisely so. But
he eased me in a moment, by adding, that if the marquis
had done nothing but farm and improve, he had never been
ruined. One day, as he was boring to find marl, his ill
stars discovered a vein of earth, perfectly white, which on
trial did not effervesce with acids.1 It struck him as an
acquisition for porcelain—he shewed it to a manufacturer
it was pronounced excellent: the marquis’s imagi-
nation took fire, and he thought of converting the poor
village of Tourbilly into a town, by a fabric of china
he went to work on his own account raised‘buildings
and got together all that was necessary, except skill
and capital.——In fine,he made good porcelain, was cheated
by his agents, and people, and at last ruined. A soap
manufactory, which he established also, as well as some
law-suits relative to other estates, had their share in
causing his misfortunes: his creditors seized the estate,
but permitted him to administer it till his death, when it
was sold. The only part of the tale that lessened my
regret was, that, though married, he left no family ,
that his ashes will sleep 1n peace, without his memory being
reviled by an indigent posterity. His ancestors acquired
the estate by marriage in the fourteenth century. His
cultural improvements, Mons. Galway observed, cer-
tainly did not hurt him; they were not well done, nor well
supported by himself, but they rendered the estate more
valuable, and he never heard that they had brought him
into any difficulties. I cannot but observe here, that there

1 Kaolin was discovered in Francé‘in 1760. The magnificent beds
near Limoges were discovered by the wife of a country doctor in 17 68.

 

 

 

 

140 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP’L

seems a fatality to attend country gentlemen whenever
they attempt trade or manufacture. In England I never
knew a man of landed property, with the education and
habits of landed property, attempt either, but they were
infallibly ruined; or if not ruined, considerably hurt
by them. Whether it is that the ideas and principles of
trade have something in them repugnant to the sentiments
which ought to flow from education — or whether the
habitual inattention of‘ country gentlemen to small gains
and savings, which are the soul of trade, renders their
success impossible; to whatever it may be owing, the fact
is such, not one in a million-succeeds. Agriculture, in the
improvement of their estates, is the only prOper and legiti-
mate sphere of their industry; and though ignorance renders
this sometimes dangerous, yet they can with safety attempt
no other. The old labourer, whose name is Piron (as pro-
pitious I hope to farming as to wit), being arrived, we
sallied forth to tread what to me was a sort of classic
ground. I shall dwell but little on the particulars: they
make a much better figure in the Memoire sur les def/riche-
mans than at Tourbilly; the meadows, even near the
chateau, are yet very rough ; the general features are
rough: but the alleys of pOplars, of which he speaks in the
memoirs, are nobly grown indeed, and do credit to his
memory; they are 60 or 70 feet high, and girt a foot: the
willows are equal. Why were they not oak? to have
transmitted to the farming travellers of another century
the pleasure I feel in viewing the more perishable poplars
of the present time; the causeways near the castle must
have been arduous works. The mulberries are in a state
of neglect; Mons. Galway’s father not being fond of that
culture, destroyed many, but some hundreds remain, and I
was told that the poor people had made as far as 25 lbs. of
silk, but none attempted at present. The meadows had been
drained and improved near the chateau to the amount of
50 or 60 arpents, they are now rushy, but valuable in such
a country. Near them is a wood of Bourdeaux pines, sown
35 years ago, and are now worth five or six liv. each. I
walked into the boggy bit that produced the great cabbages
he mentioned, it joins a large and most improveable bottom.
Piron informed me that the marquis pared and burnt

1788.] BERNAY. 141

about 100 arpents in all, and he folded 250 sheep. On our-
return to the chateau, Mons. de Galway, finding what an
enthusiast I was in agriculture, searched among his papers
to find a manuscript of the marquis de Tourbilly’s, written
with his own hand, which he had the goodness to make me
a present of, and which I shall keep amongst my curiosities
in agriculture. The polite reception I had met from Mons.
Galway, and the friendly attention he had given to my
views, entering into the spirit of my pursuits, and wishing
to promote it, would have induced me very cheerfully to have
accepted his invitation of remaining some days with him;
had I not been apprehensive that the moment of madame
Galway’s being in bed, would render such an unlocked for
visit inconvenient. I took my leave therefore in the evening,
and returned to La Fléche by a different road—25 miles.

The 30th. A quantity of moors to Le Mans,1 they
assured me at (S‘ruerces,2 that they are here 60 leagues in
circumference, with no great interruptions. At Le Mans
I was unlucky in Mons. Tournai, secretary to the Society of
Agriculture, being absent—28 miles.

OCTOBER 1. Towards Alengon,3 the country a contrast
to what I passed yesterday ; good land, well inclosed, well
built, and tolerably cultivated, with marling. A noble
road of dark coloured stone, apparently ferruginous, that.
binds well. Near Beaumont“ vineyards in sight on the
hills, and these are the last in thus travelling northwards ;
the whole country finely watered by rivers and streams, yet
no irrigation—30 miles.

The 2d. Four miles to Nouantf of rich herbage, under
bullocks.—28 miles.

The 3d. From Gacé 6 towards Bernay.7 Pass the mari-
shal duc de Broglio’s chateau at Broglio,8 which is sur-
rounded by such a multiplicity of clipt hedges, double,
treble, and quadruple, that he must half maintain the poor
of the little town in clipping—25 miles.

The 4th. Leave Bernay; where, and at other places in
this country, are many mud walls, made of rich red loam,

1 (Sarthe.) 2 La Guierche (Sarthe).
3 (Orne.) 4 Beaumont-sur-Sarthe (Sarthe).
5 Nouans (Sarthe). 6 Gacé (Orne).

7 (Eure.) 8 Broglie (Eure). This chateau still exists.

142 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [0012

thatched at t0p, and well planted with fruit-trees: a hint
very well worth taking for copying in England, where brick
and stone are dear. Come to one of the richest countries
in France, or indeed in EurOpe. There are few finer views
than the first of Elbeuf,1 from the eminence above it,
which is high; the town at your feet in the bottom; on
one side the Seine presents a noble reach, broken by wooded
islands, and an immense amphitheatre of hill, covered
with a prodigious wood, surrounding the whole.

The 5th. To Rouen, where I found the hotel royal, a
contrast to that dirty, impertinent, cheating hole the
pomme de pin. In the evening to the theatre, which is not
.so large, I think, as that of Nantes, but not comparable in
elegance or decoration; it is sombre and dirty. Gretty’s
Caravanne de Caire, the music of which, though too much
chorus and noise, has some tender and pleasing passages.
I like it better than any other piece I have heard of that
celebrated composer. The next morning waited on Mons.
Scanegatty, professeur de physique dans la Socie’té Royale
d’Agriculture; he received me with politeness. He has a
considerable room furnished with mathematical and phi-
losophical instruments and models. He explained some of
the latter to me that are of his own invention, particularly
one of a furnace for calcining gypsum, which is brought
here in large quantities from Montmartre.‘2 Waited on
Messrs. Midy, Rossec and 00., the most considerable wool
merchants in France, who were so kind as to shew me a
great variety of wools, from most of the European countries,
and permitted me to take specimens. The next morning
I went to Darnetal,3 where Mons. Curmer shewed me his
manufacture. Return to Rouen, and dined with Mons.
Portier, directeur general des fermes, to whom I had brought
a letter from the duc de la Rochefoucauld. The conversa-
tion turned, among other subjects, on the want of new
streets at Rouen, on comparison with Havre, Nantes, and
Bourdeaux; at the latter places it was remarked, that a
merchant makes a fortune in ten or fifteen years, and
builds away; but at Rouen, it is a commerce of oeconomv,
in which a man is long doing it, and therefore unable with

l (Seine Inférieure.) 2 (Seine Inférieure.)
3 Three miles from Rouen on the Amiens railway (ma).

1788.] LA ROCHE GUYON. 143

prudence to make the same exertions. Every person at
table agreed in another point which was discussed, that
the wine provinces are the poorest in all France: I urged
the produce being greater per arpent by far than of other
lands; they adhered to the fact as one generally known
and admitted. In the evening at the theatre, Madame du
Fresne entertained me greatly; she is an excellent actress,
never overdoes her parts, and make one feel by feeling her-
self. The more I see of the French theatre, the more I am
forced to acknowledge the superiority to our own, in the
number of good performers, and in the paucity of bad
ones; and in the quantity of dancers, singers, and persons
on whom the business of the theatre depends, all esta-
blished on a great scale. I remark, in the sentiments that
are applauded, the same generous feelings in the audience
in France, that have many times in England put me in
good humour with my countrymen. We are too apt to
hate the French, for myself I see many reasons to be
pleased with them; attributing faults very much to their
government ; perhaps in our own, our roughness and
want of good temper are to be traced to the same
origin.

The 8th. My plan had for some time been to go directly
to England, on leaving Rouen, for the post-offices had been
cruelly uncertain. I had received no letters for some time
from my family, though I had written repeatedly to urge
it; they passed to a person at Paris who was to forward
them; but some carelessness, or other cause, impeded all,
' at a time that others directed to the towns I passed, came
regularly; I had fears that some of my family were ill, and
that they would not write bad news to me in a situation
where knowing the worst could have no influence in chang-
ing it for better. But the desire I had to accept the invi-
tation to La Roche Guyon, of the dutchess d’Anville’s and
the duc de la Rochefoucauld, prolonged my journey, and I
set forward on this further excursion. A truly noble view
from the road above Rouen; the city at one end of the
vale, with the river flowing to it perfectly checkered with
isles of wood. The other divides into two great channels,
between which the vale is all spread with islands, some
arable, some meadow, and much wood on all. Pass Pont

14:4: TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [oc'r.

l’Arch 1 to Louviers.2 I had letters for the celebrated
manufacturer Mons. Decretot, who received me with a
kindness that ought to have some better epithet than
polite; he shewed me his fabric, unquestionably the first
woollen one in the world, if success, beauty of fabric, and
an inexhaustible invention to supply with taste all the
cravings of fancy, can give the merit of such superiority.
Perfection goes no further than the Vigonia cloths of
Mons. Decretot, at 110 liv. (41. 16s. 3d.) the aulne. He
shewed me also his cotton-mills, under the direction of
two Englishmen. Near Louviers is a manufacture of
copper plates for the bottoms of the King’s ships; a colony
of Englishmen. I supped with Mons. Decretot, passing a
very pleasant evening in the company of some agreeable
ladies—17 miles.

' The 9th. By Guillon 3 to Vernon ; ‘ the vale flat rich
arable. Among the notes, I had long ago taken of objects
to see in France, was the plantation of mulberries, and the
silk establishment of the marechal de Belleisle, at Bissy,5
near Vernon; the attempts repeatedly made by the society
for the encouragement of arts, at London, to introduce silk
into England, had made the similar undertakings in the
north of France more interesting. I accordingly made all
the enquiries that were necessary for discovering the suc-
cess of this meritorious attempt. Bissy is a fine place,
purchased on the death of the duc de Belleisle by the duc
de Penthievre, who has but one amusement, which is that
of varying his residence at the numerous seats he possesses
in many parts of the kingdom. There is something rational
in this taste; I should like myself to have a score of farms
from the vale of Valencia to the Highlands of Scotland,
and to visit and direct their cultivation by turns. From
Vernon, cross the Seine, and mount the chalk hills again;
after which mount again, and to La Roche Gruyon,6 the

‘ Pont de l’Arche, Junction Station.

2 One of the principal cloth manufacturing towns of France (Seine
Inférieure).

.3 (Eure) 4 (Seine Inférieure.)

5 The old chateau de Bizy was replaced in 1866 by a new building in
the style of Louis XIV.

6 This chateau has been reconstructed, parts of the ancient building-
remaining. It still belongs to the family of La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt-

1788.] LA ROCHE GUYON. 145

most singular place I have seen. Madame d’Anville and
the duc de la Rochefoucauld received me in a manner that
would have made me pleased with the place had it been in
the midst of a bog. It gave me pleasure to find also the
dutchess de la Rochefoucauld here, with whom I had passed
so much agreeable time at Bagnere de Luchon, a thoroughly
good woman, with that simplicity of character which is
banished by pride of family or foppery of rank. The Abbe
Rochon,1 the celebrated astronomer, of the academy of
sciences, with some other company which, with the domes-
tics and trappings of a. grand seigneur, gave La Roche
Guyon exactly the resemblance of the residence of a great
lord in England. Europe is now so much assimilated, that
if one goes to a house where the fortune is 15 or 20,0001.
a-year, we shall find in the mode of living much more re-
semblance than a young traveller will ever be prepared to
look for.—23 miles.

The 10th. This is one of the most singular places I have
been at. The chalk rock has been cut perpendicularly, to
make room for the chateau. The kitchen, which is a large
one, vast vaults, and extensive cellars (magnificently filled
by the way) with various other offices, are all cut out of the
rock, with merely fronts of brick ; the house is large, con-
taining thirty-eight apartments. The present dutchess has
added a handsome saloon of forty-eight feet long, and well
proportioned, with four fine tablets of the Gobelin tapestry,
also a library well filled. Here I was shewn the ink-stand
that belonged to the famous Louvois, the minister of
Louis XIV. known to be the identical one from which he
signed the revocation of the edict of Nantes, and I suppose
also the order to Turenne to burn the Palatinate. This
marquis de Louvois was grandfather to the two dutchesses
d’Anville and d’Estissac, who inherited all his fortune, as
well as their own family one of the house of La Rochefou-
cauld, from which family I conceive, and not from Louvois,
they inherited their dispositions. From the principal apart-
ment, there is a balcony that leads to the walks which
serpentine up the mOuntain. Like all French seats, there
is a town, and a great potager to remove before it would be

1 Author of “ Voyage a Madagascar et aux Indes Orientales,” died
1817.
L

146 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [oc'L

consonant with English ideas. Bissy, the duc de Pen-
thievre’s, is just the same; before the chateau there is a
gently falling vale with a little stream through it, that
might be made any thing of for lawning and watering;
exactly there, in full front of the house, they have placed a
great kitchen-garden, with walls enough for a fortress.
The houses of the poor people here, as on the Loire in
Touraine, are burrowed into the chalk rock, and have a
singular appearance: here are two streets of them, one
above another; they are asserted to be wholesome, warm
in winter, and cool in summer, but others thought diffe-
rently; and that they were bad for the health of the in-
habitants. The duc de la Rochefoucauld had the kindness
to order the steward to give me all the information I
wanted relative to the agriculture of the country, and to
speak to such persons as was necessary on points that he
was in doubt about. At an English nobleman’s, there
would have been three or four farmers asked to meet me,
who would have dined with the family amongst the ladies
of the first rank. I do not exaggerate, when I say, that I
have had this at least an hundred times in the first houses
of our islands. It is however, a thing that in the present
state of manners in France, would not be met with from
Calais to Bayonne, except by chance in the house of some
. great lord that had been much in England,1 and then not
unless it was asked for. The nobility in France have no
more idea of practising agriculture, and making it an object
of conversation, except on the mere theory, as they would
speak of a loom or a bowsprit, than of any other object the
most remote from their habits and pursuits. I do not so
much blame them for this neglect, as I do that herd of
visionary and absurd writers on agriculture, who, from
their chambers in cities, have, with an impertinence almost
incredible, deluged France with nonsense and theory,
enough to disgust and ruin the whole nobilitv of the
kingdom. '

The 12th. Part with regret from a society I had every
reason to be pleased with—35 miles. .

The 13th. The 20 miles to Rouen, the same features.

1 I once knew it at the duc de Liancourt’s.-—Autlzor’s Note.

1788.] DIEPPE. 14.7

First view of Rouen sudden and striking; but the road
doubling, in order to turn more gently down the hill, pre-
sents from an elbow the finest view of a town I have ever
seen; the whole city, with all its churches and convents,
and its cathedral proudly rising in the midst, fills the vale.
The river presents one reach, crossed by the bridge, and
then dividing into two fine channels, forms a large island
covered with wood; the rest of the vale of verdure and
cultivation, of gardens and habitations, finish the scene, 'in
perfect unison with the great city that forms the capital
feature. Wait on Mons. d’Ambournay, secretary of the
society of agriculture, who was absent when I was here be-
fore; we had an interesting conversation on agriculture,
and on the means of encouraging it. I found, from this
very ingenious gentleman, that his plan of using madder
green, which many years ago made so much noise in the
agricultural world, is not practised at present any where;
but he continues to think it perfectly practicable. In the
evening to the play, where Madame Cretal, from Paris,
acted N ina; and it proved the richest treat I have received
from the French theatre. She performed it with an inimi-
table expression, with a tenderness, a naiveté, and an
elegance withal, that mastered every feeling of the heart,
against which the piece was written: her expression is as
delicious, as her countenance is beautiful; in her acting,
nothing overcharged, but all kept within the simplicity of
nature. The house was crouded, garlands of flowers and
laurel were thrown on the stage, and she was crowned by
the other actors, but modestly removed them from her
head, as often as they were placed there—20 miles.

The 14th. Take the road to Dieppe. Meadows in the
vale well watered, and hay now making. Sleep at Tote}—
17-;— miles.

The 15th. To Dieppe. I was lucky enough to find the
passage-boat ready to sail; go on board with my faithful
sure-footed blind friend. I shall probably never ride her
again, but all my feelings prevent my selling her in France.
-—Without eyes she has carried me in safety above 1,500
miles; and for the rest of her life she shall have no other

1 Totes (Seine Inférieure).

148 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [0013

master than myself; could I afford it, this should be her
last labour: some ploughing, however, on my farm, she
will perform for me, I dare say, chearfully.

Landing at the neat, new-built town of Brighthelmstone,
ofiers a much greater contrast to Dieppe, which is old and
dirty, than Dover does to Calais; and in the castle inn I
seemed for a while to be in fairy land; but I paid for the
enchantment. The next day to lord Sheffield’s, a house I
never go to, but to receive equal pleasure and instruction.
I longed to make one for a few days in the evening library
circle, but I took it strangely into my head, from one or
two expressions, merely accidental, in the conversation,
coming after my want of letters to France, that I had cer-
tainly lost a child in my absence; and I hurried to London
next morning, where I had the pleasure of finding my alarm
a false one; letters enough had been written, but all failed.
To Bradfield.-——202 miles.

1789.] LONDON. 149

1789.

MY two preceding journies had crossed the whole wes-
tern half of France, in various directions ; and the in-
formation I had received in making them, had made me as
much a master of the general husbandry, the soil, manage-
ment and productions, as could be expected, without pene-
trating in every corner; and residing long in various sta-
tions, a method of surveying such a kingdom as France,
that would demand several lives instead of years. The
eastern part of the kingdom remained. The great mass of
country, formed by the triangle, whose three points are
Paris, Strasbourg and Moulins, and the mountainous
region SE. of the last town, presented in the map an
ample space, which it would be necessary to pass before I
could have such an idea of the kingdom as I had planned
the acquisition; I determined to make this third efiort, in
order to accomplish a design which appeared more and
more important, the more I reflected on it; and less likely
to be executed by those whose powers are better adapted
to the undertaking than mine. The meeting of the States
General of France also, who were now assembled, made it
the more necessary to lose no time; for in all human pro-
bability, that assembly will be the epoch of a new consti-
tution, which will have new effects, and, for what I know,
attended with a new agriculture; and to have the regal
sun in such a kingdom, both rise and set without the terri-
tory being known, must of necessity be regretted by every
man solicitous for real political knowledge. The events of
a century and half, including the brilliant reign of Louis
XIV. will for ever render the sources of the French power
interesting to mankind, and particularly that its state may
be known previous to the establishment of an improved
government, as the comparison of the effects of the old and
new system will be not a little curious in future.
JUNE 2. To London. At night, E Generosité ol’ Ales-
sandro, by Tarchi, in which Signor Marchesi exerted his

150 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

powers, and sung a duet, that made me for some moments
forget all the sheep and pigs of Bradfield. I was, how-
ever, much better entertained after it, by supping at my
friend Dr. Burney’s, and meeting Miss Burney; how sel-
dom it is that we can meet two characters at once in whom
great celebrity deducts nothing from private amiableness ;
how many dazzling ones that we have no desire to live
with! give me such as to great talents, add the qualities
that make us wish to shut up doors with them.

The 3d. Nothing buzzing in my ears but the féte given
last night by the Spanish ambassador. The best féte of
the present period is that which ten millions of people are
giving to themselves,

The feast of reason and the flow of soul.

The animated feelings of bosoms beating with gratitude
for the escape of one common calamity, and the thrilling
hope of the continuance of common blessings. Meet the
count de Berchtold 1 at Mr. Songa’s; a reach 2 of good sense
and important views :---Why does not the Emperor call
him to his own country, and make him his prime minister ?
The world will never be well governed till princes know
their subjects.

The 4th. To Dover in the machine, with two merchants
from Stockholm, a German and a Swede; we shall be
companions to Paris. I am more likely to learn something
useful from the conversation of a Swede and a German,
than from the chance medley Englishmen of a stage-coach.
——72 miles.

The 5th. Passage to Calais; 14 hours for reflection
in a vehicle that does not allow one power to reflect—21
miles.

The 6th. A Frenchman and his wife, and a French

1 Berchtold, Count Leopold de, a distinguished German philan-
thrOpist, born 1738, died 1809. He travelled for fifteen years over
Europe, Asia, and Africa, for the purpose of disseminating philanthropic
tracts, and was one of the most active members of the Royal Humane
Society. He fell a victim to his devotion in attending the sick and
wounded Austrian soldiers after the battle of Wagram.

9 Reach, used in a sense now obsolete—extent of capacity.

“ Be sure yourself and your own reach to know.”—POPE.

1789.] PARIS. 151

teacher from Ireland, full of foppery and aflectation, which
her own nation did not give her, were our company, with
a young good-natured raw countryman of hers, at whom
she played off many airs and graces. The man and his
Wife contrived to produce a pack of cards, to banish, they
said, l’enuye of the journey; but they contrived also to
fleece the yormg fellow of five louis. This is the first
French diligence I have been in, and shall be the last; they
are detestable. Sleep at Abbeville.—7 8 miles.

These men and women, girls and boys, think themselves
(except the Swede) very cheerful because very noisy; they
have stunned me with singing; my ears have been so tor-
mented with French airs, that I would almost as soon have
rode the journey blindfold on an ass. This is what the
French call good spirits ; no truly chearful emotion in their
bosoms; silent or singing; but for conversation they had
none. I lose all patience in such company. Heaven send
me a blind mare rather than another diligence ! We were
all this night, as well as all the day, on the road, and
reached Paris at nine in the morning—102 miles.

The 8th. To my friend Lazowski, to know where were
the lodgings I had written him to hire me, but my good
dutchess d’Estissac would not allow him to execute my
commission. I found an apartment in her hotel prepared
for me. Paris is at present in such a ferment about the
States General,1 now holding at Versailles, that conversa-
tion is absolutely absorbed by them. Not a word of any
thing else talked of. Every thing is considered, and justly
so, as important in such a crisis of the fate of four-and-
twenty millions of people. It is now a serious contention
whether the representatives are to be called the Commons
or Tiers Etat; they call themselves steadily the former,
while the court and the great lords reject the term with a
species of apprehension, as if it involved a meaning not
easily to be fathomed. But this point is of little conse-
quence, compared with another, that has kept the states
for sometime in inactivity, the verification of their power
separately or in common. The nobility and the clergy de-

‘ The States-General had assembled 5th May of this year, composed

of 308 representatives of the clergy, 285 of the nobles, 621 of the Tiers
état, or Commons (Lalanne).

152 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

mand the former, but the Commons steadily refuse it; the
reason why a circumstance, apparently of no great conse-
quence, is thus tenaciously regarded, is that it may decide
their sitting for the future in separate houses or in one.1
Those who are warm for the interest of the people declare
that it will be impossible to reform some of the grossest
abuses in the state, if the nobility, by sitting in a separate
chamber, shall have a negative on the wishes of the people:
and that to give such a veto to the clergy would be still
more preposterous ; if therefore, by the verification of their
powers in one chamber, they shall once come together, the
popular party hope that there will remain, no power after-
wards to separate. The nobility and clergy foresee the
same result, and will not therefore agree to it. In this
dilemma it is curious to remark the feelings of the mo-
ment. It is not my business to write memoirs of what
passes, but I am intent to catch, as well as I Can, the
Opinions of the day most prevalent. While I remain at
Paris, I shall see pe0ple of all descriptions, from the
cofiee-house politicians to the leaders in the states; and
the chief object of such rapid notes as I throw on paper,
will be to catch the ideas of the moment; to compare them
afterwards with the actual events that shall happen, will
afford amusement at least. The most prominent feature
that appears at present is, that an idea of common interest
and common danger does not seem to unite those, who, if
not united, may find themselves too weak to oppose the
common danger that must arise from the people being sen-
sible of a strength the result of their weakness. The king,
court, nobility, clergy, army, and parliament, are nearly in
the same situation. All these consider, with equal dread,
the ideas of liberty, now afloat ; except the first, who, for
reasons obvious to those who know his character, troubles
himself little, even with circumstances that concern his
power the most intimately. Among the rest, the feeling
of danger is common, and they would unite, were there a
head to render it easy, in order to do without the states at
all. That the commons themselves look for some such
hostile union as more than probable, appears from an idea

1 “ Tout l‘avenir de la France était dans la separation on dans la
reunion des ordres ” (Mignet).

1789.] rams. 153

which gains ground, that they will find it necessary should
the other two orders continue to unite with them in one
chamber, to declare themselves boldly the representatives
of the kingdom at large, calling on the nobility and clergy
to take their places—and to enter upon deliberations of
business without them, should they refuse it. All conver-
sation at present is on this topic, but opinions are more
divided than I should have expected. There seem to be
many who hate the clergy so cordially, that rather than
permit them to form a distinct chamber would venture on
a new system, dangerous as it might prove.

The 9th. The business going forward at present in the
pamphlet shops of Paris is incredible. I went to the
Palais Royal to see what new things were published, and to
procure a catalogue of all. Every hour produces something
new. Thirteen came out today, sixteen yesterday, and
ninety-two last week. We think sometimes that Debrett’s
or Stockdale’s shops at London are crouded, but they are
mere deserts, compared to Desein’s, and some others here,
in which one can scarcely squeeze from the door to the
counter. The price of printing two years ago was from
27 liv. to 30 liv. per sheet, but now it is from 60 liv. to 80
liv. This spirit of reading political tracts, they say, spreads
into the provinces, so that all the presses of France are
equally employed. Nineteen-twentieths of these produc-
tions are in favour of liberty, and commonly violent again st
the clergy and nobility; I have to-day bespoke many of
this description, that have reputation; but enquiring for
such as had appeared on the other side of the question, to
my astonishment I find there are but two or three that
have merit enough to be known. Is it not wonderful, that
while the press teems with the most levelling and even
seditious principles, that if put in execution would over-
turn the monarchy, nothing in reply appears, and not the
least step is taken by the court to restrain this extreme
licentiousness of publication. It is easy to conceive the
spirit that must thus be raised among the peOple. But
the coflee-houses in the Palais Royal present yet more
singular and astonishing spectacles; they are not only
crouded within, but other expectant crouds are at the doors
and windows, listening a gorge. deploy/6’ to certain orators,

154 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

who from chairs or tables harangue each his little audi-
ence: the eagerness with which they are heard, and the
thunder of applause they receive for every sentiment of
more than common hardiness or violence against the pre
sent government, cannot easily be imagined. I am all
amazement at the ministry permitting such nests and hot-
beds of sedition and revolt, which disseminate amongst the
peOple, every hour, principles that by and by must be
opposed with vigour, and therefore it seems little short of
madness to allow the propagation at present.

The 10th. Every thing conspires to render the present
period in France critical: the want of bread is terrible:
accounts arrive every moment from the provinces of riots
and disturbances, and calling in the military, to preserve
the peace of the markets. The prices reported are the same
as I found at Abbeville and Amiens 5/. (2%.) a pound for
white bread, and 3%]: to 4% for the common sort, eaten by
the poor: these rates are beyond their faculties, and occa-
sion great misery. At Meudon, the police, that is to say
the intendant, ordered that no wheat should be sold on the
market without the person taking at the same time an
equal quantity of barley. What a stupid and ridiculous
regulation, to lay obstacles on the supply, in order to be
better supplied; and to shew the people the fears and
apprehensions of government, creating thereby an alarm,
and raising the price at the very moment they wish to sink
it. I have had some conversation on this topic with well
informed persons, who have assured me that the price is, as
usual, much higher than the proportion of the crop de-
manded, and there would have been no real scarcity if Mr.
Necker would have let the corn-trade alone ; but his edicts
of restriction, which have been mere comments on his book
on the legislation of corn, have Operated more to raise the
price than all other causes together. It appears plain to
me, that the violent friends of the commons are not dis-
pleased at the high price of corn, which seconds their
views greatly, and makes any appeal to the common feeling
of the people more easy, and much more to their purpose
than if the price was low. Three days past, the chamber
of the clergy contrived a cunning proposition; it was to
send a deputation to the commons, proposing to name a

1789.] rams. 155

commission from the three orders to take into considera-
tion the misery of the people, and to deliberate on the
means of lowering the price of bread. This would have
led to the deliberation by order, and not by heads, conse-
quently must be rejected, but unpopularly so from the
situation of the people: the commons were equally dex-
trous; in their reply, they prayed and conjured the clergy
to join them in the common hall of the states to deliberate,
which was no sooner reported at Paris than the clergy be—
came doubly an object of hatred; and it became a ques-
tion with the politicians of the Café de Fey,1 whether it
was not lawful for the commons to decree the applica—
tion of their estates towards easing the distress of the
peOple ?

The 11th. I have been in much company all day, and
cannot but remark, that there seem to be no settled ideas
of the best means of forming a new constitution. Yester-
day the Abbe’ Syeyes2 made a motion in the house of
commons, to declare boldly to the privileged orders, that
if they will not join the commons, the latter will proceed
in the national business without them; and the house de-
creed it, with a small amendment. This causes much con-
versation on what will be the consequence of such a pro-
seeding ; and on the contrary, on what may flow from the
nobility and clergy continuing steadily to refuse to join the
commons, and should they so proceed, to protest against
all they decree, and appeal to the King to dissolve the
states, and recal them in such a form as may be practicable
for business. In these most interesting discussions, I find
a general ignorance of the principles of government; a
strange and unaccountable appeal, on one side, to ideal and
visionary rights of nature; and, on the other, no settled
plan that shall give security to the pe0ple for being in

1 The Café Foy (J. Bignon), Boulevard des Italiens, No. 38, corner
of the Chaussée d’Antin.

3 The author of the most famous pamphlet ever written, began his
political career as a pioneer of democracy, and ended it as an apostle of
despotism. He voted the death of the king, but knew how to take care
of his own head. His maxim was “ Vivre.” Effacing himself com-
pletely during the Terror, he appeared again on the scene under the
Directory, and was the main abettor of Napoleon to the Coup d’Etat of
the 18th Brumaire. Died 1836.

156 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

future in a much better situation than hitherto; a security
absolutely necessary. But the nobility, with the principles
of great lords that I converse with, are most disgustingly
tenacious of all old rights, however hard they may bear on
the people; they will not hear of giving way in the least
to the spirit of liberty, beyond the point of paying equal
land-taxes, which they hold to be all that can with reason
be demanded. The popular party, on the other hand, seem
to con sider all liberty as depending on the privileged classes
being lost, and outvoted in the order of the commons, at
least for making the new constitution; and when I urge
the great probability, that should they once unite, there
will remain no power of ever separating them; and that
in such case, they will have a very questionable constitu-
tion, perhaps a very bad one; I am always told, that the
first object must be for the people to get the power of
doing good; and that it is no argument against such a
«conduct to urge that an ill use may be made of it. But
among such men, the common idea is, that any thing tend-
ing towards a separate order, like our house of lords, is
absolutely inconsistent with liberty; all which seems per-
fectly wild and unfounded.

The 12th. To the royal society of agriculture, which
meets at the hotel ole ville, and of which being an associé, I
voted, and received a jetton, which is a small medal given
to the members, every time they attend, in order to induce
them to mind the business of their institution; it is the
same at all royal academies, &c., and amounts, in a year,
to a considerable and ill-judged expence; for what good is
to be expected from men who would go only to receive
their jetton? Whatever the motive may be, it seems well
attended : near thirty were present ; among them Par-
mentier, vice-president, Cadet de Vaux, Fourcroy, Tillet,
Desmarets, Broussonet, secretary, and Creté de Palieul, at
whose farm I was two years ago, and who is the only prac-
tical farmer in the society. The secretary reads the titles
of the papers presented, and gives some little account of
them; but they are not read unless particularly interest-
ing, then memoirs are read by the members, or reports of
references; and when they discuss or debate, there is no
order, but all speak together as in a warm private conver-

1789.] rams. 157'

sation. The Abbé Reynal1 has given them 1200 Iiv. (521..
108.) for a premium on some important subject; and my
opinion was asked what it should be given for. Give it, I,
replied, in some way for the introduction of turnips? But!
that they conceive to be an object of impossible attain-
ment; they have done so much, and the government so
much more, and all in vain, that they consider it as a.
hopeless object. I did not tell them that all hitherto done
has been absolute folly; and that the right way to begin,
was to undo every thing done. I am never present at any
societies of agriculture, either in France or England, but I
am much in doubt with myself whether, when best con»
ducted, they do most good or mischief; that is, whether
the benefits a national agriculture may by great chance
owe to them, are not more than counterbalanced by the-
harm they effect; by turning the public attention to frivi~
lous objects, instead of important ones, or dressing impor-
tant ones in such a garb as to make them trifles? The-
only society that could be really useful would be that
which, in the culture of a large farm, should exhibit a per-
fect example of good husbandry, for the use of such as
would resort to it; consequently one that should consist
solely of practical men; and then query whether many
good cooks would not spoil a good dish. The ideas of the
public on the great business going on at Versailles change
daily and even hourly. It now seems the Opinion, that the
commons, in their late violent vote, have gone too far ;.
and that the union of the nobility, clergy, army, parlia-
ment, and King, will be by far too many for them; such
an union is said to be in agitation; and that the count;
d’Artois, the Queen, and the party usually known by her
name, are taking steps to effect it, against the moment
when the proceedings of the commons shall make it neces-
sary to act with unity and vigour. The abolition of the

1 The brilliant, but somewhat unscrupulous Jesuit, expelled his order
for free theological views. Although latterly obnoxious to the Revolu--
tions, Raynal escaped the Terror, and died poor in 1796. Charlotte
Corday delighted in his writings.

7‘ Arthur Young’s enthusiasm on the subject of turnips may be under-
stood when we remember that this invaluable esculent was not culti»
vated as food for cattle till the latter part of the last century.

158 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

parliaments is common conversation among the popular
leaders, as a step essentially necessary; because, while they
exist, they are tribunals to which the court can have resort,
should they be inclined to take any step against the exis-
tence of the states: those bodies are alarmed, and see with
deep regret, that their refusal to register the royal edicts,
has created a power in the nation not only hostile, but
dangerous to their own existence. It is now very well
known and understood on all hands, that should the King
get rid of the states, and govern on any tolerable principles,
all the edicts would be enregistered by all the parliaments.
In the dilemma and apprehension of the moment, the
pe0p1e look very much to the duo d’Orleans,1 as to a head;
but with palpable and general ideas of distrust and want
of confidence; they regret his character, and lament that
they cannot depend on him in any severe and diflicult trial:
they conceive him to be without steadiness, and that his
greatest apprehension is to be exiled from the pleasures of
Paris, and tell of many littlenesses he practised before, to
be recalled from banishment. They are, however, so totally
without a head, that they are contented to look to him as
one; and are highly pleased with what is every moment
reported, that he is determined to go at the head of a party
of the nobility, and verify their powers in common with
the commons. All agree, that had he firmness, in addition
to his vast revenue of seven millions (306,2501.) and four
more (175,0001.) in reversion, after the death of his father-
in-law, the duc de Ili’enthievre,2 he might, at the head of
the popular cause do any thing.

The 13th. In the morning to the King’s library,3 which

1 Here is a portrait of Philippe Egalité by a contemporary. “Le
duc, sans talents, décrié par une vie crapuleuse, par une avidité d’argent,
répréhensible dans un particulier, honteuse, avillissante dans un prince,
avait tous les vices qui font hair les crimes, et n’avait pas une des
qualités brillantes qui l’illustrent en quelque sorte aux yeux de la posterité.
Il fallait animer ce cadavre moral, lui donner une apparente volonté; on
lui montre 1e pouvoir supreme sous le nom de lieutenant général du
royaume, tout l’argent du trésor ublic a sa disposition, et dans un
avenir qu’il ne tiendrait qu’a lui e rapprocher, 1a couronne pour ses
enfans.”—Mémoires du Alan-guts de Ferriéres, p. 9, Paris, 1880.

3 The Due de Penthiévre was grandson of Louis XI V. and Mdme.
de Montespan, and son of the Count of Toulouse.

3 The Bibliothéque N ationale, Rue de Richelieu.

1789.] PARIS. 159

I had not seen when before at Paris; it is a vast apart-
ment, and, as all the world knows, nobly filled. Every
thing is provided to accommodate those who wish to read
or transcribe—of whom there were sixty or seventy pre-
sent. Along the middle of the rooms are glass cases, con-
taining models of the instruments of many trades pre-
served for the benefit of posterity, being made on the most
exact scale of proportion ; among others the potter, founder,
brickmaker, chymist, &c., &c., and lately added a very
large one of the English garden, most miserably imagined;
but with all this not a plough, or an iota of agriculture;
yet a farm might be much easier represented than the
garden they have attempted, and with infinitely more use.
I have no doubt but there may arise many cases, in which
the preservation of instruments unaltered, may be of con-
siderable utility; I think I see clearly, that such a use
would result in agriculture, and if so, why not in other
arts? These cases of models, however, have so much the
air of childrens’ play-houses, that I would not answer for
my little girl, if I had her here, not crying for them. At
the dutchess of d’Anville’s, where meet the archbishop of
Aix,l bishop of Blois,2 Prince de Laon, and duc and dut-
chess de la Rochefoucauld, the three last of my old Bag-
nere de Luchon acquaintance, lord3 and lady Camelford,
lord Eyre,4 &c., &c.

All this day I hear nothing but anxiety of expectation
for what the crisis in the states will produce. The embar-
rassment of the moment is extreme. Every one agrees
that there is no ministry: the Queen is closely connecting
herself with the party of the princes, with the count
d’Artois at their head; who are all so adverse to Mons.
Necker that every thing is in confusion: but the King,

' The Archbishop of Aix was a staunch upholder of the supremacy
the Church, and headed the refractory clergy after the decrees of June
and July, 1790.

2 The Bishop of Blois was replaced by an “ évéque constitutions] ” in
1790.

3 Thomas Pitt, nephew of the first Earl of Chatham, author of
“ Tracts on the American War.”

‘ Sir James Eyre, afterwards Baron of the Exchequer. In 1793 one
of the commissioners of the Great Seal, afterwards Chief Justice of the
Common Pleas. ' fl

160 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

who is personally the honestest man in the world, has but
one wish, which is to do right; yet, being without those
decisive parts that enable a man to foresee difliculties and
to avoid them, finds himself in a moment of such extreme
perplexity, that he knows not what council to take refuge
in: it is said that Mons. Necker is alarmed for his power,
and anecdote reports things to his disadvantage, which
probably are not true :——of his trimming—and attempting
to connect himself to the Abbe de Vermont,1 reader to the
Queen, and who has great influence in all affairs in which
he chuses to interfere; this is hardly credible, as that
party are known to be exceedingly adverse to Mons-
Necker; and it is even said, that, as the count d’Artois,
Madame de Polignac,2 and a few others were, but two days
ago, walking in the private garden of Versailles they met
Madame Necker, and descended even to hissing: if half
this is true, it is plain enough that this minister must
speedily retire. All who adhere to the antient constitution,
or rather government, consider him as their mortal enemy;
they assert, and truly, that he came in under circumstances
that would have enabled him to do every thing he pleased——
he had king and kingdom at command—but that the errors
he was guilty of, for want of some settled plan, have been
the cause of all dilemmas experienced since. They accuse
him heavily of assembling the notables, as a false step that
did nothing but mischief: and assert that his letting the
king go to the states-general, before their powers were
verified, and the necessary steps taken to keep the orders
separate, after giving double the representation to the tiers
to that of the other two orders, was madness. That he
ought to have appointed commissaries to have received the
verification before admittance : they accuse him further of

l “ Ancien précepteur et conseiller intime de Marie Antoinette, pré‘
cepteur qui ne lui avait rien appris, conseiller qui ne lui donnait—jamais
que de pernicieux avis, vrai Maurepas de Marie Antoinette, aussi égo‘iste
et moins sagace que le fatal ministre de Louis XVI. H. Martin, vol. xvi.
p. 556. The Abbe de Vermont very prudently quitted France after the
fall of the Bastille.

9 The Duke and Duchess de Polignac, after having received countless.
honours, privileges, and substantial favours from Louis XVI. and the

queen, were the first to desert them. Like the Abbe de Vermont, they
fled after the 14th July, 1789.

1789.] PARIS. 161

having done all this through an excessive and insufierable
vanity, which gave him the idea of guiding the delibera4
tion of the states by his knowledge and reputation. The
character of a man, drawn by his enemies, must neces-
sarily be charged ; but these are his features here, of which
all parties recognize some truth, however rejoiced they
may be that error was a part of his constitution. It is ex-
pressly asserted by M. Necker’s 1 most intimate friends, that
he has acted with good faith, and that he has been in
principle a friend to the regal power, as well as to an ame-
lioration of the condition of the people. The worst thing
I know of him is his speech to the states on their assem-
bling,——a great opportunity, but lost,——no great leading or
masterly views,—no decision on circumstances in which
the people ought to be relieved, and new principles of
government adopted ;—it is the speech you would expect
from a banker’s clerk of some ability. Concerningit there
is an anecdote worth inserting; he knew his voice would
not enable him to go through the whole of it, in so large a
room, and to so numerous an assembly; and therefore he
had spoken to Mons. de Broussonet, of the academy of
sciences, and secretary to the royal society of agriculture,
to be in readiness to read it for him. He had been pre-
sent at an annual general meeting of that society, when
Mons. Broussonet had read a discourse with a powerful
piercing voice, that was heard distinctly to the greatest
distance. This gentleman attended him several times to
take his instructions, and be sure of understanding the in-
terlineations that were made, even after the speech was
finished. M. Broussonet was with him the evening before
the assembly of the states, at nine o’clock: and next day,
when he came to read it in public, be found still more cor-
rections and alterations, which Mons. Necker had made
after quitting him; they were chiefly in stile, and shew
how very solicitous he was in regard to the form and deco-
ration of his matter: the ideas in my opinion wanted this
attention more than the stile. Mons. Broussonet himself
told me this little anecdote. This morning in the states

1 See Mémoires de Montlosier for many interesting notes on Necker
and his fall, chs. 3, 4, 5.

M

162 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

three cureés of Poitou have joined themselves to the com-
mons, for the verification of their powers, and were re-
ceived with a kind of madness of applause; and this even-
ing at Paris nothing else is talked of. The nobles have
been all day in debate, without coming to any conclusion,
and have adjourned to Monday.

The 14th. To the king’s garden, where Mons. Thouin.
had the goodness to shew me some small experiments he
has made on plants that promise greatly for the farmer,
particularly the lathyrus biennial and the melilotus avg/bewica,1
which now make an immense figure for forage; both are
biennial; but will last three or four years if not seeded;
the Achilloea syberica promises well, and an astragalus; he
has promised me seeds. The Chinese hemp has perfected
its seeds, which it had not done before in France.2 The
more I see of Mons. Thouin the better I like him, he is one
of the most amiable men I know.

To the repository of the royal machines, which Mons.
Vandermond shewed and explained to me with great readi-
ness and politeness. What struck me most was Mons.
Vaucusson’s machine for making a chain, which I was told
Mr. Watt of Birmingham admired very much, at which
my attendants seemed not displeased. Another for making
the cogs indented in iron wheels. There is a chaff cutter,
from an English original; and a model of the nonsensical
plough to go without horses, these are the only ones in
agriculture. Many of very ingenious contrivance for wind-
ing silk, &c. In the evening to the theatre Francoise, the

1 I have since cultivated these plants in small quantities, and believe
them to be a very important object—Author’s Note.

'3 An eminent botanist has kindly elucidated this paSsage :—“ A ver
full list of the plants in cultivation at Paris was published by Desfon-
taines, first edition, 1804. Ours (Royal Herbarium, Kew) is the third
edition, and is called ‘ Catalogus Plantarum Horti Regii Parisiensis.’
1829. Hortus regii evidently means the J ardin des Plantes. I find no
mention of any Lathyrus biennis, and should guess that it means
Lathyrus sativus (Chickling Vetch). There is also named a Melilotus
Siberiei, afterwards called Medicao-o Siberiei by De Candolle, but it is
unknown to the last author of a ussian flora. Achillaea Siberiei is a
near ally of our common English Achillaea Ptarmica (Sneezewort).
Astragalus may well have been some specimen of that very large

genus. Chinese hemp is evidently one of the many varieties of Canna-
bis sativa.”

1789.] PARIS. 163

Siege of Calais, by Mons. de Belloy, not a good, but a
popular performance.

It is now decided by the pOpular leaders, that they will
move to-morrow to declare all taxes illegal not raised by
authority of the states general, but to grant them imme-
diately for a term; either for two years, or for the dura-
tion of the present session of the states. This plan is
highly approved at Paris by all the friends of liberty; and
it is certainly a rational mode of proceeding, founded on
just principles, and will involve the court in a great
dilemma.

The 15th. This has been a rich day, and such an one
as ten years ago none could believe would ever arrive in
France ; a very important debate being expected on what,
in our house of commons, would be termed the state of
the nation. My friend Mons. Lazowski and myself were at
Versailles by eight in the morning. We went immediately
to the hall of the states to secure good seats in the gallery;
we found some deputies already there, and a pretty nume-
rous audience collected. The room is too large ; none but
stentorian lungs, or the finest clearest voices can be heard ;
however the very size of the apartment, which admits
2000 people, gave a dignity to the scene. It was indeed
an interesting one. The spectacle of the representatives of
twenty-five millions of people, just emerging from the evils
of 200 years of arbitrary power, and rising to the blessings
of a freer constitution, assembled with Open doors under
the eye of the public, was framed to call into animated
feelings every latent spark, every emotion of a liberal
bosom. To banish whatever ideas might intrude of their
being a peOple too often hostile to my own country,—and
to dwell with pleasure on the glorious idea of happiness to
a great nation—of felicity to millions yet unborn. Mons.
l’Abbé Syeyes opened the debate. He is one of the most
zealous sticklers for the popular cause; carries his ideas
not to a regulation of the present government, which he
thinks too bad to be regulated at all, but wishes to see it
absolutely overturned ; being in fact a violent republican :
this is the character he commonly bears, and in his pamph-
lets he seems pretty much to justify such an idea. He
speaks ungracefully, and unelb’c‘luently, but logically, or

164 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

rather reads so, for he read his speech, which was prepared.
His motion, or rather string of motions, was to declare
themselves the representatives known and verified of the
French nation, admitting the right of all absent deputies
(the nobility and clergy) to be received among them on the
verification of their powers. Mons. de Mirabeau spoke
without notes, for near an hour, with a warmth, animation,
and eloquence, that entitles him to the reputation of an
undoubted orator. He opposed the words known and
verified, in the proposition of Abbé Syeyes, with great
force of reasoning ; and proposed, in lieu, that they should
declare themselves simply Representatives du peuple Fran-
coise: that no veto should exist against their resolves in
any other assembly: that all taxes are illegal, but should
be granted during the present session of the states, and no
longer : that the debt of the king should become the debt
of the nation, and be secured on funds accordingly. Mons.
de Mirabeau was well heard, and his 'proposition much
applauded. Mons. de Mounier,1 a deputy from Dauphine,
of great reputation, and who has also published some
pamphlets. very well approved by the public, moved a
difierent resolution to declare them selves the legitimate
representatives of the majority of the nation: that they
should vote by head and not by order: and that they should
never acknowledge any right in the representatives of the
clergy or nobility to deliberate separately. Mons. Rabaud
St. Etienne,2 a protestant from Languedoc, also an author,

1 Mounier (Jean Joseph), deputé of the Dauphiné, and friend of.
Necker, is a leading figure in the early period of the Revolution. On
his proposition, the members of the 'l‘iers Etat took the celebrated oath
of the J en de Paume. He was in favour of a constitutional monarchy
on the English model, but retired from the assembly when all hopes of
an understanding between the court and the nation were at an end.

9 Rabaud St. Etienne was one of the first Protestant ministers in
France to exercise his newly acquired civil rights. Imbued with the
revolutionary spirit, yet an eloquent. pleader for law, order, and mercy,
he fell a victim to his generous defence of royalty. In the letters of
Helen Maria Williams (1795) she thus describes him :-—-—“ A few weeks
after our release from prison Rabaud St. Etienne was put to death. He
was one of the most enlightened and virtuous men whom the revolution
had called forth, and had acquired general esteem by his conduct as a
legislator, and considerable reputation by his talents as a writer. I saw
him on that memorable day (the expulsion of the Girondins from the

1789.] PARIS. 165

who has written in the present afiairs, and a man of con-
siderable talents, spoke also, and made his proposition,
which was to declare themselves the representatives of the
people of France ; to declare all taxes null; to regrant
them during the sitting of the states; to verify and con-
solidate the debt; and to vote a loan. All which were well
approved except the loan, which was not at all to the feel-
ing of the assembly. This gentleman speaks clearly and
with precision, and only passages of his speech from notes.
Mons. Bernarve,1 a very young man, from Grenoble, spoke
without notes with great warmth and animation. Some
of his periods were so well rounded, and so eloquently de-
livered, that he met with much applause, several members
crying— bravo !

In regard to their general method of proceeding, there
are two circumstances in which they are very deficient:
the spectators in the galleries are allowed to interfere in
the debates by clapping their hands, and other noisy ex-
pressions of approbation: this is grossly indecent; it is
also dangerous; for, if they are permitted to express appro-
bation, they are, by parity of reason, allowed expressions of
dissent; and they may hiss as well as clap; which it is
said, they have sometimes done :—this would be, to over-
rule the debate and influence the deliberations. Another
circumstance, is the want of order among themselves;
more than once to-day there were an hundred members on
their legs at a time, and Mons. Bailly 2 absolutely without

convention) filled with despair, not so much from the loss of his own
life, which he considered inevitable, as for that of the liberty of his
country, now falling under the vilest despotism.” Betrayed by a friend,
he was guillotined 1793.

1 Barnave, 1761-1793. Ardent revolutionary, and chivalrous gen-
tleman, deputed by the assembly to meet the captured royal family at
Epernay and escort them to Paris. Barnave’s sympathies were evoked
by the sufferings of the prisoners, and in trying to save their lives he
lost his own. What irony is lent to Burke’s famous peroration by the
careers of such men as Barnave and Rabaud St. Etienne! If, indeed, a
thousand swords did not leap from their scabbards to avenge so much
as a look that threatened Marie Antoinette with insult, many brave,
ambitious, and generous patriots were cut off in the flower of their youth
for having interceded on behalf of royalty. Barnave was a Protestant.

2 Bailly, Jean Sylvain, more familiar to us as President of the
National Assembly, and first Mayor of?aris, than a brilliant astronomer,

166 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE],

power to keep order. This arises very much from complex
motions being admitted ; to move a declaration relative to
their title, to their powers, to taxes, to a loan, &c. &c. all
in one proposition, appears to English ears preposterous,
and certainly is so. Specific motions, founded on single
and simple propositions, can alone produce order in debate;
for it is endless to have five hundred members declaring
their reasons of assent to one part of a complex proposi-
tion, and their dissent to another part. A debating
assembly should not proceed to any business whatever till
they have settled the rules and orders of their proceedings,
which can only be done by taking those of other expe-
rienced assemblies, confirming them as they find useful,
and altering such as require to be adapted to different
circumstances. The rules and orders of debate in the
house of commons of England, as I afterwards took the
liberty of mentioning to Mons. Rabaud St. Etienne, might
have been taken at once in Mr. Hatsel’s1 book, and would
have saved them at least a fourth of their time. They
adjourned for dinner. Dined ourselves with the duc de
Liancourt, at his apartments in the palace, meeting twenty
deputies—I sat by M. Rabaud St. Etienne, and had much
conversation with him; they all speak with equal confi-
dence on the fall of despotism. The foresee, that attempts
very adverse to the spirit of liberty will be made, but the
spirit of the people is too much excited at present to be
crushed any more. Finding that the question of to-day’s
debate cannot be decided to-day, and that in all probability
it will be unfinished even to-morrow, as the number that
will speak on it is very great. Return in the evening to
Paris.

The 16th. To Dugny, ten miles from Paris, again with
Mons. de Broussonet, to wait on Mons. Creté de Palieul,
the only practical farmer in the society of agriculture.
Mons. Broussonet, than whom no man can be more eager
for the honour and improvement of agriculture, was desi-

was born 1736. Guillotined 1793. This single-minded patriot forfeited
his popularity for having allowed the National Guard to fire on the
people in 1791 when riotously demanding “ la déchéance.” Bailly’s
great “ History of Astronomy” was published in Paris, 1775-87.

1 Hatsell’s “ Precedents of the House of Commons.”

1789.] DUGNY. 167

rous that I should witness the practice and improvements of
a gentleman who stands so high in the list of good French
farmers. Called first on the brother of Mons. Creté who
at present has the poste, and consequently 140 horses;
walked over his farm, and the crOps he shewed me of
wheat and oats were on the whole very fine, and some of
them superior; but I must confess I should have been
better pleased with them if he had not had his stables so
well filled with a view difierent from that of the farm.
And to look for a course of crops in France is vain; he
sows white corn twice, thrice, and even four times in suc-
cession. At dinner, 810. had much conversation with the
two brothers, and with some other neighbouring cultivators
present on this point, in which I recommended either
turnips or cabbages, according to the soil, for breaking
their rotations of white corn. But every one of them,
except Mons. de Broussonet, was against me; they de-
manded, Can we sow wheat after turnips and cabbages?
On a small portion you may with great success; but the
time of consuming the greater part of the crop renders it
impossible. That is snfiictent, if we cannot sow wheat after
them, they cannot be good in France. This idea is every-
where nearly the same in that kingdom. I then said, that
they might have half their land under wheat and yet be
good farmers; thus ;—-1. Beans ;—2. Wheat ;-—3. Tares;
4. Wheat ;—5. Clover ;—6. Wheat ;-—this they approved
better of, but thought their own courses more profitable.
But the most interesting circumstance of their farms is the
chicory (chicortnm tntybus).‘ I had the satisfaction to find,
that Mons. Creté de Palieul had as great an Opinion of it
as ever; that his brother had adOpted it ; that it was very
flourishing on both their farms; and on those of their
neighbours also : I never see this plant but I congratulate
myself on having travelled for something more than to
write in my closet: and that the introduction of it in
England would alone, if no other result had flowed from
one man’s existence, have been enough to shew that he did
not live in vain. Of this excellent plant, and Mons. Creté’s
eXperiments on it, more elsewhere.

‘ Wild chicory-,-succory.

168 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE '

The 17th. All conversation on the motion of l’Abbé
Syeyes being accepted, yet that of the Count de Mirabeau
better relished. But his character is a dead weight upon
him; there is a suspicion that he has received 100,000
liv. from the Queen ; a blind, improbable report; 1 for his
conduct would in every probability be very difierent had
any such transaction taken place: but when a man’s life
has not passed free from gross errors, to use the mildest
language, suspicions are ever ready to fix on him, even
when he is as free from what ought at the moment to give
the imputation as any the most immaculate of their patriots.
This report brings out others from their lurking holes;
that he published, at her instigation, the anecdotes of the
court of Berlin; and that the king of Prussia, knowing
the causes of that publication, circulated the memoirs of
Madame de la Motte all over Germany. Such are the
eternal tales, suspicious, and improbabilities for which
Paris has always been so famous. One clearly, however,
gathers from the complexion of conversation, even on the
most ridiculous tOpics, provided of a public nature, how
far, and for what reason, confidence is lodged in certain
men. In every company, of every rank, you hear of the
count de Mirabeau’s talents; that he is one of the first
pens of France, and the first orator; and yet that he could
not carry from confidence six votes on any question in the
states. His writings, however, spread in Paris and the
provinces: he published a journal of the states, written for
a few days with such force, and such severity, that it was
silenced by an express edict of government. This is at-
tributed to Mons. Necker, who was treated in it with so
little ceremony, that his vanity was wounded to the quick.
The number of subscribers to the journal was such, that
I have heard the profit, to Mons. Mirabeau, calculated at
80,000 liv. (3,5001.) a year. Since its suppression, he
publishes once or twice a week a small pamphlet, to answer

1 Reports verified later. “ In the beginning of the year 1790 Mirabeau
entered into relations with the court, and pledged himself to its interests
in consideration of a large bribe.”-—Lalanne. See for much light on
this subject the Mémoires de Ferriéres, and Mémoires de Montlosier.
The first interview between Mirabeau and the king and queen took
place in a cellar of the Tuilleries.

1789.] PARIS. 169

the same purpose of giving an account of the debates, or
rather observations on them, entitled 1, 2, 3, &c. Lettre des
Comte de Mirabean a ses Commettans, which, though violent,
sarcastic, and severe, the court has not thought proper to
stop, respecting, I suppose, its title. It is a weak and
miserable conduct, to single out any particular publication
for prohibition, while the press groans with innumerable
productions, whose tendency is absolutely to overturn the
presentg Government; to permit such pamphlets to be cir-
culated all over the kingdom, even by the posts and dili-
gences in the hands of government, is a blindness and
folly, from which there are no effects that may not be ex-
pected. In the evening to the comic opera ; Italian music,
Italian words, and Italian performers; and the applause so
incessant and rapturous, that the ears of the French must
be changing apace. What could Jean Jacques have said,
could he have been a witness to such a spectacle ’at
Paris !

The 18th. Yesterday the commons decreed themselves,
in consequence of the Abbé Syeyes’s amended motion, the
title of Assemblee’ Nationale; and also, considering them-
selves then in activity, the .. illegality of all taxes; but
granted them during the session, declaring that they would,

without delay, deliberate on the consolidating of the debt;
and on the relief of the misery of the pe0ple. These steps
give great spirits to the violent partizans of a new consti-
tution, but amongst more sober minds, I see evidently an
apprehension that it will prove a precipitate measure. It
is a. violent step, which may be taken hold of by the court,
and converted very much to the pe0ple’s disadvantage.
The reasoning of Mons. de Mirabeau against it was forcible
and just—Sije ronlois employer contre les antres motions les
armes dent on se sert pour attaqner la mienne, ne ponrrois-
je pas dire a montonr: cle qnelgue maniere que vous- eons
gnalifiez qne vans soyez les representans connns ct verifies cle
la nation, les repre’sentans cle 25 millions cl’ hommes, les re-
presentans cle la majorite’ clu penple, clnssiez-vons meme 720st
appeller l’Assembleé N ationalé, les etats genera/was, empecherez-
eons les classes privilegiee’s cle continner cles assemblee’s qne
8a majeste’ a reconnnes .7 Les empecherez-vons ole prendre
des deliberationes .7 Les empeekerez-vous cle pretendre an

170 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

veto? Empecherez-voue le Roi de les 'recevoir ? Des lee re-
connoit're, de leur continuer les memes titres qu’il leu-r
adonnes jusqu’a present .7 Enfin, empecherez-vous la nation
d’appeller le clerge’, le clerge’, la noblesse, la noblesse ?

To the royal society of agriculture, where I gave my
vote with the rest, who were unanimous for electing general
Washington an honorary member; this was a proposal of
Mons. Broussonet, in consequence of my having assured
him, that the general was an excellent farmer, and had
corresponded with me on the subject. Abbc’ Commerel
was present; he gave a pamphlet of his on a new project,
the chow: a fauché, and a paper of the seed.

The 19th. Accompanied Mons. de Broussonet to dine
with Mons. de Parmentier, at the hotel des invalids. A
president of the parliament, a Mons. Mailly, brother-in-
law to the chancellor, was there; Abbé Commerel, &c. &c.
I remarked two years ago that Mons. Parmentier is one of
the best of men, and beyond all question understands
every circumstance of the boulangerie better than any other
writer, as his productions clearly manifest. After dinner,
to the plains of Sablon,1 to see the society’s potatoes and
preparation for turnips, of which I shall only say that I
wish my brethren to stick to their scientzfic farming, and
leave the practical to those who understand it. What a
sad thing for philos0phica1 husbandmen that God Almighty
created such a thing as couch (triticum repens).

The 20th. News !——News I—Every one stares at what
every one might have expected.2 Amessage from the King
to the presidents of the three orders, that he should meet
them on Monday; and, under pretence of preparing the
hall for the seance reg/ale, the French guards were placed
with bayonets to prevent any of the deputies entering the
room. The circumstances of doing this ill-judged act of
violence have been as ill-advised as the act itself. Mons.
Bailly received no other notice of it than by a letter from
the marquis de Bréze’, and the deputies met at the door of
the hall, without knowing that it was shut. Thus the
seeds of disgust were sown wantonly in the manner of

1 Sablonville, between N euilly and St. Denis.
‘2 “ Ce jour-la fut perdue l’autorité royale. L’initiative des lois et la
puissance morale passérent. du monarque a l’assemblée ” (Mignet).

1789.] PARIS. 171.

doing a thing, which in itself was equally impalatable and
unconstitutional. The resolution taken on the spot was a
noble and firm one; it was to assemble instantly at the
Jan de pawnw,1 and there the whole assembly took a solemn.
oath never to be dissolved but by their own consent, and.
consider themselves, and act as the national assembly, let
them be wherever violence or fortune might drive them,
and their expectations were so little favourable, that ex-
presses were sent ofi to Nantes, intimating that the national
assembly might possibly find it necessary to take refuge
in some distant city. This message, and placing guards
at the hall of the states, are the result of long and repeated
councils, held in the king’s presence at Marly, where he
has been shut up for some days, seeing nobody; and no
person admitted, even to the oflicers of the court, without.
jealousy and circumspection. The king’s brothers have no
seat in the council, but the count d’Artois incessantly
attends the resolutions, conveys them to the Queen, and
has long conferences with her. When this news arrived at
Paris, the Palais Royal was in a flame, the coffee-houses,
pamphlet-shops, corridores, and gardens were crouded,——
alarm and apprehension sat in every eye,—the reports that
were circulated eagerly, tending to shew the violent inten-
tions of the court, as if it was bent on the utter extirpa-
tion of the French nation, except the party of the Queen,
are perfectly incredible for their gross absurdity; but
nothing was so glaringly ridiculous but the mob swallowed
it with undiscriminating faith. It was, however, curious
to remark, among people of another description (for I was
in several parties after the news arrived), that the balance
of Opinions was clearly that the national assembly, as it
called itself, had gone too far—had been too precipitate—
and too violent—had taken steps that the mass of the
peOple would not support. From which we may conclude,
that if the court, having seen the tendency of their late
proceedings, shall pursue a firm and politic plan, the
popular cause will have little to boast.

The let. It is impossible to have any other employ-
ment at so critical a moment, than going from house to

1 This historic tennis-court is still to be seen in the Rue St. Francois,
Versailles.

172 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

house demanding news; and remarking the opinions and
ideas most current. The present moment is, of all others,
perhaps that which is most pregnant with the future des-
tiny of France. The step the commons have taken of de-
claring themselves the national assembly, independent of
the other orders, and of the king himself, precluding a dis-
solution, is in fact an assumption of all the authority in
the kingdom. They have at one stroke converted them-
selves into the long parliament of Charles I. It needs not
the assistance of much penetration to see that if such a
pretension and declaration are not done away, king, lords,
and clergy are deprived of their shares in the legislature
of France. So bold, and apparently desperate a step, full
in the teeth of every other interest in the realm, equally
destructive to the royal authority, by parliaments and the
army, can never be allowed. If it is not opposed, all other
powers will lie in ruins around that of the common. With
what anxious expectation must one therefore wait to see if
the crown will exert itself firmly on the occasion, with such
an attention to an improved system of liberty, as is abso-
lutely necessary to the moment! All things considered,
that is, the characters of those who are in possession of
power, no well digested system and steady execution are
to be looked for. In the evening to the play: Madame
Rocquere did the queen in Hamlet; it may easily be sup-
posed how that play of Shakespeare is cut in pieces. It
has however efiect by her admirable acting.

The 22nd. To Versailles at six in the morning, to be
ready for the seance rag/ale. Breakfasting with the duc de
Liancourt, we found that the king had put off going to the
states, till to-morrow morning. A committee of council
was held last night, which sat till midnight, at which were
present Mons. and the count d’Artois for the first time:
an event considered as extraordinary, and attributed to the
influence of the Queen. The count d’Artois, the deter-
mined enemy of Mons. Necker’s plans, opposed his system,
and prevailed to have the secmce put off to give time for a
council in the king’s presence to-day. From the chateau
we went to find out the deputies; reports were various
where they were assembling. To the Recolets, where they

had been, but finding it incommodious they went to the

1789.] VERSAILLES. 173

church of St. Louis,1 whither we followed them, and were
in time to see M. Bailly take the chair, and read the king’s.
letter, putting ofi the seance till tomorrow. The spectacle
of this meeting, was singular—the crowd that attended in.
and around the church was great,—and the anxiety and
suspense in every eye, with the variety of expression that
flowed from different views and different characters, gave-
to the countenances of all the world an impression I had
never witnessed before. The only business of importance.-
transacted, but which lasted till three o’clock, was receiving
the oaths and the signatures of some deputies, who had.
not taken them at the Jeu dc paume; and the union of
three bishops and 150 of the deputies of the clergy, who
came to verify their powers, and were received by such
applause, with such clapping and shouting, from all pre-
sent, that the church resounded. Apparently the inhabi-
tants of Versailles, which having a population of 60,000
people can afford a pretty numerous mob, are to the last
person in the interest of the commons ; remarkable, as this.
town is absolutely fed by the palace, and if the cause of
the court is not popular here, it is easy to suppose what it
must be in all the rest of the *‘ kingdom. Dine with the-
duc de Liancourt, in the palace, a large party of nobility
and deputies of the commons, the duo d’Orleans, amongst
them; the bishop of Rodez, Abbé Syeyes, and Mons.
Babaud St. Etienne. This was one of the most striking
instances of the impression made on men of different.
ranks by great events. In the streets, and in the church
of St. Louis, such anxiety was in every face, that the im-
portance of the moment was written in the physiognomy;
and all the common forms and salutations of habitual
civility lost in attention: but amongst a class so much
higher as those I dined with, I was struck with the diffe-
rence. There were not, in thirty persons, five in whose
countenances you could guess that any extraordinary event.
was going forward: more of the conversation was indif-
ferent than I should have expected. Had it all been so,
there would have been no room for wonder; but observa-
tions were made of the greatest freedom, and so received
as to mark that there was not the least impropriety in
1 The cathedral church of St. Louis, built 17 43.

174 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

making them. In such a case, would not one have expected
more energy of feeling and expression, and more attention
in conversation to the crisis that must in its nature fill
every bosom? Yet they eat, and drank, and sat, and
walked, loitered and smirked and smiled, and chatted with
that easy indifference, that made me stare at their insi-
pidity. Perhaps there is a certain nonchalance that is
natural to pe0ple of fashion from long habit, and which
marks them from the vulgar, who have a thousand aspe-
rities in the expression of their feelings, that cannot be
found on the polished surface of those whose manners are
smoothed by society, not worn by attrition. Such an ob-
servation would therefore in all common cases be unjust;
but I confess the present moment, which is beyond all
question the most critical that France has seen from the
foundation of the monarchy, since the council was as-
sembled that must finally determine the king’s conduct,
was such as might have accounted for a behaviour totally
different. The duc d’Orleans presence might do a little,
but not much ; his manner might do more; for it was not
without some disgust, that I observed him several times
playing ofl that small sort of wit, and flippant readiness
to titter, which, I suppose, is a part of his character, or it
would not have appeared to-day. From his manner, he
seemed not at all displeased. The Abbé Syeyes has a re-
markable physiognomy, a quick rolling eye; penetrating
the ideas of other peOple, but so cautiously reserved as to
guard his own. There is as much character in his air and
manner as there is vacuity of it in the countenance of
.Mons. Rabaud St. Etienne, whose physiognomy, however,
is far from doing him justice, for he has undoubted talents.
It seems agreed, that if, in the council the count d’Artois,
carries his point, Mons. Necker, the count de Montmorin,1
and Mons. de St. Priest 2 will resign ; in which case Mons.
N ecker’s return to power, and in triumph, will inevitably

1 Armand, Marc, 1745-1 792,Ambassador in Spain,afterwards Minister
of Foreign Affairs, and in the confidence of Louis XVI. and Marie
Antoinette. A victim of the September massacres.

2 Francois, Emmanuel, 1735-1821, Ambassador in Spain, Turkev, and
Holland, afterwards Minister of the Interior. He uitted France in
Dec., 1790, and was afterwards Private Secretary of uis XVIII.

1789.] VERSAILLES. 175

happen. Such a turn, however, must depend on events.—
Evening—The count d’Artois plan accepted ; the king will
declare it in his speech to-morrow. Mons. Necker de-
manded to resign, but it was refused by the king. All is
now anxiety to know what the plan is.

The 23rd. The important day is over: in the morning
Versailles seemed filled with troops: the streets, about ten
o’clock, were lined with the French guards, and some Swiss
regiments, &c. : the hall of the states was surrounded, and
cent-inels fixed in all the passages, and at the doors; and
none but deputies admitted. This military preparation
was ill-judged, for it seemed admitting the impropriety
and unpopularity of the intended measure, and the expec-
tation, perhaps fear of popular commotions. They pro-
nounced, before the king left the chateau, that his plan
was adverse to the peOple, from the military parade with
which it was ushered in. The contrary, however, proved
to be the fact ; the propositions are known to all the
world: the plan was a good one ; much was granted to the
people in great and essential points; and as it was granted
before they had provided for these public necessities of
finance, which occasioned the states being called together;
and consequently left them at full power in future to pro-
cure for the pe0ple all that opportunity might present, they
apparently ought to accept them, provided some security is
given for the future meetings of the states, without which
all the rest would be insecure; but as a little negociation
may easily secure this, I apprehend the deputies will ac-
cept them conditionally: the use of soldiers, and some im-
prudencies in the manner of forcing the king’s system, re-
lative to the interior constitution, and assembling of the
deputies, as well as the ill-blood which had had time to
brood for three days past in their minds, prevented the
commons from receiving the king with any expressions of
applause; the clergy, and some of the nobility, cried viva
le Roi ! but treble the number of mouths being silent, took
off all effect. It seems they had previously determined to
submit to no violence: when the king was gone, and the
clergy and nobility retired, the marquis de Brézé waiting a
moment to see if they meant to obey the king’s express
orders, to retire also to another chamber prepared for

176 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

them, and perceiving that no one moved, addressed them,
—-—Messieurs, nous connoissez les intentions du Roi. A dead
silence ensued; and then it was that superior talents bore
the sway, that overpowers in critical moments all other
considerations. The eyes of the whole assembly were
turned on the count de Mirabeau, who instantly replied to
the marquis de Brézé——Oui, Monsieur, nous avons entendu
Ies intentions qu’on a suggéree’s au Roi, (1% nous qui ne sau-riez
e‘tre son organe aupres des etats ge’ne’rauaz, vous qui n’a-vez ici
ni place, ni voix, ni droit de parler, vous n’é'tes pas fait pour
nous rapeller son discours. Cependant pour eviter toute
equivoque, 0% tout delai, je vous declare que si l’on vous a
charge’ de nous faire sortir d’ici, vous devez demander des
ordres pour employer la force, car nous ne quitterons nos
places gue par la puissance de la baionette.—On which there
,was a general cry of—Tel est le vceu del l’Assemblee’. They
then immediately passed a confirmation of their preceding
arrets; and, on the motion of the count de Mirabeau, a
declaration that their persons, individually and collectively,
were sacred; and that all who made any attempts against
them should be deemed infamous traitors to their country.

The 24th. The ferment at Paris is beyond conception;
10,000 people have been all this day in the Palais Royal ;
a full detail of yesterday’s proceedings was brought this
morning, and read by many apparent leaders of little
parties, with comments, to the people. To my surprise,
the king’s propositions are received with universal disgust.
He said nothing explicit on the periodical meeting of the
states ; he declared all the old feudal rights to be retained as
property. These, and the change in the balance of repre-
sentation in the provincial assemblies, are the articles that
give the greatest offence. But instead of looking to, or
hoping for further concessions on these points, in order to
make them more consonant to the general wishes; the
people seem, with a sort of phrenzy, to reject all idea of
compromise, and to insist on the necessity of the orders
uniting, that full power may consequently reside in the
commons, to efiect what they call the regeneration of the
kingdom, a favourite term, to which they affix no precise
idea, but add the indefinite explanation of the general
reform of all abuses. They are also full of suspicions at

1789.] PARIS. 177

M. Necker’s offering to resign, to which circumstance they
seem to look more than to much more essential points.
It is plain to me, from many conversations and harangues
I have been witness to, that the constant meetings at the
Palais Royal, which are carried to a degree of licentious-
ness and fury of liberty, that is scarcely credible, united
with the innumerable inflammatory publications that have
been hourly appearing since the assembly of the states,
have so heated the people’s expectations, and given them
the idea of such total changes, that nothing the king or
court could do, would now satisfy them; consequently it
would be idleness itself to make concessions that are not
steadily adhered to, not only to be observed by the king,
but to be enforced on the people, and good order at the
same time restored. But the stumbling-block to this and
every plan that can be devised, as the people know and
declare in every corner, is the situation of the finances,
which cannot possibly be restored but by liberal grants of
the states on one hand, or by a bankruptcy on the other.
It is well known, that this point has been warmly debated
in the council: Mons. Necker has proved to them, that a
bankruptcy is inevitable, if they break with the states
before the finances are restored; and the dread and terror
of taking such a step, which no minister would at present
dare to venture on, has been the great difficulty that
Opposed itself to the projects of the Queen and the count
d’Artois. The measure they have taken is a middle one,
from which they hOpe to gain a party among the people,
and render the deputies unpopular enough to get rid of
them: an expectation, however, in which they will in-
fallibly be mistaken. If, on the side of the peOple it is
urged, that the vices of the old government make a new
system necessary, and that it can only be by the firmest
measures that the people can be put in possession of the
blessings of a free government; it is to be replied, on the
other hand, that the personal character of the king is a
just foundation for relying that no measures of actual
violence can be seriously feared: that the state of the
finances, under any possible regimen, whether of faith or
bankruptcy, must secure their existence, at least for time
sufficient to secure by negociation, what may be hazarded
N

178 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

by violence: that by driving things to extremities, they
risque an union between all the other orders of the state,
with the parliaments, army, and a great body even of the
people, who must disapprove of all extremities; and when
to this is added the possibility of involving the kingdom in
a civil war, now so familiarly talked of, that it is upon the
lips of all the world, we must confess, that the commons,
if they steadily refuse what is now held out to them, put
immense and certain benefits to the chance of fortune, to
that hazard which may make posterity curse, instead of
bless, their memories as real patriots, who had nothing in
view but the happiness of their country. Such an inces-
sant buzz of politics has been in my ears for some days
past, that I went to-night to the Italian opera, for relaxa-
tion. Nothing could be better calculated for that efiect,
than the piece performed, La ‘Villanella Rapita, by
Bianchi, a delicious composition. Can it be believed, that
this peOple, who so lately valued nothing at an opera but
the dances, and could hear nothing but a squall,-—now
attend with feeling to Italian melodies, applaud with taste
and rapture, and this without the meretricious aid of a single
dance! The music of this piece is charming, elegantly
playful, airy, and pleasing, with a duet, between Signora
Mandini and Vigagnoni, of the first lustre. The former is
a most fascinating singer,—-her voice nothing, but her
grace, expression, soul, all strung to exquisite sensibility.
The 25th. The criticisms that are made on Mons.
Necker’s conduct, even by his friends, if above the level of
the people, are severe. It is positively asserted, that Abbé
Syeyes, Messrs. Mounier, Chapellier,1 Bernave, Target,a
Tourette, Rabaud, and other leaders, were almost on their

1 Chapelier (Isaac 1e), 1754-1794. The upright and eloquent Presi-
dent. of the Assemblée Legislative, and at. the onset of the Revolution an
uncompromising antagonist of the Abbé Maury, and the reactionaries.
Later he headed the party in favour of constitutional monarchy, and in
consequence was arraigned before the Revolutionary Tribunal.

2 This brilliant advocate, although a determined opponent of the
court, was selected by Louis XVI. to defend him. Target refused the
hazardous task, which was at once undertaken by the venerable Males-
herbes and young Deséze. He nevertheless published his “ Observa-
tions sur le proces de Louis XVI.,” pointing to an acquittal. He was
instrumental in drawing up the Code Civil, and died in 1806.

1789.] ' PARIS. 179

knees to him, to insist peremptorily on his resignation
being accepted, as they were well convinced that his retreat
would throw the Queen’s party into infinitely greater
difficulties and embarrassment than any other circum-
stance. But his vanity prevailed over all their efforts, to
listen to the insidious persuasions of the Queen, who spoke
to him in a style of asking a request that would keep the
crown on the king’s head; at the same time that he yielded
to do it, contrary to the interest of the friends of liberty,
he courted the huzzas of the mob of Versailles, in a
manner that did much mischief. The ministers never go
to and from the king’s apartment on foot, across the court,
which Mons. Necker took this opportunity of doing, though
he himself had not done it in quiet times, in order to court
the flattery of being called the father of the people, and
moving with an immense and shouting multitude at his
heels. Nearly at the time that the Queen, in an audience
almost private, spoke as above to M. Necker, she received
the deputation from the nobility, with the Dauphin in her
hand, whom she presented to them, claiming of their
honour, the protection of her son’s rights; clearly imply-
ing that if the step the king had taken, was not steadily
asserted, the monarchy would be lost, and the nobility
sunk. While M. Necker’s mob was heard through every
apartment of the chateau, the king passed in his coach to
Marly, through a dead and mournful silence,—and that
just after having given to his people, and the cause of
liberty, more perhaps than ever any monarch had done
before. Of such materials are all mobs made,—so im-
possible is it to satisfy in moments like these, when the
heated imagination dresses every visionary project of the
brain, in the bewitching colours of liberty. I feel great
anxiety to know what will be the result of the deliberations
of the commons, after their first protests are over, against
the military violence which was so unjustifiably and in-
judiciously used. Had the king’s proposition come after
the supplies were granted, and on any inferior question, it
would be quite another affair ; but to offer this before one
shilling is granted, or a step taken, makes all the difference
imaginable. Evening—The conduct of the court is in-
explicable, and Without plan: While the late step was taken,

 

180 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

to secure the orders sitting separate, a great body of the
clergy has been permitted to go to the commons, and the
duc d’Orleans, at the head of forty-seven of the nobility,
has done the same: and, what is equally a proof of the
unsteadiness of the court, the commons are in the common
hall of the states, contrary to the express command of the
king. The fact is, the secmce rag/ale was contrary to the
personal feelings of the king, and he was brought to it by
the council, with much difficulty ; and when it afterwards
became, as it did every hour, to give new and effective
orders to support the system then laid down, it was neces-
sary to have a new battle for every point; and thus the
scheme was only Opened and not persisted in :—this is the
report, and apparently authentic: it is easy to see that that
step had better, on a thousand reasons, not have been
taken at all, for all vigour and effect of government will be
lost, and the people be more assuming than ever. Yester-
day at Versailles, the mob was violent,—they insulted, and
even attacked all the clergy and nobility that are known to
be strenuous for preserving the separation of orders. The
bishop of Beauvais 1 had a stone on his head, that almost
struck him down.2 The archbishop of Paris had all his
windows broken, and forced to move his lodgings; and the
cardinal de la Rochefoucauld hissed and hooted. The
confusion is so great, that the court have only the troops to
depend on; and it is now said confidently, that if an order
is given to the French guards to fire on the people, they
will refuse obedience: this astonishes all, except those who
know how they have been disgusted by the treatment,
conduct, and manoeuvres of the duc de Chatelet, their
colonel: so wretchedly have the affairs of the court, in
every particular, been managed; so miserable its choice of
the men in ofiice, even such as are the most intimately
connected with its safety, and even existence. What a.

1 If they had knocked him on the head, he would not have been an
object of much pity. At a meeting of the society of agriculture in the
country, where common farmers were admitted to dine with people of'
the first rank, this proud fool made difficulties of sitting down in such
company.—Autkor’s note.

9 The poor “ proud fool” was a victim of the September massacres~
three years later. The archbishop died in 1790. The cardinal joined
the emigrés.

1789.] PARIS. 181

lesson to princes how they allow intriguing courtiers,
women, and fools, to interfere, or assume the power that
can be lodged, with safety, only in the hands of ability and
experience. It is asserted expressly, that these mobs have
been excited and instigated by the leaders of the commons,
and some of them paid by the due d’Orleans. The distrac-
tion of the ministry is extreme—At night to the theatre
Francoise; the Earl of Essex,l and the Maison de Moliere.

The 26th. Every hour that passes seems to give the
people fresh spirit: the meetings at the Palais Royal are
more numerous, more violent, and more assured; and in
the assembly of electors, at Paris, for sending a deputation
to the National Assembly, the language that was talked,
by all ranks of people, was nothing less than a revolution in
the government, and the establishment of a free constitu-
tion: what they mean by a free constitution is easily
understood—a republic; for the doctrine of the times runs
every day more and more to that point; yet they profess,
that the kingdom ought to be a monarchy too; or, at least,
that there ought to be a king. In the streets one is
stunned by the hawkers of seditious pamphlets, and de-
scriptions of pretended events, that all tend to keep the
people equally ignorant and alarmed. The supineness, and
even stupidity of the court, is without example: the
moment demands the greatest decision,—and yesterday,
while it was actually a question, whether he should be a
doge of Venice, or a king of France, the king went a hunt-
ing! The spectacle the Palais Royal presented this night,
till eleven o’clock, and, as we afterwards heard, almost till
morning, is curious. The croud was prodigious, and fire-
works of all sorts were played OE, and all the building
was illuminated: these were said to be rejoicings on ac-
count of the duo d’Orleans and the nobility joining the
commons; but united with the excessive freedom, and
even licentiousness, of the orators, who harangue the
people. With the general movement which before was
threatening, all this hustle and noise, which will not leave
them a moment tranquil, has a prodigious effect in pre-
paring them for whatever purposes the leaders of the

1 Several French playS‘bear this name.

182 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

commons shall have in view; consequently they are grossly
and diametrically opposite to the interests of the court ;——-
but all these are blind and infatuated. It is now under-
stood by everybody, that the king’s offers, in the seance
royale, are out of the question. The moment the commons
found a relaxation, even in the trifling point of assembling
in the great hall, they disregarded all the rest, and con-
sidered the whole as null, and not to be taken notice of,
unless enforced in a manner of which there were no signs.
They lay it down for a maxim, that they have a right to a.
great deal more than what the king touched on, but that
they will accept of, nothing as the concession of power :
they will assume and secure all to themselves, as matters
of right. Many persons I talk with, seem to think there
is nothing extraordinary in this,——but it appears, that such
pretensions are equally dangerous and inadmissible, and
lead directly to a civil war, which would be the height of
madness and folly, when public liberty might certainly be
secured, without any such extremity. If the commons are
to assume everything as their right, what power is therein
the state, short of arms, to prevent them from assuming
what is not their right? They instigate the people to the
most extensive expectations, and if they are not gratified,
all must be confusion; and even the king himself, easy and
lethargic as he is, his indifference to power will, by and by,
be seriously alarmed, and then he will be ready to listen to
measures, to which he will not at present give a moment’s
attention. All this seems to point strongly to great con-
fusion, and even civil commotions ; and to make it apparent,
that to have accepted the king’s offers, and made them
the foundation of future negociation, would have been the
wisest conduct, and with that idea I shall leave Paris.

The 27th. The whole business now seems over, and the
revolution complete. The king has been frightened by the
mobs into overturning his own act of the sconce rag/ale, by
writing to the presidents of the orders of the nobility and
clergy, requiring them to join the commons,——full in the
teeth of what he had ordained before. It was represented
to him, that the want of bread was so great in every part
of the kingdom, that there was no extremity to which the
people might not be driven: that they were nearly starving,

1789.] PARIS. 183

and consequently ready to listen to any suggestions, and
on the qni [vice for all sorts of mischief: that Paris and
Versailles would inevitably be burnt ; and in a word, that
all sorts of misery and confusion would follow his adherence
to the system announced in the seance royale. His appre-
hensions, got the better of the party, who had for some
days guided him; and he was thus induced to take this
step, which is of such importance, that he will never more
know where to stop, or what to refuse; or rather he will
find, that in the future arrangement of the kingdom, his
situation will be very nearly that of Charles I. a spectator,
without power, of the effective resolutions of a long
parliament. The joy this step occasioned was infinite: the
assembly, uniting with the people, all hurried to the
chateau. Vine le Roi might have been heard at Marly:
the king and queen appeared in the balcony, and were re-
ceived with the loudest shouts of applause ; the leaders, who
governed these motions, knew the value of the concession
much better than those who made it. I have to-day had
conversation with many persons on this business ; and, to
my amazement, there is an idea, and even among many of
the nobility, that this union of the orders is only for the
verification of their powers, and for making the constitution,
which is a new term they have adOpted; and which they
use as if a constitution was a pudding to be made by a
receipt. In vain I have asked, where is the power that can
separate them hereafter, if the commons insist on remain-
ing together, which may be supposed, as such an arrange-
ment will leave all the power in their own hands? And in
vain I appeal to the evidence of the pamphlets written by
the leaders of that assembly, in which they hold the English
constitution cheap, because the people have not power
enough, owing to that of the crown and the house of lords.
The event now appears so clear, as not to be difficult to
predict: all real power will be henceforward in the com-
mons, having so much inflamed the people in the exercise
of it, they will find themselves unable to use it temperately;
the court cannot sit to have their hands behind them; the
clergy, nobility, parliaments, and army, will, when they
find themselves all in danger of annihilation, unite in
their mutual defence; but as such an union will demand

184 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

time, they will find the people armed, and a bloody civil
war must be the result. I have more than once declared
this as my opinion, but do not find that others unite in it.1
At all events, however, the tide now runs so strongly in
favour of the peOple, and the conduct of the court seems to
be so weak, divided, and blind, that little can happen that
will not clearly date from the present moment. Vigour
and abilities would have turned every thing on the side of
the court; for the great mass of nobility in the kingdom,
the higher clergy, the parliaments, and the army, were with
the crown ; but this desertion of the conduct, that was
necessary to secure its power, at a moment so critical, must
lead to all sorts of pretensions. At night the fire-works,
and illuminations, and mob, and noise, at the Palais Royal
increased; the expence must be enormous; and yet nobody
knows with certainty from whence it arises: shOps there
are, however, that for 12/2 give as many squibs and serpents
as would cost five livres. There is no doubt of it being the
due d’Orleans’s money: the people are thus kept in a
continual ferment, are for ever assembled, and ready to be
in the last degree of commotion whenever called on by the
men they have confidence in. Lately a company of Swiss
would have crushed all this; a regiment would do it now
if led with firmness; but, let it last a fortnight longer, and
an army will be wanting—At the play, Mademoiselle
Conta, in the Misanthrope of Moliere, charmed me. She is
truly a great actress ; ease, grace, person, beauty, wit, and
soul. Mola did the misanthrOpe admirably. I will not
take leave of the theatre Francois without once more giving
it the preference to all I have ever seen. I shall leave
Paris, however, truly rejoiced that the representatives of
the peOple have it undoubtedly in their power so to improve
the constitution of their country, as to render all great

abuses in future, if not impossible, at least exceedingly
‘ I may remark at present, long after this was written, that, although
I was totally mistaken in my prediction, yet, on a revision, I think I
was right in it, and that the common course of events would have pro-
duced such a civil war, to which every thing tended, from the moment
the commons rejected the king’s propositions of the seance royalc, which
I now think, more than ever, that they ought, with qualifications, to
have accepted. The events that followed were as little to be thought
of as of myself being made king of France. —Autbor’s note.

1789.] PARIS. 185

dificult, and consequently will establish to all useful pur-
poses an undoubted political liberty; and if they effect
this, it cannot be doubted but they will have a thousand
opportunities to secure to thei1 fellow-subjects the invalu-
able blessing of civil liberty also. The state of the finances
is such, that the government may easily be kept virtually
dependent on the states, and their periodical existence
absolutely secured. Such benefits will confer happiness on
25 millions of people; a noble and animating idea, that
ought to fill the mind of every citizen of the world, what-
ever be his country, religion, or pursuit. I will not allow
myself to believe for a moment, that the representatives of
the people can ever so far forget their duty to the French
nation, to humanity, and their own fame, as to suffel any
inordinate and impracticable views,—any visionary or
theoretic systems, —any frivolous ideas of speculative per-
fection: much less any ambitious private views, to impede
their progress, or turn aside their exertions, from that
security which is in their hands, to place on the chance and
hazard of public commotion and civil war, the invaluable
blessings which are certainly in their power. I will not
conceive it possible, that men who have eternal fame within
their grasp, will place the rich inheritance on the cast of a
die, and, losing the venture, be damned among the worst
and most profligate adventurers that ever disgraced huma-
nity.—The duc de Liancourt having made an immense
collection of pamphlets, buying every thing that has a rela-
tion to the present period; and, among the rest, the cahiers
of all the districts and towns of France of the three orders;
it was a great object with me to read these, as I was sure
of finding in them a representation of the grievances of
the three orders, and an explanation of the improvements
wished for in the government and administration. These
cahiers being instructions given to their deputies, I have
now gone through them all, with a pen in hand, to make
extracts, and shall therefore leave Paris to-morrow.

The 28th. Having provided myself a light French
cabriolet for one horse, or gig Anglois, and a horse, I left
Paris, taking leaving of my excellent friend, Mons. Lazow-
ski, whose anxiety for the fate of his country, made me
respect his character as much as I had reason to love it for

186 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DUNE,

the thousand attentions I was in the daily habit of receiv-
ing from him. My kind protectress, the dutchess d’Estissac,
had the goodness to make me promise, that I would return
to her hospitable hotel, when I had finished the journey I
was about to undertake. Of the place I dined at on my
road to Nangis,1 I forget the name, but it is a post-house
on the left, at a small distance out of the road. It afiorded
me a bad room, bare walls, cold raw weather, and no fire;
for, when lighted, it smoked too much to be borne ;-—I was
thoroughly out of humour: I had passed some time at
Paris amidst the fire, energy, and animation of a great res
volution. And for those moments not filled by political
events, I had enjoyed the resources of liberal and instruct-
ing conversation; the amusements of the first theatre in
the world, and the fascinating accents of Mandini, had by
turns solaced and charmed the fleeting moments; the
change to inns, and those French inns; the ignorance of
everybody of those events that were now passing, and
which so intimately concerned them; the detestable cir-
cumstance of having no neWSpapers, with a press much
freer than the English, altogether formed such a contrast,
that my heart sunk with depression. At Gruignes,2 an
itinerant dancing-master was fiddling to some children of
tradesmen; to relieve my sadness, I became a spectator
of their innocent pleasures, and, with great magnificence I
gave four 12fi pieces for a cake for the children, which
made them dance with fresh animation ; but my host, the
postmaster, who is a surly pickpocket, thought that if I
was so rich, he ought also to receive the benefit, and made
me pay 9 liv. 10/. for a miserable tough chicken, a cutlet,
a sallad, and a bottle of sorry wine. Such a dirty, pilfer-
ing disposition, did not tend to bring me into better
humour.——30 miles.

The 29th. To Nangis,3 the chateau of which belongs to
the marquis de Guerchy, who last year at Caen had kindly
made me promise to spend a few days here. A house
almost full of company, and some of them agreeable, with
the eagerness of Mons. de Guerchy for farming, and the

‘ (Seine and Marne.) 2 Ibid.
3 Portions of this chateau remain in good preservation.

1789.] NANGIS. 187

amiable naiveté of the marchioness, whether in life, politics,
or a farm, were well calculated to bring me into tune again.
But I found myself in a circle of politicians, with whom I
could agree in hardly any other particular, except the
general one of cordially wishing that France might esta-
blish an indestructible system of liberty; but for the means
of doing it, we were far as the poles asunder. The chaplain
of Mons. de Guerchy’s regiment, who has a cure here, and
I had known at Caen, Mons. l’Abbé de , was par-
ticularly strenuous for what is called the regeneration of
the kingdom, by which it is impossible, from the explanation,
to understand any thing more than a theoretic perfection
of government; questionable in its origin, hazardous in its
progress, and visionary in its end; but always presenting
itself under a most suspicious appearance to me, because
its advocates, from the pamphlets of the leaders in the
National Assembly, to the gentlemen who make its pane-
gyric at present, all afiect to hold the constitution of Eng-
land cheap in respect of liberty : and as that is unquestion-
ably, and by their own admission the best the world ever
saw, they profess to appeal from practice to theory, which,
in the arrangement of a question of science, might be ad-
mitted (though with caution) ; but, in establishing the
complex interests of a great kingdom, in securing freedom
to 25 millions of peOple, seems to me the very acmé of im-
prudence, the very quintessence of insanity. My argument
was an appeal to the English constitution; take it at once,
which is the business of a single vote ; by your possession
of a real and equal representation of the people, you have
freed it from its only great objection; in the remaining
circumstances, which are but of small importance, improve
it—but improve it cautiously ; for surely that ought to be
touched with caution, which has given from the moment of
its establishment, felicity to a great nation ; which has
given greatness to a peOple designed by nature to be little;
and, from being the humble copiers of every neighbour, has
rendered them, in a single century, rivals to the most suc-
cessful nations in those decorative arts that embellish human
life: and the masters of the world in all those that contria
bute to its convenience. I was commended for my attach-
ment to what I thought was liberty; but answered, that the

 

 

188 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE,

king of France must have no veto on the will of the nation;
and that the army must be in the hands of the provinces,
with an hundred ideas equally impracticable and preposte-
rous. Yet these are the sentiments which the court has
done all in its power to spread through the kingdom; for,
will posterity believe, that while the press has swarmed
with inflammatory productions, that tend to prove the
blessings of theoretical confusion, and Speculative licen-
tiousness, not one writer of talents has been employed to
refute and confound the fashionable doctrines, nor the least
care taken to disseminate works of another complexion? By
the way, when the court found that the states could not be
assembled on the old plan, and that great innovations must
accordingly be made, they ought to have taken the consti-
tution of England for their model; in the mode of assem-
bling, they should have thrown the clergy and nobles into
one chamber, with a throne for the king, when present.
The commons should have assembled in another, and each
chamber have, as in England, verified their powers only to
themselves. And when the king held a seamemoyale, the
commons should have been sent for to the bar of the lords,
where seats should have been provided; and the king, in
the edict that constituted the states, should have copied
from England enough of the rules and orders of proceeding
to prevent those preliminary discussions, which in France
lost two months, and gave time for heated imaginations to
work upon the people too much. By taking such steps,
security would have been had, that if changes or events un-
foreseen arose, they would at least be met with in no such
dangerous channel as another form and order of arrange-
ment would permit—15 miles.

The 30th. My friend’s chateau is a considerable one,
and much better built than was common in England in the
same period, 200 years ago; I believe, however, that this
superiority was universal in France, in all the arts. They
were, I apprehend, in the reign of Henry IV. far beyond us
in towns, houses, streets, roads, and in short, in every thing.
We have since, thanks to liberty, contrived to turn the
tables on them. Like all the chateaus I have seen in France,
it stands close to the town, indeed joining the end of it;
but the back front, by some very judicious plantations, has

1789.] NANGIS. 189'

entirely the air of the country, without the sight of any
buildings. There the present marquis has formed an Eng-
lish lawn, with some agreeable Winding walks of gravel,
and other decorations, to skirt it. In this lawn they are
making hay; and I have had the marquis, Mons. l’Abbé,
and some others on the stack to shew them how to make
and tread it : such hot politicians !—--it is well they did not.
set the stack on fire. N angis is near enough to Paris for
the people to be politicians ; the perruquier that dressed me
this morning tells me, that every body is determined to pay
no taxes, should the National Assembly so ordain. But
the soldiers will have something to say. No, Sir, never:—
be assured as we are, that the French soldiers will never
fire on the peOple: but, if they should, it is better to be
shot than starved. He gave me a frightful account of the-
misery of the people ; whole families in the utmost distress;
those that work have a pay insufficient to feed them—and
many that find it difficult to get work at all. I enquired
of Mons. de Guerchy concerning this, and found it true.
By order of the magistrates no person is allowed to buy
more than two bushels of wheat at a market, to prevent.
. monopolizing. It is clear to common sense, that all such
regulations have a direct tendency to increase the evil, but.
it is in vain to reason with pe0ple whose ideas are immove-
ably fixed. Being here on a market-day, I attended, and
saw the wheat sold out under this regulation, with a party
of dragoons drawn up before the market-cross to prevent-
violence. The people quarrel with the bakers, asserting the
prices they demand for bread are beyond the prOportion of
wheat, and proceeding from words to scuffiing, raise a riot,
and then run away with bread and wheat for nothing : this.
has happened at Nangis, and many other markets; the
consequence was, that neither farmers nor bakers would
supply them till they were in danger of starving, and, when.
they did come, prices under such circumstances must neces-
sarily rise enormously, which aggravated the mischief, till
troops became really necessary to give security to those who
supplied the markets. I have been sifting Madame de
Guerchy on the expences of living ; our friend Mons. l’Abbé
joined the conversation, and I collect from it, that to live
in a chateau like this, with six men-servants, five maids,

190 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JUNE],

eight horses, a garden, and a regular table, with company,
but never to go to Paris, might be done for 1000 louis a
year. It would in England cost 2000 ; the mode of living
(not the price of things) is therefore cent. per cent. different.
—-—There are gentlemen (noblesse) that live in this country
on 6 or 8000 liv. (2621. to 3501.), that keep two men, two
maids, three horses, and a cabriolet; there are the same in
England, but they are fools. Among the neighbours that
visited Nangis was Mons. Trudaine de Montigny, with his
new and pretty wife, to return the first visit of ceremony:
he has a fine chateau at Montigny,l and an estate of 4000
louis a year. This lady was Mademoiselle de Cour Breton,
niece to Madame Calonne ; she was to have been married
to the son of Mons. Lamoignon,2 but much against her in-
clinations; finding that common refusals had no avail, she
determined on a very uncommon one, which was to go to
church, in obedience to her father’s orders, and give a
solemn NO instead of a yea. She was afterwards at Dijon,
and never stirred but she was received with huzzas and
acclamations by the peOple for refusing to be allied with la
Cour Pleniere; and her firmness was every where spoken
of much to her advantage. Mons. la Luzerne was with
them, nephew to the French ambassador at London, who,
in some broken English, informed me, that he had learned
to box of Mendoza.3 No one can say that he has travelled
without making acquisitions. Has the due (1’ Orleans learned
to box also ‘9 The news from Paris is bad: the commotions
increase greatly: and such an alarm has spread, that the
Queen has called the marechal de Broglio to the king’s
closet ; he has had several conferences: the report is, that

1 Probably Montigny-Le Roi (Hte. Marne). There are four towns of
this name in eastern France.

2 Lamoignon was associated with Brienne de Loménie in the esta-
blishment of the cow pléniére, a measure which did more than anythin
else to hasten the Revolution. During the Middle Ages, the name had
been applied to assemblages of the king and his vassals on the occasion
of fétes or tourneys. Under an obsolete title, Louis XVI. established
a kind of High Court. suspending the provincial parliaments, and investing
judicial power in himself, his ministers, and the court. Lamoignon,
like Brienne, committed suicide. See H. Martin, vol. xvi. ch. 106.

3 At the time Arthur Young wrote boxing formed a regular exhibi-
tion, and a theatre was opened for it in the Strand. Mendoza opened
the Lyceum in 1791.

1789.] MAUPERTUIS. 191

an army will be collected under him. It may be now
necessary; but woeful management to have made it so.
JULY 2. To Meaux 1 Mons. de Guerchy was so kind as
to accompany me to Columiers ; 2 I had a letter to Mons.
Anveé Dumeé. Pass Rosoy 3 to Maupertuis,4 through a
country chearfully diversified by woods, and scattered with
villages; and single farms spread every where as about
Nangis. Maupertuis seems to have been the creation of the
marquis de Montesquiou, who has here a very fine chateau
of his own building; an extensive English garden, made by
the count d’Artois’ gardener, with the town, has all been of
his own forming. I viewed the garden with pleasure; a
proper advantage has been taken of a good command of a
stream, and many fine springs which rise in the grounds ;
they are well conducted, and the whole executed with taste.
In the kitchen-garden, which is on the slope of a hill, one
of these springs has been applied to excellent use: it is
made to wind in many doubles through the whole on a
paved bed, forming numerous basons for watering the gar-
den, and might, with little trouble, be conducted alternately
to every bed as in Spain. This is a hint of real utility to
all those who form gardens on the sides of hills; for water-
ing with pots and pails is a miserable, as well as expensive
succedaneum to this infinitely more effective method.
There is but one fault in this garden, which is its being
placed near the house, where there should be nothing but
lawn and scattered trees when viewed from the chateau.
The road might be hidden by a judicious use of planting.
The road to Columiers is admirably formed of broken
stone, like gravel, by the marquis of Montesquieu, partly at
his own expence. Before I finish with this nobleman, let
me observe, that he is commonly esteemed the second family
in France, and by some who admit his pretensions, even
the first; he claims from the house of Armagnac, which
was undoubtedly from Charlemagne: the present king of
France, when he signed some paper relative to this family,

1 (Seine and Marne.)

2 Coulommiers. There are several places of this name in France,
the derivation of the word being Colombier, a place for rearing pigeons
(Seine and Marne). . . .

3 Rozoy-en-Brie (Seine and Marne): 4 Maupertuls (zbzd.).

192 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

that seemed to admit the claim, or refer to it, remarked,
that it was declaring one of his subjects to be a better
gentleman than himself. But the house of Montmorenci,
of which family are the dukes of Luxembourg and Laval,
and the prince of Robec, is generally admitted to be the
first. Mons. de Montesquieu 1 is a deputy in the states, one
of the quarante in the French academy, having written
several pieces: he is also chief minister to Monsieur the
king’s brother, an office that is worth 100,000 liv. a year
(4,37 51.) Dine with Mons. and Madame Dumeé; conver-
sation here, as in every other town of the country, seems
more occupied by the dearness of wheat than on any other
circumstance ; yesterday was market-day, and a riot ensued
of the populace, in spite of the tr00ps, that were drawn up.
as usual to protect the corn: it rises to 4:6 liv. (21. 3d.) the
septier, or half-quarter,—and some is sold yet higher. To
MeauX.——32 miles.

The 3d. Meaux was by no means in my direct road ;
but its district, Brief is so highly celebrated for fertility,
that it was an object not to omit. I was provided with
letters for M. Bernier, a considerable farmer, at Chau-
caunin, near Meaux; and for M. Gribert, of N euf M outier,3
a considerable cultivator, whose father and himself had
between them made a fortune by agriculture. The former
gentleman was not at home; by the latter I was received
with great hospitality; and I found in him the strongest
desire to give me every information I wished. Mons.
Gibert has built a very handsome and commodious house,
with farming-offices, on the most ample and solid scale. I
was pleased to find his wealth, which is not inconsiderable,
to have arisen all from the plough. He did not forget to
let me know, that he was noble; and exempted from all
tailles ; and that he had the honours of the chace, his father
having purchased the charge of Secretaire du Roi : but he
very wisely lives en fermier. His wife made ready the table

‘ Soldier, politician, littératcur. He separated himself from the court
after the flight to Varenues, commanded the victorious Republican
army in Savoy, but being accused of monarchical sympathies, retired to
Switzerland in 1792. Died 1798.

2 The Comté de Brie, in Champagne, now forming part of the depart»
ment of Seine and Marne, famous for its cheeses.

3 N eufmontier, near Meaux.

1789.] MAREUIL. 193

for dinner, and his bailiff, with the female domestic, who
has the charge of the dairy, &c. both dined with us. This
1s m a true farming style ; it has many conveniencies, and
looks like a plan of living, which does not promise, like the
foppish modes of little gentlemen, to run through a for-
tune, from false shame and silly pretensions. I can find
no other fault with his system than having built a house
enormously beyond his plan of living, which can have no
other effect than tempting some successor, less prudent
than himself into expences that might dissipate all his
and his father’s savings. In England that would cer-
tainly be the case: the danger, however, is not equal in
France.

The 4th. To Chateau Thiery,1L following the course of the
Marne. The country is pleasantly varied, and hilly enough
to render it a constant picture, were it inclosed. Thiery is
beautifully situated on the same river. I arrived there by
five o’clock, and wished, in a period so interesting to France,
and indeed to all Europe, to see a newspaper. I asked for
a coffee-house, not one in the town. Here are two parishes,
and some thousands of inhabitants, and not a newspaper
to be seen by a traveller, even in a moment when all ought
to be anxiety—What stupidity, poverty, and want of circu-
lation ! This people hardly deserve to be free ; and should
there be the least attempt with vigour to keep them other-
wise, it can hardly fail of succeeding. To those who have
been used to travel amidst the energetic and rapid circula-
tion of wealth, animation, and intelligence of England, it
is not possible to describe, in words adequate to one’s feel-
ings, the dulness and stupidity of France. I have been to
day on one of their greatest roads, within thirty miles of
Paris, yet I have not seen one diligence, and met but a
single gentleman’s carriage, nor anything else on the road
that looked like a gentleman—30 miles.

The 5th. To Mareuil.2 The Marne, about 25 rods broad,
flows in an arable vale to the right. The country hilly, and
parts of it pleasant; from one elevation there is a noble
view of the river. Mareuil is the residence of Mons. Le
Blane, of whose husbandry and improvements, particularly

1 Chateau-Thierry (Aisne). -2 Mareuil-sur-Ay (Marne).
O

194 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JULY,

in sheep of Spain, and cows of Switzerland, Mons. de
Broussonet had spoken very advantageously. This was
the gentleman also on whom I depended for information
relative to the famous vineyards of E pernay, that produce
the fine Champagne. What therefore was my disappoint-
ment, when his servants informed me that he was nine
leagues off on business. Is Madame Le Blane at home?
N 0, she is at Dormans. My complaining ejaculations were
interrupted by the approach of a very pretty young lady,
whom I found to be Mademoiselle Le Blane. Her mama
would return to dinner, her papa at night ; and, if I wished
to see him, I had better stay. When persuasion takes so
pleasing a form, it is not easy to resist it. There is a
manner of doing every thing that either leaves it abso-
lutely indifferent or that interests. The unaffected good
humour and simplicity of Mademoiselle Le Blane enter-
tained me till the return of her mama, and made me say to
myself, you will make a good farmer’s wife. Madame Le
Blane, when she returned, confirmed the native hospitality
of her daughter; assured me, that her husband would be
at home early in the morning, as she must dispatch a
messenger to him on other business. In the evening we
supped with Mons. B. in the same village, who married
Madame Le Blanc’s niece; to pass Mareuil, it has the
appearance of a small hamlet of inconsiderable farmers,
with the houses of their labourers; and the sentiment that
would arise in most bosoms, would be that of picturing the
banishment of being condemned to live in it. Who would
think that there should be two gentlemen’s families in it ;
and that in one I should find Mademoiselle Le Blane sing-
ing to her systrum, and in the other Madame B. young and
handsome, performing on an excellent English piano forte?
Compared notes of the expences of living in Champagne
and Sufiolk ;——agreed, that 100 louis d’or a year in Cham-
pagne, were as good an income as 180 in England, which I
believe true. On his return, Mons. Le Blane, in the most
obliging manner, satisfied all my enquiries, and gave me
letters to the most celebrated wine districts.

The 7th. To Epernay,1 famous for its wines. I had letters

1 (Marne)

1789.] RHEIMS. 195

for Mons. Paretilaine, one of the most considerable mer-
chants, who was so obliging as to enter, with two other
gentlemen, into a minute disquisition of the produce and
profit of the fine vineyards. The hotel de Rohan here is a
very good inn, where I solaced myself with a bottle of ex-
cellent min mousseua: for 40fl and drank prosperity to true
liberty in France—l2 miles.

The 8th. To Ay,1 a village not far out of the road to.
Rheims, very famous for its wines. I had a letter for Mons.
Lasnier, who has 60,000 bottles in his cellar, but unfortu—
nately he was not at home. Mons. Dorse has from 30 to
40,000. All through this country the crop promises mise-
rably, not owing to the great frost, but the cold weather of
last week.

To Rheims,2 through a forest of five miles, on the crown
of the hill, which separates the narrow vale of Epernay
from the great plain of Rheims. The first view of that city
from this hill, just before the descent, at the distance of
about four miles, is magnificent. The cathedral makes a
great figure, and the church of St. Remy terminates the
town proudly. Many times I have had such a view of
towns in France, but when you enter them, all is a clutter
of narrow, crooked, dark, and dirty lanes. At Rheims it is
very different: the streets are almost all broad, straight,
and well built, equal in that respect to any I have seen;
and the inn, the hotel de Moulinet, is so large and well-
served as not to check the emotions raised by agreeable
objects, by giving an impulse to contrary vibrations in the
bosom of the traveller, which at inns in France is too often
the case. At dinner they gave me also a bottle of excellent
wine. I suppose fixed air is good for the rheumatism; I
had some writhes of it before I entered Champagne, but
the win mousseuaz has absolutely banished it. I had letters
for Mons. Cadot l’ainé, a considerable manufacturer, and
the possessor of a large vineyard, which he cultivates him-
self; he was therefore a double fund to me. He received
me very politely, answered my enquiries, and shewed me
his fabric. The cathedral is large, but does not strike me
like that of Amiens, yet ornamented, and many painted

1 (Mama) 2 (Ibid.)

196 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JULY,

windows. They showed me the spot where the kings are
crowned. You enter and quit Rheims through superb and
elegant iron gates : in such public decorations, promenades,
&c. French towns are much beyond English ones. Stopped
at Sillery,1 to view the wine press of the marquis de Sillery ; 2
he is the greatest wine-farmer in all Champagne, having in
his own hands 180 arpents. Till I got to Sillery, I knew
not that it belonged to the husband of Madame de Grenlis;
but I determined, on hearing that it did, to pluck up im-
pudence enough to introduce myself to the marquis, should
he be at home : I did not like to pass the door of Madame
de Grenlis without seeing her: her writings are too celebrated.
La Petite Loge, where I slept, is bad enough of all conscience,
but such a reflection would have made it ten times worse :
the absence, however, of both Mons. and Madame quieted
both my wishes and anxieties. He is in the states—28
miles.

The 9th. To Chalons,3 through a poor country and poor
crOps. M. de Broussonet had given me a letter to Mons.
Sabbatier, secretary to the academy of sciences, but he was
absent. A regiment passing to Paris, an officer at the inn
addressed me in English :——He had learned, he said, in
America, damme !——-He had taken lord Cornwallis, damme!
—-Marechal Broglio was appointed to command an army of
50,000 men near Paris—it was necessary—the tiers état
were running mad—and wanted some wholesome correc-
tion ;—they want to establish a republic—absurd ! Play,
Sir, what did you fight for in America? To establish a re-
public. What was so good for the Americans, is it so bad
for the French? Aye, damme! that is the way the English
want to be revenged. It is, to be sure, no bad opportunity.
Can the English follow a better example? He then made
many enquiries about what we thought and said upon it in
England : and I may remark, that almost every person I
meet has the same idea—The English must be very well can.-
tented at our confusion. They feel pretty pointedly what
they deserve—12% miles.

1 (Mama)

9 First called the Comte de Genlis ; he was afterwards member of the
Convention, gmllotined 1793.

3 Chfilons-sur-Marne (Marne).

1789.] ISLETS. 197

.The 10th. To Ove.1 Pass Courtisseau,2 a small village,
with a great church; and though a good stream, not an
idea of irrigation. Roofs of houses almost flat, with pro-
]ectmg eaves, resembling those from Pau to Bayonne. At
St. Menehoud3 a dreadful tempest, after a burning day, with
such a fall of rain, that I could hardly get to Mons. l’Abbé
Michel, to whom I had a letter. When I found him, the
incessant flashes of lightning would allow me no conversa-
tion ; for all the females of the house came into the room
for the Abbé’s protection I suppose, so I took leave. The
win de Champagne, which is 40/: at Rheims, is 3 liv. at
Chalons and here, and execrably bad; so there is an end
of my physio for the rheumatism.——25 miles.

The 11th. Pass Islets,‘ a town (or rather collection of
dirt and dung) of new features, that seem to mark, with
the faces of the people, a country not French—25 miles.

The 12th. Walking up a long hill, to ease my mare, I
was joined by a poor woman, who complained of the times,
and that it was a sad country ; demanding her reasons, she
said her husband had but a morsel of land, one cow, and a
poor little horse, yet they had a franehar (42 lb.) of wheat,
and three chickens, to pay as a quit-rent to one Seigneur;
and four franchar of oats, one chicken and If. to pay to
another, besides very heavy tailles and other taxes. She
had seven children, and the cow’s milk helped to make the
soup. But why, instead of a horse, do not you keep another
cow? Oh, her husband could not carry his produce so well
without a horse; and asses are little used in the country.
It was said, at present, that something was to be done by
some great folks for such poor ones, but she did not know who
nor how, but God send us better, ear les tailles & les droits
nous ecrasent.—This woman, at no great distance, might

I Auve, on the river of that name (Marne).

2 Courtisois, a curious Celtic community (Marne).

3 St. Menehould (Marne).

4 Les Islettes. This “collection of dirt and dung” is historic. From the
neighbouring village of Grandpré, Dumouriez wrote to the Minister of
War in September, 1 792. “ J ’attends les Prussiens. Le camp de Grandpré
et celui (les Islettes sont les Thermopyles de la France; mais je serai
plus heureux que Léonidas.”—-MIGNET. The prophecy was not strictly
fulfilled. The Prussians foiled his manoeuvres at Grandpré but a few
days later; the victory of Valuny save'd‘the Republic.

198 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

have been taken for sixty or seventy, her figure was so bent,
and her face so fu rrowed and hardened by labour,——but she
said she was only twenty-eight. An Englishman who has
not travelled, cannot imagine the figure made by infinitely
the greater part of the countrywomen in France ; it speaks,
at the first sight, hard and severe labour: I am inclined to
think, that they work harder than the men, and this, united
with the more miserable labour of bringing a new race of
slaves into the world, destroys absolutely all symmetry of
person and every feminine appearance. To what are we
to attribute this difference in the manners of the lower
people in the two kingdoms? To GOVERNMENT.——23
miles.

The 13th. Leave Mar-le-‘Tour 1 at four in the morning:
the village herdsman was sounding his horn; and it was
droll to see every door vomiting out its hogs or sheep, and
some a few goats, the flock collecting as it advances. Very
poor sheep, and the pigs with mathematical backs, large
segments of small circles. They must have abundance of
commons here, but, if I may judge by the report of the
animals carcases, dreadfully overstocked. To Metz,2 one of
the strongest places in France; pass three draw-bridges,
but the command of water must give a strength equal to-
its works. The common garrison is 10,000 men, but there
are fewer at present. Waited on M. de Payen, secretary
of the academy of sciences ; he asked my plan, which I ex-
plained; he appointed me at four in the afternoon at the
academy, as there would be seance held; and he promised
to introduce me to some persons who could answer my en-
quiries. I attended accordingly, when I found the academy
assembled at one of their weekly meetings. Mons. Payen
introduced me to the members, and, before they proceeded
to their business, they had the goodness to sit in council
on my enquiries, and to resolve many of them. In the
“ Almanach des Trois Evechés,” 1789, this academy is said
to have been instituted particularly for agriculture; I
turned to the list of their honorary members to see what
attention they had paid to the men who, in the present age,

‘ Mars-la-Tour (Meurthe and Moselle).
9 Metz, former chef-lieu of the department of the Moselle, now annexed
to Prussia.

17 89.] METZ. 199

have advanced that art. I found an Englishman, Dom
Cowley, of London. Who is Dom Cowley ?-—Dined at the
table d’hote, with seven officers, out of whose mouths, at
this important moment, in which conversation is as free as
the press, not one word issued for which I would give a
straw, nor a subject touched on of more importance, than
a coat, or a puppy dog. At table d’hotes of officers, you
have a voluble garniture of bawdry or nonsense; at those
of merchants, a mournful and stupid silence. Take the
mass of mankind, and you have more good sense in half an
hour in England than in half a year in France—Govern-
ment! Again :—-all——all—is government—15 miles.

The 145th.1 They have a cabinet literai’re at Metz, some-
thing like that I described at Nantes, but not on so great
a plan ; and they admit any person to read or go in and out
for a day, on paying 4% To this I eagerly resorted, and
the news from Paris, both in the public prints, and by the
information of a gentleman, I found to be interesting.
Versailles and Paris are surrounded by troops: 35,000 men
are assembled, and 20,000 more on the road, large trains
of artillery collected, and all the preparations of war. The
assembling of such a number of troops has added to the
scarcity of bread; and the magazines that have been made
for their support, are not easily by the people distinguished
from those they suspect of being collected by monopolists.
This has aggravated their evils almost to madness ; so
that the confusion and tumult of the capital are extreme.
A gentleman of an excellent understanding, and apparently
of consideration, from the attention paid him, with whom
I had some conversation on the subject,.lamented in the
most pathetic terms, the situation of his country; he con-
siders a civil war as impossible to be avoided. There is
not, he added, a doubt but the court, finding it impossible
to bring the National Assembly to terms, will get rid of
them; a bankruptcy at the same moment is inevitable;
the union of such confusion must be a civil war ; and it is
now only by torrents of blood that we have any hope of
establishing a freer constitution : yet it must be established;
for the old government is rivetted to abuses that are insup-

' Needless perhaps to remind the reader that on this day took place
the storming of the Bastile.

200 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

portable. He agreed with me entirely, that the proposi-
tions of the seance royale, though certainly not sufficiently
satisfactory, yet, were the ground for a negociation, that
would have secured by degrees all even that the sword can
give us, let it be as successful as it will. The purse—the
power of the purse is every thing ; skilfully managed, with so
necessitous a government as ours, it would, one after another,
have gained all we wished. As to a war, Heaven knows the
event; and if we have success, success itself may ruin us;
France may have a Cromwell in its bosom, as well as Eng-
land. Metz is, without exception, the cheapest town I
have been in. The table d’hote is 36/2 a head, plenty of
good wine included. We were ten, and had two courses
and a dessert of ten dishes each, and those courses plenti-
ful. The supper is the same; I had mine, of a pint of
wine and a large plate of chaudiés,‘ in my chamber, for 10/?
a horse, hay, and corn 25/3 and nothing for the apartment ;
my expence was therefore 71fi a day, or 2s. 11$d.; and
with the table d’hote for supper, would have been but 97/:
or 4s. 0%d.—-III addition, much civility and good attend-
ance. It is at the Faisan. Why are the cheapest inns in
France the best ?-—The country to Pont-a-Mousson 2 is all
of bold feature—The river Moselle, which is considerable,
runs in the vale, and the hills on either side are high.
Not far from Metz there are the remains of an ancient
aqueduct for conducting the waters of a spring across the
Moselle: there are many arches left on this side, with the
houses of poor people built between them. At Pont-a-
Mousson Mons. Pichon, the sub-delegué of the intendant.
to whom I had letters, received me politely, satisfied my
enquiries, which he was well able to do from his office, and
conducted me to see whatever was worth viewing in the
town. It does not contain much; the e’cole militaire, for
the sons of the poor nobility, also the convent de Premonte,3

' Echaudé, galette or fritter.

2 Pont-a-Mousson (Meurthe and Moselle).

3 Our author was misinformed here. The Prémontrés, a factions and
turbulent order, who resisted alike the authority of the Bishop of Metz,
the King and the Pope, had been finally replaced, as a teaching body, by
the Jesuits under Louis XIII. The convent of St. Eloi, originally occu-
pied by the Prémontrés, was exchanged by their successors for the more

1789.] NANCY. 201'

which has a very fine library, 107 feet long and 25 broad.
I was introduced to the abbot as a person who had some
knowledge in agriculture—l7 miles.

The 15th. I went to Nancy,1 with great expectation,
having heard it represented as the prettiest town in France.
I think, on the whole, it is not undeserving the character
in point of building, direction, and breadth of streets.—
Bourdeaux is far more magnificent; Bayonne and Nantes
are more lively; but there is more equality in Nancy; it
is almost all good ; and the public buildings are numerous.
The place royale, and the adjoining area are superb.
Letters from Paris ! all confusion! the ministry removed:
Mons. Necker ordered to quit the kingdom without noise.
The efiect on the people of Nancy was considerable—I was
with Mons. Willemet when his letters arrived, and for some
time his house was full of enquirers; all agreed, that it
was fatal news, and that it would occasion great commo-
tions. What will be the result at Nancy .7 The answer was
in effect the same from all I put this question to: We are
a provincial town, we must wait to see what is done at Paris ;
but every thing is to be feared from the people, because bread
is so dear, they are half starved, and are consequently ready
for commotion—This is the general feeling; they are as
nearly concerned as Paris; but they dare not stir; they
dare not even have an opinion of their own till they know
what Paris thinks ; so that if a starving populace were not
in question, no one would dream of moving. This confirms
what I have often heard remarked, that the deficit would
not have produced the revolution but in concurrence with
the price of bread. Does not this shew the infinite con-
sequence of great cities to the liberty of mankind? With-
out Paris, I question whether the present revolution, which
is fast working in France, could possibly have had an
origin. It is not in the villages of Syria or Diarbekir that
the Grand Seigneur meets with a murmur against his will ;
commodious house of des Petits Carmes, in 1635, and it is of this that
Arthur Young evidently wrote. The buildings are now appropriated as
Caisse d’Epargne and Maison de Piété, and the church as a Public
Library and Museum. The library contains many illuminated MSS.

' (Meurthe and Moselle.) This department was formed from what

remained of the two of that name, the greater part of which was annexed
to Germany in 1871.

202 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

it is at ConstantinOple that he is obliged to manage and
mix caution even with despotism. Mr. Willemet, who is
demonstrator of botany, shewed me the botanical garden,
but it is in a condition that speaks the want of better
funds. He introduced me to a Mons. Durival, who has
written on the vine, and gave me one of his treatises, and
two of his own on botanical subjects. He also con-
ducted me to Mons. l’Abbé Grandpére, a gentleman curious
in gardening, who, as soon as he knew that I was an
Englishman, whimsically took it into his head to intro-
duce me to a lady, my countrywoman, who hired, he said,
the greatest part of his house. I remonstrated against the
impropriety of this, but all in vain; the Abbé had never
travelled, and thought that if he were at the distance of
England from France (the French are not commonly good
geographers) he should be very glad to see a Frenchman;
and that, by parity of reasoning, this lady must be the
same to meet a countryman she never saw or heard of.
Away he went, and would not rest till I was conducted
into her apartment. It was the dowager Lady Douglas;
she was unaffected, and good enough not to be offended at
such a strange intrusion—She had been here but a few
days; had two fine daughters with her, and a beautiful
Kamchatka dog; she was much troubled with the intelli-
gence her friends in the town had just given her, that she
would, in all probability, be forced to move again, as the
news of Mons. Necker’s removal, and the new ministry
being appointed, would certainly occasion such dreadful
tumults, that a foreign family would probably find it
equally dangerous and disagreeable—18 miles.

The 16th. All the houses at Nancy have tin eave troughs
and pipes, which render walking the streets much more easy
and agreeable ; it is also an additional consumption, which
is politically useful. Both this place and Luneville are
lighted in the English manner, instead of the lamps being
strung across the streets as in other French towns. Before
I quit Nancy, let me caution the unwary traveller, if he is
not a great lord, with plenty of money that he does not
know what to do with, against the hotel d’Angleterre; a had
dinner 3 liv. and for the room as much more. A pint of
wine, and a plate of chaudié 20fl which at Metz was 10]. and

1789.] LUNEvILLE. 203

in addition, I liked so little my treatment, that I changed
my quarters to the hotel de Halls, where, at the table d’hote,
I had the company of some agreeable officers, two good
courses, and a dessert, for 36f with a bottle of wine. The
chamber 20fl ; for building, however, the hotel d’Angletewe
is much superior, and is the first inn. In the evening to
Luneville. The country about Nancy is pleasing—17
miles. .

The 17th. Luneville 1 being the residence of Mons. La-
zowski, the father of my much esteemed friend, who was
advertised of my journey, Iwaited on him in the morning;
he received me with not politeness only, but hospitality——
with a hospitality I began to think was not to be found on
this side of the kingdom.—From Mareuil hither, I had
really been so unaccustomed to receive any attentions of
that sort, that it awakened me to a train of new feelings
agreeable enough—An apartment was ready for me, which
I was pressed to occupy, desired to dine, and expected to
stay some days: he introduced me to his wife and family,
particularly to M. l’Abbé Lazowski, who, with the most
obliging alacrity, undertook the office of shewing me what-
ever was worth seeing.—We examined, in a walk before
dinner, the establishment of the orphans; well regulated
and conducted. Luneville wants such establishments, for
it has no industry, and therefore is very poor ; I was assured
not less than half the p0pulation of the place, or 10,000
persons are poor. Luneville is cheap. A cook’s wages
two, three, or four louis. A maid’s, that dresses hair,
three or four louis; a common house-maid, one louis; a
common footman, or a house lad, three louis. Rent of a
good house sixteen or seventeen louis. Lodgings of four or
five rooms, some of them small, nine louis. After dinner,
wait on M. Vaux dit Pompone, an intimate. acquaintance of
my friend’s; here mingled hospitality and politeness also
received me, and so much pressed to dine with him to-
morrow, that I should certainly have staid had it been
merely for the pleasure of more conversation with a very
sensible and cultivated man, who, though advanced in
years, has the talents and good humour to render his com-

] (Meurthe and Moselle.) Luneville is now the seat of a flourishing
and beautiful faience manufactory.

204 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY.

pany universally agreeable : I was obliged to refuse it ; I
was out of order all day. Yesterday’s heat was followed,
after some lightning, by a cold night, and I laid, without
knowing it, with the windows open, and caught cold I sup-
pose, from the information of my bones. I am acquainted
with strangers as easily and quickly as any body, a habit
that much travelling can scarcely fail to give, but to be ill
among them would be enuyante, demand too much attew
tion, and incroach on their humanity. This induced me to
refuse the obliging wishes of both the Messrs. Lazowski,
Mons. Pompone, and also of a pretty and agreeable Ameri-
can lady, I met at the house of the latter. Her history is
singular, and yet very natural. She was Miss Blake, of
N ew-York ; what carried her to Dominica I know not; but
the sun did not Spoil her complexion: a French oflicer,
Mons. Tibalié, on taking the island, made her his captive,
and himself became her own, fell in love, and married her;
brought his prize to France, and settled her in his native
town of Luneville. The regiment, of which he is major,
being quartered in a distant province, she complained of
seeing her husband not more than for six months in two
years. She has been four years at Luneville; and having
the society of three children, is reconciled to a scene of life
new to her. Mons. Pompone, who, she assured me, is one
of the best men in the world, has parties every day at his
house, not more to his own satisfaction than to her com-
fort—This gentleman is another instance, as well as the
major, of attachment to the place of nativity ; he was born
at Luneville ; attended King Stanislaus in some reSpectable
office, near his person ; has lived much at Paris, and with
the great, and had first ministers of state for his intimate
friends ; but the love of the natale solum brought him back
to Luneville, where he has lived beloved and respected for
many years, surrounded by an elegant collection of books,
amongst which the poets are not forgotten, having himself
no incon siderable talents in transfusing agreeable senti-
ments into pleasing verses. He has some couplets of his
own composition, under the portraits of his friends, which
are pretty and easy. It would have given me much plea-
sure to have spent some days at Luneville; an agreeable
Opening was made for me in two houses, where I should

1789.] STRASBOURG. 205

have met with a friendly and agreeable reception: but the
misfortunes of travelling are sometimes the accidents that
cross the moments prepared for enjoyment; and at others,
the system of a journey inconsistent with the plans of des-
tined pleasure.

The 18th. To Haming,1 through an uninteresting coun-
try—28 miles.

The 19th. To Savern,2 in Alsace: the country to Phals-
bourg,3 a small fortified town, on the frontiers, is much the
same to the eye as hitherto. The women in Alsace all
wear straw hats, as large as those worn in England; they
shelter the face, and should secure some pretty country
girls, but I have seen none yet. Coming out of Phalsbourg,
there are some hovels miserable enough, yet have chimnies
and windows, but the inhabitants in the lowest poverty.
From that town to Savern all a mountain of oak timber,
the descent steep, and the road winding. In Savern, I
found myself to all appearance veritably in Germany ; for
two days past much tendency to a change, but here not one
person in an hundred has a word of French ; the rooms are
warmed by stoves ; the kitchen-hearth is three or four feet
high, and various other trifles shew, that you are among
another people. Looking at a map of France, and reading
histories of Louis XIV. never threw his conquest or seizure
of Alsace into the light which travelling into it did: to
cross a great range of mountains ; to enter a level plain,
inhabited by a people totally distinct and difierent from
France, with manners, language, ideas, prejudices, and
habits all different, made an impression of the injustice and
ambition of such a conduct, much more forcible than ever
reading had done: so much more powerful are things than
words—22 miles.

The 20th. To Strasbourg,4 through one of the richest
scenes of soil and cultivation to be met with in France, and
rivalled only by Flanders, which however, exceeds it. I

1 Hé'ning, French; Hemingen, German.
2 Saverne, French; Zabern, German.
3 Phalsburg, formerly in the department of Meurthe, now annexed

to Germany. .
4 Funnerly chef-lieu of the department of Bas Rhm, now annexed to

Pruss a.

206 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

arrived there at a critical moment, which I thought would
have broken my neck; a detachment of horse, with their
trumpets on one side, a party of infantry, with their drums
beating on the other, and a great mob hallooing, frightened
my French mare ; and I could scarcely keep her from
trampling on Messrs. the tiers etat. On arriving at the inn,
hear the interesting news of the revolt of Paris—The
Guardes Francoises joining the people ; the little dependence
on the rest of the troops; the taking the Bastile; and the
institution of the milice bourgeoise ; in a word, of the abso-
lute overthrow of the old government. Every thing being
now decided, and the kingdom absolutely in the hands of
the assembly, they have the power to make a new constitu-
tion, such as they think proper; and it will be a great
spectacle for the world to view, in this enlightened age, the
representatives of twenty-five millions of people sitting on
the construction of a new and better order and fabric of
liberty, than Europe has yet offered. It will now be seen,
whether they will copy the constitution of England, freed
from its faults, or attempt, from theory, to frame something
absolutely speculative: in the former case, they will prove
a blessing to their country; in the latter they will probably
involve it in inextricable confusions and civil wars, perhaps
not in the present period, but certainly at some future one.
I hear nothing of their removing from Versailles; if thev
stay there under the controul of an armed mob, they must
make a government that will please the mob; but they will,
I suppose, be wise enough to move to some central town
Tours, Blois, or Orleans, where their deliberations may be
free. But the Parisian spirit of commotion Spreads quickly ;
it is here ; the troops that were near breaking my neck, are
employed, to keep an eye on the people who shew signs of
an intended revolt. They have broken the windows of
some magistrates that are no favourites ; and a great mob
of them is at this moment assembled demanding clamour-
ously to have meat at 5/. a pound. They have a cry among
them that will conduct them to good lengths—Point
d’impét ct vivent les etd-ts.-—Waited on Mons. Herman, pro-
fessor of natural history in the University here, to whom I
had letters ; he replied to some of my questions, and intro-
duced me for others to Mons. Zimmer, who having been in

1789.] STRASBOURG. 207

some degree a practitioner, had understanding enough of
the subject to afford me some information that was valu-
able. View the public buildings, and cross the Rhine
passing for some little distance into Germany, but no new
features to mark a change; Alsace is Germany, and the
change great on descending the mountains. The exterior
of the cathedral is fine, and the tower singularly light and
beautiful; it is well known to be one of the highest in
Europe ; commands a noble and rich plain, through which
the Rhine, from the number of its islands, has the appear-
ance of a chain of lakes rather than of a river.—Monument
of marechal Saxe, &c. &c. I am puzzled about going to
Carlsrhue, the residence of the Margrave of Baden: it was
an old intention to do it, if ever I was within an hundred
miles ; for there are some features in the reputation of that
sovereign, which made me wish to be there. He fixed Mr.
Taylor, of Bifrons in Kent, whose husbandry I describe in
my Eastern Tour, on a large farm; and the ceconomistes,
in their writings, speak much of an experiment he made in
their Physiocratical rubbish, which, however erroneous
their principles might be, marked much merit in the prince.
Mons. Herman tells me also, that he has sent a person into
Spain to purchase rams for the improvement of wool, I
wish he had fixed on somebody likely to understand a good
ram, which a professor of botany is not likely to do too
well. This botanist is the only person Mons. Herman
knows at Carlsrhue, and therefore can give me no letter
thither, and how can I go, unknown to all the world, to
the residence of a sovereign prince, for Mr. Taylor has
left him, is a difficulty apparently insurmountable—22%
miles.

The 215t. I have spent some time this morning at the
cabinet litera'ire, reading the gazettes and journals that
give an account of the transactions at Paris: and I have
had some conversation with several sensible and intelligent
men on the present revolution. The spirit of revolt is gone
forth into various parts of the kingdom; the price of
bread has prepared the populace every where for all sorts
of violence; at Lyons there have been commotions as
furious as at Paris, and the same at a great many other
places: Dauphiné is in arms: and Bretagne in absolute

208 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

rebellion. The idea is, that the peOple will, from hunger,
be driven to revolt; and when once they find any other
means of subsistence than that of honest labour, every
thing will be to be feared. Of such consequence it is to a
country, and indeed to every country, to have a good police
of corn; a police that shall by securing a high price to the
farmer, encourage his culture enough to secure the people
at the same time from famine. My anxiety about Carls-
rhue is now at an end; the Margrave is at Spaw; I shall
not therefore think of going. Night—I have been wit-
ness to a scene curious to a foreigner; but dreadful to
Frenchmen that are considerate. Passing through the
square of the hotel de ville, the mob were breaking the
windows with stones, notwithstanding an officer and a de-
tachment of horse was in the square. Perceiving that their
numbers not only increased, but that they grew bolder and
bolder every moment, I thought it worth staying to see
what it would end in, and clambered on to the roof of a
row of low stalls opposite the building, against which their
malice was directed. Here I beheld the whole commo-
diously. Perceiving that the troops would not attack them,
except in words and menaces, they grew more violent, and
furiously attempted to beat the door in pieces with iron
crows; placing ladders to the windows. In about a quarter
of an hour, which gave time for the assembled magistrates
to escape by a back door, they burst all open, and entered
like a torrent with a universal shout of the spectators.
From that minute a shower of casements, sashes, shutters,
chairs, tables, s0phas, books, papers, pictures, &c., rained
incessantly from all the windows of the house, which is
seventy or eighty feet long, and which was then succeeded
by tiles, skirting boards, bannisters, frame-work, and every
part of the building that force could detach. The troops,
both horse and foot, were quiet spectators. They were at
first too few to interpose, and, when they became more
numerous, the mischief was too far advanced to admit of
any other conduct than guarding every avenue around,
permitting none to go to the scene of action, but letting
every one that pleased retire with his plunder; guards
being at the same time placed at the doors of the churches,
and all public buildings I was for two hours a spectator

 

1789.] sonnnnsmnr. 209

at difierent places of the scene, secure myself from the
falling furniture, but near enough to see a fine lad of about
14! crushed to death by something as he was handing
plunder to a woman, I suppose his mother, from the horror
pictured in her countenance. I remarked several common
soldiers, with their white cockades, among the plunderers,
and instigating the mob even in sight of the officers of the
detachment. There were amongst them people so decently
dressed, that I regarded them with no small surprize :—
they destroyed all the public archives ; the streets for
some way around strewed with papers; this has been a
wanton mischief; for it will be the ruin of many families
unconnected with the magistrates.

The 22d. To Schelestadt.1 At Strasbourg, and the coun-
try I passed, the lower ranks of women wear their hair in
a toupee in front, and behind braided into a circular plait,
three inches thick, and is most curiously contrived to con-
vince one that they rarely pass a comb through it. I could
not but picture them as the Maine of living colonies, that
never approach me (they are not burthened with too much
beauty,) but I scratched my head from sensations of ima-
ginary itching. The moment you are out of a great town
all in this country is German; 'the inns have one common
large room, many tables and cloths ready spread, where
every company dines; gentry at some, and the poor at
others. Cookery also German: schm'tz 2 is a dish of bacon
and fried pears; has the appearance of a mess for the
devil; but I was surprized, on tasting, to find it better
than passable. At Schelestadt I had the pleasure of find-
ing the count de la Rochefoucauld, whose regiment (of
Champagne), of which he is second major, is quartered
here. No attentions could be kinder than what I received
from him; they were a renewal of the numerous ones I -
was in the habit of experiencing from his family ; and he
introduced me to a good farmer from whom I had the
intelligence I wanted—25 miles.

The 23d. An agreeable quiet day, with the count de la

1 Schleltstadt, German; Schlestadt, French, formerly in the depart-
ment of Bas Rhin, now annexed to Germany.
2 Schnitz is a name applied to any "fruit cut and dried in the oven.

P

210 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

Rochefoucauld : dine with the officers of the regiment, the
count de Loumené, the colonel, nephew to the cardinal de
Loumené, present. Sup at my friend’s lodgings; an officer
of infantry, a Dutch gentleman who has been much in the
East Indies, and speaks English there. This has been a
refreshing day; the society of well informed people, liberal,
polite, and communicative, has been a contrast to the
sombre stupidity of table d’hotes.

The 24th. To Isenheim,l by Colmar.2 The country is in
general a dead level, with the Voge mountains very near to
the right ; those of Suabia to the left ; and there is another
range very distant, that appears in the Opening to the
south. The news at the table d’hote at Colmar curious,
that the Queen had a plot, nearly on the point of execution,
to blow up the National Assembly by a mine, and to
march the army instantly to massacre all Paris. A French
officer present presumed but to doubt of the truth of it,
and was immediame overpowered with numbers of tongues.
A deputy had written it ; they had seen the letter, and not
a hesitation could be admitted: I strenuously contended,
that it was folly and nonsense at the first blush, a mere
invention to render persons odious who, for what I knew,
might deserve to be so, but certainly not by such means ;
if the angel Gabriel had descended and taken a chair at
table to convince them, it would not have shaken their
faith. Thus it is in revolutions, one rascal writes, and an
hundred thousand fools believe—25 miles.

The 25th. From Isenheim, the country changes from
the dead flat, to pleasant views and inequalities, improving
all the way to Befort,3 but neither scattered houses nor in-
closures. Great riots at Befort :—last night a body of mob
and peasants demanded of the magistrates the arms in the
magazine, to the amount of three or four thousand stand;
being refused, they grew riotous and threatened to set fire

1 Ensisheim, now Prussian.

2 Colmar was formerly chef-lieu of the department. of the Haut Rhin,
now annexed to Germany.

3 Belfort, formerly in the department of Haut Rhin, now chef-lieu of
the department of the Territoire de Belfort, created in 1871 ; a fortified

place of the first importance, and saved from annexation by the efforts
of M. Thiers.

1789.] BEFOBT. 211

to the town, on which the gates were shut; and today the
regiment of Bourgogne arrived for their protection. Mons.
Necker passed here to-day in his way from Basle to Paris,
escorted by 50 bourgeois horsemen, and through the town
by the music of all the troops. But the most brilliant
period of his life is past; from the moment of his rein-
statement in power to the assembling of the states, the
fate of France, and of the Bourbons, was then in his hands;
and whatever may be the result of the present confusions
they will, by posterity, be attributed to his conduct, since
he had unquestionably the power of assembling the states
in whatever form he pleased: he might have had two
chambers, three, or one; he might have given what would
unavoidably have slid into the constitution of Eng-land;
all was, in his hands; he had the greatest opportunity of
political architecture that ever was in the power of man :
the great legislators of antiquity never possessed such a
moment : in my Opinion he missed it completely, and threw
that to the chance of the winds and waves, to which he
might have given impulse, direction, and life. I had
letters to Mons. de Bellonde, commissaire dc Guerra; I
found him alone: he asked me to sup, saying he should
have some persons to meet me who could give me informa-
tion. On my returning, he introduced me to Madame de
Bellonde, and a circle of a dozen ladies, with three or four
young ofiicers, leaving the room himself to attend Madame,
the princess of something, who was on her flight to Switzer-
land. I wished the whole company very cordially at the
devil, for I saw, at one glance, what sort of information I
should have. There was a little cotem’e in one corner
listening to an officer’s detail of leaving Paris. This gentle-
man further informed us, that the count d’Artois, and all
the princes of the blood, except Monsieur, and the duke
d’Orleans, the whole connection of Polignac, the marechal
de Broglio, and an infinite number of the first nobility had
fled the kingdom, and were daily followed by others ; and
lastly, that the King, Queen, and royal family, were in a
situation at Versailles really dangerous and alarming,
without any dependence on the troops near them, and, in
fact, more like prisoners than free. Here is, therefore, a
revolution effected by a sort of magic; all powers in the

212 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JULY,

realm are destroyed but that of the commons; and it now
will remain to see what sort of architects they are at re-
building an edifice in the place of that which has been thus
marvellously tumbled in ruins. Supper being announced,
the company quitted the room, and as I did not push my-
self forward, I remained at the rear till I was very whim-
sically alone; I was a little struck at the turn of the
moment, and did not advance when I found myself in such
an extraordinary situation, in order to see whether it would
arrive at the point it did. I then, smiling, took my hat,
and walked fairly out of the house. I was, however, over-
taken below ; but I talked of business—or pleasure—or of
something, or nothing—and hurried to the inn. I should
not have related this, if it had not been at a moment that
carried with it its apology: the anxiety and distraction of
the time must fill the head, and occupy the attention of a
gentleman ;—and, as to ladies, what can French ladies think
of a man who travels for the plough ?—-25 miles.

The 26th. For twenty miles to Lisle sur Daube,l the
country nearly as before; but after that, to Baume les
Dames, it is all mountainous and rock, much wood, and
many pleasing scenes of the river flowing beneath. The
whole country is in the greatest agitation; at one of the
little towns I passed, I was questioned for not having a
cockade of the tiers etat. They said it was ordained by the
tiers, and, if I was not a Seigneur, I ought to obey. But
suppose I am a Seigneur, what then, my friends ?—-What
then ? they replied sternly, why, be hanged; for that most
likely is what you deserve. It was plain this was no mo-
ment for joking, the boys and girls began to gather, whose
assembling has every where been the preliminaries of mis-
chief; and if I had not declared myself an Englishman,
and ignorant of the ordinance, I had not escaped very well.
I immediately bought a cockade, but the hussey pinned it
into my hat so loosely, that before I got to Lisle it blew
into the river, and I was again in the same danger. My
assertion of being English would not do. I was a Seigneur,
perhaps in disguise, and without doubt a great rogue.
At this moment a priest came into the street with a letter

‘ L’Isle-sur-le-Doubs (Doubs).
’ Baume-les-Dames amid very picturesque scenery (Doubs).

1789.] LISLE sun DAUBE. 213

in his hand: the people immediately collected around him,
and he then read aloud a detail from Befort, giving an
account of M. Necker’s passing, with some general features
of news from Paris, and assurances that the condition of
the people would be improved. When he had finished, he
exhorted them to abstain from all violence; and assured
them, they must not indulge themselves with any ideas of
impositions being abolished; which he touched on as if he
knew that they had got such notions. When he retired,
they again surrounded me, who had attended to the letter
like others; were very menacing in their manner; and ex-
pressed many suspicions: I did not like my situation at
all, especially on hearing one of them say that I ought to
be seemed till somebody would give an account of me. I
was on the steps of the inn, and begged they would permit
me a few words; I assured them, that I was an English
traveller, and to prove it, I desired to explain to them a.
circumstance in English taxation, which would be a satis-
factory comment on what Mons. l’Abbé had told them, to
the purport of which I could not agree. He had asserted,
that the impositions must be paid as heretofore: that the
impositions must be paid was certain, but not as heretofore,
as they might be paid as they were in England. Gentle-
men, we have a great number of taxes in England, which
you know nothing of in France; but the tiers etat, the poor
do not pay them; they are laid on the rich; every window
in a man’s house pays; but if he has no more than six
windows, he pays nothing ; a Seigneur, with a great estate,
pays the wingtiem es and tailles, but the little proprietor of
a garden pays nothing; the rich for their horses, their
voitures, and their servants, and even for liberty to kill
their own partridges, but the poor farmer nothing of all
this : and what is more, we have in England a tax paid by
the rich for the relief of the poor; hence the assertion of
Mons. l’Abbé, that because taxes existed before they must
exist again, did not at all prove that they must be levied in
the same manner; our English method seemed much
better. There was not a word of this discourse, they did
not approve of; they seemed to think that I might be an
honest fellow, which I confirmed, by crying, viva la tiers,
sans impositions, when they gave me a bit of a huzza, and

214 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

I had no more interruption from them. My miserable
French was pretty much on a par with their own patois. I
got, however, another cockade, which I took care to have
so fastened as to lose it no more. I do not half like
travelling in such an unquiet and fermenting moment;
one is not secure for an hour beforehand—35 miles.

The 27th. To Besancon ;1 the country mountain, rock,
and wood, above the river; some scenes are fine. I had
not arrived an hour before I saw a peasant pass the inn on
horseback, followed by an oflicer of the guard bourgeois, of
which there are 1200 here, and 200 under arms, and his
party-coloured detachment, and these by some infantry and
cavalry. I asked, why the militia took the pas of the
king’s troops? For a very good reason, they replied, the
troops would be attacked and knocked on the head, but the
populace will not resist the miliee. This peasant, who is a
rich proprietor, applied for a guard to protect his house, in
a village where there is much plundering and burning.
The mischiefs which have been perpetrated in the country,
towards the mountains and Vesoul,2 are numerous and
shocking. Many chateaus have been burnt, others plun-
dered, the seigneurs hunted down like wild beasts, their
wives and daughters ravished, their papers and titles
burnt, and all their property destroyed: and these abomi-
nations not inflicted on marked persons, who were odious
for their former conduct or principles, but an indiscrimi-
nating blind rage for the love of plunder. Robbers,
galley-slaves, and villains of all denominations, have col-
lected and instigated the peasants to commit all sorts of
outrages. Some gentlemen at the table d’héte informed
me, that letters were received from the Maconois, the
Lyonois, Auvergne, Dauphné, &c. and that similar commo-
tions and mischiefs were perpetrating every where; and
that it was expected they would pervade the whole king-
dom. The backwardness of France is beyond credibility in
every thing that pertains to intelligence. From Strasbourg
hither, I have not been able to see a newspaper. Here I
asked for the Cabinet Literaire .7 None. The gazettes ?
At the cofiee-house. Very easily replied; but not so easily

' (Doubs.) 9 (Haute Saone.)

1789.] BESANCON. 215

found. Nothing but the Gazette de France ; for which at
this period, a man of common sense would not give one
sol. To four other coffee-houses; at some no paper at all,
not even the Mercure ; at the Cafe’ Militaire, the Courier
de l’Europe a fortnight old; and well dressed people are
now talking of the news of two or three weeks past, and
plainly by their discourse know nothing of what is passing.
The whole town of Besancon has not been able to afford
me a sight of the Journal de Paris, nor of any paper that
gives a detail of the transactions of the states; yet it is the
capital of a province, large as half a dozen English coun-
ties, and containing 25,000 souls,—with strange to say!
the post coming in but three times a week. At this event-
ful moment, with no licence, nor even the least restraint on
the press, not one paper established at Paris for circulation
in the provinces, with the necessary steps taken by ajfiche,
or placard, to inform the people in all the towns of its
establishment. For what the country knows to the con-
trary, their deputies are in the Bastile, instead of the
Bastile being razed; so the mob plunder, burn, and destroy,
in complete ignorance: and yet, with all these shades of
darkness, these clouds of tenebrity, this universal mass of
ignorance, there are men every day in the states, who are
pufling themselves off for the FIRST NATION IN EUROPE!
the GREATEST PEOPLE IN THE UNIvERSE ! as if the political
juntos, or literary circles of a capital constituted a people;
instead of the universal illumination of knowledge, acting
by rapid intelligence on minds prepared by habitual energy
of reasoning to receive, combine, and comprehend it. That
this dreadful ignorance of the mass of the people, of the
events that most intimately concern them, is owing to the
old government, no one can doubt; it is however curious
to remark, that if the nobility of other provinces are
hunted like those of Franche Compté, of which there
is little reason to doubt, that whole order of men undergo
a proscription, sufier like sheep, without making the least
efiort to resist the attack. This appears marvellous, with
a body that have an army of 150,000 men in their hands;
for though a part of those troops would certainly disobey
their leaders, yet let it be remembered, that out of the
40,000, or possibly 100,000 noblesse of France, they might,

216 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

if they had intelligence and union amongst themselves, fill
half the ranks of more than half the regiments of the
kingdom, with men who have fellow-feelings and fellow-
sufferings with themselves; but no meetings, no associa-
tions among them; no union with military men; no taking
refuge in the ranks of regiments to defend or avenge their
cause; fortunately for France they fall without a struggle,
and die without a blow. That universal circulation of in-
telligence, which in England transmits the least vibration
of feeling or alarm, with electric sensibility, from one end
of the kingdom to another, and which unites in bands of
connection men of similar interests and situations, has no
existence in France. Thus it may be said, perhaps with
truth, that the fall of the king, court, lords, nobles, army,
church, and parliaments is owing to a want of intelligence
being quickly circulated, consequently is owing to the very
effects of that thraldom in which they held the people: it is
therefore a retribution rather than a punishment.——18 miles.

The 28th. At the table d’hote last night a person gave
an account of being stopped at Salins for want of a pass-
port, and suffering the greatest inconveniencies; I found
it necessary, therefore, to demand one for myself, and went
accordingly to the Bureau ; this was the house of a Mons.
Bellamy, an attorney; with whom the following dialogue
ensued : ‘ ‘

Maris, Monsieur, qui me repondra de vous? Est ce que
personne vous connoit .7 Conno'issez vous quelqun a Besancon .7

Non personne, mon dessein etoit d’aller a Vesoul d’ou
j’aurois eu des lettres, man's j’ai change? de route a cause de
oes tumultes.

Monsieur je ne vous connois pas, (f: 373 sous etes inconnu a
Besancon uous ne pouvez avoir de passport.

Mais uoici mes lettres j’en ai plusieurs pour d’autres villes
en France, il 3/ a en meme d’adressées a Vesoul e a Arbois,
ouvrez cf: lisez les, & sous trouverez que je ne suis pas inconnu
ailleurs quoique je le sods a Besancon.

N ’importe ; je ne sous connois pas, il n’y a personne ici
qui vous connoisse ainsi vous n’aurez point de passport.

J e ’vous dit Monsieur que ces lettres vous eapliqueront.

I l me faut des gens, et non pas des lettres pour m’erpliquer
qui uous etes ; ces lettres ne me valent rien.

1789.] Busmcon. 217

Cette facon d’agir me paroit assez singuliere ; apparaement
que ‘vous la croyez tres honnéte ; pour moi, Monsieur, j’en
pense bien autrement.

Eh Monsieur je ne rn’en soucie de oe que vous en pensez.

En uerité voici ce qui s’appelle, avoir des manieres
gracieuses envers un etranger ; c’est la premiere, fozs que j’ai
en a faire avec ces Messieurs du tiers etat, cf: nous m’avourez
qu’il n’ya rien ici qui puisse me donner une haute idée du
caracteré de ees Messieurs la.

Monsieur, cela m’est fort e’gal. ,

Je donnerai a mon retour en Angleterre le detail de mon
voyage au publique, &' assurement Monsieur je n’oublirai pas
d’enregistrer ce trait de wotre politesse, il vous fait tant
d’honneure, cfi a ceua: pour qui 'vous agissez.

Monsieur je regarde tout cela aveo la derniere indiference.

My gentleman’s manner was more oflensive than his
words ; he walked backward and forward among his parch-
ments, with an air veritablement d’un commie de bureau.—
These passports are new things from new men, in new
power, and show that they do not bear their new honours
too me'ekly. Thus it is impossible for me, without running
my head against a wall, to go see the Salins,l or to Arbois,2
where I have a letter from M. de Broussonet, but I must
take my chance and get to Dijon as fast as I can, where
the president de Virly knows me, having spent some days
at Bradfield, unless indeed being a president and a noble-
man he has got knocked on the head by the tiers état. At
night to the play; miserable performers ; the theatre,
which has not been built many years, is heavy; the arch
that parts the stage from the house is like the entrance of
a cavern, and the line of the amphitheatre, that of a
wounded eel; I do not like the air and manners of the
people here—and I would see Besancon swallowed up by
an earthquake before I would live in it. The music, and
bawling, and squeaking of l’Epreuve Villageoise of Gretry,
which is wretched, had no power to put me in better
humour. I will not take leave of this place, to which I
never desire to come again, without saying that they have
a fine promenade ; and that Mons. Arthaud, the arpenteur,

‘ (Jura.) 2 (16221.)

218 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

to whom I applied for information, without any letter of
recommendation was liberal and polite, and answered my
enquiries satisfactorily.

The 29th. To Orechamp 1 the country is bold and rocky,
with fine woods, and yet it is not agreeable ; it is like many
men that have estimable points in their characters, and yet
we cannot love them. Poorly cultivated too. Coming out
of St. Veté,‘a a pretty riant landskip of the river doubling
through the vale, enlivened by a village and some scattered
houses: the most pleasing view I have seen in Franche
Compté—23 miles.

The 30th. The mayor of Dole 3 is made of as good stufi
as the notary of Besancon; he would give no passport;
but as he accompanied his refusal with neither airs nor
graces, I let him pass. To avoid the centinels, I went
round the town. The country to Auxonne ‘ is chearful.
Cross the Saone at Auxonne ; it is a fine river, through a
region of flat meadow of beautiful verdure; commons of
great herds of cattle; vastly flooded, and the hay-cocks
underwater. To Dijon is a fine country, but wants wood.
My passport demanded at the gate: and as I had none,
two bourgeois musqueteers conducted me to the hotel de
ville, where I was questioned, but finding that I was known
at Dijon, they let me go to my inn. Out of luck: Mons.
de Virly, on whom I most depended for Dijon, is at
Bourbon les Bains, and Mons. de Morveau,5 the celebrated
chymist, who I expected would have had letters for me,
had none, and though he received me very politely, when I
was forced to announce myself as his brother in the royal
society of London, yet I felt very awkwardly ; however, he
desired to see me again next morning. They tell me here,

1 Orcbamps (Doubs). 9 St. Vit (ibid.).

3 Dole (J ura).

‘ (Cote-d’Or.) This little walled-in town resisted all the attacks of the
Germans in 1871.

5 Guyton de Morveau, born at Dijon, 1732, died 1813. His house
still remains. Distinguished scientist and littérateur. He became a
member of the Legislative Assembly, and joined in the regicide vote;
on the creation of Ecole Polytechnique, under the Convention he was
named director. His services to science, industry, education, and the
public health were considerable, and he wrote many works of value in
their day.

1789.] 131.1017. 219

that the intendant is fled ; and that the prince of Condé,
who is governor of Burgundy, is in Germany ; they
positively assert, and with very little ceremony, that they
would both be hanged, if they were to come here at present;
such ideas do not mark too much authority in the milice
burgeoise, as they have been instituted to stop and prevent
hanging and plundering. They are too weak, however, to
keep the peace: the licence and spirit of depredation, of
which I heard so much in crossing Franche Compté, has
taken place, but not equally in Burgundy. In this inn,
la Ville de Lyon, there is at present a gentleman, unfortu-
nately a seigneur, his wife, family, three servants, an infant
but a few months old, who escaped from their flaming
chateau half naked in the night; all their property lost
except the land itself; and this family valued and es-
teemed by the neighbours, with many virtues to command
the love of the poor, and no oppressions to provoke their
enmity. Such abominable actions must bring the more
detestation‘ to the cause from being unnecessary ; the
kingdom might have been settled in a real system of
liberty, without the regeneration of fire and sword, plunder,
and bloodshed. Three hundred bourgeois mount guard
every day at Dijon, armed, but not paid at the expence of
the town: they have also six pieces of cannon. The
noblesse of the place, as the only means of safety, have
joined them—so that there are croix de St. Louis in the
ranks. The palate des états here, is a large and splendid
building, but not striking proportionably to the mass and
expence. The arms of the prince of Condé are predomi-
nant; and the great salon is called the Selle a, manger de
Prince. A Dijon artist has painted the battle of Seniff,1
and the Grande Condé thrown from his horse, and a ciel-
ing, both well executed. Tomb of the duke of Bourgogne,
1404. A picture by Rubens at the Chartreuse.2 They talk
of the house of Mons. de Montigny, but his sister being in
it, not shown. Dijon, on the whole is a. handsome town;

1 Senefi'e, Belgium, a somewhat indecisive battle between the Dutch,
under the Prince of Orange, afterwards William III. and the French,
led by the great Condé, 11th August, 1674.

2 Burial place of the Duke of Burgundy, just outside Dijon. Here
is still seen the magnificent piece of sculpture called Moses’ Well.

220 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DULY,

the streets, though old built, are wide, and very well
paved, with the addition, uncommon in France, of trotoirs.
-——28 miles.

The 31st. Waited on Mons. de Morveau, who has,
most fortunately for me, received, only this morning, from
Mons. de Virly, a recommendation of me, with four letters
from Mons. de Broussonet; but Mons. Vaudrey, of this
place, to whom one of them is addressed, is absent. We had
some conversation on the interesting topic to all phi-
los0phers, phlogiston; Mons. de Morveau contends vehe-
mently for its non-existence ; treats Dr. Priestley’s last
publication as wide of the question ; and declared, that he
considers the controversy as much decided as the question
of liberty is in France. He shewed me part of the article
air in the New Encyclopaedia by him, to be published soon ;
in which work, he thinks he has, beyond controversy, es-
tablished the truth of the doctrine of the French chymists
of its non-existence. Mons. de Morveau requested me to
call on him in the evening to introduce me to a learned and
agreeable lady; and engaged me to dine with him to-
morrow. On leaving him, I went to search cofleahouses;
but will it be credited, that I could find but one in this
capital of Burgundy, where I could read the newspapers?
—-At a poor little one in the square, I read a paper, after
waiting an hour to get it. The peOple I have found every
where desirous of reading newspapers ; but it is rare that
they can gratify themselves: and the general ignorance of
what is passing may be collected from this, that I found
nobody at Dijon had heard of the riot at the town-house
of Strasbourg; I described it to a gentleman, and a party
collected around me to hear it; not one of them had heard
a syllable of it, yet it is nine days since it happened ; had
it been nineteen, I question whether they would more than
have received the intelligence; but, though they are slow
in knowing what has really happened, they are very quick
in hearing what is impossible to happen. The current
report at present, to which all possible credit is given, is,
that the Queen has been convicted of a plot to poison the
King and Monsieur, and give the regency to the count
d’Artois; to set fire to Paris, and blow up the Pala—is
Royale by a mine !-—Why do not the several parties in the

1789.] DIJON. 221

states cause papers to be printed, that shall transmit only
their own sentiments and opinions ? In order that no man
in the nation, arranged under the same standard of reason-
ing, may want the facts that are necessary to govern his
arguments, and the conclusions that great talents have
drawn from those facts. The king has been advised to
take several steps of authority against the states, but none
of his ministers have advised the establishment of journals,
and their speedy circulation, that should undeceive the
peOple in those points his enemies have misrepresented.
When numerous papers are published in opposition to each
other, the people take pains to sift into and examine the
truth; and that inquisitiveness alone—the very act of
searching, enlightens them ; they become informed, and it
is no longer easy to deceive them. At the table d’hote
only three, myself, and two noblemen, driven from their
estates, as I conjecture by their conversation, but they did
not hint at any thing like their houses being burnt. Their
description of the state of that part of the province they
come from, in the road from Langres 1 to Grray,2 is terrible ;
the number of chateaus burnt not considerable, but three
in five plundered, and the possessors driven out of the
country, and glad to save their lives. One of these gentle-
men is a very sensible well informed man ; he considers all
rank, and all the rights annexed to rank, as destroyed in
fact in France; and that the leaders of the National
Assembly having no property, or very little themselves, are
determined to attack that also, and attempt an equal division.
The expectation is got among many of the people; but
whether it takes place or not, he considers France as
absolutely ruined. That, I replied, was going too far, for
the destruction of rank did not imply ruin. “ I call no-
thing ruin,” he replied, “ but a general and confirmed civil
war, or dismemberment of the kingdom, in my opinion,
both are inevitable; not perhaps this year, or the next, or
the year after that, but whatever government is built on
the foundation now laying in France, cannot stand any
rude shocks; an unsuccessful or a successful war will
equally destroy it.”-—He spoke with great knowledge of his-

] (Hte. 536119.) 2 (Hte. Marne.)

222 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGU8T,

torical events, and drew his political conclusions with much
acumen. I have met very few such men at table d’hotes.
It may be believed, I did not forget M. de Morveau’s ap-
pointment. He was as good as his word; Madame
Picardet is as agreeable in conversation as she is learned
in the closet; a very pleasing unaffected woman; she has
translated Scheele 1 from the German, and a part of Mr.
Kirwan from the English; a treasure to M. de Morveau,
for she is able and willing to converse with him on chymical
subjects, and on any others that tend either to instruct or
please. I accompanied them in their evening’s promenade.
She told me, that her brother, Mons. de Poule, was a great
farmer, who had sowed large quantities of sainfoin, which
he used for fattening oxen; she was sorry he was engaged
so closely in the municipal business at present, that he
could not attend me to his farm.

AUGUST 1. Dined with Mons. de Morveau by appoint-
ment ; Mons. Professeur Chausée, and Mons. Picardet of
the party. It was a rich day to me ; the great and just re-
putation of Mons. de Morveau, for being not only the first
chymist of France, but one of the greatest that Europe has
to boast, was alone sufficient to render his company inte-
resting; but to find such a man void of afiectation; free
from those airs of superiority which are sometimes found
in celebrated characters, and that reserve which oftener
throws a veil over their talents, as well as conceals their de-
ficiencies for which it is intended—was very pleasing.
Mons. de Morveau is a lively, conversable, eloquent man,
who, in any station of life, would be sought as an agreeable
companion. Even in this eventful moment of revolution,
the conversation turned almost entirely on chymical sub-
jects. I urged him, as I have done Dr. Priestley more than
once, and Mons. La Voisier also, to turn his enquiries
a little to the application of his science to agriculture ; that
there was a fine field for experiments in that line, which
could scarcely fail of making discoveries ; to which he
assented; but added, that he had no time for such en-
quiries : it is clear, from his conversation, that his views

1 Scheele, Karl, August, 1724-1786. Swedish scientist and dis-
coverer.

1789.] DIJON. 223

are entirely occupied by the non-existence of phlogiston,
except a little on the means of establishing and enforcing
the new nomenclature. While we were at dinner a proof of
the New Encyclopaedia was brought him, the chymical part
of which work is printed at Dijon, for the convenience of
Mons. de Morveau. I took the liberty of telling him, that
a man who can devise the experiments which shall be most
conclusive in ascertaining the questions of a science, and
has talents to draw all the useful conclusions from them,
should be entirely employed in experiments, and their
register; and if I was king, or minister of France, I would
make that employment so profitable to him, that he should
do nothing else. He laughed, and asked me, if I was such
an advocate for working, and such an enemy to writing
what I thought of my friend Dr. Priestley? And he then
explained to the two other gentlemen, that great philoso-
pher’s attention to metaphysics, and polemic divinity. If
an hundred had been at table, the sentiment would have
been the same in every bosom. Mons. M. spoke, however,
with great regard for the experimental talents of the
Doctor, as indeed who in Europe does not ?-——I afterwards
reflected on Mons. de Morveau’s not having time to make
experiments that should apply chymistry to agriculture,
yet have plenty for writing in so voluminous a work as
I’ankouck’s.1 I lay it down as a maxim, that no man can
establish or support a reputation in any branch of experi-
mental philosophy, such as shall really descend to posterity,
otherwise than by experiment; and that commonly the
more a man works, and the less he writes the better,
at least the more valuable will be his reputation. The
profit of writing has ruined that of many (those who know
Mons. de Morveau will be very sure I am far enough from
having him in my eye ; his situation .in life puts it out of
the question) ; that compression of materials, which is
luminous; that brevity which appropriates facts to their
destined points, are alike inconsistent with the principles
that govern all compilations ; there are able and respect-

1 Panckoucke, Charles Joseph, 1736-1798. Celebrated son of the
distinguished bookseller of that name, editor with Beaumarchais and
others of the “ Encyclopédie Méthodique,” and many valuable works.
His son was a littérateur of some distinction. ‘. .

224 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

able men now in every country for compiling; experi—
menters of genius should range them selves in another
class. If I were a sovereign, and capable consequently of
rewarding merit, the moment I heard of a man of real
genius engaged in such a work, I would give him double
the bookseller’s price to let it alone, and to employ himself
in paths that did not admit a rival at every door. There
are who will think that this opinion comes oddly from one
who has published so many books as I have ; but I hope it
will be admitted, to come naturally at least from one who
is writing a work from which he does not expect to make
one penny, who, therefore, has stronger motives to brevity
than temptations to prolixity. The view of this great chy-
mist’s laboratory will show that he is not idle :—it consists
of two large rooms, admirably furnished indeed. There
are six or seven difierent furnaces (of which Macquer’s is
the most powerful), and such a variety and extent of appa-
ratus, as I have seen no Where else, with a furniture
of specimens from the three kingdoms, as looks truly like
business. There are little writing desks, with pens and
paper, scattered every where, and in his library also, which
is convenient. He has a large course of eudiometrical ex-
periments going on at present, particularly with Fontana’s
and Volta’s eudiometers. He seems to think, eudiometrical
trials are to be depended on: keeps his nitrous air in quart
bottles, stopped with common corks, but reversed ; and that
the air is always the same, if made from the same materials.
A very simple and elegant method of ascertaining the pro-
portion of vital air, he explained to us, by making the ex-
periment; putting a morsel of phosphorus into a glass
retort, confined by water or mercury, and inflaming it, by
holding a bougie under it. The diminution of air marks
the quantity that was vital on the antiphlogistic doctrine.
After one extinction, it will boil, but not enflame. He has
a pair of scales made at Paris, which, when loaded with
3000 grains, will turn with the twentieth part of one
grain; an air pump, with glass barrels, but one of them
broken and repaired; the count de Busson’s system of
burning lens; an absorber ; a respirator, with vital air in
a jar on one side, and lime-water in another; and abun-
dance of new and most ingenious inventions for facilitating

1 789.] DIJON. 225

enquiries in the new philosophy of air. These are so
various, and at the same time so well contrived to answer
the purpose intended, that this species of invention seems
to be one very great and essential part of Mons. de Mor-
veau’s merit; I wish he would follow Dr. Priestley’s idea
of publishing his tools, it would add not inconsiderably to
his great and well earned reputation, and at the same time
promote the enquiries he engages in amongst all other ex-
perimenters. M. de Morveau had the goodness to accom-
pany me in the afternoon in the academy of sciences : they
have a very handsome salon, ornamented with the busts of
Dijon worthies; of such eminent men as this city has pro-
duced, Bossuet—Fevret—De Brosses—De Crebillon—
Pyron—Bonhier—Rameau—and lastly Bufion ; 1 and
some future traveller will doubtless see here, that of a man
inferior to none of those, Mons. de Morveau, by whom I had
now the honour of being conducted. In the evening we re-
paired again to Madame Picardet, and accompanied her
promenade : I was pleased, in conversation on the present
disturbances of France, to hear Mons. de Morveau remark,
that the outrages committed by the peasants arose from
their defects of lumie'res. In Dijon it had been publicly
recommended to the curés to enlighten them somewhat
politically in their sermons, but all in vain, not one would
go out of the usual routine of his preaching—Quere,
Would not one newspaper enlighten them more than
a score of priests ? I asked Mons. de Morveau, how far it
was true that the chateaus had been plundered and burnt
by the peasants alone; or whether by those troops of
brigands, reported to be formidable? He assured me, that
he has made strict enquiries to ascertain this matter, and
is of opinion, that all the violences in this province, that
have come to his knowledge, have been committed by the
peasants only; much has been reported of brigands, but

1 Concerning the lesser lights in this galaxy of illustrious Dijonnais,
here are a few facts. Fevrette de F ontette, archaeologist and historic
writer, 1710-1772; Chas. de Brosses, 1709-1777, president of the
Dijon Parliament, savant and littéraire; Bonhier, Jean, 1673-1746,
a writer on philosophy, jurisprudence, history, antiquities, of whom
D’Alembert wrote : “ I] fit ses preuves dans tous les genres et dans la
plnpart i1 fit des oeuvres distinguées.” His splendid library enriched
that of Dijon, Montpellier, and other towns.

Q

226 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [aususn

nothing proved. At Besancon I heard of 800; but how
could a troop of 800 banditti march through a country, and
leave their existence the least questionable ?—as ridiculous
as Mr. Bayes’s 1 army incog.

The 2d. To Beaune ; 2 a range of hills to the right
under vines, and a flat plain to the left, all open and too
naked. At the little insignificant town of NuyS'3 forty
men mount guard every day, and a large corps at Beaune.
I am provided with a passport from the mayor of Dijon,
and a flaming cockade of the tiers état, and therefore hope
to avoid difficulties ; though the reports of the riots of the
peasants are so formidable, that it seems impossible to
travel in safety. Stop at Nuys for intelligence concerning
the vineyards of this country, so famous in France, and in-
deed in all Europe ; and examine the Clos ole Veaugeau,‘ of
100 jou'rnaux, walled in, and belonging to a convent of
Bernardine Monks—When are we to find these fellows
chusing badly? The spots they appropriate shew what a
righteous attention they give to things of the spirit. 2
miles. .

The 3d. Going out of Chagnie,5 where I quitted the
great Lyons road, pass by the canal of Chaulais,6 which
goes on very poorly ; it is a truly useful undertaking, and
therefore left undone; had it been for boring cannon,
or coppering men of war, it would have been finished long
ago. To Montcenis 7 a disagreeable country; singular
in its features. It is the seat of one Mons. Weelkainsong’s
"establishments for casting and boring cannon: I have
already described one near Nantes. The French say, that
this active Englishman is brother-in-law of Dr. Priestlv,
and therefore a friend of mankind; and that he taught
them to bore cannon, in order to give liberty to America.

 

1 Bayes is the hero of the Duke of Buckingham‘s farce, “ The
Rehearsal,” in which a battle is fought between foot-soldiers and great
hobby-horses.

2 (Cote d’Or.) 3 Nuits (ibid.).

‘ This celebrated vineyard was created by the monks of Citeaux. The
abbey and grounds are now used as a juvenile penitentiary and
orphanage, under State control.

Chagny (Saone and Loire).
6 The canal here alluded to is the canal du Centre.
7 Montchanin (Saone and Loire).

1789.] MAISON DE BOURGOGNE. 227

The establishment is very considerable; there are from 500
to 600 men employed, besides colliers; five steam engines
are erected for giving the blasts, and for boring; and
a new one building. I conversed with an Englishman who
works in the glass-house, in the crystal branch ; there
were once many, but only two are left at present : he com-
plained of the country, saying there was nothing good in it
but wine and brandy ; of which things I question not but
he makes a suflicient use—25 miles.

The 4th. By a miserable country most of the way, and
through hideous roads to Autun.1 The first seven or eight
miles the agriculture quite contemptible. From thence to
Autun all, or nearly all, inclosed, and the first so for many
miles. From the hill before Autun an immense view
down on that town, and the flat country of the Bourbonnois
for a great extent—View at Autun the temple of J anus—
the walls—the cathedral—the abbey. The reports here of
brigands, and burning and plundering, are as numerous as
before; and when it was known in the inn that I came
from Burgundy and Franche Compté, I had eight or ten
people introducing themselves, in order to ask for news.
The rumour of brigcmds here had got to 1600 strong. They
were much surprized to find, that I gave no credit to the
existence of brigands, as I was well persuaded, that all the
outrages that had been committed, were the work of
the peasants only, for the sake of plundering. This they
had no conception of, and quoted a list of chateaus burnt
by them ; but on analysing these reports, they plainly ap-
peared to be ill founded—20 miles.

The 5th. The extreme heat of yesterday made me
feverish; and this morning I waked with a sore throat. I
was inclined to waste a day here for the security of my
health; but we are all fools in trifling with the things
most valuable to us. Loss of time, and vain 'expence, are
always in the head of a man who travels as much en philo-
sophe as I am forced to do. To Maison de Bourgogne,2 I
thought myself in a new world; the road is not only excel—
lent, of gravel, but the country is inclosed and wooded.
There are many gentle inequalities, and several ponds that

1 (Saone and Loire.) ’ Ibid.

228 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

decorate them. The weather, since the commencement of
August, has been clear, bright, and burning ; too hot to be
perfectly agreeable in the middle of the day, but no flies,
and therefore I do not regard the heat. This circumstance
may, I think, be fixed on as the test. In Languedoc, &c.
these heats, as I have experienced, are attended by myriads,
and consequently they are tormenting. One had need be
sick at this Maison de Bourgogne ; a healthy stomach would
not be easily filled ;~ yet it is the post-house. In the
evening to Lusy,1 another miserable post-house. Note,
through all Burgundy the women wear flapped men’s hats,
which have not nearly so good an effect as the straw ones
of Alsace—22 miles.

The 6th. To escape the heat, out at four in the morn-
ing, to Bourbon Laney,2 through the same country inclosed,
but villainously cultivated, and all amazingly improveable.
If I had a large tract in this country, I think I should not
be long in making a fortune; climate, prices, roads, inclo-
sures, and every advantage, except government. All from
Autun to the Loire is a noble field for improvement, not
by expensive Operations of manuring and draining, but
merely by substituting crops adapted to the soil. When I
see such a country thus managed, and in the hands of
starving métayers, instead of fat farmers,3 I know not how
to pity the seigneurs, great as their present sufferings are.
I met one of them, to whom I opened my mind :—he pre-
tended to talk of agriculture, finding I attended to it; and
assured me, that he had Abbé Roziere’s corps complete, and
he believed, from his accounts, that this country would
not do for any thing but rye. I asked him, whether he or
Abbé Roziere knew the right end of a plough? He
assured me, that he was un homme dc grand men'te, beaucoup
d’agn'culteur. Cross the Loire by a ferry; it is here the
same nasty scene of shingle, as in Touraine. Enter the
Bourbonnois; the same inclosed country, and a beautiful
gravel road. At Chavamze le Roi,‘ Mons. Joly, the (tuber-

1 Luzy (Niévre). ’ (Saone and Loire.)

3 “Fat farmers” innumerable may now be seen at the Se tember
(Autun) fair. Every kind of land tenure exists in this part of $rance,
and métayage has lgreatly advanced the condition of the peasants.

‘ Chevagnes (A ier).

1789.] MOULINS. 229

giste, informed me of three domains (farms) to be sold, ad-
joining almost to his house, which is new and well built. I
was for appropriating his inn at once in my imagination
for a farm-house, and had got hard at work on turnips and
clover, when he told me, that if I would walk behind his
stable, I might see, at a small distance, two of the houses ;
he said the price would be about 50 or 60,000 liv. (2,6251.),
and would altogether make a noble farm. If I were
twenty years younger, I should think seriously of such a
speculation ; but there again is the folly and deficiency of
life ; twenty years ago, such a thing would, for want of ex-
perience, have been my ruin; and, now I have the expe-
rience, I am too old for the undertaking—27 miles.

The 7th. Moulins 1 appears to be but a poor ill built
town. I went to the Belle Image, but found it so bad that
I left it, and went to the Lyon d’ 07', which is worse. This
capital of the Bourbonnois, and on the great post road to
Italy, has not an inn equal to the little village of Chavanne.
To read the papers, I went to the coffee-house of Madame
Bourgeau, the best in the town, where I found near twenty
tables set for company, but, as to a newspaper, I might as
well have demanded an elephant. Here is a feature of
national backwardness, ignorance, stupidity, and poverty:
In the capital of a great province, the seat of an intendant,
at a moment like the present, with a National Assembly
voting a revolution, and not a newspaper to inform the
people whether Fayette, Mirabeau, or Louis XVI. is on the
throne. Companies at a coffee-house, numerous enough to
fill twenty tables, and curiosity not active enough to com-
mand one paper. What impudence and folly l—Folly in
the customers of such a house not to insist on half a dozen
papers, and all the journals of the assembly; and impudence
of the woman not to provide them ! Could such a peOple
as this ever have made a revolution, or become free ?
Never, in a thousand centuries: The enlightened mob of
Paris, amidst hundreds of papers and publications, have

1 Moulins (find). Here is a different account of Moulins written just
twenty-three years later: “ Moulins ofi're aux voyageurs des bains
propres, un joli café, une petite salle de spectacle,‘une riche bibliothéque
publique et de charmants promenades.”—Vaysse de Villiers, “ Descrip-
tion de l’Empire F rancais,” 1813.

230 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

done the whole. I demanded why they had no papers ?
They are too clear ; but she made me pay 24/2 for one dish
of coffee, with milk, and a piece of butter about the size of
a walnut. It is a great pity there is not a camp of brigands
in your cofiee-room, Madame Bourgeau. Among the many
letters for which I am indebted to Mons. Broussonet, few
have proved more valuable than one I had for Mons. l’Abbé
de Barut, principal of the college of Moulins, who entered
with intelligence and animation into the object of my
journey, and took every step that was possible to get me
well informed. He carried me to Mons. le count de Grimau,
lieutenant general of the Baillage, and director of the society
of agriculture at Moulins, who kept us to dinner. He ap-
pears to be a man of considerable fortune, of information,
and knowledge, agreeable and polite. He discoursed with
me on the state of the Bourbonnois ; and assured me, that
estates were rather given away than sold : that the métayers
were so miserably poor, it was impossible for them to culti-
vate well. I started some observations on the modes which
ought to be pursued ; but all conversation of that sort is
time lost in France. After dinner, M. Grimau carried me
to his villa, at a small distance from the town, which is
very prettily situated, commanding a view of the vale of
the Allier. Letters from Paris, which contain nothing but
accounts truly alarming, of the violences committed all over
the kingdom,.and particularly at and in the neighbourhood
of the capital. M. Necker’s return, which it was expected
would have calmed every thing, has no effect at all ; and it
is particularly noted in the National Assembly, that there
is a violent party evidently bent on driving things to ex-
tremity: men who, from the violence and conflicts of the
moment, find themselves in a position, and of an impor-
tance that results merely from public confusion, will take
efiectual care to prevent the settlement, order, and peace,
which, if established, would be a mortal blow to their con-
sequence: they mount by the storm, and would sink in a
calm. Among other persons to whom Mons. l’Abbé Barut
introduced me, was the marquis de Groutte, chef d’escad-re
of the French fleet, who was taken by admiral Boscawen at
Louisbourg, in 1758, and carried to England, where he
learned English, of which he yet retains something. I

1789.] MOULINS. 231

had mentioned to Mons. l’Abbé Barut, that I had a com-
mission from a person of fortune in England, to look out
for a good purchase in France; and knowing that the
marquis would sell one of his estates he mentioned it to
him. Mons. de Goutte gave me such a description of it,
that I thought, though my time was short, that it would
be very well worth bestowing one day to view it, as it was
no more than eight miles from Moulins, and, proposing to
take me to it the next day in his coach, I readily consented.
At the time appointed, I attended the marquis, with M.
l’Abbé Barut, to his chateau of Riaux,1 which is in the
midst of the estate he would sell on such terms, that I
never was more tempted to speculate: I have very little
doubt but that the person who gave me a commission to
look out for a purchase, is long since sickened of the scheme,
which was that of a residence for pleasure, by the distur-
bances that have broken out here : so that I should clearly
have the refusal of it myself. It would be upon the whole
a more beneficial purchase than I had any conception of,
and confirms Mons. de Grimau’s assertion, that estates are
here rather given away than sold. The chateau is large
and very well built, containing two good rooms, either of
which would hold a company of thirty pe0ple, with three
smaller ones on the ground floor; on the second ten bed-
chambers, and over them good garrets, some of which are
well fitted up ; all sorts of offices substantially erected, and
on a plan proportioned to a large family, including barns
new built, for holding half the corn of the estate in the
straw, and granaries to contain it when threshed. Also a
wine press and ample cellaring, for keeping the produce of
the vineyards in the most plentiful years. The situation
is on the side of an agreeable rising, with views not exten-
sive, but pleasing, and all the country round of the same
features I have described, being one of the finest provinces
in France.2 Adjoining the chateau is a field of five or six
arpents, well walled in, about half of which is in culture as
a garden, and thoroughly planted with all sorts of fruits.
There are twelve ponds, through a small stream runs,

1 Chateau de Ryan, at Villeneuve-sur—Allier, now in ruins.
3 “ The Bourbonnais, the sweetest part of F rance.”-—STEBNE.

232 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [nuousn

sufficient to turn two mills, that let at 1000 liv. (43L 15s.)
a-year. The ponds supply the proprietor’s table amply with
fine carp, tench, perch, and eels; and besides yield a regular
revenue of 1000 liv. There are 20 arpents of vines that
yield excellent white and red wine, with houses for the
vignerons ; woods more than sufficient to supply the chateau
with fuel ; and lastly, nine domains or farms let to metayers,
tenants at will, at half produce, producing in cash, 10,500
liv. (4591. 7s. 6d) consequently, the gross produce, farms,
mills, and fish, is 12,500 liv. The quantity of land, I con-
jecture from viewing it, as well as from notes taken, may
be above 3000 arpents or acres, lying all contiguous and
near the chateau. The out goings for those taxes paid by
the landlord; repairs, garde dc chasse, game-keeper (for
here are all the seigneural rights, haute justice, &c.) steward,
expences on wine, &c. amount to about 4400 liv. (1921. 108.)
It yields therefore net something more than 8000 liv. (3501.)
a year. The price asked is 300,000 liv. (13,1251.) ; but for
this price is given in the furniture complete of the chateau,
all the timber, amounting, by valuation of oak only, to
40,000 liv. (17501.) and all the cattle on the estate, viz.
1000 sheep, 60 cows, 72 oxen, 9 mares, and many hogs.
Knowing, as I did, that I could, on the security of this
estate, borrow the whole of the purchase-money, I with-
stood no trifling temptation when I turned my back on it.
The finest climate in France, perhaps in Europe ; a beau-
tiful and healthy country; excellent roads; a navigation
to Paris; wine, game, fish, and every thing that ever
appears on a table, except the produce of the tropics; a
good house, a fine garden, ready markets for every sort of
produce; and, above all the rest, 3000 acres of inclosed
land, capable in a very little time of being, without ex-
pence, quadrupled in its produce, altogether formed a
picture sufficient to tempt a man who had been five-and-
twenty years in the constant practice of husbandry adapted
to this soil. But the state of government—the possibility
that (the leaders of the Paris democracy might in their
wisdom abolish property as well as rank ; and that in buy-
ing an estate I might be purchasing my share in a civil
war—deterred me from engaging at present, and induced
me only to request that the marquis would give me the re-

1789.] mounms. 233

fusal of it, before he sold it to any body else. When I
have to connect with a person for a purchase, I shall wish
to deal with such an one as the marquis de Groutte. He
has a physiognomy that pleases me; the ease and polite-
ness of his nation is mixed with great probity and honour;
and is not rendered less amiable by an appearance of dig-
nity that flows from an ancient and respectable family.
To me he seems a man in whom one might, in any transac-
tion, place implicit confidence. I could have spent a month
in the Bourbonnois, looking at estates to be sold ; adjoin-
ing to that of M. de Goutte’s is another of 270,000 liv.
purchase, Ballain; Mons. l’Abbé Barut having made an
appointment with the proprietor, carried me in the after-
noon to see the chateau and a part of the lands ; all the
country is the same soil, and in the same management. It
consists of eight farms, stocked with cattle and sheep by
the landlords ; and here too the ponds yield a regular re-
venue. Income at present 10,0001iv. (4371. 10s.) a year;
price 260,000 liv. (11,3751.) and 10,000 liv. for wood—-
twenty-five years purchase. Also near St. Poncin 1 another
of 400,000 liv. (17,5001.), the woods of which, 450 acres,
produce 5000 liv. a year; 80 acres of vines, the wine so
good as to be sent to Paris; good land for wheat, and
much sown ; a modern chateau, avec toutes les aisa/nces, &c.
And I heard of many others. I conjecture that one of the
finest contiguous estates in Europe might at present be laid
together in the Bourbonnois. And I am further informed,
that there are at present 6000 estates to be sold in France;
if things go on as they do at present, it will not be a ques-
tion of buying estates, but kingdoms, and France itself will
be under the hammer. I love a system of policy that in-
spires such confidence as to give a value to land, and that
renders men so comfortable on their estates as to make the
sale of them the last of their ideas. Return to Moulins—
30 miles.

The 10th. Took my leave of Moulins, where estates and
farming have driven even Maria and the pOplar from my
head, and left me no room for the tombeau de Mont-
morenci; having paid extravagantly for the mud walls,

‘ St. Pourgain (Allier).

234 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

cobweb tapestry, and unsavoury scents of the Lyon d’Or I
turned my mare towards Chateauneuf,1 on the road to
Auvergne. The accompanyment of the river makes the
country pleasant. I found the inn full, busy, and bustling.
To St. Poncin.—s—3O miles.

The 11th. Early to Riom,2 in Auvergne. Near that
town the country is interesting ; a fine wooded vale to the
left, every where bounded by mountains ; and those nearer
to the right of an interesting outline. Riom, part of which
is pretty enough, is all volcanic ; it is built of lava from the
quarries of volvic, which are highly curious to a naturalist.
The level plain, which I passed in going to Clermont, is
the commencement of the famous Limagne of Auvergne,
asserted to be the most fertile of all France; but that is
an error, I have seen richer land in both Flanders and
Normandy. This plain is as level as a still lake; the moun-
tains are all volcanic, and consequently interesting—Pass
a scene of very fine irrigation, that will strike a farming
eye, to Mont Ferrandf’ and after that to Clermont, Riom,
Ferrand, and Clermont, are all built, or rather perched, on
the tops of rocks. Clermont is in the midst of a most
curious country, all volcanic; and is built and paved with
lava : much of it forms one of the worst built, dirtiest, and
most stinking places I have met with. There are many
streets that can, for blackness, dirt, and ill scents, only be
represented by narrow channels cut in a night dunghill.
The contention of nauseous savours, with which the air is
impregnated, when brisk mountain gales do not ventilate
these excrementitious lanes, made me envy the nerves of
the good people, who, for what I know, may be happy in
them. It is the fair, the town full, and the table d’hotes
crouded.—-25 miles.

The 12th. Clermont is partly free from the reproach I
throw on Moulins and Besancon, for there is a 30.113 dc
lecture at a Mons. Bovares, a bookseller, where I found
several newspapers and journals ; but at the cofiee-house, I

‘ Chateanneuf (Puy de Dome).
2 (Puy de Dome.)
3 Montferrand, formerly a considerable town and fortress, may now

be considered a suburb of Clermont-Ferrand, chef-lieu of the department
of the Puy de Dome.

1789.] CLERMONT. 235

enquired for them in vain :——they tell me also, that the
people here are great politicians, and attend the arrival of
the courier with impatience. The consequence is, there
have been no riots; the most ignorant will always be the
readiest for mischief. The great news just arrived from
Paris, of the utter abolition of tythes, feudal rights, game,
warrens, pidgeons, &c. has been received with the greatest
joy by the mass of the people, and by all not immediately
interested; and some even of the latter approve highly of
the declaration: but I have had much conversation with
two or three very sensible people, who complain bitterly of
the gross injustice and cruelty of any such declarations of
what will be done, but is not efiected and regulated at the
moment of declaring. Mons. l’Abbé Arbre, to whom Mons.
de Broussonet’s letter introduced me, had the goodness not
only to give me all the information relative to the curious
country around Clermont, which particularly depended on
his enquiries as a naturalist, but also introduced me to
Mons. Chabrol, as a gentleman who has attended much to
agriculture, and who answered my enquiries in that line
with great readiness.

The 13th. At Roya,1 near Clermont, a village in the
volcanic mountains, which are so curious, and of late years
so celebrated, are some springs, reported by philosophical
travellers to be the finest and most abundant in France;
to view these objects, and more still, a very fine irrigation,
said also to be practised there, I engaged a guide. Report,
when it speaks of things of which the reporter is ignorant,
is sure to magnify; the irrigation is nothing more than
a mountain side converted by water to some tolerable
meadow, but done coarsely, and not well understood. That
in the vale, between Riom and Ferrand, far exceeds it.
The springs are curious and powerful: they gush, or
rather burst from the rock, in four or five streams, each
powerful enough to turn a mill, into a cave a little below the
village. About half a league higher there are many others;
they are indeed so numerous, that scarcely a projection of
the rocks or hills is without them. At the village, I found
that my guide, instead of knowing the country perfectly,

I Royat (Puy de Dome).

236 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [auousm

was in reality ignorant; I therefore took a woman to con-
duct me to the springs higher up the mountain; on my
return, she was arrested by a soldier of the guarde bourgeois
(for even this wretched village is not without its national
militia), for having, without permission, become the guide
of a stranger. She was conducted to a heap of stones, they
call the chateau. They told me they had nothing to do
with me ; but as to the woman, she should be taught more
prudence for the future: as the poor devil was in jeopardy
on my account, I determined at once to accompany them
for the chance of getting her cleared, by attesting her in-
nocence. We were followed by a mob of all the village,
with the woman’s children crying bitterly, for fear their
mother should be imprisoned. At the castle, we waited
some time, and were then shewn into another apartment,
where the town committee was assembled; the accusation
was heard; and it was wisely remarked by all, that, in
such dangerous times as these, when all the world knew
that so great and powerful a person as the queen was con-
spiring against France in the most alarming manner, for
a woman to become the conductor of a stranger—and of a
stranger who had been making so many suspicious en-
quiries as I had, was a high offence. It was immediately
agreed, that she ought to be imprisoned. I assured them
she was perfectly innocent; for it was impossible that any
guilty motive should be her inducement ; finding me
curious to see the springs, having viewed the lower ones,
and wanting a guide for seeing those higher in the moun-
tains, she offered herself: that she certainly had no other
than the industrious view of getting a few sols for her poor
family. They then turned their enquiries against myself,
that if I Wanted to see Springs only, what induced me to
ask a multitude of questions concerning the price, value,
and product of the lands? What had such enquiries to do
with springs and volcanoes? I told them, that cultivating
some land in England, rendered such things interesting to
me personally : and lastly, that if they would send to Cler-
mont, they might know, from several respectable persons,
the truth of all I asserted; and therefore I hoped, as it
was the woman’s first indiscretion, for I could not call it
ofience. they Would dismiss her. This was refused at first,

1789.] CLERMONT. 237

but assented to at last, on my declaring, that if they im-
prisoned her, they should do the same by me, and answer
it as they could. They consented to let her go, with a
reprimand, and I departed; not marvelling, for I have done
with that, at their ignorance, in imagining that the Queen
should conspire so dangerously against their rocks and
mountains. I found my guide in the midst of the mob,
who had been very busy in putting as many questions
about me, as I had done about their crops—There were
two opinions, one party thought I was a commissaire, come
to ascertain the damage done by the hail: the other, that
I was an agent of the Queen’s, who intended to blow the
town up with a mine, and send all that escaped to the
gallies. The care that must have been taken to render
the character of that princess detested among the people,
is incredible; and there seems every where to be no absur-
dities too gross, nor circumstances too impossible for their
faith. In the evening to the theatre, the Optimist well
acted. Before I leave Clermont, I must remark, that I
dined, or supped, five times at the table d’hote, with from
twenty to thirty merchants and tradesmen, officers, &c.;
and it is not easy for me to express the insignificance,——the
inanity of the conversation. Scarcely any politics, at a
moment when every bosom ought to beat with none but
political sensations. The ignorance or the stupidity of
these people must be absolutely incredible; not a week
passes without their country abounding with events that
are analyzed and debated by the carpenters and black-
smiths of England. The abolition of tythes, the destruc-
tion of the gabelle, game made property, and feudal rights
destroyed, are French topics, that are translated into Eng-
lish within six days after they happen, and their conse-
quences, combinations, results, and modifications, become
the disquisition and entertainment of the grocers, Chandlers,
drapers, and shoemakers, of all the towns of England; yet
the same people in France do not think them worth their
conversation, except in private. Why? because conversa-
tion in private wants little knowledge; but in public, it
demands more, and therefore I suppose, for I confess there
are a thousand difficulties attending the solution, they are
silent. But how many people, and how many subjects, on

238 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGU8T,

which volubility is pr0portioned to ignorance? Account
for the fact as you please, but it is confirmed with me, and
admits no doubt.

The 14th. To Izoire,‘ the country all interesting, from
the number of conic mountains that rise in every quarter;
some are crowned with towns ;——on ‘others are Roman
castles, and the knowledge that the whole is the work of
subterranean fire, though in ages far too remote for any
record to announce, keeps the attention perpetually alive.
Mons. de l’Arbre had given me a letter to Mons. Brés,
doctor of physic, at Izoire: I found him, with all the
townsmen, collected at the hotel de ville, to hear a news-
paper read. He conducted me to the upper end of the
room, and seated me by himself: the subject of the paper
was the suppression of the religious houses, and the com-
mutation of tythes. I observed that the auditors, among
whom were some of the lower class, were very attentive ;
and the whole company seemed well pleased with whatever
concerned the tythes and the monks. Mons. Brés, who is
a sensible and intelligent gentleman, walked with me to
his farm, about half a league from the town, on a soil of
superior richness ; like all other farms, this is in the hands
of a métayer. Supped at his house afterwards, in an
agreeable company, with much animated political conver-
sation. We discussed the news of the day; they were in-
clined to approve of it very warmly; but I contended that
the National Assembly did not proceed on any regular well
digested system: that they seemed to have a rage for
pulling down, but no taste for rebuilding: that if they
proceeded much further in such a plan, destroying every
thing, but establishing nothing, they would at last bring
the kingdom into such confusion, that they would even
themselves be without power to restore it to peace and
order; and that such a situation would, in its nature, be
on the brink of the precipice of bankruptcy and civil war.
———I ventured further, to declare it as my idea, that without
an upper house, they never could have either a good or a
durable constitution. We had a difierence of opinion on
these points; but I was glad to find, that there could be

‘ Issoire (Puy de Dome).

1 789.] CHILIAC. 239

a. fair discussion,—and that, in a company of six or seven
gentlemen, two would venture to agree with a system so
unfashionable as mine—17 miles.

The 15th. The country continues interesting to Brioud.l
On the tops of the mountains of Auvergne are many old
castles, and towns, and villages. Pass the river, by a
bridge of one great arch, to the village of Lampdes.’ At
that place, wait on Mons. Greyflier de Talairat, avocat and
subdelegué, to whom I had a letter ; and who was so obliging
as to answer, with attention, all my enquiries into the
agriculture of the neighbourhood. He enquired much
after lord Bristol; and was not the worst pleased with me,
when he heard I came from the same province in England.
We drank his lordship’s health, in the strong white wine,
kept four years in the sun, which lord Bristol had much
commended—18 miles.

The 16th. Early in the morning, to avoid the heat,
which has rather incommoded me, to Fix.3 Cross the river
by a ford, near the spot where a bridge is building, and
mount gradually into a country, which continues interest-
ing to a naturalist, from its volcanic origin; for all has
been either overturned, or formed by fire. Pass Chomet ; 4
and descending, remark a heap of basaltic columns by
the road, to the right; they are small, but regular sexa-
gons. Poulaget 5 appears in the plain to the left. StOpped
at St. George,6 where I procured mules, and a guide, to see
the basaltic columns at Chilliac,7 which, however, are
hardly striking enough to reward the trouble. At Fix, I
saw a field of fine clover; a sight that I have not been
regaled with, I think, since Alsace. I desired to know to
whom it belonged? to Mons. Coffier, doctor of medicine.
I went to his house to make enquiries, which he was
obliging enough to gratify, and indulged me in a walk
over the principal part of his farm. He gave me a bottle

1 Brioude (Puy de Dome).

2 Lempdes, Station (Puy de Dome).

3 F ix-Saint-Geneys (Hte. Loire).

4 Chomette (Hte. Loire). 5 Paulhaguet (Hte. Loire).

5 St. Georges-d’Aurac (Hte. Loire).

7 On the railway from Paris to N ismes, travellers alight here to see
la Vofite-Chiliac, a picturesque site. .-

240 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGU8T,

of excellent 12in blanc mousseuz, made in Auvergne. I
enquired of him the means of going to the mine of anti-
mony, four leagues from hence; but he said the country
was so enragé in that part, and had lately been mis-
chievous, that he advised me by all means to give up the
project. This country, from climate, as well as pines,
must be very high. I have been for three days past
melted with heat; but to-day, though the sun is bright,
the heat has been quite moderate, like an English sum-
mer’s day, and I am assured that they never have it
hotter; but complain of the winter’s cold being very
severe,——and that the snow in the last was sixteen inches
deep on the level. The interesting circumstance of the
whole is the volcanic origin: all buildings and walls are of
. lava: the roads are mended with lava, pozzuolana, and
basalts; and the face of the country everywhere exhibits
the origin in subterranean fire. The fertility, however, is
not apparent, without reflection. The crops are not extra-
ordinary, and many bad; but then the height is to be
considered. In no other country that I have seen are
such great mountains as these, cultivated so high; here
corn is seen every where, even to their tops, at heights
where it is as usual to find rock, wood, or ling (erica vul-
garis).—42 miles.

The 17th. The whole range of the fifteen miles to Le
Puy en Velay, is wonderfully interesting. Nature, in the
production of this country, such as we see it at present,
must have proceeded by means not common elsewhere.
It is all in its form tempestuous as the billowy ocean.
Mountain rises beyond mountain, with endless variety :
not dark and dreary, like those of equal height in other
countries, but spread with cultivation (feeble indeed) to
the very t0ps. Some vales sunk among them, of beautiful
verdure, please the eye. Towards Le Puy the scenery is
still more striking, from the addition of some of the most
singular rocks any where to be seen. The castle of
Polignac,l from which the duke takes his title, is built on
a bold and enormous one, it is almost of a cubical form,
and towers perpendicularly above the town, which sur-

‘ This striking ruin is now shown to strangers.

1789.] LE PUY. 241

rounds it at its foot. The family of Polignac claim an
origin of great antiquity; they have pretensions that go
back, I forget whether to Hector or Achilles ; but I never
found any one in conversation inclined to allow them
more than being in the first class of French families,
which they undoubtedly are. Perhaps there is no where
to be met with a castle more formed to give a local pride
of family than this of Pol-ignac: the man hardly exists
that would not feel a certain vanity, at having given his
own name, from remote antiquity, to so singular and so
commanding a rock ; but if, with the name, it belonged to
me, I would scarcely sell it for a province. The building
is of such antiquity, and the situation so romantic, that
all the feudal ages pass in review in one’ s imagination, by
a sort of magic influence; you recognize it for the resi-
dence of a lordly baron, who, in an age more distant and
more respectable, though perhaps equally barbarous, was
the patriot defender of his country against the invasion
and tyranny of Rome. In every age, since the horrible
combustions of nature which produced it, such a spot
would be chosen for security and defence. To have given
one’s name to a castle, without any lofty pre-eminence or
singularity of nature, in the midst, for instance, of a rich
plain, is not equally flattering to our feelings; all anti-
quity of family derives from ages of great barbarity, when
civil commotions and wars swept away and confounded the
inhabitants of such situations. The Bretons of the plains
of England, were driven to Bretagne ; but the same
people, in the mountains of Wales, stuck secure, and
remain there to this day. About a gun-shot from Polignac
is another rock, not so large, but equally remarkable; and
in the town of Le Puy, another commanding one rises to a
vast height; with another more singular for its tower-like
form, s church is built.
Gypsum and lime-stone abound; and the whole country
is volcanic; the very meadows are on lava: every thing, in
a word, is either the product of fire, or has been disturbed
or tossed about by it. At Le Puy, fair day, and a table
d’héte, with ignorance as usual. Many cofiee-houses, and
even considerable ones, but not a single neWSpaper to be
found in any—15 miles.

                               

R

242 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUS'L

The 18th. Leaving Puy, the hill which the road mounts
on the way to Costerous,1 for four or five miles, commands
a view of the town far more picturesque than that of
Clermont. The mountain, covered with its conical town,
crowned by a vast rock, with those of St. Michael and of
Polignac, form a most singular scene. The road is a noble
one, formed of lava and pozzuolana. The adjacent declivi-
ties have a strong disposition to run into basaltic pentagons
and sexagons; the stones put up in the road, by way
of posts, are parts of basaltic columns. The inn at Pra-
delles,2 kept by three sisters, Pichots, is one of the worst I
have met with in France. Contraction, poverty, dirt, and
darkness—20 miles.

The 19th. To Thuytz; 3 pine woods abound; there are
saw mills, and with ratchet wheels to bring the tree to the
saw, without the constant attention of a man, as in the
Pyrenees ; a great improvement. Pass by a new and
beautiful road, along the side of immense mountains of
granite; chesnut trees spread in every quarter, and cover
with luxuriance of vegetation rocks apparently so naked,
that earth seems a stranger. This beautiful tree is known
to delight in volcanic soils and situations: many are very
large; I measured one fifteen feet in circumference, at five
from the ground ; and many are nine to ten feet, and fifty
to sixty high. At Maisse “ the find road ends, and then a
rocky, almost natural one for some miles; but for half a
mile before Thuytz recover the new one again, which is here
equal to the finest to be seen, formed of volcanic materials,
forty feet broad, without the least stone, a firm and natu-
rally level cemented surface. They tell me that 1800 toises
of it, or about 2%; miles, cost 180,000 liv. (82501.) It con-
ducts, according to custom, to a miserable inn, but with a
large stable; and in every respect Mons. Grenadier excels
the Demoiselles Pichots. Here mulberries first appear,
and with them flies; for this is the first day I have been
incommoded. At Thuytz I had an object which I sup-
posed would demand a whole day: it is within four hours
ride of the Montague de la coupe au Colet d’.Aisa.,5 of which

‘ CostarOs (Hte. Loire). 2 Pradelles (Hte. Loire).
3 Thueyts (Ardeche). ‘ Mayres (Ardéche).
5 La coupe d’Aizac, the most characteristic crater of the Vivarais, is

1789.] 'rrmr'rz. 243

M. Faujas de St. Fond has given a plate, in his Researches
sur les volcans eteints, that shews it to be a remarkable
object: I began to make enquiries, and arrangements for
having a mule and a guide to go thither the next morning;
the man and his wife attended me at dinner, and did not
seem, from the difficulties they raised at every moment, to
approve my plan : having asked them some questions about
the price of provisions, and other things, I suppose they
regarded me with suspicious eyes, and thought that I had
no good intentions. I desired, however, to have the mule
-—some difficulties were made——-I must have two mules-—
Very well, get me two. Then returning, a man was not to
be had; with fresh expressions of surprise, that I should
be eager to see mountains that did not concern me. After
raising fresh difficulties to everything I said, they at last
plainly told me, that I should have neither mule nor man;
and this with an air that evidently made the case hOpeless.
About an hour after, I received a polite message from the
marquis Deblou, seigneur of. the parish, who hearing that
an inquisitive Englishman was at the inn, enquiring after
volcanoes, proposed the pleasure of taking a walk with me.
I accepted the offer with alacrity, and going directly
towards his house met him in the road. I explained
to him my motives and my difficulties; he said, the people
had got some absurd suspicions of me from my questions,
and that the present time was so dangerous and critical to
all travellers, that he would advise me by no means to
think of any such excursions from the great road, unless I
found much readiness in the people to conduct me : that at
any other moment than the present, he should be happy
to do it himself, but that at present it was impossible
for any person to be too cautious. There was no resisting
this reasoning, and yet to lose the most curious volcanic
remains in the country, for the crater of the mountain is as
distinct in the print of Mons. de St. Fond, as if the lava
was now running from it, was a mortifying circum-
stance. The marquis then shewed me his garden and
his chateau, amidst the mountains; behind it is that of

best visited from Antraigues-sur-Volane, a picturesque village about
eight miles from Aubenas, by way'of Vals, the miniature Vichy of the
Ardeche.

244 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

Grravene,1 which is an extinguished volcano likewise, but the
crater not discernible without difficulty. In conversation.
with him and another gentleman, on agriculture, particularly
the produce of mulberries, they mentioned a small piece of
land that produced, by silk only, 120 liv. (51. 5s.) a year,
and being contiguous to the road we walked to it. Ap-
pearing very small for such a produce, I stepped it to
ascertain the contents, and minuted them in my pocket
book. Soon after, growing dark, I took my leave of the
gentlemen, and retired to my inn. What I had done had
more witnesses than I dreamt of; for at eleven o’clock at
night, a full hour after I had been asleep, the commander
of a file of twenty milice bourgeois, with their musquets, or
swords, or sabres, or pikes, entered my chamber, sur-
rounded my bed, and demanded my passport. A dialogue
ensued, too long to minute; I was forced first to give them
my passport, and, that not satisfying them, my papers.
They told me that I was undoubtedly a conspirator with
the Queen, the count d’Artois, and the count d’Entragues
(who has property here), who had employed me as an
arpenteur, to measure their fields, in order to double their
taxes. My papers being in English saved me. They had
taken it into their heads that I was not an Englishman—
only a pretended one ; for they speak such a jargon them-
selves, that their ears were not good enough to discover by
my language that I was an undoubted foreigner. Their find-
ing no maps, or plan‘s, nor anything that they could convert
by supposition to a cadastre of their parish, had its effect, as
I could see by their manner, for they conversed entirely in
Patois. Perceiving, however, that they were not satisfied,
and talked much of the count d’Entragues, I opened a
bundle of letters that were sealed—these, gentlemen, are
my letters of recommendation to various cities of France
and Italy, open which you please, and you will find, for
they are written in French, that I am an honest English-
man, and not the rogue you take me for. On this they
held a fresh consultation and debate, which ended in my
favour; they refused to open the letters, prepared to leave
me, saying, that my numerous questions about lands, and

1 La Gravenne, ascended from Thueyts.

1789.] VILLENEUVE DE BERG. 245

measuring a field, while I pretended to come after volcanoes,
had raised great suspicions, which they observed were
natural at a time when it was known to a certainty that
the Queen, the count d’ Artois, and the count (1’ Entragues
were in a conspiracy against the Vivarais. And thus, to
my entire satisfaction, they wished me good night, and left
me to the bugs, which swarmed in the bed like flies in
a honey-pot. I had a narrow escape—it would have been
a delicate situation to have been kept prisoner probably in
some common gaol, or, if not, guarded at my own expence,
while they sent a courier to Paris for orders, and me to
pay the piper.—20 miles.

The 20th. The same imposing mountain features con-
tinue to Villeneuve de Berg.1 The road, for half a mile,
leads under an immense mass of basaltic lava, run into
configurations of various forms, and resting on regular
columns; this vast range bulges in the centre into a sort
of promontory. The height, form, and figures, and the
decisive volcanic character the whole mass has taken,
render it a most interesting spectacle to the learned and
unlearned eye. Just before Aubenas,2 mistaking the road,
which is not half finished, I had to turn; it was on the
slope of the declivity, and very rare that any wall or de-
fence is found against the precipices. My French mare
has an ill talent of backing too freely when she begins:
unfortunately she exercisedo it at a moment of imminent
danger, and backed the chaise, me, and herself down the
precipice ; by great good luck, there was at the spot a sort
of shelf of rock, that made the immediate fall not more
than five feet direct. I leaped out of the chaise in a
moment, and fell unhurt: the chaise was overthrown and
the mare on her side, entangled in the harness, which kept
the carriage from tumbling down a precipice of sixty feet.
Fortunately she lay quietly, for had she struggled both
must have fallen. I called some lime-burners to my
assistance, who were with great difficulty brought to sub-
mit to directions, and not each pursue his own idea to the
certain precipitation of both mare and chaise. We extri-

1 (Ardéche), full of souvenirs of Oliver de Serres. The house in
which the great agriculturist was born still exists.
2 (Ardéche.)

246 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

cated her unhurt, secured the chaise, and, then with still
greater difficulty, regained the road with both. This was,
by far the narrowest escape I have had. A blessed country
for a broken limb—confinement for six weeks or two months
at the Cheval Blane, at Aubenas, an inn that would have
been purgatory to one of my hogs :-—alone,—-without rela-
tion, friend, or servant, and not one person in sixty that
speaks French—Thanks to the good providence that pre-
served me! What a situation—I shudder at the reflection
more than I did falling in the jaws of the precipice.
Before I got from the place there were seven men about
me, I gave them a 3 liv. piece to drink, which for some-
time they refused to accept, thinking, with {unaffected
modesty, that it was too much. At Aubenas repaired the
harness, and leaving that place, viewed the silk mills, which
are considerable. Reach Villeneuve de berg. I was im-
mediately hunted out by the milice bourgeoise. Where is
your certificate .7 Here again the old objection that my
features and person were not described.— Your papers .7
The importance of the case, they said, was great: and
looked as big as if a marshal’s batton was in hand. They
tormented me with an hundred questions; and then pro-
nounced that I was a suspicious looking person. They
could not conceive why a Suffolk farmer could travel into
the Vivarais? Never had they heard of any person travel-
ling for agriculture! They would take my passport to the
hotel de ville—have the permanent council assembled—and
place a centinel at my door. I told them they might do
what they pleased, provided they did not prohibit my
dinner, as I was hungry; they then departed. In about
half an hour a gentleman-like man, a Groin: de St. Louis
came, asked me some questions very politely, and seemed
not to conclude that Maria Antonietta and Arthur Young
were at this moment in any very dangerous conspiracy.
He retired, saying, he hoped I should not meet with any
difficulties. In another half hour a soldier came to conduct
me to the hotel de ville ; where I found the council assem-
bled; I had a good many questions asked; and some ex-
pressions of surprise that an English farmer should travel
so far for agriculture—they had never heard of such a
thing ;—-but all was in a polite liberal manner; and though

1789.] PRADEL. 247

travelling for agriculture was as new to them, as if it had
been like the antient philos0pher’s tour of the world on a
cow’s back, and living on the milk,——yet they did not deem
any thing in my recital improbable, signed my passport
very readily, assured me of every assistance and civility I
might want, and dismissed me with the politeness of
gentlemen. I described my treatment at Thuytz, which
they loudly condemned. I took this opportunity to beg
to know where that Pradel 1 was to be found in this
country, of which Oliver de Serres was seigneur, the well
known French writer on agriculture in the reign of
Henry IV. They at once pointed out of the window of
the room we were in to the house, which in this town be-
longed to him, and informed me that Pradel was within a
league. As this was an object I had noted before I came
to France, the information gave me no slight satisfaction.
The mayor, in the course of the examination, presented me
to a gentleman who had translated Sterne into French,
but who did not speak English; on my return to the
auberge I found that this was Mons. de Boissiere, avocat
general of the parliament of Grenoble. I did not care to
leave the place without knowing something more of one
who had distinguished himfelf by his attention to English
literature ; and I wrote him a note, begging permission to
have the pleasure of some conversation with a gentleman
who had made our inimitable author speak the language
of a peOple he loved so well. Mons. de Boissiere came to
me immediately, conducted me to his house,introduced me
to his lady and some friends, and as Iwas much interested
concerning Oliver de Serres, he offered to take a walk with
me to Pradel. It may easily be supposed that this was
too much to my mind to be refused, and few evenings
have been more agreeably spent. I regarded the residence
of the great parent of French agriculture, and who was un-
doubtedly one of the first writers on the subject that had
then appeared in the world, with that sort of veneration,
which those only can feel who have addicted themselves
strongly to some predominant pursuit, and find it in such
moments indulged in its most exquisite feelings. Two

1 Le Pradel, close toVilleneuve de Berg.

248 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [auousn

hundred years after his exertions, let me do honour to his
memory, he was an excellent farmer and a true patriot,
and would not have been fixed on by Henry IV. as his
chief agent in the great project of introducing the culture
of silk in France, if he had not possessed a considerable
reputation; a reputation well earned, since posterity has
confirmed it. The period of his practice is too remote to
gain anything more than a general outline of what may
now be supposed to have been his farm. The basis of it
is limestone; there is a great oak wood near the chateau,
and many vines, with plenty of mulberries, some apparently
old enough to have been planted by the hand of the vener-
able genius that has rendered the ground classic. The
estate of Pradel, which is about 5000 liv. (2181. 153.) a
year, belongs at present to the marquis of Mirabel who
inherits it in right of his wife, as the descendant of De
Serres. I hope it is exempted for ever from all taxes; he
whose writings laid the foundation for the improvement of
a kingdom, should leave to his posterity some marks of
his countrymen’s gratitude. When the present bishop of
Sisteron was shewn, like me, the farm of De Serres, he re-
marked, that the nation ought to erect a statue to his
memory.1 The sentiment is not without merit, though
no more than common snufl-box chat; but if this bishop
has a well cultivated farm in his hands it does him honour.
Supped with Mons. and Madame de Boissiere, &c. and had
the pleasure of an agreeable and interesting conversation.
—21 miles.

The 21st. Mons. de Boissiere, wishing to take my advice
in the improvement of a farm, which he had taken into
his hands, six or seven miles from Berg, in my road to
Viviers, accompanied me thither. I advised him to form
one well executed and well improved inclosure every year
—to finish as he advances, and to do well what he attempts
to do at all; and I cautioned him against the common
abuse of that excellent husbandry, paring and burning. I
suspect, however, that his homme d’afiaire will be too potent
for the English traveller.—I hope he has received the

1 A statue of de Serres now adorns Villeneuve de Berg, also a

pyramidal monument to his memory, and a street and square are named
after him.

1789.] MONTILIMART. 249

turnip-seed I sent him. Dine at Viviers,1 and pass the
Rhone. After the wretched inns of the Vivarais, dirt,
filth, bugs, and starving, to arrive at the hotel de Monsieur,
at Montilimartf‘ a great and excellent inn, was something
like the arrival in France from Spain: the contrast is
striking; and I seemed to hug myself, that I was again in
a christian country among the Milor Ninchitreas, and my
Ladi Bettis, of Mons. Chabot.—23 miles.

The 22d. Having a letter to Mons. Faujas de St. Fond,3
the celebrated naturalist, who has favoured the world with
many important works on volcanoes, aerostation, and
various other branches of natural history, I had the satis-
faction, on enquiring, to find that he was at Montilimart ;
and, waiting on him—to perceive, that a man of distin-
guished merit was handsomely lodged, with every thing
about him that indicated an easy fortune. He received me
with the frank politeness inherent in his character; intro-
duced me, on the spot to a Mons. l’Abbé Berenger, who re-
sided near his country-seat, and was, he said, an excellent
cultivator; and likewise to another gentleman, whose taste
had taken the same good direction. In the evening Mons.
Faujas took me to call on a female friend, who was
engaged in the same enquiries, Madame Cheinet, whose
husband is a member of the National Assembly; if he has
the good luck to find at Versailles some other lady as
agreeable as her he has left at Montilimart, his mission
will not be a barren one; and he may perhaps be better
employed than in voting regenerations. This lady accom-
panied us in a walk for viewing the environs of Montili-
mart; and it gave me no small pleasure to find, that she
was an excellent farmeress, practises considerably, and had
the goodness to answer many of my enquiries, particularly
in the culture of silk. I was so charmed with the naiveté
of character, and pleasing conversation of this very agree-

1 (Ardeche), the ancient capital of the Vivarais.

2 Montélimar (Drome).

3 Few of our author’s numerous introductory letters brought him a
more distinguished acquaintance than this. M. Faujas St. Fond,
afterwards his visitor at Bradfield, is known as one of the creators of
the science of geology in France. His English and Scotch Travels
have been translated. Died 1819.

250 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [nueusn

able lady, that a longer stay here would have been delicious
——but the plough!

The 23d. By appointment, accompanied Mons. Faujas
to his country-seat and farm at l’Oriol,l fifteen miles north
of Montilimart, where he is building a good house. I was
pleased to find his farm amount to 280 septerés 2 of land: I
should have liked it better, had it not been in the hands of
a. métayer. Mons. Faujas pleases me much; the liveliness,
vivacity, phlogz’ston of his character, do not run into pert-
ness, foppery, or aflectation ; he adheres steadily to a sub-
ject; and shews, that to clear up any dubious point, by
the attrition of difierent ideas in conversation, gives him
pleasure ; not through a vain fluency of colloquial powers,
but for better understanding a subject. The next day,
Mons. l’Abbé Berenger, and another gentlemen, passed it
at Mons. Faujas’: we walked to the Abbé’s farm. He is
of the good order of beings, and pleases me much ; cure’ of
the parish, and president of the permanent council. He is
at present warm on a project of reuniting the protestants
to the church; spoke, with great pleasure, of having per-
suaded them, on occasion of the general thanksgiving for
the establishment of liberty, to return thanks to God, and
sing the Te Deum in the catholic church, in common as
brethren, which, from confidence in his character, they did.
His is firmly persuaded, that by both parties giving way a
little, and softening or retrenching reciprocally somewhat
in points that are disagreeable, they may be brought
together. The idea is so liberal, that I question it for the
multitude, who are never governed by reason, but by trifles
and ceremonies,——and who are usually attached to their
religion, in proportion to the absurdities it abounds with.
I have not the least doubt but the mob in England would
be much more scandalized at parting with the creed of St.
Athanasius, than the whole bench of bishops, whose illumi-
nation would perhaps reflect correctly that of the throne.
Mons. l’Abbé Berenger has prepared a memorial, which is
ready to be presented to the National Assembly, proposing
and explaining this ideal union of the two religions ; and

1 Loriol (Dréme).
9 Setier, ancient measure of land, as much as could be sowed with a
setier (156 litres), of corn.

1789.] CHATEAU ROCHEMAUR. 251

he had the plan of adding a clause, proposing that the
clergy should have permission to marry. He was convinced,
that it would be for the interest of morals, and much for
that of the nation, that the clergy should not be an insu-
lated body, but holding by the same interests and connec-
tions as other people. He remarked, that the life of a curé,
and especially in the country, is melancholy; and, knowing
my passion, observed, that a man never could be so good a
farmer, on any possession he might have, excluded from
being succeeded by his children. He shewed me his
memoir, and I was pleased to find that there is at present
great harmony between the two religions, owing certainly
to such good cu-rés. The number of protestants is very
considerable in this neighbourhood. I strenuously con-
tended for the insertion of the clause reSpecting marriage;
assured him, that at such a moment as this, it would do all
who were concerned in this memorial the greatest credit;
and that they ought to consider it as a demand of the
rights of humanity, violently, injuriously, and, relative to
the nation, impolitically, withheld. Yesterday, in going
with Mons. Faujas, we passed a congregation of protestants,
assembled, Druid-like,1 under five or six spreading oaks,
to ofler their thanksgiving to the great Parent of their
happiness and hope—In such a climate as this, is it not a
worthier temple, built by the great hand they revere, than
one of brick and mortar ?—This was one of the richest days
I have enjoyed in France ; we had a long and truly farming
dinner ; drank a l’Anglois success to THE PLOUGH ! and had
so much agricultural conversation, that I wished for my
farming friends in Suflolk to partake my satisfaction. If
Mons. Faujus de St. Fond comes to England, as he gives
me hope, I shall introduce him to them with pleasure. In
the evening return to Montilimart.-——3O miles.

The 25th. To Chateau Rochemaur,2 across the Rhone.

’ In 1788, Louis XVI. acting on former advice of Turgot, had passed
a decree ameliorating the condition of Protestants in France. They
were still ineligible for civil appointments, but were permitted to cele-
brate worship, their marriages were now legal, and their children
legitimate before the law. Entire liberty of conscience and civil
equality were decreed by the National Assembly a year later.

2 Rochemaure (Ardéche), one of the most striking objects seen by the
traveller steaming from Lyons to Avignon.

252 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

It 13 situated on a basaltic rock, nearly perpendicular, with
every columnar proof of its volcanic origin. See Mons. de
Faujas’ Recherches. In the afternoon to Piere Latte, 1
through a country steril, uninteresting, and far inferior to
the environs of Montilimart.-—22 miles.

The 26th. To Orange,2 the country not much better ; a
range of mountains to the left: see nothing of the Rhone.
At that town there are remains of a large Roman building,
seventy or eighty feet high, called a circus, of a triumphal
arch, which, though a good deal decayed, manifests, in its
remains, no ordinary decoration, and a pavement in the
house of a poor person, which is very perfect and beautiful,
but much inferior to that of Nismes. The vent dc bize has
blown strongly for several days, with a clear sky, temper-
ing the heats, which are sometimes sultry and oppressive,
it may, for what I know, be wholesome to French constitu-
tions, but it 1s diabolical to mine, I found myself very indif-
ferent, and as if I was going to be ill, a new and unusual
sensation over my whole body: never dreaming of the
wind, I knew not what to attribute it to, but my complaint
coming at the same time, puts it out of doubt; besides, in-
stinct now, much more than reason, makes me guard as
much as I can against it. At four or five in the morning
it is so cold that no traveller ventures out. It is more
penetratingly drying than I had any conception of; other
winds stOp the cutaneous perspiration; but this piercing
through the body seems, by its sensation, to dessicate all
the interior humidity. ———-2O miles.

The 27th. To Avignon. —Whether it was because I had
read much of this town in the history of the middle ages,
or because it had been the residence of the POpes, or more
probably from the still more interesting memoirs which
Petrarch has left concerning it, in poems that will last as
long as Italian elegance and human feelings shall exist,
I know not—but I approached the place with a sort of in-
terest, attention, and expectancy, that few towns have
kindled. Laura’s tomb, is in the church of the Cordeliers;
it is nothing but a stone in the pavement, with a figure en-
graven on it partly efiaced, surrounded by an inscription 1n

1 Pierrelatte (Drome). 9 (Vaucluse.)

1789.] AVIGNON. 253

Gothic letters, and another in the wall adjoining, with the
armorial of the family of Sade. How incredible is the
power of great talents, when employed in delineating pas-
sions common to the human race. How many millions of
women, fair as Laura, have been beloved as tenderly—-
but, wanting a Petrarch to illustrate the passion, have
lived and died in oblivion ! whilst his lines, not written to
die, conduct thousands under the impulse of feelings, which
genius only can excite, to mingle in idea their melancholy
sighs with those of the poet who consecrated these re-
mains to immortality !—There is a monument of the brave
Crillon 1 in the same church; and I saw other churches and
pictures—but Petrarch and Laura are predominant at
Avignon—19 miles.

The 28th. Wait upon Pere Brouillony, provincial
visitor,2 who, with great politeness, procured me the in-
formation I wished, by introducing me to some gentlemen
understanding in agriculture. From the rock of the
legates palace, there is one of the finest views of the
windings of the Rhone that is to be seen: it forms two
considerable islands, which, with the rest of the plain,
richly watered, cultivated, and covered with mulberries,
olives, and fruit-trees, have a fine boundary in the moun-
tains of Provence, Dauphiné, and Languedoc.—The circular
road fine. I was struck with the resemblance between
the women here and in England. It did not at once occur
in what it consisted; but it is their caps; they dress their
heads quite difierent from the French women. A better
particularity, is there being no wooden shoes here, nor, as
I have seen, in Provence.3-——I have often complained of
the stupid ignorance I met with at table d’hotes. Here,
if possible, it has been worse than common. The polite-
ness of the French is proverbial, but it never could arise

1 A celebrated captain who served Henri IV.

2 “Le pere visiteur” is charged with the inspection of religious
houses of his order.

3 We were, like you, struck with the resemblance of the women at
Avignon to those of England, but not for the reason you give; it ap—
peared to us to originate from their complexions being naturally so
much better than that of the other French women, more than their
head-dress, which differs as much from ours, as it does from the French :
-Note by a female friend to Arthur’ Young.

254 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGU8T,

from the manners of the classes that frequent these tables.
Not one time in forty will a foreigner, as such, receive the
least mark of attention. The only political idea here is,
that if the English should attack France, they have a
million of men in arms to receive them; and their igno-
rance seems to know no distinction between men in arms
in their towns and villages, or in action without the king.
dom. They conceive, as Sterne observes, much better than
they combine : I put some questions to them, but in vain:
I asked, if the union of a rusty firelock and a bourgeois
made a soldier ?—I asked them, in which of their wars
they had wanted men? I demanded, whether they had
ever felt any other want than that of money? And
whether the conversion of a million of men, into the
bearers of musquets, would made money more plentiful?
I asked, if personal service was not a tax? And whether
paying the tax of the service of a million of men increased
their faculties of paying other and more useful taxes? I
begged them to inform me, if the regeneration of the
kingdom, which had put arms into the hands of a million
of mob, had rendered industry more productive, internal
peace more secure, confidence more enlarged, or credit
more stable? And lastly, I assured them, that should the
English attack them at present, they would probably make
the weakest figure they had done from the foundation of
their monarchy: but, gentlemen, the English, in spite of
the example you set them in the American war, will dis-
dain such a conduct; they regret the constitution you are
forming, because they think it a bad one—but whatever
you may establish, you will have no interruption, but many
good wishes from your neighbour. It was all in vain;

they were well persuaded their government was the best
in the world; that it was a monarchy, and no republic,
which I contended; and that the English thought it good,
because they would unquestionably abolish their house of
lords, 1n the enjoyment of which accurate idea I left them.
—In the evening to Lille,l a town which has lost its name
in the world, in the more splendid fame of Vaucluse.
There can hardly be met with a richer, or better cultivated

1 L’Isle, stat. (Vaucluse), on an island surrounded by branches of
the Sorgues.

1789.] VAUCLUSE. 255

sixteen miles; the irrigation is superb. Lille is most
agreeably situated. On coming to the verge of it I found
fine plantations of elms, with delicious streams, bubbling
over pebbles on either side; well dressed people were en-
joying the evening at a spot, I had conceived to be only a
mountain village. It was a sort of fairy scene to me.
Now, thought I, how detestable to leave this fine wood
and water, and enter a nasty, beggarly, walled, hot, stinking
town; one of the contrasts most offensive to my feelings.
What an agreeable surprise, to find the inn without the
town, in the midst of the scenery I had admired! and
more, a good and civil inn. I walked on the banks of this
classic stream for an hour, with the moon gazing on the
waters, that will run for ever in mellifluous oetry: re-
tired to sup on the ' most exquisite trout and) craw fish
in the world. To-morrow to the famed origin—16 miles.
The 29th. I am delighted with the environs of Lille;
beautiful roads, well planted, surround and pass OR in
different directions, as if from a capital town, umbrageous
enough to form promenades against a hot sun, and the
river splits and divides into so many streams, and is con-
ducted with so much attention that it has a delicious
effect, especially to an eye that recognises all the fertility
of irrigation. To the fountain of Vaucluse, which 1s justly
said to be as celebrated almost as that of Helicon. Crossing
8. plain, which 1s not so beautiful as one’ s idea of Tempe;
the mountain presents an almost perpendicular rock, at
the foot of which 1s an immense and very fine cavern, half
filled with a pool of stagnant, but clear water, this is the
famous fountain; at other seasons it fills the whole cavern,
and boils over in a vast stream among rocks; its bed now
marked by vegetation. At present the water gushes out
200 yards lower down, from beneath masses of rock, and
in a very small distance forms a considerable river, which
almost immediately receives deviations by art for mills
and irrigation. On the summit of a rock above the village,
but much below the mountain, is a ruin, called, by the
poor people here, the chateau of Petrarch—who tell you it
was inhabited by Mons. Petrarch and Madame Laura.
The scene is sublime ; but what renders it truly interesting
to our feelings, is the celebrity which great talents have

256 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [AUGUST,

given it. The power of rocks, and water, and mountains,
even in their boldest features, to arrest attention, and fill
the bosom with sensations that banish the insipid feelings
of common life—holds not of inanimate nature. To give
energy to such sensations, it must receive animation from
the creative touch of a vivid fancy: described by the poet,
or connected with the residence, actions, pursuits, or pas-
sions of. great geniusses; it lives, as it were, personified by
talents, and commands the interest that breathes around
whatever is consecrated by fame. To Orgon.1 Quit the
Pope’s territory, by crossing the Durance; there view the
skeleton of the navigation of Boisgelin, the work of the
archbishop of Aix, a noble project, and, where finished,
perfectly well executed ; a hill is pierced by it for a quarter
of a mile, a work that rivals the greatest similar exertions.
It has, however, stood still many years for want of money.
The vent dc bize gone, and the heat increased, the wind
now S.W. my health better to a moment, which proves
how pernicious it is, even in August—2O miles.

The '30th. I forgot to observe that, for a few days
past, I have been pestered with all the mob of the country
shooting: one would think that every rusty gun in Pro-
vence is at work, killing all sorts of birds; the shot has
fallen five or six times in my chaise and about my ears.
The National Assembly has declared that every man has
a right to kill game on his own land; and advancing this
maxim so absurd as a declaration, though so wise as a law,
without any statute of provision to secure the right of
game to the possessor of the soil, according to the tenor
of the vote, has, as I am every where informed, filled all
the fields of France with sportsmen to an utter nuisance.
The same effects have flowed from declarations of right
relative to tythes, taxes, feudal rights, &c. In the declara-
tions, conditions and compensations are talked of; but an
unruly ungovernable multitude seize the benefit of the
abolition, and laugh at the obligations or recompense.
Out by daybreak for Salon,2 in order to view the Crau,
one of the most singular districts in France for its soil, or
rather want of soil, being apparently a region of sea flints,

’ (Vaucluse.) 9 (Bouches du Rhone.)

1789.] TOUR n’AIoUEs. 257

yet feeding great herds of sheep: View the improvement
of Monsieur Pasquali, who is doing great things, but
roughly: I wished to see and c0nverse with him, but un-
fortunately he was absent from Salon. At night to St.
Canat.’—-—46 miles.

The 31st. To Aix.2 Many houses without glass win-
dows. The women with men’s hats, and no wooden shoes.
At Aix waited on Mons. Gribelin, celebrated for his transla-
tions of the works of Dr. Priestley, and of the Philosophical
Transactions. He received me with that easy and agree-
able politeness natural to his character, being apparently a
friendly man. He took every method in his power to pro-
cure me the information I wanted, and engaged to go with
me the next day to Tour D’Aigues 3 to wait on the baron
of that name, president of the parliament of Aix, to whom
also I had letters; and whose essays, in the Trimestres of
the Paris society of agriculture, are among the most
valuable on rural oeconomics in that work—12 miles.

SEPTEMBER 1st. Tour d’Aigues is twenty miles north
of Aix, on the other side of the Durance, which we crossed
at a ferry. The country about the chateau is bold and
hilly, and swells in four or five miles into rocky mountains.
The president received me in a very friendly manner, with
a simplicity of manners that gives a dignity to his cha-
racter, void of affectation; he is very fond of agriculture
and planting. The afternoon was passed in viewing his
home-farm, and his noble woods, which are uncommon in
this naked province. The chateau of Tour d’Aigues, be-
fore much of it was accidentally consumed by fire, must
have been one of the most considerable in France; but at
present a melancholy spectacle is left. The baron is an
enormous sufierer by the revolution; a great extent of
country, which belonged in absolute right to his ancestors.
has been granted for quit rents, cans, and other feudal
payments, so that there is no comparison between the
lands retained and those thus granted by his family. The
loss of the droits honomfiques is much more than has been

1 St. Chamas (Bouches du Rhone).
2 Aix-en-Provence (Bouches du Rhone).
3 Tour d’Aigues (Bunches du Rhone). The chateau here spoken of is
now a ruin.
S

258 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP'L

apparent, and is an utter loss of all influence; it was
natural to look for some plain and simple mode of com-
pensation; but the declaration of the National Assembly
allOws none; and it is feelingly known in this chateau,
that the solid payments which the Assembly have declared
to be racketable are every hour falling to nothing, without
a shadow of recompense. The people are in arms, and at
this moment very unquiet. The situation of the nobility
in this country is pitiable; they are under apprehensions
that nothing will be left them, but simply such houses as
the mob allows to stand unburnt; that the me’tayers will
retain their farms without'paying the landlord his half of
the produce; and that, in case of such a refusal, there is
actually neither law nor authority in the country to pre-
vent it. Here is, however, in this house, a large and an
agreeable society, and cheerful to a miracle, considering
the times, and what such a great baron is losing, who has
inherited from his ancestors immense possessions, now
frittering to nothing by the revolution. This chateau,
splendid even in ruins, the venerable woods, park, and all
the ensigns of family and command, with the fortune, and
even the lives of the owners at the mercy, and trampled
on by an armed rabble. What a spectacle! The baron
has a very fine and well filled library, and one part of it
totally with books and tracts on agriculture, in all the
languages of EurOpe. His collection of these is nearly as
numerous as my own—20 miles.

The 2d. Mons. Le President dedicated this day for an
excursion to his mountain-farm, five miles ofi, where he
has a great range, and one of the finest lakes in Provence,
two thousand toises round, and forty feet deep. Directly
from it rises a fine mountain, consisting of a mass of shell
agglutinated into stone; it is a pity this hill is not planted,
as the water wants the immediate accompanyment of wood.
Carp rise to 25lb. and eels to l2lb. (Note, there are carp
in the lake Bourget, in Savoy, of 601b.) A neighbouring
gentleman, Mons. J ouvent, well acquainted with the agri-
culture of this country, accompanied us, and spent the rest
of the day at the castle. I had much valuable information
from the baron de Tour d’Aigues, this gentleman, and from
Mons. l’Abbé de , I forget his name. In the evening

 

1789.] MABSEILLES. 259

I had some conversation on housekeeping with one of the
ladies, and found among other articles, that the wages of
a gardener are 300 liv. (181. 2s. 6d.) ; a common man-ser-
vant, 150 liv. (71.) ; a bourgeois cook, 75 to 90 liv. (9O liv.
are 31. 188. 9d); a house-maid, 60 to 70 liv. (3]. Is. 3d.)
Rent of a good house for a Bourgeois 700 or 8001iv. (351.)
—10 miles.

The 3d. Took my leave of Mons. Tour d’Aigues’ hospi-
table chateau, and returned with Mons. Gribelin to Aix.-—-
20 miles.

The 4th. The country to Marseilles is all mountainous,
but much cultivated with vines and olives; it is, however,
naked and uninteresting; and much of the road is left in
a scandalous condition, for one of the greatest in France,
not wide enough, at places, for two carriages to pass with
convenience. What a deceiving painter is the imagination!
—I had read I know not what lying exaggerations of the
bastides about Marseilles, being counted not by hundreds,
but by thousands, with anecdotes of Louis XIV. adding
one to the number of a citade1.—-I have seen other towns
in France, where they are more numerous ; and the
environs of Montpellier, without external commerce, are
as highly decorated as those of Marseilles; yet Montpellier
is not singular. The view of Marseilles, in the approach,
is not striking. It is well built in the new quarter, but,
like all others, in the old, close, ill built, and dirty; the
population, if we may judge from the throng in the streets,
is very great ; I have met with none that exceeds it in this
respect. I went in the evening to the theatre, which is new,
but not striking ; and not in any respect to be named with
that of Bourdeaux, or even Nantes; nor is the general
magnificence of the town at all equal to Bourdeaux; the
new buildings are neither so extensive, nor so good—the
number of ships in the port not to be compared, and the
port itself is a horse-pond, compared with the Garonne.—
20 miles.

The 5th. Marseilles is absolutely exempt from the re-"
proaches I have so often cast on others for want of news-
papers. _ I breakfasted at the Café d’Acajon amidst many.
Deliver my letters, and receive information concerning com-
merce; but I am disappointed of one I expected for Mons.

260 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [sum

l’Abbé Raynal, the celebrated author. At the table d’héte,
the count de Mirabeau, both here and at Aix, a topic of
conversation ; I expected to have found him more p0pular,
from the extravagancies committed in his favour in Pro-
vence and at Marseilles; they consider him merely as a
politician of great abilities, whose principles are favourable
to theirs: as to his private character, they think they have
nothing to do with it; and assert, that they had much
rather trust to a rogue of abilities, than put any confidence
in an honest man of no talents ; not, however, meaning to
assert, that Mons. de Mirabeau deserved any such appella-
tion. They say he has an estate in Provence. I observed,
that I was glad to hear he had property; for, in such re-
volutions, it was a necessary hold on a man, that he will
not drive every thing to confusion, in order to possess a
consequence and importance which cannot attend him in
peaceable and quiet times. But to be at Marseilles without
seeing Abbé Raynal, one of the undoubted precursors of
the present revolution in France, would be mortifying.
Having no time to wait longer for letters, I took the reso-
lution to introduce myself. He was at the house of his
friend Mons. Bertrand. I told him my situation: and,
with that ease and politeness which flows from a man’s
knowledge of the world, he replied, that he was always
happy to be of use to any gentleman of my nation;
and, turning to his friend, said, here also is one, Sir, who
loves the English, and understands their language. In
conversing on agriculture, which I had mentioned as the
object of my journey, they both expressed their surprise to
find, by accounts apparently authentic, that we imported
great quantities of wheat, instead of exporting, as we for-
merly did; and desired to know, if this was really the case,
to what it was owing? and recurring, at the same time, to
the Mercu're de France for a statement of the export and
import of corn, he read it as a quotation from Mr. Arthur
Young. This gave me the opportunity of saying, that I
was the person, and it proved a lucky introduction; for it
was not possible to be received with more politeness, or
with more offers of service and assistance. I explained,
that the change had taken place in consequence of a vast
increase of population, a cause still increasing more rapidly

1789.] MARSEILLES. 261

than even—We had an interesting conversation on the
agriculture of France, and on the present situation of:
affairs, which they both think going on badly; are con-
vinced of the necessity of an upper house in the legisla-
ture; and dread nothing more than a mere democratical
government, which they think a species of republic,
ridiculous for such a kingdom as France. I remarked,
that I had often reflected with amazement, that Mons.
Necker did not assemble the states in such a form, and
under such regulations, as would have naturally led to
adopt the constitution of England, free from the few faults
which time has discovered in it. On which Mons. Bertrand
gave me a pamphlet he had published, addressed to his
friend Abbé Raynal, proposing several circumstances in
the English constitution to be adopted in that of France.
Mons. l’Abbé Raynal remarked, that the American revolu-
tion had brought the French one in its train: I observed,
that if the result in France should be liberty, that revolu-
tion had proved a blessing to the world, but much more so
to England than to America. This they both thought such
a paradox, that I explained it by remarking, that I believed
the prosperity which England had enjoyed since the peace,
not only much exceeded that of any other similar period,
but also that of any other country, in any period since the
establishment of the European monarchies : a fact that was
supported by the increase of population, of consumption,
of industry, of navigation, shipping, and sailors: by the
augmentation and improvement of agriculture, manufac-
tures, and commerce; and in a peculiar mass and aggre-
gate, flowing from the whole, the rising ease and felicity of
the people. I mentioned the authentic documents and
public registers which supported such a representation;
and I remarked, that Abbé Raynal, who attended closely
to what I said, had not seen or heard of these circum-
stances, in which he is not singular, for I have not met
with a single person in France acquainted with them; yet
they unquestionably form one of the most remarkable and
singular experiments in the science of politics that the
world has seen; for a people to lose an empire—thirteen
provinces, and to GAIN by that 1033, an increase of wealth,
felicity, and power! When will the obvious conclusiOns,

262 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [snrn

to be drawn from that prodigious event, be adopted ? that
all transmarine, or distant dominions, are sources of weak-
ness: and that to renounce them would be wisdom. Apply
this in France to St. Domingo, in Spain to Peru, or in
England to Bengal, and mark the ideas and replies that
are excited. I have no doubt, however, of the fact. I
complimented him on his generous gift to the society of
agriculture at Paris of 1200 liv. for a premium; he said
they had thanked him, not in the usual form, by the secre-
tary signing alone, but had every one present signed it.
He said, that he should do the same by the academies of
sciences and belles lettres ; and he has given the same sum
to the academy at Marseilles, for a premium relative to
their commerce. He said also, that he had formed a plan
which he should execute when he has saved money enough,
which is to expend, by means of the society of agriculture,
1200 liv. a year in purchasing models of all the useful im-
plements of husbandry to be found in other countries,
especially in England, and to spread them over France.
The idea 1s an excellent one, and merits great praise; yet
it is to be questioned, whether the efiect would answer the
expence. Give the tool itself to a farmer, and he will not
know how to use it, or will be too much prejudiced to like
it; a model he will still less take the trouble to copy.
Gentlemen farming every where their own lands. with
enthusiasm and passion for the art, would apply and use
those models; but I fear that none such are to be found
in France. The spi1it and pursuits of gentlemen must be
changed from their present frivolous turns, before any
such thing could be eflected. He app1oved of my recom-
mending turnips and potatoes; but said, that good sorts
were wanting , and mentioned a trial he had made him-
self, a comparison of the English and Provencal potatoes
in making bread, and the English produced one- third
more flour than the French. —An1ong other causes of bad
husbandry 111 France, he named the illegality of usury; at
present moneyed people 111 the count1y locked it up, instead
of lending it for improvement. These sentiments of an
illustrious writer do him honou1; and it was pleasing to
me to find, that he gave attention to objects which have
almost monopolized mine; and \et more so to find, that

1789.] TOULON. 263

this justly celebrated writer, though not young, is in good
spirits; and that he may live many years to enlighten the
world by the productions of a pen that has never been
employed but for the benefit of the human species.

The 8th. The Cuges.1 For three or four miles the road.
leads through rows of bastides and walls; it is made of
powdered white stone, and without exception, the most
dusty I ever saw; the vines, for twenty rods on each side,
were like a dressed head: the country all mountains of
rocks, with poor pines.-—Uninteresting and ugly; the plains,
of no great breadth, are covered with vines and olives. Meet
capers first at Cuges. At Aubagnef I dined on six dishes,
not bad, a dessert, and a bottle of wine, for 24fl and by
myself too, for no table d’hote. What Mons. Dutens could
mean by calling the post-house at Cuges a good auberge, is
inexplicable ; it is a miserable hole, in which I have one of
the best rooms, without glass to the windows.-——2l miles.

The 9th. The country to Toulon is more interesting;
the mountains are bolder ; the sea adds to the view ; and
there is one passage among the rocks, where are sublime
features. Nine-tenths are waste mountain, and a wretched
country of pines, box, and miserable aromatics, in spite of
the climate. Near Toulon, especially at Olioules,3 there
are pomegranates in the hedges, with fruit as large as
nonpareils; they have a few oranges also. The bason of
Toulon, with ranges of three deckers, and other large men
of war, with a quay of life and business, are fine. The
town has nothing that deserves description; the great and
only thing that is worth seeing, the dock-yard, I could not
see, yet I had letters; but the regulation forbidding it, as
at Brest, all applications were vain—25 miles.

The 10th. Lady Craven4has sent me upon a wild-goose
chase to Hyeres—one would think this country, from her’s
and many other descriptions, was all a garden ; but it has

1 Cuje’s, a poor-looking town near which the caper is cultivated.

2 (Bouches du Rhéne.)

3 Ollioules (Var), in the valley of the Reppe, famous for its orange
trees and immortelles.

4 Elizabeth, Lady Craven, who after a Platonic friendship of many
years’ standing, married the Margnave of Anspach, and was the author
of works of travel, and an autobiography.

264 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEPT.

been p1aised much beyond its merit. The vale is every
where richly cultivated, and planted with olives and vines,
with a mixtu1e of some mulberries, figs, and other fruit
trees. The hills are either rocks, or spread with a

vegetation of evergreens, pines, lentiscus, &c. The vale,
though scattered with white bastidcs which animate the
scene, yet betrays that poverty in the robe of nature,
which always oifends the eye where olives and fruits form
the principal cloathing. Every view is meagre, on compari-
son with the rich foliage of our northern forests. The
only singular features are the orange and lemon trees;
they here thrive in the open air, are of a great size, and
render every garden interesting to eyes that travel to the
south, but last winter’s frost has shorn them of their
glory. They are all so nearly destroyed as to be out
almost to the root, or to the trunk, but are in general
shooting again. I conjecture that these trees, even when
in health and foliage, however they may be separately
taken, add but little to the general effect of a view. They
are all 1n gardens, mixed with walls and houses, and con-
sequently lose much beauty as the part of a landscape.
Lady Craven’s Tour sent me to the chapel of N otre Dame
de consolation,1 and to the hills leading to Mons. Glapiere de
St. TrOpes; and I asked for father Laurent, who was how-
ever, very little sensible of the honour she had done him.
The views from the hills on both sides of the town are
moderate. The islands Portecroix, Pourcurolle, and Levant”
(the nearest joined to the continent by a causeway and
saltmarsh, which they call a pond,) the hills, mounts,
rocks, all are naked. The pines that spread on some of
them have not a much better effect than gorse. The ver-
dure of the vale is hurt by the hue of the olives. There is
a fine outline to the views; but for a climate, where vege-
tation is the chief glory, it is poor and meagre; and does
not refresh the imagination with the idea of a thick shade

1 Notre Dame, a favourite pilgrimage.
9 The Isles d’Hyeres or Isles d’Or, via: ——
1. Porquerolles (300 inhabitants, 5 miles long).
2. Port Cros.
3. Levant or Titan, 18 the largest and most beautiful, and contains a
penitentiary for boys.

17 89.] HYERES. 265

against the rays of an ardent sun. I can hear of no cotton
in Provence, which has been reported in several books; but
the date and pistachio succeed: the myrtle is indigenous
everywhere, and the jasminum, commune, and frutioans.1
In l’Isle de Levant is the genista camdescens,2 and the
teucrium herba pomaf’ Returning from my ride to the
hotel de Necker, the landlord worried me with a list of
English that pass the winter at Hyeres; there are many
houses built for letting, from two to six louis a month, in-
cluding all the furniture, linen, necessary plate, &c. Most
of these houses command the prospect of the vale and the
sea; and if they do not feel the vent de bize, I should sup-
pose it must be a fine winter climate. In December,
January, and February perhaps it may not incommode
them, but does it not in March and April? There is a
table d’héte, very well served, at the hotel de Necker in
winter, at 4: liv. a-head each meal. View the King’s
garden here, which may be 10 or 12 acres, and nobly pro-
ductive in all the fruits of the climate, its crop of oranges
only last year was 21,000 liv. (9181. 15s.) Oranges at
Hyeres have produced as far as two louis each tree. Dine
with Mons. de St. Caesaire, who has a pretty new built
house, a noble garden walled in, and an estate around it,
which he would sell or let. He was so obliging as to give
me, with Doctor Battaile, much useful information con-
cerning the agriculture and produce of this country. In
the evening return to Toulon.—34 miles.

The 11th. The arrangement of my journey in Italy
occupied some attention. I had been often informed, and
by men that have travelled much in Italy, that I must not
think of going thither with my one-horse chaise. To watch
my horse being fed would, they assured me, take up abun-
dantly too much time, and if it was omitted, with respect
to hay, as well as oats, both would be equally stolen.
There are also parts of Italy where travelling alone, as I
did, would be very unsafe, from the number of robbers
that infest the roads. Persuaded by the Opinions of

' Jasminium commune, fructicans, yellow jasmine.
2 Genista candicans, hoary genista.
Teucrium herba rota in other editions; both equally unintelligible.

266 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP’L

persons, who I suppose must know much better than my-
self, I had determined to sell my mare and chaise, and
travel in Italy by the veturini, who are to be had it seems
everywhere, and at a cheap rate. At Aix they offered me
for both 20 louis; at Marseilles, 18 ; so the furtherIwent
I expected the price would sink; but to get out of the
hands of the auberg'istes, and the garcons d’écuries, who
expected everywhere to make a property of me, I had it
drawninto the street at Toulon, with a large label, written
a vendre, and the price 25 louis: they had cost me at
~ Paris 32. My plan took, and I sold them for 22; they had
brought me above twelve hundred miles, but yet were a
cheap bargain to an officer that was the purchaser. I had
next to consider the method to get to Nice; and will it be
believed, that from Marseilles with 100,000 souls, and
Toulon with 30,000, lying in the great road to Antibes,
Nice, and Italy, there is no diligence or regular voiture.
A gentleman at the table (1’ hote assured me, they asked
him 3 louis for a place in a voiture to Antibes, and to
wait till some other person would give 3 more for another
seat. To a person accustomed to the infinity of machines
that fly about England, in all directions, this must appear
hardly credible. Such great cities in France have not the
hundredth part of connection and communication with
each other that much inferior places enjoy with us : a sure
proof of their deficiency in consumption, activity, and ani-
mation. A gentleman, who knew every part of Provence
well, and had been from Nice to Toulon by sea, advised
me to take the common baique, for one day, from Toulon,
that I might at least pass the isles of Hyeres: I told him
I had been at Hy,eres and seen the coast. I had seen
nothing, he said, if I had not seen them, and the coast
from the sea, which was the finest object in all Provence;
that it would be only one day at sea, as I might land at
Cavalero, and take mules for Fiejus; and that I should
lose nothing, as the common ioute was the same as what
I had seen, mountains, vines, and olives. His opinion
prevailed, and I spoke to the captain of the barque for my
passage to Cavalero.

The 12th. At six in the morning, 011 board the barque,
captain Jassoirs, of Antibes; the weather was delicious;

1789.] CAVALERO. 267

and the passage, out of the harbour of Toulon, and its
great bason, beautiful and interesting. Apparently it is
impossible to imagine a harbour more completely secure
and land-locked. The inner one, contiguous to the quay,
is large, and seems formed by art; a range of mole, which
it is built on, separating it from the great bason. Only
one ship can enter at a time, but it could contain a fleet.
There are now lying, moored, in two ranges, one ship, the
Commerce of Marseilles, of 130 guns, the finest ship in the
French navy, and seventeen others of 90 guns, each, with
several smaller. When in the great bason, which is two or
three miles across, you seem absolutely inclosed by high
lands, and it is only on the moment of quitting it, that you
can guess where the outlet is, by which you are connected
with the sea. The town, the shipping, the high mountain,
which rises immediately above it, the hills, covered with
plantations, and spread every where with bastides, unite to
form, a striking coup d’aez'l. But as to the Isles of Hyeres
and the fine views of the coast, which I was to enjoy, my
informant could have no eyes, or absolutely without taste:
they are, as well as all the coast, miserably barren rocks
and hills, with only pines to give any idea of vegetation.
If it was not for a few solitary houses, with here and
there a square patch of cultivation to change the colour of
the mountains, I should have imagined that this coast-
must have borne a near resemblance to those of New
Zealand, or New Holland—dark, gloomy, and silent ;-—-a
savage sombre air spread over the whole. The pines, and
evergreen shrubs, that cover the greatest part, cover it
with more gloom than verdure. Landed at night at
Cavalero, which I expected to have found a little town;
but it consists only of three houses, and a more wretched
place not to be imagined. They spread a mattress on a
stone floor for me, for bed they had none; after starving
all day, they had nothing but stale eggs, bad bread, and
worse wine; and as to the mules which were to take me
to Frejus, there was neither horse, ass, nor mule in the
place, and only four oxen for ploughing the ground. I
was thus in a pretty situation, and must have gone on by
sea to Antibes, for which also the wind gave tokens of
being contrary, if the captain had not promised me two of

268 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [sum

his men to carry my baggage to a village two leagues ofi,
where mules were certainly to be had, with which comfort
I betook myself to my mattress—24 miles.

The 13th. The captain sent three sailors ;-—one a Cor-
sican, another a mongrel Italian, and the third a Provencal:
among the three, there was not French enough for half an
hour’s conversation. We crossed the mountains, and wan-
dered by crooked unknown paths, and beds of torrents, and
then found the village of Gassang on the top of a mountain,
which, however, was more than aleague from that to which
we intended to go. Here the sailors refreshed themselves,
two with wine, but the third never drank any thing except
water. I asked if he had equal strength with the others
that drank wine ? Yes, they replied, as strong for his size
as any other man: I rather think, that I shall not soon
find an English sailor who will make the experiment. No
milk; I breakfasted on grapes, rye bread, and bad wine.
Mules were reported to abound at this village, or rather that
which we missed ; but the master of the only two we could
hear of being absent, I had no other resource, than agree-
ing with a man to take my baggage on an ass, and myself
to walk a league further, to St. Tropes,1 for which he de-
manded 3 liv. In two hours reached that town, which is
prettily situated, and tolerably well built, on the banks of
a noble inlet of the sea. From Cavalero hither, the country
is all mountain, eighteen-twentieths of it covered with
pines, or a poor wilderness of evergreen shrubs, rocky and
miserable. Cross the inlet, which is more than a league
wide; the ferrymen had been on board a king’s ship, and
complained heavily of their treatment—but said, that now
they were freemen, they should be well treated; and, in
case of a war, they should pay the English by a different
account—it would now be man to man; before it was free
men fighting with slaves. Land at St. Maxime, and there
hire two mules and a guide to Frejus.2 The country the
same mountainous and rocky desert of pines and lentiscus;
but, towards Frej us, some arbutus. Very little culture be-
fore the plain near Frejus. I passed to-day thirty miles,

1 St. Tropez (Alpes Maritimes).
3 Fréjus (Var). The river does not enter the department thus named.

1789.] FREJUS. 269

of which five are not cultivated. The whole coast of Pro-
vence is nearly the same desert ; yet the climate would
give, on all these mountains, productions valuable for feed-
ing sheep and cattle; but they are incumbered with shrubs
absolutely worthless. The eflect of liberty had better ap—
pear in their cultivation, than on the decks of a man of
wan—30 miles.

The 14th. Staid at Frejus to rest myself ;——to examine
the neighbourhood, which, however, contains nothing—and
to arrange my journey to Nice. Here are remains of an
amphitheatre and aqueduct. On enquiring for a voiture to
go post, I found there was no such thing to be had ; so I
had no resource but mules. I employed the gamma d’écum’e
(for a postmaster thinks himself of too much consequence
to take the least trouble), and he reported, that I should be
well served for 12 liv. to Estrelles: this price, for ten miles,
on a miserable mule, was a very entertaining idea; I bid
him half the money; he assured me he had named the
lowest price, and left me, certainly thinking me safe in his
clutches. I took a walk round the town, to gather some
plants that were in blossom, and, meeting a woman with an
ass-load of grapes, I asked her employment; and found, by
help of an interpreter, that she carried grapes from vine-
yards for hire. I pr0posed loading her ass to Estrelles
with my baggage—and demanded her price—40 fols. I
will give it. Break of day appointed; and I returned to
the inn, at least an (economist, saving IO liv. by my walk.

The 15th. Myself, my female, and her ass jogged merrily
over the mountains ; the only misfortune was, we did not
know one word of each others language; I could just dis-
cover that she had a husband and three children. I tried
to know if he was a good husband, and if she loved him
very much; but our language failed in such explanations ;
——it was no matter ; her ass was to do my business, and not
her tongue. At Estrelles I took post-horses ; it is a single
house, and no women with asses to be had, or I should
have preferred them. It is not easy for me to describe,
how agreeable a walk of ten or fifteen miles is to a man who
walks well, after sitting a thousand in a carriage. To-day’s
journey all through the same bad country, mountain be-
yond mountain, incumbered with worthless evergreens, and

270 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEP’L

not one mile in twenty cultivated. The only relief is the
gardens at Grrasse,1 where very great exertions are made, but
of a singular kind. Roses are a great article for the famous
otter, all of which is commonly supposed to come from
Bengal. They say, that 1500 flowers go to a single dr0p;
twenty flowers sell for 1 fol, and an ounce of the otter 4:00
liv. (171. 10s.). Tuberoses, &c. are also cultivated for per-
fumes in immense quantities, for Paris and London. Rose-
mary, lavender, bergamot, and oranges, are here capital
articles of culture. Half Europe is supplied with essences
from hence. Cannes is prettily situated, close on the shore,
with the isles of St. Marguerite, where is a detestable state
prison, about two miles off, and a distant boundary of the
Estrelles mountains, with a bold broken outline. These
mountains are barren to excess. At all the villages, since
Toulon, at Frejus, Estrelles, &c. I asked for milk, but no
such thing to be had, not even of goats or sheep : the cows
are all in the higher mountains ; and as to butt-er, the land-
lord at Estrelles told me, it was a contraband commodity
that came from Nice. Good heaven l—what an idea
northern people have, like myself, before I knew better, of
a fine sun and a delicious climate, as it is called, that gives
myrtles, oranges, lemons, pomegranates, jasmines, and aloes,
in the hedges ; yet are such countries, if irrigation be
wanted, the veriest deserts in the world. On the most-
miserable tracts of our heaths and moors, you will find
butter, milk, and cream; give me that which will feed a
cow, and let oranges remain to Provence. The fault, how-
ever, is in the people more than the climate; and as the
people have never any faults (till they become the masters)
all is the efiect of government. The arbutus, laurustinus,
cistus, and Spanish broom, are found scattered about the
wastes. Nobody in the inn but a merchant of Bourdeaux
returning home from Italy ; we supped together, and had
a good deal of conversation, not uninteresting; he was
melancholy to think, he said, what a sad reputation the
French revolution has wherever he has been in Italy. Un.
happy France! was his frequent ejaculation. He made
many enquiries of me, and said, his letters confirmed my

1 (Alpes M aritimes.) ‘

1789.] NICE. 271

accounts; the Italians seemed all convinced that the rivalry
of France and England was at an end, and that the English
would now have it in their power amply to revenge the
American war, by seizing St. Domingo, and indeed all the
possessions the French have out of France itself. I said
the idea was a pernicious one, and so contrary to the per-
sonal interests of the men who governed England, that it
was not to be thought of. He replied, that if we did not
do it, we should be marvellously forbearing, and set an
example of political purity sufficient to eternize that part
of our national character, in which the world thought us
most deficient, moderation. He complained bitterly of the
conduct of certain leaders of the National Assembly, who
seemed to be determined on a bankruptcy, and perhaps a
civil war.-—2‘2 miles.

The 16th. At Cannes, I was quite without a choice; no
post-house, carriage, nor horses, nor mules to let; I was
therefore forced again to take refuge in a woman and her
ass. At five in the morning I walked to Antibes.1 This
line of nine miles is chiefly cultivated, but the mountains
rise so immediately, that, ’in a general idea, all is waste.
Antibes being a frontier town, is regularly fortified; the
mole is pretty, and the view from it pleasing. Take a post-
chaise to Nice: cross the Var, and bid adieu for the pre-
sent to France. The approach to Nice is pleasing. The
first approach to that country so long and justly celebrated
that has produced those who have conquered, and those
who have decorated the world, fills the bosom with too
many throbbing feelings to permit a bush, a stone, a clod
to be uninteresting. Our percipient faculties are expanded ;
we wish to enjoy ; and then all is attention, and willingness
to be pleased. The approach marks a flourishing town;
new buildings, the never-failing mark of prosperity, are
numerous. Pass many gardens full of oranges. Arrive in
time for dinner at the table d’hote, hotel de quatre nations,
and agree with the master of it for my apartment, which
is exceedingly good, and dinner and supper at five Pied-
montese livres a-day, that is five shillings. Here I am,
then, in the midst of another people, language, sovereignty

1 (Alpes Maritimes.)

272 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [BEPT.

and country—one of the moments of a man’s life that will
always be interesting, because all the springs of curiosity
and attention are on the stretch. Several Frenchmen, but
more Italians, at the table d’hote ; and the French revolu-
tion only talked of. The Frenchmen all in favour of it,
and the Italians all against it, and absolute victors in the
argument—25 miles.

The 1 7th. I have no letters for Nice; and therefore, know-
ing nothing of the insides of the houses, I must be content
with what meets the eye. The new part of the town is very
well built; the streets straight and broad. The sea-view is
fine, and, for enjoying it in greater perfection, they have an
admirable contrivance, which I have seen no where else. A
row of low houses forming one side of a street, a quarter of
a mile long, has flat roofs, which are covered with a stucco
floor, forming a noble terrace, opens immediately to the
sea, raised above the dirt and annoyance of a street,
and equally free from the sand and shingle of a beach.
At one end some finely situated lodging-houses open
directly on to it. The walk this terrace affords is, in fine
weather, delicious. The square is handsome, and the
works which form the port are well built, but it is small
and difficult to enter, except in favourable weather; admits
ships of near three hundred tons; yet, though free, has but
an inconsiderable trade—The number of new streets and
houses building at present is an unequivocal proof that the
place is flourishing; owing very much to the resort of
foreigners, principally English, who pass the winter here,
for the benefit and pleasure of the climate. They are dis-
mally alarmed at present, with the news that the dis-
turbances in France will prevent many of the English
from coming this winter; but they have some consolation
in expecting a great resort of French. Last winter, there
were fifty-seven English, and nine French; this winter,
they think it will be nine English, and fifty-seven French.
At the table d’hote informed that I must have a passport
for travelling in Italy; and that the English consul is the
proper person to apply to. I went to Mr. Consul Green,
who informed me that it was a mistake, there was no want
of any passport; but if I wished to have one. he would
very readily give it. My name occurring to him, he took

1789.] SARDINIA. 273

the opportunity to be very polite to me, and offered any
thing in his power to assist me. On my telling him the
object of my travels, he remarked, that the gardens here,
and mixture of half garden half farm, were rather singular,
and if I called on him in the evening, he would walk and
shew me some. I accepted his obliging invitation, and
when I went again, met a Colonel Ross, a gentleman from
Scotland, second in command in the king of Sardinia’s
marine, and at present in chief: having been much in
Sardinia, I made some enquiries of him concerning that
island, and the circumstances he instanced were curious.
The intemperia is so prevalent in summer, from the quan-
tity of evaporating water leaving mud exposed to the sun,
as to be death to a stranger: but in winter it is a good
climate. The soil wonderfully rich and fertile, but vast
plains that would produce any thing are uncultivated. He
has past one line of fifty miles by thirty, all plain and the
land good, yet without one house and mostly a neglected
desert. The peOple are wretched, and deplorably ignorant:
there are districts, he has been informed, where there are
olives, and the fruit left rotting under the trees, for want
of knowing how to make oil. In general, there are no
roads, and no inns. When a traveller, or other person,
goes into the island, he is recommended from convent to
convent, or cure’ to curé, some of whom are at their ease;
you are sure to be well entertained,—and at no other
expence than a trifle to the servants. The plenty of game
and wild-fowl great. The horses are small, but excellent;
all stallions. One has been known to be rode four-and-
twenty hours without drawing bit. I demanded to what
could be attributed such a neglected state of the island ? to
government, I suppose? By no means; government has
manifested every disposition to set things on a better
footing. It certainly is owing to the feudal rights of
the nobility, keeping the peOple in a state of comparative
slavery. They are too wretched to have the inducement to
industry. Such is the case at present in many other
countries besides Sardinia. When I see and hear of the
abominable depredations and enormities committed by the
French peasants, I detest the democratical principles;
when I see or hear of such wastes as are found in Sardinia,
T

274: TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [sum

I abhor the aristocratical ones. Accompany Mr. Green to
view some gardens, which have a luxuriance of vegetation,
by means of watering, that makes them objects worth
attention; but the great product, and a most valuable one
it is, are oranges and lemons ; chiefly the former, and a few
bergamots for curiosity. We examined the garden of
a nobleman, some under two acres of land, that produces
30 louis d’or a-year in oranges only, besides all the cr0ps
of common vegetables. The great value of these products,
such is the perversity of human life, is the exact reason why
such gardens would be detestable to me, if under the
oeconomical management of the gentry of Nice. An acre
of garden, forms an object of some consequence in the in-
come of a nobleman who, in point of fortune, is reckoned
in good circumstances, if he has 1501. to 2001. a year.
Thus the garden, which with us is an object of pleasure, is
here one of oeconomy and income, circumstances that are
incompatible. It is like a well furnished room in a man’s
house, which he lets to a lodger.—They sell their oranges
so strictly, that they cannot gather one to eat. A certain
momentary and careless consumption is a part of the con-
venience and agreeableness of a garden; a system which
thus constrains the consumption, destroys all the pleasure.
Oranges may certainly be sold with as much propriety as
corn or timber, but then let them grow at a distance from
the house; that open apartment of a residence, which we
call a garden, should be free from the shackle of a contract,
and the scene of pleasure, not profit.

The 18th. Walked to Villa Franche,1 another little
seaport of the king of Sardinia’s, on the other side
of the mountain, to the east of Nice. Call on Mr.
Green, the consul, who has given me letters to Genoa,
Alexandria, and Padoua: he has behaved with so friendly
an attention, that 1 cannot omit acknowledging warmly his
civilities. Learn this morning from him that lord Bristol
is somewhere in Italy, and that lady Erne is probably at

Turin, my stars will not be propitious if I do not see them
both. ‘

1 Villofranche (Alpes Maritimes). A visit to Villefranche is now
one of the most delightful excursions from Nice.

1789.] NICE. 275

The 19th. I have now waited two days merely for the
means of getting away; I can go either by a felucca to
Genoa, or with a vettum’no to Turin; and there is so much
for and against both schemes, that priority of departure is
as good a motive for a preference as any other. If I go by
Genoa. to Milan, I see Genoa and a part of its territory,
which is much, but I lose sixty miles of superb irrigation,
from Coni to Turin, and I lose the line of country between
Turin and Milan, which I am told is better than that
between Genoa and Milan; as to Turin itself, I should see
it in my return. But here is Luigi Tonini, a vettum'no,
from Coni, who sets out on Monday morning for Turin,
which decides me; so with Mr. Green’s kind assistance
I have bargained with him to take me thither for seven
French crowns. He has got two officers in the Sardinian
service, and is not to wait longer for filling the third place.
We have every day, at the table d’hote, a Florentine Abbé,
who has been a marvellous traveller—no man names a
country in which he has not travelled; and he is singular
in never having made a note, making rather a boast that
his memory retains every particular he would wish to
know, even to numbers correctly. The height and mea-
sures of the pyramids of Egypt, of St. Peter’s church
at Rome, and St. Paul’s at London, 850. with the exact
length and breadth of every fine street in Europe, he has
at his tongue’s end. He is a great critic in the beauty of
cities; and he classes the four finest in the world thus,
1. Rome—2. Naples—3. Venice—4:. London. Being a
little inclined to the marvellous, in the idea of an old
Piedmontese colonel, a knight of St. Maurice, a plain and
unaffected character, and apparently a very worthy man,
he peeks at the authority of Signore Abbate, and has
afforded some amusement to the company.

The 20th, Sunday. Mr. consul Green continues his friendly
attention to the last ; I dined, by invitation, with him to-
day; and, for the honour of Piedmontese grazing, ate as
fine, sweet, and fat a piece of roast beef as I would ever
wish to do in England, and such as would not be seen at
the table d’hote at the quatre nations, in seven years—if in
seven ages. An English master and mistress of the table,
with roast beef, plumb pudding, and porter, made me drop

276 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [SEPT.

for a moment the idea of the formidable distance that
separated me from England. Unknown and unrecom-
mended at Nice, I expected nothing but what could be shot
flying in any town; but I found in Mr. Green both hos-
pitality, and something too friendly to call politeness. In
the evening. we had another walk among gardens, and con-
versed with some of the proprietors on prices, products,
&c. The description Mr. Green gives me of the climate of
Nice in the winter is the most inviting that can be imagined ;
a clear blue expanse is constantly over head, and a sun
warm enough to be exhilerating, but not hot enough to be
disagreeable. But, Sir, the vent de bize ! We are sheltered
from it by the mountains ; and as a proof that this climate
is vastly more mild than where you have felt that wind, the
oranges and lemons which we have in such profusion will
not thrive either in Genoa or Provence, except in a ve
few spots, singularly sheltered like this. He remarked, that
Dr. Smollet, in his description, has done great injustice to
the climate, and even against the feelings of his own crazy
constitution ; for he never was so well after he left Nice as
he had been at it, and made much interest with Lord
Shelburne to be appointed consul, who told him, and not
without some foundation, that he would on no account be
such an enemy to a man of genius ;--that he had libelled
the climate of Nice so severely, that if he were to go again
thither the Nissards would certainly knock him on the
head. Mr. Green has seen hay made, and well made,
at Christmas.

=X< SF 3? at it 3!:

DECEMBER 21st.1 The shortest day in the year, for one
of the expeditions that demand the longest, the passage of
Mont Cenis, about which so much has been written. To
those who, from reading are full of expectation of something
very sublime, it is almost as great a delusion as to be met
with in the regions of romance: if travellers are to be be-
lieved; the descent mmmassant 2 on the snow, is made with
the velocity of a flash of lightning; I was not fortunate

‘ The French diary ends on the 19th Sept, and is resumed on the
2lst Dec.

9 Ramasse (Ital. ramazzo), a sledge pushed by a man down snow—
covered mountain slopes.-—LI'rTRé.

1789.] NICE. 277

enough to meet with any thing so wonderful. At the
grand armies we seated ourselves in machines of four sticks,
dignified with the name of traineau : a mule draws it, and
a conductor, who walks between the machine and the
animal, serves chiefly to kick the snow into the face of the
rider. When arrived at the precipice, which leads down to
Lanebourg, the mule is dismissed, and the rammasscmg
begins. The weight of two persons, the guide seating him-
self in the front, and diiecting it with his heels in the
snow, is sufficient to give it motion. For most of the way
he is content to follow very humbly the path of the mules,
but now and then crosses to escape a double, and in such
spots the motion is rapid enough, for a few seconds, to be
agreeable; they might very easily shorten the line one half,
and by that means gratify the English with the velocity
they admire so much. As it is at present, a good English
horse would trot as fast as we rammassed. The exaggera-
tions we have read of this business have arisen, perhaps,-
from travellers passing in summer, and accepting the de-
scriptions of the muleteers. A journey on snow is com-
monly productive of laughable incidents, the road of the
traineau is not wider than the machine, arid we were always
meeting mules, &c. It was sometimes, and with reason, a
question who should turn out; for the snow being ten
feet deep, the mules had sagacity to consider a moment
before they buried themselves. A young Savoyard female,
riding. her mule, experienced a complete reversal; for, at-
tempting to pass my traineau, her beast was a little restive,
and tumbling, dismounted his rider: the girl’s head
pitched in the snow, and sunk deep enough to fix her
beauties in the position of a forked post; and the wicked
muleteers, instead of assisting her, laughed too heartily to
move : if it had been one of the ballerini, the attitude
would have been nothing distressing to her. These laugh-
able adventures, with the gilding of a bright sun, made the
day pass pleasantly , and we were in good humour enough
to swallow with chearfulness, a dinner at Lanebourg, that,
had we been in England, we should have consigned very
readily to the dog-kennel.-—-20 miles.

1 Lans-le-Bourg (Savoie).

278 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [11150.

The 22d. The whole day we were among the high Alps.
The villages are apparently poor, the houses ill built, and
the people with few comforts about them, except plenty of
pine wood, the forests of which harbour wolves and bears.
Dine at Modane, and sleep at St. Michel. 2--—25 miles.

The 23d. Pass St. Jean Maurienne,3 where there is a
bishop, and near that place we saw what 18 much better
than a bishop, the prettiest, and indeed the only pretty
woman we saw in Savoy , on enquiry, found it was
Madame de la Coste, wife of a farmer of tobacco; I should
have been better pleased if she had belonged to the
plough—The mountains now relax their terrific features :
they recede enough, to offer to the willing industry of the
poor inhabitants something like a valley; but the jealous
torrent seizes it with the hand of despotism, and like his
brother tyrants, reigns but to destroy. On some slopes
vines: mulberries begin to appear; villages increase; but
still continue rather shapeless heaps of inhabited stones
than ranges of houses; yet in these homely cots, beneath
the snow- clad hills, where natural light comes with tardy
beams, and art seems more sedulous to exclude than admit
it, peace and content, the companions of honesty, may re-
side ; and certainly would, were the penury of nature the
only evil felt; but the hand of deSpotism may be more
heavy. In several places the view is picturesque and
pleasing: inclosures seem hung against the mountain sides,
as a picture is suspended to the wall of a room. The
peOple are in general mortally ugly and dwarfish. Dine
at La Chambre; sad fare. Sleep at Aguebelle. -——30
miles.

The 24th. The country to day, that is, to Chambery,
improves greatly , the mountains, though high, recede;
the vallies are wide, and the slopes more cultivated; and
towards the capital of Savoy, are many country houses,
which enliven the scene. Above Mal Taverne6 is Chateau-
neuf,7 the house of the Countess of that name. I was

‘ (Savoie.) 2 (Savoie.)

3 St. Jean de Maurienne (Savoie), original seat of the Dukes of
Savoy.

4 (Savoie.) 5 Aiguebelle (Savoie).

6 Malataverne (Savoie). 7 (Savoie.)

1789.] CHAMBERY. 279

sorry to see, at the village, a carcan, or seigneural stardard,
erected, to which a chain and heavy iron collar are
fastened, as a mark of the lordly arrogance of the nobility,
and the slavery of the people. I asked why it was not
burned, with the horror it merited? The question did not
excite the surprize I expected, and which it would have
done before the French revolution. This led to a conver-
sation, by which I learned, that in the haut Savoy, there
are no seigneurs, and the people are generally at their
ease; possessing little properties, and the land in spite of
nature, almost as valuable as in the lower country, where
the peOple are poor, and ill at their ease. I demanded
why? Because there are seigneurs every where. What a
vice is it, and even a curse, that the gentry, instead of
being the cherishers and benefactors of their poor neigh-
bours, should thus, by the abomination of feudal rights,
prove mere tyrants. Will nothing but revolutions, which
cause their Chateaux to be burnt, induce them to give to
reason and humanity, what will be extorted by violence
and commotion? We had arranged our journey, to arrive
early at Chambery, for an opportunity to see what is most
interesting in a place that has but little. It is the winter
residence of almost all the nobility of Savoy. The best
estate in the dutchy is not more than 60,000 Piedmontese
livres a year (30001.), but for 20,0001iv. they live en grand
seigneur here. If a country gentleman has 150 louis d’or a
year, he will be sure to spend three months in a town; the
consequence of which must be, nine uncomfortable ones in
the country, in order to make a beggarly figure the other
three in town. These idle peOple are this Christmas dis-
appointed, by the court having refused admittance to the
usual company of French comedians ;—the government
fears importing, among the rough mountaineers, the pre-
sent spirit of French liberty. Is this weakness or policy ?
But Chambery had objects to me more interesting. I was
eager to view Charmettes, the road, the house of Madame
de Warens, the vineyard, the garden, every thing, in a
word, that had been described by the inimitable pencil of
Rousseau. There was something so deliciously amiable in
her character, in spite of her frailties—her constant gaiety
and good humour—her tenderness and humanity—her

280 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [1320.

farming speculations—but, above all other circumstances,
the love of Rousseau, have written her name amongst the
few whose memories are connected with us, by ties more
easily felt than described. The house is situated about a
mile from Chambery, fronting the rocky road which leads
to that city, and the wood of chesnuts in the valley. It is
small, and much of the same size as we should suppose, in
England, would be found on a farm of one hundred acres,
without the least luxury or pretension; and the garden,
for shrubs and flowers, is confined, as well as unassuming.
The scenery is pleasing, being so near a city, and yet, as he
observes, quite sequestered. It could not but interest me,
and I viewed it with a degree of emotion; even in the
leafless melancholy of December it pleased. I wandered
about some hills, which were assuredly the walks he has so
agreeably described. I returned to Chambery, with my
heart full of Madame de Warens. We had with us a
young physician, a Monsieur Bernard, of Modanne en
Maurienne, an agreeable man, connected with pe0ple at
Chambery; I was sorry to find, that he knew nothing more
of the matter than that Madame de Warens was certainly
dead. With some trouble I procured the following cer-
tificate:

Extract from the llIortuary Reg'isfer of the Parish Church of
St. Peter de Lemens.

“The 30th of July, 1762, was buried, in the burying
ground of Lemens, Dame Louisa Frances Eleonor de la
Tour, widow of the Seignor Baron de Warens, native of
Vevay, in the canton of Berne, in Switzerland, who died
yesterday, at ten in the evening, like a good Christian, and
fortified with her last sacraments, aged about sixty-three
years. She abjured the Protestant religion about thirty-
six years past; since which time she lived in our religion.
She finished her days in the suburb of Nesin, where she
had lived for about eight years, in the house of M. Crepine.
She lived heretofore at the Rectus, during about four
years, in the house of the Marquis d’Alinge. She passed
the rest of her life, since her abjuration, in this city.

(Signed) GAIME, rector of Lemens.”

1789.] VEEPILIEEE. 281

“ I, the underwritten, present rector of the said Lemens,
certify, that I have extracted this from the mortuary
register of the parish church of the said place, without any
addition or diminution whatsoever; and, having collated it,
have found it conformable to the original. In witness of
all which, I have signed the presents, at Chambery, the
24th of December, 1789.

(Signed) A. SACHOD, rector of Lemens.”
23 miles.

The 25th. Left Chambery much dissatisfied, for want
of knowing more of it. Rousseau gives a good character 1
of the people, and I wished to know them better. It was
the worst day I have known for months past, a cold thaw,
of snow and rain; and yet in this dreary season, when
nature so rarely has a smile on her countenance, the en-
virons were charming. All hill and dale, tossed about
with so much wildness, that the features are bold enough
for the irregularity of a forest scene; and yet withal,
softened and melted down by culture and habitation, to
be eminently beautiful.2 The country inclosed to the first
town in France, Pont Beauvoisinf’ where we dined and
slept. The passage of Echelles, cut in the rock by the
sovereign of the country, is a noble and stupendous work.
Arrive at Pont Beauvoisin, once more entering this noble
kingdom, and meeting with the cockades of liberty, and
those arms in the hands of THE PEOPLE, which, it is to be
wished, may be used only for their own and Europe’s

ace.-—24 miles.

The 26th. Dine at Tour du Pin,‘ and sleep at Ver-
piliere? This is the most advantageous entrance into
France, in respect of beauty of country. From Spain,
England, Flanders, Germany, or Italy by way of Antibes,
all are inferior to this. It is really beautiful, and well
planted, has many inclosures and mulberries, with some

1 “ S’il est une petite ville an monde on You gofite la douceur de la. vie
dans un commerce agréable et sur c’est Chambéry.” (Confessions)

2 Savoy and the Comté de Nice, were annexed to France in 1860,
from which were formed the departments of (1) La Savoie, (2) La Hte.
Savoie, (3) Les Alpes Maritimes.

3 Pont de Beauvoisin (Isére or Savoie).

4 La Tour du Pin, Stat. (Isére).

5 La Verpiliére (Isére).

282 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [13130.

vines. There is hardly a bad feature, except the houses;
which instead of being well built, and white as in Italy,
are ugly thatched mud cabins, without chimnies, the
smoke issuing at a hole in the roof, or at the windows.
Glass seems unknown ; and there is an air of poverty and
misery about them quite dissonant to the general aspect
of the country. Coming out of Tour du Pin, we see a
great common. Pass Bourgoyn,1 a large town. Reach
Verpiliere. This day’s journey is a fine variation of hill
and dale, well planted with Chateaux, and farms and cot-
tages spread about it. A mild lovely day of sunshine,
threw no slight gilding over the whole. For ten or twelve
days past, they have had, on this side of the Alps, fine
open warm weather, with sun-shine; but on the Alps
themselves, and in the vale of Lombardy, on the other
side, we were frozen and buried in snow. At Pont Beau-
voisin and Bourgoyn, our passports where demanded by
the milice bourgeoise, but no where else: they assure us,
that the country is perfectly quiet every where, and have
no guards mounted in the villages—nor any suspicions of
fugitives, as in the summer. Not far from Verpiliere,
pass the burnt chateau of M. de Veau, in a fine situation,
with a noble wood behind it. Mr. Grundy was here in
August, and it had then but lately been laid in ashes;
and a peasant was hanging on one of the trees of the
avenue by the road, one among many who were seized by
the milice bourgeoise for this attrocious act—27 miles.

The 27th. The country changes at once; from one of
the finest in France, it becomes almost flat and sombre.
Arrive at Lyons, and there, for the last time see the Alps;
on the quay, there is a very fine view of Mont Blanc,
which I had not seen before; leaving Italy, and Savoy,
and the Alps, probably never to return, has something of
a melancholy sensation. For all those circumstances that
render that classical country illustrious, the seat of great
men—the theatre of the most distinguished actions—the
exclusive field in which the elegant and agreeable arts
have loved to range—what country can be compared with
Italy? to please the eye, to charm the ear, to gratify the

1 Bourgoin (Isére), in 1768, Rousseau resided here.

1789.] LYONS. 283

enquiries of a laudable curiosity, whither would you travel?
In every bosom whatever, Italy is the second country in
the world—of all others, the surest proof that it is the
first. To the theatre; a musical thing, which called all
Italy by contrast to my ears! 'What stuff is French
music! the distortions of embodied dissonance. The
theatre is not equal to that of Nantes; and very much
inferior to that of Bourdeaux.—18 miles.

The 28th. I had letters to Mons. Goudard, a con-
siderable silk merchant, and, waiting on him yesterday,
he appointed me to breakfast with him this morning. I
tried hard to procure some information relative to the
manufactures of Lyons; but in vain: every thing was
selon and suivant. To Mons. l’Abbé Rozier, author of the
voluminous dictionary of agriculture, in quarto. I visited
him, as a man very much extolled, and not with an idea of
receiving information in the plain practical line, which is
the object of my enquiries, from the compiler of a dic-
tionary. When Mons. Rozier lived at Beziers, he occupied
a considerable farm ; but, on becoming the inhabitant of
a city, he placed this motto over his door—Laudato ingentia
rura, exiguum colito,1 which is but a bad apology for no
farm at all. I made one or two efforts towards a little
practical conversation ; but he flew off from that centre in
such eccentric radii of science, that the vanity of the at-
tempt was obvious in the moment. A physician present,
remarked to me, that if I wanted to know common prac-
tices and products, I should apply to common farmers,
indicating, by his air and manner, that such things were
beneath the dignity of science. Mons. l’Abbé Rozier is,
however, a man of considerable knowledge, though no
farmer; in those pursuits, which he has cultivated with
inclination, he is justly celebrated—and he merits every
elogium, for having set on foot the Journal de Physique,
which, take it for all and all, is by far the best journal
that is to be found in Europe. His house is beautifully
situated, commanding a noble prospect; his library is
furnished with good books; and every appearance about

1 Virgil, Georgics, iii. v. 113
“ Praise great estates, cultivate small ones.”

284 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [DEC.

him points out an easy fortune. Waited then on Mons.
de Frossard, a protestant minister, who, with great readi-
ness and liberality, gave me much valuable information;
and for my further instruction on points with which he
was not equally acquainted, introduced me to Mons. Roland
la Platiere, inspector of the Lyons fabrics. This gentleman
had notes upon many subjects which afiorded an interesting
conversation; and as he communicated freely, I had the
pleasure to find, that I should not quit Lyons without a
good portion of the knowledge I sought. This gentleman,
somewhat advanced. in life, has a young and beautiful
wife 1—the lady to whom he addressed his letters, written
in Italy, and which have been published in five or six
volumes. Mons. Frossard desiring Mons. de la Platerie
to dine with him, to meet me, we had' a great deal of con-
versation on agriculture, manufactures and commerce; and
differed but little in our opinions, except on the treaty of
commerce between England and France, which that gen-
tleman condemned, as I thought, unjustly; and we de-
bated the point. He warmly contended, that silk ought
to have been included as a benefit to France; I urged,
that the offer was made to the French ministry, and re-
fused; and I ventured to say, that had it been accepted,
the advantage would have been on the side of England,
instead of France, supposing, according to the vulgar
ideas, that the benefit and the balance of trade are the
same things. I begged him to give me a reason for be-
lieving that France would buy the silk of Piedmont and
of China, and work it up to undersell England; while
England buys the French cotton, and works it into fabrics
that undersell those of France, even under an accumulation
of charges and duties? We discussed these, and similar
subjects, with that sort of attention and candour that
render them interesting to persons who love a liberal con-
versation upon important points—Among the objects at
Lyons, that are worthy of a stranger’s curiosity, is the
point of junction of the two great rivers, the Soane and
the Rhone; Lyons would doubtless be much better situated,

1 Madame Roland had travelied in England and entertained a very
high notion of the English nation. See her Memoirs.

1789.] LYONS. 285

if it were really at the junction; but there is an unoccupied
space sufficient to contain a city half as large as Lyons
itself. This space is a modern embankment, that cost six
millions, and ruined the undertakers. I prefer even Nantes
to Lyons. When a city is built at the junction of two
great rivers, the imagination is apt to suppose, that those
rivers form a part of the magnificence of the scenery.
Without broad, clean, and well built quays, what are rivers
to a city but a facility to carry coals or tar-barrels? What,
in point of beauty, has London to do with the Thames,
except at the terrace of the Adelphi, and the new buildings
of Somerset-place, any more than with Fleet ditch, buried
as it is, a common shore? I know nothing in which our
expectations are so horribly disappointed as in cities, so
very few are built with any general idea of beauty or
decoration!

The 29th. Early in the morning, with Mons. Frossard,
to view a large farm near Lyons. Mons. Frossard is a
steady advocate for the new constitution establishing in
France. At the same time, all those I have conversed
with in the city, represent the state of the manufacture as
melancholy to the last degree. Twenty thousand peOple
are fed by charity, and consequently very ill fed ; and the
mass of distress, in all kinds, among the lower classes, is
greater than ever was known,-—or than any thing of which
they had an idea. The chief cause of the evil felt here, is
the stagnation of trade, occasioned by the emigrations of
the rich from the kingdom, and the general want of con-
fidence in merchants and manufacturers ; whence, of course,
bankruptcies are common. At a moment when they are
are little able to bear additional burthens, they raise, by
voluntary contributions, for the poor, immense sums; so
that, including the revenues of the hospitals, and other
charitable foundations, there is not paid, at present, for
the use of the poor, less than 40,000 louis d’or a year. My
fellow traveller, Mr. Grundy, being desirous to get soon to
Paris, persuaded me to travel with him in a post-chaise, a
mode of travelling which I detest, but the season urged me
to it; and a still stronger motive, was the having of more
time to pass in that city, for the sake of observing the
extraordinary state of things,—of a King, Queen, and

286 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [1320.

Dauphin of France, actual prisoners; I, therefore, accepted
his proposal, and we set 01f after dinner today. In about
ten miles come to the mountains. The country dreary ,
no inclosures, no mulberries, no vines, much waste, and
nothing that indicates the vicinity of such a city. At Arnas,l
sleep at a comfortable 1nn. —-—17 miles.

The 30th. Continue early in the morning to Tarar;" the
mountain of which name is more formidable 1n reputation
than in reality. To St. Syphorien3 the same features. The
buildings increase, both in number and goodness, on ap-
proaching the Seine, which we crossed at Roane; it is here
a good river, and is navigable many miles higher, and con-
sequently at a vast distance from the sea. There are man)r
fiat bottomed barges on it, of a considerable size. —50
miles.

The 31st. Another clear, fine, sunshiny day , rarely do
we see any5 thing like it at this season in England. After
Droiturier,5 the woods of the Bourbonnois commence. At
St. Gerund le Puy 6 the country improves, enlivened by white
houses and Chateaux, and all continues fine to Moulins.
Sought here my old friend, Mons. l’Abbe Barut, and had
another interview with Mons. 1e Marquis Degouttes, con-
cerning the sale of his Chateaux and estate of Riaux ; I de-
sired still to have the refusal of it, which he promised, and
will, I have no doubt, keep his word. Never have I been
so tempted, on any occasibn, as with the wish of possessing
this agreeable situation, in one of the finest parts of France.
and in the finest climate of Europe. God grant, that, should
he be pleased to protract my life, I may not, in a sad old
age, repent of not closing at once with an offer to which
prudence calls, and prejudice only forbids! Heaven send
me ease and tranquillity, for the close of life, be it passed
either 1n Snifolk, or the Bourbonnois 1—38 miles.

JANUARY 1, 1790. Nevers" makes a fine appearance, rising
proudly from the Loire; but, on the first entrance, it is
like a thousand other places. Towns, thus seen, resemble

1 Les Arnas (Rhone). ‘ Tarare (Rhone).
3 St. Symphorien- deo Laye (Loire). 4 Roanne (Loire).
5 (Allier.) 3 St. Gérand le Puy (Allier.)

7 (Nievre. )

1790.] PARIS. 287

a groupe of women, huddled close together: you see their
nodding plumes and sparkling gems, till you fancy that
ornament is the herald of beauty ; but, on a nearer inspec-
tion, the faces are too often but common clay. From the
hill that descends to Pougues,l is an extensive view to the
north; and after Pouilly a fine scenery, with the Loire
doubling through it.—75 miles.

The 2d. At Briare,3 the canal is an object that announces
the happy efiects of industry. There we quit the Loire.
The country all the way diversified; much of it dry, and
very pleasant, with rivers, hills, and woods, but almost
every where a poor soil. Pass many Chateaux, some of
which are very good. Sleep at Nemours,“ where we met
with an innkeeper, who exceeded, in knavery, all we had
met with, either in France or Italy : for supper, we had a
soupe maigre, a partridge and a chicken roasted, a plate of
celery, a small cauliflower, two bottles of poor m’n du Pays,
and a dessert of two biscuits and four apples: here is the
bill z—Potage, 1 liv.10/Z—Perdrix, 2 liv. lOf—Poulet, 2
liv.—Celeri, 1 liv. 4fl—Choufleur, 2 liv.—Pain et dessert,
2 liv.—Feu & apartement, 6 liv.—Total, 19 liv. 8fi Against
so impudent an extortion, we remonstrated severely, but in
vain. We then insisted on his signing the bill, which, after
many evasions, he did, a l’etoile; Foulliame. But having
been carried to the in, not as the star, but the écu de
France, we suspected some deceit : and going out to
examine the premises, we found the sign to be really the
écu, and learned, on enquiry, that his own name was Roux,
instead of Foulliare: he was not prepared for this detec-
tion, or for the execration we poured on such an infamous
conduct; but he ran away, in an instant, and hid himself,
till we were gone. In justice to the world, however, such
a fellow ought to be marked out—60 miles.

The 3d. Through the forest of Fontainbleau, to Melun
and Paris. The sixty pastes from Lyons to Paris, making
three hundred English miles, cost us, including 3 louis for

1 (Niévre), now much resorted to for its mineral waters.

2 Pouilly-sur-Loire (N iévre).

3 (Loire.) The canal thus named connects the Loire with the Seine
by joining the Canal du Loing at Montargis.

4 (Seine and Marne.)

288 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. DAN.

the hire of the post-chaise (an old French cabriolet of two
wheels), and the charges at the inns, &c. 151. English;
that is to say, 1s. per English miles, or 6d. per head. At.
Paris, I went to my old quarters, the hotel de la Rochefou-
cauld; for at Lyons I had received a letter from the duke
de Liancourt, who desired me to make his house my home,
just as in the time of his mother, my much lamented friend,
the dutchess d’Estissac, who died while I was in Italy. I
found my friend Lazowski well, and we were (i. gorge de-
ployée, to converse on the amazing scenes that have taken
lace in France since since I left Paris—46 miles.

The 4th. After breakfast, walk in the gardens of the
Thuilleries,1 where there is the most extraordinary sight
that either French or English eyes could ever behold at
Paris. The king, walking with six grenadiers of the milice
bourgeoise, with an officer or two of his household, and a
page. The doors of the gardens are kept shut in respect
to him, in order to exclude every body but deputies, or
those who have admission-tickets. When he entered the
palace, the doors of the gardens were thrown open for all
without distinction, though the Queen was still walking
with a lady of her court. She also was attended so closely
by the gardes bourgeoise, that she could not speak, but in a
low voice, without being heard by them. A mob followed
her, talking very loud, and paying no other apparent re-
spect than that of taking off their hats wherever she passed,
which was indeed more than I expected. Her majesty does
not appear to be in health ; she seems to be much afiected,

‘ The ill-judged banquets given to the Flemish troops at Versailles
when the people were starving, had mainly brought about the terrible
events of October 1-5, the storming of the palace, and the enforced
journey of the royal family to Paris. But Louis XVI. had still a chance,
aye, more than one of inaugurating constitutional monarchy. Even after
the flight from Varennes, do we not find him warmly welcomed in the
Assembly, his conciliatory speech applauded with cries of“ Un discours
a la Henri Quatre! Vive 1e mi.” (See MIGNET.) This estimable, and con-
sidering all things, extraordinarily enlightened monarch, fell a victim to
his domestic virtues. But for his exaggerated devotion to Marie Antoi-
nette, his over-weening family affections, he would have kept faith with
the nation. Again and again he swore the most solemn oaths to maintain
the constitution 5 five minutes’ conference with his wife, the mother of his
heir, and he was once more plotting to restore the ancien regime by armed
force.

1 790.] rams. 289

and shews it in her face ; but the king is as plump as ease
can render him. By his orders, there is a little garden
railed ofi, for the Dauphin to amuse himself in, and a
small room is built in it to retire to in case of rain ; here
he was at work with his little hoe and rake, but not with-
out a guard of two grenadiers. He is a very pretty good-
natured-looking boy, of five or six years old, with an
agreeable countenance; wherever he goes, all hats are
taken off to him, which I was glad to observe. All the
family being kept thus close prisoners (for such they are
in effect) afford, at first view, a shocking spectacle; and is
really so, if the act were not absolutely necessary to effect
the revolution ; this I conceive to be impossible; but if it
were necessary, no one can blame the peOple for taking
every measure possible to secure that liberty they had
seized in the violence of a revolution. At such a moment,
nothing is to be condemned but what endangers the national
freedom. I must, however, freely own, that I have my
doubts whether this treatment of the royal family can be
justly esteemed any security to liberty; or, on the con-
trary, whether it were not a very dangerous step, that ex-
poses to hazard whatever had been gained. I have spoken
with several persons to-day, and have started objections to
the present system, stronger even than they appear to me,
in order to learn their sentiments ; and it is evident, they
are at the present moment under an apprehension of an
attempt towards a counter revolution. The danger of it
very much, if not absolutely results from the violence
which has been used towards the royal family. The
National Assembly was, before that period, answerable
only for the permanent constitutional laws passed for the
future : since that moment, it is equally answerable for the
whole conduct of the government of the state, executive as
well as legislative. This critical situation has made a con-
stant spirit of exertion necessary amongst the Paris militia.
The great object of M. la Fayette, and the other military
leaders, is to improve their discipline, and to bring them
into such a form as to allow a rational dependence on
them, in case of their being wanted in the field ; but such
is the spirit of freedom, that even in the military, there is
so little subordination, that a man is an officer to-day, and
U

290 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JAR

in the ranks to-morrow ; a mode of proceeding, that makes
it the more diflicult to bring them to the point their leaders
see necessary. Eight thousand men in Paris may be called
the standing army, paid every day 15/. a man; in which
number is included the corps of the French guards from
Versailles, that deserted to the pe0ple: they have also
eight hundred horse, at an expence each of 1500 liv. (621.
15s. 6d.) a year, and the oflicers have double the pay of
those in the army.

The 5th. Yesterday’s address of the National Assembly 1
to the king has done them credit with everybody. I have
heard it mentioned, by people of very different Opinions,
but all concur in commending it. It was upon the ques-
tion of naming the annual sum which should be granted
for the civil list. They determined to send a deputation to
his majesty, requesting him to name the sum himself, and
praying him to consult less his spirit of oeconomy, than
a sense of that dignity, which ought to environ the throne
with a becoming splendour. Dine with the duke de Lian-
court, at his apartments in the Thuilleries, which, on the
removal from Versailles, were assigned to him as grand
master of the wardrobe; he gives a great dinner, twice a
week, to the deputies, at which from twenty to forty are
usually present. Half an hour after three was the hour
appointed, but we waited, with some of the deputies that
had left the Assembly, till seven, before the duke and the
rest of the company came.

There is in the Assembly at present a writer of character,2
the author of a very able book, which led me to expect

1 The Assembly had followed the king to Paris and held its sittings,
first in the Archbishop’s palace, afterwards in the Manége, or riding
ground of the Tuilleries gardens, where a temporary building was erected
for the purpose.

2 A learned friend, M. Dugast-Matifcux, of Montaigu (Vendée), sends
me the following elucidation of this passage. “Having carefullv
examined the allusion I am of opinion that it is not Volney, as you
suggest, but Sieyes, to whom Arthur Young refers, Sieyés, whom
Mirabeau often styled ‘ Mahomet,’ and Robespierre, with his habitual
aptness, ‘the mole’ (la loupe) of the Republic. Moreover, Young had
evidently no mere work of description or philosophy in his mind, but
a purely political one of the period, in harmony with public opinion
and contemporary events. Sieyes had just published his celebrated
pamphlet, thereby obtaining enormous popularity.”

1790.] PARIS. 291

something much above mediocrity in him; but he is made
up of so many pretty littlenesses, that I stared at him
with amazement. His voice is that of a feminine whisper,
as if his nerves would not permit such a boisterous
exertion as that of speaking loud enough to be heard;
when he breathes out his ideas, he does it with eyes half
closed; waves his head in circles, as if his sentiments were
to be received as oracles ; and has so much relaxation and
pretension to ease and delicacy of manner, with no personal
appearance to second these prettinesses, that I wondered
by what artificial means such a mass of heterogeneous
parts became compounded. How strange that we should
read an author’s book with great pleasure ; that we should
say, this man has no stuff in him; all is of consequence ;
here is a character uncontaminated with that rubbish which
we see in so many other men—and after this, to meet the
rb of so much littleness.

The 6th, 7th, and 8th. The duke of Liancourt having
an intention of taking a farm into his own hands, to be
conducted on improved principles after the English manner,
he desired me to accompany him, and my friend Lazowski,
to Liancourt, to give my Opinion of the lands, and of the
best means towards executing the project, which I very
readily complied with. I was here witness to a scene
which made me smile: at no great distance from the
chateau of Liancourt, is a piece of waste land, close to the
road, and belonging to the duke. I saw some men very
busily at work upon it, hedging it in, in small divisions;
levelling, and digging, and bestowing much labour for so
poor a spot. I asked the steward if he thought that land
worth such an expence? he replied, that the poor peOple
in the town, upon the revolution taking place, declared,
that the poor were the nation ; that the waste belonged to
the nation ; and, proceeding from theory to practice, took
possession, without any further authority, and began 'to
cultivate; the duke not viewing their industry with any
displeasure, would offer no Opposition to it. This circum-
stance shews the universal spirit that is gone forth; and
proves, that were it push ed a little farther, it might prove
a. serious matter for all the pr0perty in the kingdom. In
this case, however, I cannot but commend it; for if there

292 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JAFL

be one public nuisance greater than another, it is a man
preserving the possession of waste land, which he will
neither cultivate himself, nor let others cultivate. The
miserable people die for want of bread, in sight of wastes
that would feed thousands. I think them wise and
rational, and philosophical, in seizing such tracks: and I
heartily wish there was a law in England for making this
action of the French peasants a legal one with us.-—72 miles.
The 9th. At breakfast this morning in the Thuilleries.
Mons. Desmarets, of the Academy of Sciences, brought a.
Memoire presente’ par la Societe’ Royale d’Agriculture, a
Z’Assemblée Nationale, on the means of improving the
agriculture of France; in which, among other things, they
recommend great attention to bees, to panification, and to
the obstetrick art. On the establishment of a free and
patriotic government, to which the national agriculture
might look for new and halcyon days, these were objects
doubtless of the first importance. There are some parts of
the memoir that really merit attention. Called on my
fellow traveller, Mons. Nicolay, and find him a consider-
able person; a great hotel; many servants; his father a
marechal of France, and himself first president of a
chamber in the parliament of Paris, having been elected
deputy, by the nobility of that city, for the states-general,
but declined accepting ; he has desired I would dine with
him on Sunday, when he promises to have Mons. Decretot,
the celebrated manufacturer and deputy, from Louviers.
At the National Assembly—The count de Mirabeau, speak-
ing upon the question of the members of the chamber of
vacation, in the parliament of Rennes, was truly eloquent,
——ardent, lively, energic, and impetuous. At night to the
assembly of the Duchess d’Anville; the Marquis and
Madame Condorcet ‘ there, &c. not a word but politics.

1 Condorcet (Marquis de), celebrated geometer, philosopher and
politician, represente Paris in the National Assembly, and the Aisne
in the Convention. His integrity, brilliant talent and moderation gave
him a leading place in both bodies. He opposed the execution of the
King, and was proscribed after the fall of the Girondins. The story
runs that the mathematician to whom tremendous problems were
child’s play, lost his life because he did not know how many eggs are
used in an omelette. The author of the “ Progrés de l’Esprit Humain ”
had fled from the prescriptions of Robespierre, to Auteuil, and entering

1790.] runs. 293

The 10th. The chief leaders in the National Assembly,
are, Target, Chapellier, Mirabeau, Barnave, Volney 1 the
traveller, and, till the attack upon the property of the
clergy, l’Abbé Syeyes ; but he has been so much disgusted
by that step, that he is not near so forward as before. The
violent democrats, who have the reputation of being so
much republican in principle, that they do not admit any
political necessity for having even the name of a king, are
called the enragés. They have a meeting at the Jacobins,
called the revolution club, which assembles every night,
in the very room in which the famous league was formed,
in the reign of Henry III.; and they are so numerous,
that all material business is there decided, before it is dis-
cussed by the National Assembly. I called this morning
on several persons, all of whom are great democrats; and
mentioning this circumstance to them, as one which
savoured too much of a Paris junto governing the kingdom,
an idea, which must,“ in the long run, be unpOpular and
hazardous; I was answered, that the predominancy which
Paris assumed, at present, was absolutely necessary, for
the safety of the whole nation; for if nothing were done,
but by procuring a previous common consent, all great
opportunities would be lost, and the National Assembly
left constantly exposed to the danger of a counter-revolu-
tion. They, however, admitted, that it did create great
jealousies, and nowhere more than at Versailles, where
some plots (they added) are, without doubt, hatching at
this moment, which have the king’s person for their object:
riots are frequent there, under pretence of the price of
bread; and such movements are certainly very dangerous,
for they cannot exist so near Paris, without the aristocrati-
cal party of the old government endeavouring to take ad-

an auberge demanded an omelette. “ How many eggs thereto, citnyen ? ”
asked the housewife. “ A dozen,” answered the poor phiIOSOpher inno-
cently. Such ignorance of domestic economy betrayed the aristocrat in
the eyes of the landlady and he was arrested, but eluded the guillotine by
means of poison. His wife, the translator of Adam Smith, survived him.
She edited her husband’s works. Died 1822.

1 The famous author of the “ Voyage en Egypte,” represented Anjou
in the Tiers Etat, escaped the guillotine by the fall of Robespierre, and
was appointed by the Convention professor in the newly established
Ecole N ormale. He became a count and senator under the Empire.

294 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [um

vantage of them, and to turn them to a very difierent end,
from what was, perhaps, originally intended. I remarked, in
all these conversations, that the belief of plots, among the
disgusted party, for setting the king at liberty, is general;
they seem almost persuaded, that the revolution will not
be absolutely finished before some such attempts are made;
and it is curious to observe, that the general voice is, that
if an attempt were to be made, in such a manner as to
have the least appearance of success, it would undoubtedly
cost the king his life ; and so changed is the national
character, not only in point of affection for the person of
their prince, but also in that softness and humanity, for
which it has been so much admired, that the supposition
is made without horror or compunction. In a word, the
present devotion to liberty is a sort of rage; it absorbs
every other passion, and permits no other object to remain
in view, than what promises to confirm it. Dine with a
large party, at the duke de la Rochefoucauld’s; ladies and
gentlemen, and all equally politicians; but I may remark
another efiect of this revolution, by no means unnatural,
which is, that of lessening, or rather reducing to nothing,
the enormous influence of the sex : they mixed themselves
before in everything, in order to govern everything: I
think I see an end to it very clearly. The men in this
kingdom were puppets, moved by their Wives, who, instead
of giving the ton, in questions of national debate, must
now receive it, and must be content to move in the political
sphere of some celebrated leader,—that is to say, they are,
in fact, sinking into what nature intended them for;
they will become more amiable, and the nation better
governed.

The 11th. The riots at Versailles are said to be serious;
a plot is talked of, for eight hundred men to march, armed,
to Paris, at the instigation of somebody, to join somebody;
the intention, to murder La Fayette, Bailly, and Necker;
and very wild and improbable reports are propagated every
moment. They have been sufiicient to induce Mons. La
Fayette to issue, yesterday, an order concerning the mode
of assembling the militia, in case of any sudden alarm.
Two pieces of cannon, and eight hundred men, mount
guard at the Thuilleries every day. See some royalists

1790-] PARIS. 295

this morning, who assert, that the public opinion in the
kingdom is changing apace; that pity for the king, and
disgust at some proceedings of the Assembly, have lately
done much: they say, that any attempt at present to
rescue the king would be absurd, for his present situation is
doing more for him than force could effect, at this moment,
as the general feelings of the nation are in his favour.
They have no scruple in declaring, that a. well concerted
vigorous effort would place him at the head of a powerful
army, which could not fail of being joined by a great, dis—
gusted, and injured body. I remarked, that every honest
man must hOpe no such event would take place; for if a
counter-revolution should be effected, it would establish a
despotism, much heavier than ever France experienced. This
they would not allow; on the contrary, they believed, that
no government could, in future, be secure, that did not
grant to the peOple more extensive rights and privileges
than they possessed under the old one. Dine with my
brother traveller, the count de Nicolay; among the com-
pany, as the count had promised me, was Mons. Decretot,
the celebrated manufacturer of Louviers, from whom I
learned the magnitude of the distresses at present in
Normandy. The cotton mills which he had shewn me,
last year, at Louviers, have stood still nine months; and
so many spinning jennies have been destroyed by the
pe0ple, under the idea that such machines were contrary
to their interests, that the trade is in a deplorable situation.
In the evening, accompanied Mons. Lazowski to the Italian
Opera, La Berbiem di Seviglia, by Paiesello, which is one
of the most agreeable compositions of that truly great
master. Mandini and Rafianelli excellent, and Baletti a
sweet voice. There is no such comic opera to be seen in
Italy, as this of Paris, and the house is always full: this
will work as great a revolution in French music, as ever
can be be wrought in French government. What will
they think, by and by, of Lully and Rameau ? And what
a triumph for the manes of Jean Jacques !

The 12th. To the National Assembly :—a debate on
the conduct of the chamber of vacation,1 in the parliament

1 Chambre des vacations, chambrechargé de rendre la justice pendant
la vacation—LITIRIE.

296 'rnavnns IN FRANCE. DAN.

of Rennes, continued. Mons. l’Abbé Maury,1 a zealous
royalist, made a long and eloquent speech, which he de-
livered with great fluency and precision, and without any
notes, in defence of the parliament: he replied to what had
been urged by the count de Mirabeau, on a former day, and
spoke strongly on his unjustifiable call on the people of
Bretagne, to a redoubtable denombrement. He said, that it
would better become the members of such an assembly, to
count their own principles and duties, and the fruits of
their attention, to the privileges of the subject, than to
call for a denombrement, that would fill a province with fire
and bloodshed. He was interrupted by the noise and con-
fusion of the assembly, and of the audience, six several
times; but it had no effect on him; he waited calmly till
it subsided, and then proceeded, as if no interruption had
been given. The Speech was a very able one, and much
relished by the royalists; but the enrage’s condemned it, as
good for nothing. No other person spoke without notes;
the count de Clermont 2 read a speech that had some bril-
liant passages, but by no means an answer to l’Abbé
Maury, as indeed it would have been wonderful if it were,
being prepared before he heard the Abbé’s oration. It can
hardly be conceived how flat this mode of debate renders
the transactions of the Assembly. Who would be in the
gallery of the English House of Commons, if Mr. Pitt were
to bring a written speech, to be delivered on a subject on
which Mr. Fox was to speak before him? And in prOpor-
tion to its being uninteresting to the bearer is another evil,
that of lengthening their sittings, since there are ten per-
sons who will read their opinions, to one that is able to
deliver an impromptu. The want of order, and every kind

1 The Abbé Maury was one of the ablest and least. scrupulous de-
fenders of the ancien regime in the States General. “ Quoique avec beau-
coup de talent, il manquait de ce qui Ie vivifie, la vérité. Maury ajou-
tait les erreurs de son esprit a celles qui étaient inseparables de sa
cause.”—MIGNET. In 1807, Bonaparte made him a cardinal ; after the
fall of the Empire he quitted France, and died at Rome, 1817.

2 Count de Clermont-Tonnerre (not to be compared with the Marquis
de Clermont), deputé of the noblesse at the States General, he warmly
espoused the cause of the eople, voluntarily surrendered all seigneurial
rights, and demanded civii) rights for Protestants, Jews, and comedians.
Massacred by his own servants in 1792.

1790.] PARIS. 297

of confusion, prevails now almost as much as when the
Assembly sat at Versailles. The interruptions given are
frequent and long; and speakers, who have no right by the
rules to speak, will attempt it. The count de Mirabeau
pressed to deliver his opinion after the Abbé Maury; the
president put it to the vote, whether he should be allowed
to speak a second time, and the whole house rose up to
negative it; so that the first orator of the Assembly has
not the influence even to be heard to exPlain—we have no
conception of such rules ; and yet their great number must
make this necessary. I forget to observe, that there is a
gallery at each end of the saloon, which is open to all the
world; and side ones for admission of the friends of the
members by tickets: the audience in these galleries are
very noisy: they clap, when any thing pleases them, and
they have been known to hiss; an indecorum which is
utterly destructive of freedom of debate. I left the house
before the whole was finished, and repaired to the duke of
Liancourt’s apartments in the Thuilleries, to dine with his
customary party of deputies; Mess. Chapellier and De-
meusniers were there, who had both been presidents, and
are still members of considerable distinction; M. Volney,
the celebrated traveller, also was present; the prince de
Poix, the count de Montmorenci, &c. Waiting for the
duke of Liancourt, who did not arrive till half after seven,
with the greatest part of the company, the conversation
almost entirely turned upon a strong suspicion entertained
of the English having made a remittance for the purpose
of embroiling matters in the kingdom. The count de
Thiard, cordon blue, who commands in Bretagne, simply
stated the fact, that some regiments at Brest had been
regular in their conduct, and as much to be depended on
as any in the service; but that, of a sudden, money had
found its way among the men in considerable sums, and
from that time their behaviour was changed. One of the
deputies demanding at what period, he was answered ;1 on
which he immediately observed, that it followed the remit-
tance of 1,100,000 liv. (48,1251.) from England, that had
occasioned so much conjecture and conversation. This re-

1 It was a late transaction.-—Autizm-’s Note.

298 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [um

mittance, which had been particularly enquired into, was
so mysterious and obscure, that the naked fact only could
be discovered; but every person present asserted the truth
of it. Other gentlemen united the two facts, and were
ready to suppose them connected. I remarked, that if
England had really interfered, which appeared to me in-
credible, it was to be presumed, that it would have been
either in the line of her supposed interest, or in that of the
king’s supposed inclination; that these happened to be
exactly the same, and if money were remitted from that
kingdom, most assuredly it would be to support the falling
interest of the crown, and by no means to detach from it
any force whatever ; in such a case, remittance from
England might go to Metz, for keeping troops to their
duty, but would never be sent to Brest to corrupt them,
the idea of which was grossly absurd. All seemed inclined
to admit the justness of this remark, but they adhered to
the two facts, in whatever manner they might, or might
not, be connected. At this dinner, according to custom,
most of the deputies, especially the younger ones, were
dressed au poltsson, many of them without powder in their
hair, and some in boots; not above four or five were neatly
dressed. How times are changed! When they had no-
thing better to attend to, the fashionable Parisians were
correctness itself, in all that pertained to the toilette, and
were, therefore, thought a frivolous people; but now they
have something of more importance than dress to occupy
them; and the light airy character that was usually given
them, will have no foundation in truth. Every thing in
this world depends on government.

The 13th. A great commotion among the populace late
last night, which is said to have arisen on two accounts—-
one to get at the baron de Besenval,1 who is in prison, in
order to hang him; the other to demand bread at 2/2 the
pound. They eat it at present at the rate of twenty-two
millions a-year cheaper than the rest of the kingdom, and
yet they demand a further reduction. However, the our.

1 The Baron de Besenval with the Marquis de Favras and Monsieur,
the King’s brother, was accused of plotting against the constitution.
Besenval obtained his liberty, but F avras was executed. The scheme
was to place the king at the head of an army at Péronne.

1790.] PARIS. 299

rent discourse is, that Favras, an adventurer also in prison,
must be hanged to satisfy the people; for as to Besenval,
the Swiss cantons have remonstrated so firmly, that they
will not dare to execute him. Early in the morning, the
guards were doubled, and eight thousand horse and foot.
are now patrolling the streets. The report of plots, to
carry ofi the king, is in the mouth of every one; and it is
said, these movements of the people, as well as those at
Versailles, are not what they appear to be, mere mobs, but
instigated by the aristocrats; and if permitted to rise to
such a height as to entangle the Paris militia, will prove
the part only of a conspiracy against the new government.
That they have reason to be alert is undoubted; for though
there should actually be no plots in existence, yet there is
so great a temptation to them, and such a probability of
their being formed, that supineness would probably create
them. I have met with the lieutenant-colonel of a regi-
ment of horse, who is come from his quarters, and who
asserts, that his whole regiment, officers and men, are now
at the king’s devotion, and would march wherever he
called, and would execute whatever he ordered, not con-
trary to their ancient feelings; but that they would not
have been inclined to be so obedient before he was brought
to Paris; and from the conversation he has had with the
oflicers of other regiments, he believes that the same spirit
pervades their corps also. If any serious plans have been
laid for a counter-revolution, or for carrying ofi the king,
and their execution has been, or shall be prevented,
posterity will be much more likely to have information of
it than this age. Certainly the eyes of all the sovereigns,
and of all the great nobility in Europe, are on the French
revolution; they look with amazement, and even with
terror, upon a situation which may possibly be hereafter
their own case; and they must expect, with anxiety, that
some attempts will be made to reverse an example, that
will not want copies, whenever the period is favourable to
make them. ”Dine at the Palais Royal, with a select
party; politicians they must be, if they are Frenchmen.
The question was discussed, Are the plots and conspiracies
of which we hear so much at present, real, or are they in-
vented by the leaders of the revolution, to keep up the

300 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JAIL

spirits of the militia, in order to enable themselves
to secure the government on its new foundation irre-
versibly ?

The 14th. Plots! plots !——the marquis La Fayette, last
night, took two hundred prisoners in the Champs Elysées,
out of eleven hundred that were collected. They had
powder and ball, but no musquets. Who? and what are
they? is the question; but an answer is not so easily to
be had. Brigands, according to some accounts, that have
collected in Paris for no good purpose; pe0ple from Ver-
sailles by others; Germans by a third: but every one
would make you believe, they are an appendix to a plot laid
for a counter-revolution. Reports are so various and con-
tradictory, that no dependence is to be placed on them;
nor credit given to one-tenth of what is asserted. It is
singular, and has been much commented on, that La
Fayette would not trust his standing troops, as they may
be called, that is the eight thousand regularly paid, and of
whom the French guards form a considerable portion, but
he took, for the expedition, the bourgeoise only; which has
elated the latter as much as it has disgusted the former.
The moment seems big with events; there is an anxiety,
an expectation, an uncertainty, and suspense that is visible
in every eye one meets; and even the best informed
people, and the least liable to be led away by p0pular re-
ports, are not a little alarmed at the apprehension of some
unknown attempt that may be made to rescue the king,
and overturn the National Assembly. Many persons are
of opinion, that it would not be difficult to take the King,
Queen, and Dauphin away, without endangering them, for
which attempt the Thuilleries is particularly well situated,
provided a body of troops, of sufficient force, were in
readiness to receive them. In such a case, there would be
a civil war, which, perhaps, would end in despotism, what-
ever party came ofi victorious ; consequently such an
attempt, or plan, could not originate in any bosom from
true patriotism. If I have a fair opportunity to pass much
of my time in good company at Paris, I have also no small
trouble in turning over books, M88. and papers, which I
cannot see in England: this employs many hours a day,
with what I borrow from the night, in making notes. I

1790.] PARIS. 301

have procured also some public records, the copying of
which demands time. He who wishes to give a good
account of such a kingdom as France, must be inde-
fatigable in the search of materials; for let him collect
with all the care possible, yet when he comes to sit
down coolly to the examination and arrangement, will
find, that much has been put into his hands, of no real
consequence, and more, possibly, that is absolutely use-
less.

The 15th. To the Palais Royal, to view the pictures of
the duke of Orleans,l which I had tried once or twice before
to do in vain. The collection is known to be very rich, in
pieces of the Dutch and Flemish masters; some finished
with all the exquisite attention which that school gave to
minute expression. But it is a genre little interesting,
when the works of the great Italian artists are at hand: of
these the collection is one of the first in the world. Raphael,
Hanibal Carracci, Titian, Dominichino, Correggio, and Paul
Veronese. The first picture in the collection, and one of
the finest that ever came from the easel, is that of the
three Maries, and the dead Christ, by H. Carracci; the
powers of expression cannot go further. There is the St.
John of Raphael, the same picture as those of Florence and
Bologna; and aninimitable Virgin and Child, by the same
great master. A Venus bathing, and a Magdalen, by Titian,
Lucretia, by Andrea del Sarto, Leda, by Paul Veronese,
and also by Tintoretto. Mars and Venus, and several
others, by Paul Veronese. The naked figure of a woman,
by Bonieu, a French painter, now living, a pleasing piece.
Some noble pictures, by Poussin and Le Seur. The apart-
ments must disappoint every one :—-—I did not see one good
room, and all inferior to the rank and immense fortune of
the possessor, certainly the first subject in Europe. Dine
at the duke of Liancourt’s : among the company was Mons.
de Bougainville,2 the celebrated circumnavigator, agreeable
as well as sensible ; the count de Castellane, and the count

1 This rich collection was afterwards dispersed throughout Europe.

2 Bougainville, Louis Antoine Comte de (1729-181 1). The discoverer
of the Samoan group, or Navigator’s Islands, was as famous in his own
country as Cook in our own. His “ Description d’un voyage an tour du
Monde,” was published in 1771-2.

302 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [um

de Montmorenci, two young legislators, as enrage’s as if
their names were only Bernave or Rabeau. In some allu-
sions to the constitution of England, I found they hold it
very cheap, in regard to political liberty. The ideas of the
moment, relative to plots and conspiracies were discussed,
but they seemed very generally to agree, that, however the
constitution might, by such means, be delayed, it was now
absolutely impossible to prevent its taking place. At night
to the national circus, as it is called, at the Palais Royal,
a building in the gardens, or area, of that palace, the most
whimsical and expensive folly that is easily to be imagined:
it is a large ball room, sunk half its height under ground ;
and, as if this circumstance were not sufficiently adapted
to make it damp enough, a garden is planted on the roof,
and a river is made to flow around it, which, with the addi-
tion of some spirting jets d’eau, have undoubtedly made it
a delicious place, for a Winter’s entertainment. The ex-
pence of this gew-gaw building, the project of some of the
duke of Orlean’s friends, I suppose, and executed at his ex-
pence, would have established an English farm, with all
its principles, buildings, live stock, tools, and crops, on a
scale that would have done honour to the first sovereign of
Europe ; for it would have converted five thousand arpents
of desert into a garden. As to the result of the mode that
has been pursued, of investing such a capital, I know no
epithet equal to its merits. It is meant to be concert, ball,
cofiee, and billiard room, with shops, &c. designed to be
something in the style of the amusements of our Pantheon.
There were music and singing to night, but the room being
almost empty, it was, on the whole, equally cold and
sombre.

The 16th. The idea of plots and conspiracies has come
to such a height as greatly to alarm the leaders of the re-
volution. The disgust that spreads every day at their
transactions, arises more from the king’s situation than
from any other circumstance. They cannot, after the
scenes that have passed, venture to set him at liberty be-
fore the constitution is finished: and they dread, at the
same time, a change working in his favour in the minds of
the people: in this dilemma, a plan is laid for persuading
his majesty to go suddenly to the National Assembly, and,

1790.] PARIS. 303

in a speech, to declare himself perfectly satisfied with their
proceedings, and to consider himself as at the head of the
revolution, in terms so couched, as to take away all idea
or pretence of his being in a state of confinement or
coercion. This is at present a favourite plan; the only
difficulty will be, to persuade the king to take a steP that
will apparently preclude him from whatever turn or ad-
vantage the general feeling of the provinces may work in
his favour ; for, after such a measure, he will have reason
to expect that his friends will second the views of the
democratical party, from an absolute despair of any other.
principles becoming efficient. It is thought probable, that
this scheme will be brought about ; and if it is, it will do
more to ease their apprehensions of any attempts than any
other plan. I have been among the booksellers, with a
catalogue in hand to collect publications, which, unfor-
tunately for my purse, I find I must have on various
t0pics, that concern the present state of France—These
are now every day so numerous, especially on the subjects
of commerce, colonies, finances, taxation, deficit, &c. not to
speak of the subject immediately of the revolution itself,
that it demands many hours every day to lessen the num-
ber to be bought, by reading pen in hand. The collection
the duke of Liancourt has made from the very commence-
ment of the revolution, at the first meeting of the notables,
is prodigious, and has cost many hundred louis d’ors. It
is uncommonly complete, and will hereafter be of the
greatest value, to consult on abundance of curious ques-
tions.

The 17th. The plan I mentioned yesterday, that was
proposed to the king, was urged in vain: his majesty re-
ceived the proposition in such a manner as does not leave
any great hope of the scheme being executed; but the
marquis La Fayette is so strenuous for its being brought
about, that it will not yet be abandoned; but proposed
again at a more favourable moment. The royalists, who
know of this plan (for the public have it not), are delighted
at the chance of its failing. The refusal is attributed to
the Queen. Another circumstance, which gives great dis-
quiet at present to the leaders of the revolution, are the
accounts daily received from all parts of the kingdom, of

304 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [um

the distress, and even starving condition of the manufac-
turers, artists,1 and sailors, which grow more and more
serious, and must make the idea of an attempt to overturn
the revolution so much the more alarming and dangerous.
The onl branch of industry in the kingdom, that remains
flourishing, is the trade to the sugar-colonies; and the
scheme of emancipating the negroes, or at least of putting
an end to importing them, which they borrowed from
England, has thrown Nantes, Havre, Marseilles, Bourdeaux,
and all other places connected secondarily with that com-
merce, into the utmost agitation. The count de Mirabeau
says publicly, that he is sure of carrying the vote to put an
end to negro slavery—it is very much the conversation at
present, and principally amongst the leaders, who say, that
as the revolution was founded on philosophy, and supported
by metaphysics, such a plan cannot but be congenial. But
surely trade depends on practice much more than on theory ;
and the planters and merchants, who come to Paris to op-
pose the scheme, are better prepared to shew the impor-
tance of their commerce, than to reason philosophically on
the demerits of slavery. Many publications have appeared
on the subject—some deserving attention.

The 18th. At the duke of Liancourt’s dinner, to-day,
meet the marquis de Casaux, the author of the mechanism
of societies; notwithstanding all the warmth, and even fire
of argument, and vivacity of manner and composition for
which his writings are remarkable, he is perfectly mild and
placid in conversation, with little of that efiervescence one
would look for from his books. There was a remarkable
assertion made to-day, at table, by the count de Marguerite,
before near thirty deputies ; speaking of the determination
on the Toulon business,2 he said, it was openly supported
by deputies, under the avowal that more insurrections were

1 Our author's use of this word is now obsolete.

“ How to build ships and dreadful ordnance cast,
Instruct the artist. and reward their haste.”

WALLER.

2 A sedition that. broke out Dec. 1, 1789. The Count Albert de
Riom, and other officers, were thrown into prison, accused of insulting
the Garde Nationale. See Le Alonitcm', Dec. 11, 1789.

1790.] runs. 305

necessary. I looked round the table, expecting some de-
cisive answer to be given to this, and was amazed to find
that no one replied a word. Mons. Volney, the traveller,
after a pause of some moments, declared, that he thought
the people of Toulon had acted right, and were justifiable
in what they had done. The history of this Toulon busi-
ness is known to all the world. This count de Marguerite
has a teté‘ dare and a steady conduct—it may be believed
that he is not an enragé. At dinner, M. Blin, deputy from
Spain, mentioning the conduct of the revolution club at the
Jacobins, said, we have given you a good president ; and
then asked the count why he did not come among them ?
He answered, .76 me trouve hem'cucc en verité dc n’avoir
jamais été d’aucune société politique particuliére ; je pense
gue mes fo’nctio'ns sont publiques, ct qu’cllcs pcuvent aisément
se rempli'r sans associations particuliéres. He got no reply
here—At night, Mons. Decretot, and Mons. Blin, carried
me to the revolution club at the Jacobins ; the room where
they assemble, is that in which the famous league was
signed, as it has been observed above. There were above
one hundred deputies present, with a president in the
chair; I was handed to him, and announced as the author
of the Arithme’tique Politique ; the president standing up,
repeated my name to the company, and demanded if there
were any objections None ; and this is all the ceremony,
not merely of an introduction, but an election: for I was
told, that now I was free to be present when I pleased,
being a foreigner. Ten or a dozen other elections were
made. In this club, the business that is to be brought
into the National Assembly is regularly debated ; the
motions are read, that are intended to be made there, and
rejected or corrected and approved. When these have
been fully agreed to, the whole party are engaged to sup-
port them. Plans of conduct are there determined; proper
persons nominated for being of committees, and presidents
of the Assembly named. And I may add, that such is
the majority of numbers, that whatever passes in this
club, is almost sure to pass in the Assembly. In the
evening at the dutchess d’Anville’s, in whose house I never
failed of spending my time agreeably.

One of the most amusing circumstances of travelling

x

 

306 TRAVELB IN FRANCE. [JALL

into other countries, is the Opportunity of remarking the
difierence of customs amongst different nations in the
common occurrences of life. In the art of living, the
French have generally been esteemed by the rest of Europe,
to have made the greatest proficiency, and their manners
have been accordingly more imitated, and their customs
more adopted than those of any other nation. Of their
cookery, there is but one opinion; for every man in Eu-
rope, that can afiord a great table, either keeps a French
cook, or one instructed in the same manner. That it is
far beyond our own, I have no doubt in asserting. We
have about half a dozen real English dishes, that exceed
any thing, in my opinion, to be met with in France; by
English dishes I mean, a turbot and lobster sauce—ham
and chicken—turtle—a haunch of venison—a turkey and
oysters—and after these, there is an end of an English
table. It is an idle prejudice, to class roast beef among
them; for there is not better beef in the world than at
Paris. Large handsome pieces were almost constantly on
the considerable tables I have dined at. The variety given
by their cooks, to the same thing, is astonishing; they
dress an hundred dishes in an hundred diflferent ways, and
most of them excellent ; and all sorts of vegetables have
a savouriness and flavour, from rich sauces, that are abso-
. lutely wanted to our greens boiled in water. This variety
is not striking, in the comparison of a great table in France
with another in England ; but it is manifest in an instant,
between the tables of a French and English family of
small fortune. The English dinner, of a joint of meat and
a pudding, as it is called, or pot luck, with a neighbour, is
bad luck in England; the same fortune in France gives,
by means of cookery only, at least four dishes to one
among us, and spreads a small table incomparably better.
A regular dessert with us is expected, at a considerable
table only, or at a moderate one, when a formal entertain-
ment is given ; in France it is as essential to the smallest
dinner as to the largest; if it consists only of a bunch of
dried grapes, or an apple, it will be as regularly served as
the soup. I have met with persons in England, who
imagine the sobriety of a French table carried to such a
length, that one or two glasses of wine are all that a man

1790.] PARIS. 307

can get at dinner; this is an error; your servant mixes
the wine and water in what proportion you please; and
large bowls of clean glasses are set before the master of
the house, and some friends of the family, at different
parts of the table, for serving the richer and rarer sorts of
wines, which are drunk in this manner freely enough. The
whole nation are scrupulously neat in refusing to drink
out of glasses used by other people. At the house of a
carpenter or blacksmith, a tumbler is set to every cover.
This results from the common beverage being wine and
water; but if at a large table, as in England, there were
porter, beer, cyder, and perry, it would be impossible for
three or four tumblers or goblets to stand by every plate ;
and equally so for the servants to keep such a number
separate and distinct. In table-linen, they are, I think,
cleaner and wiser than the English: that the change may
be incessant, it is every where coarse. The idea of dining
without a napkin seems ridiculous to a Frenchman, but in
England we dine at the tables of people of tolerable for-
tune, without them. A journeyman carpenter in France
has his napkin as regularly as his fork; and at an inn,
the fille always lays a clean one to every cover that is
spread in the kitchen, for the lowest order of pedestrian
travellers. The expence of linen in England is enormous,
from its fineness; surely a great change of that which is
coarse, would be much more rational. In point of cleanli-
ness, I think the merit of the two nations is divided; the
French are cleaner in their persons, and the English in
their houses ; I speak of the mass of the people, and not
of individuals of considerable fortune. A bidet in France
is as universally in every apartment, as a bason to wash
your hands, which is a trait of personal cleanliness I wish
more common in England; on the other hand their neces-
sary houses are temples of abomination; and the practice
of spitting about a room, which is amongst the highest as
well as the lowest ranks, 1s detestable: I have seen a
gentleman spit so near the cloaths of a dutchess, that I
have stared at his unconcern. In every thing that concerns
the stables, the English far exceed the French; horses,-
grooms, harness, and change of equipage; in the provinces
you see cabriolets undoubtedly of the last century; an

308 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [Jun

Englishman, however small his fortune may be, will not
be seen in a carriage of the fashion of forty years past; if
he cannot have another, he will walk on foot. It is not
true that there are no complete equipages at Paris, I have
seen many; the carriage, horses, harness, and attendance,
without fault or blemish ;—but the number is certainly
very much inferior to what are seen at London. English
horses, grooms, and carriages, have been of late years
largely imported. In all the articles of the fitting up and
furnishing houses, including those of all ranks in the
estimate, the English have made advances far beyond their
neighbours. Mahogany is scarce in France, but the use
of it is profuse in England. Some of the hotels in Paris
are immense in size, from a circumstance which would
give me a good opinion of the peOple, if nothing else did,
which is the great mixture of families. When the eldest
son marries, he brings his wife home to the house of his
father, where there is an apartment provided for them;
and if a daughter does not wed an eldest son, her husband
is also received into the family, in the same way, which
makes a joyous number at every table. This cannot alto-
gether be attributed to oeconomical motives, though they
certainly influence in many cases, because it is found in
families possessing the first properties in the kingdom.
It does with French manners and customs, but in England
it is sure to fail, and equally so amongst all ranks of
pe0ple: may we not conjecture, with a great probability
of truth, that the nation in which it succeeds is therefore
better tempered? Nothing but good humour can render
such a jumble of families agreeable, or even tolerable. In
dress they have given the ton to all Europe for more than
a century; but this is not among any but the highest rank
an object of such expence as in England, where the mass
of mankind wear much better things (to use the language
of common conversation) than in France: this struck me
more amongst ladies who, on an average of all ranks, do
not dress at one half of the expence of English women.
Volatility and changeableness are attributed to the French
as national characteristicks,——but in the case of dress with
the grossest exaggeration. Fashions change with ten times
more rapidity in England, in form, colour, and assemblage;

1790.] runs. 309

the vicissitudes of every part of dress are phantastic with
us: I see little of this in France; and to instance the
mode of dressing the gentlemens’ hair, while it has been
varied five times at London, it has remained the same at
Paris. Nothing contributes more to make them a happy
people, than the chearful and facile pliancy of disposition
with which they adapt themselves to the circumstances of
life: this they possess much more than the high and vola-
tile spirits which have been attributed to them; one ex-
cellent consequence is, a greater exemption from the
extravagance of living beyond their fortunes, than is met
with in England. In the highest ranks of life, there are
instances in all countries; but where one gentleman of
small prOperty, in the provinces of France, runs out his
fortune, there are ten such in England that do it. In the
blended idea I had formed of the French character from
reading, I am disappointed from three circumstances,
which I expected to find predominant. On comparison
with the English, I looked for great talkativeness, volatile
Spirits, and universal politeness. I think, on the contrary,
that they are not so talkative as the English; have not
equally good spirits, and are not a jot more polite: nor do
I speak of certain classes of peOple, but of the general
mass. I think them, however, incomparably better tem-
pered; and I propose it as a question, whether good temper
be not more reasonably expected under an arbitrary, than
under a free government?

The 19th. My last day in Paris, and, therefore, em-
ployed in waiting on my friends, to take leave; amongst
whom, the duke de Liancourt holds the first place; a
nobleman, to whose uninterrupted, polite, and friendly
offices I owe the agreeable and happy hours which I have
passed at Paris, and whose kindness continued so much, to
the last, as to require a promise, that if I should return to
France, his house, either in town or country, should be my
home. I shall not omit observing, that his conduct in the
revolution has been direct and manly from the very be-
ginning; his rank, family, fortune, and situation at court,
all united to make him one of the first subjects in the king-
dom; and upon the public afiairs being sufficiently em-
broiled, to make assemblies of 'the nobility necessary, his

310 TRAVELS IN FRANCE. [JAN.

determination to render himself master of the great ques-
tions which were then in debate, was seconded by that
attention ; and application which was necessary in a period,
when none but men of business could be of importance in
the state. From the first assembling of the States General,
he resolved to take the party of freedom ; and would have
joined the tiers at first, if the orders of his constituents had
not prevented it ; he desired them, however, either to con-
sent to that step or to elect another representative; and,
at the same time, with equal liberality, he declared, that if
ever the duty he owed his country became incompatible
with his office at court, he would resign it; an act that was
not only unnecessary, but would have been absurd, after
the king himself had become a party in the revolution. By
espousing the popular cause, he acted conformably to the
principles of all his ancestors, who in the civil wars and
confusions of the preceding centuries, uniformly opposed
the arbitrary proceedings of the court. The decisive steps
which this nobleman took at Versailles, in advising the
king, &c. &-c. are known to all the world. He is, uno
doubtedly, to be esteemed one of those who have had a
principal share in the revolution, but he has been in-
variably guided by constitutional motives ; for it is certain,
that he has been as much averse from unnecessary violence
and sanguinary measures, as those who were the most
attached to the ancient government—With my excellent
friend Lazowski, I spent my last evening; he endeavour-
ing to persuade me to reside upon a farm in France,
and I enticing him to quit French bustle for English tran-
quillity.

The 20th—25th. By the diligence to London, where I
arrived the 25th ; though in the most commodious seat, yet
languishing for a horse, which, after all, affords the best
means of travelling. Passing from the first company of
Paris to the rabble which one sometimes meets in diligences
is contrast sufficient. —but the idea of returning to England,
to my family, and friends, made all things appear smooth.
———2 72 miles.

The 30th. To Bradfield; and here terminate, I hope,
my travels. After having surveyed the agriculture and
political resources of England and Ireland, to do the same

1790.] PARIS. 311

with France, was certainly a great object, the importance
of which animated me to the attempt: and however
pleasing it may be to hope for the ability of giving a better
account of the agriculture of France than has ever been
laid before the public, yet the greatest satisfaction I feel,
at present, is the prospect of remaining, for the future, on
a farm, in-that calm and undisturbed retirement, which is
suitable to my fortune, and which, I trust, will be agreeable
to my disposition—72 miles.

ON THE REVOLUTION OF FRANCE.

THE gross infamy which attended lettres de cachet and
the Bastile, during the whole reign of Louis XV.
made them esteemed in England, by people not well in-
formed, as the most prominent features of the despotism of
France. They were certainly carried to an access hardly
credible; to the length of being sold, with blanks, to be
filled up with names at the pleasure of the purchaser; who
was thus able, in the gratification of private revenge, to
tear a man from the bosom of his family, and bury him in
a dungeon, where he would exist forgotten, and die un-
known! 1—But such excesses could not be common in any

1 An anecdote, which I have from an authority to be depended on,
will explain the profligacy of government, in respect to these arbitrary
imprisonments. Lord Albemarle, when ambassador in France, about
the year 1753, negotiating the fixing of the limits of the American
colonies, which, three years after, produced the war, calling one day on
the minister for foreign affairs, was introduced, for a few minutes, into
his cabinet, while he finished a short conversation in the apartment in
which he usually received those who conferred with him. As his lord-
ship walked backwards and forwards, in a very small room (a French
cabinet is never a large one), he could not help seeing a paper lying on
the table, written in a large legible hand, and containing a list of the
prisoners in the Bastile, in which the first name was Gordon. When
the minister entered, lord Albemarle apologized for his involuntarily re—
marking the paper; the other replied, that it was not of the least con-
sequence, for they made no secret of the names. Lord A. then said,
that he had seen the name of Gordon first in the list, and he begged to
know, as in all probability the person of this name was a British subject,
on what account he had been put into the Bastile. The minister told
him, that he knew nothing of the matter, but would make the proper
inquiries. The next time he saw lord Albemarle, he informed him,
that, on inquiring into the case of Gordon, he could find no person who
could give him the least information; on which he had Gordon himself
interrogated, who solemnly affirmed, that he had not the smallest know-
ledge, or even suspicion, of the cause of his imprisonment, but that he
had been confined 30 years; however, added the minister, I ordered him

314 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

country; and they were reduced almost to nothing, from
the accession of the present King. The great mass of the
people, by which I mean the lower and middle ranks, could
suffer very little from such engines, and as few of them are
objects of jealousy, had there been nothing else to complain
of, it is not probable they would ever have been brought to
take arms. The abuses attending the levy of taxes were
heavy and universal. The kingdom was parcelled into
generalities, with an intendant at the head of each, into
whose hands the whole power of the crown was delegated
for every thing except the military authority; but particu-
larly for all affairs of finance. The generalities were sub-
divided into elections, at the head of which was a sub-de-
leguc’, appointed by the intendant. The rolls of the taille,
capitation, wingtiémcs, and other taxes, were distributed
among districts, parishes, and individuals, at the pleasure
of the intendant, who could exempt, change, add, or
diminish, at pleasure. Such an enormous power, con-
stantly acting, and from which no man was free, might in
the nature of things, degenerate in many cases into abso-
lute tyranny. It must be obvious, that the friends, ac-
quaintances, and dependents of the intendant, and of all
his sub-delegués, and the friends of these friends, to a long
chain of dependence, might be favoured in taxation at the
expen ce of their miserable neighbours ; and that noblemen,
in favour at court, to whose protection the intendant him-
self would naturally look up, could find little difficulty in
throwing much of the weight of their taxes on others,
without a similar support. Instances, and even gross ones,
have been reported to me in many parts of the kingdom,
that made me shudder at the oppression to which numbers
must have been condemned, by the undue favours granted
to such crooked influence. But, without recurring to such
cases, what must have been the state of the poor people
paying heavy taxes, from which the nobility and clergy
were exempted ‘P A cruel aggravation of their misery, to see
those who could best afford to pay, exempted because able ‘.

to be immediately released, and he is now at large. Such a case wants
no comment.1

 

1 These notes are by Arthur Young except when specified—ED.

REVOLUTION. 315

-——The inrolments for the militia, which the cahiers call an
injustice without example,1 were another dreadful scourge on
the peasantry; and, as married men were exempted from
it, occasioned in some degree that mischievous population,
which brought beings into the world, in order for little else
than to be starved. The corvées, or police of the roads,
were annually the ruin of many hundreds of farmers;
more than 300 were reduced to beggary in filling up one
vale in Loraine: all these oppressions fell on the tiers état
only; the nobility and clergy having been equally exempted
from tailles, militia, and corvées. The penal code of finance
makes one shudder at the horrors of punishment inade-
quate to the crime.2 A few features will sufficiently cha-
racterize the old government of France.

1. Smugglers of salt, armed and assembled to the num-
ber of five, in Provence, a fine of 500 liv. and nine years
gallies ;—in all the rest of the kingdom, death.

2. Smugglers armed, assembled, but in number under
five, a fine of 300 liv. and three years gallies. Second
offence, death.

3. Smugglers, without arms, but with horses, carts, or
boats; a fine of 300 liv. if not paid, three years gallies. Second
offence, 400 liv. and nine years gallies.-——In Dauphiné,
second offence, gallies for life. In Provence, five years gallies.

4. Smugglers, who carry the salt on their backs, and
Without arms, a fine of 200 liv. and, if not paid, are flagged
and branded. Second offence, a fine of 300 liv. and six
years galli es.

1 “ Nob. Briey,” p. 6, &c. &c.

9 It is calculated by a writer (“ Recherches et Consid. par M. le Baron
de Cormeré,” tom. ii. p. 187) very well informed on every subject of
finance, that, upon an average, there were annually taken up and sent
to prison or the gallies, Men, 2340. Women, 896. Children, 201.
Total, 3437. 300 of these to the gallies (tom. i. p. 112). The salt con-
fiscated from these miserable people amounted to 12,633 quintals, which,

at the mean price of 8 liv. are, . . . . 101,064 liv.
2772 lb. of salted flesh, at 10 . . . 1,386
1086 horses, at 50 liv. . . . 54,300
52 carts, at 150 liv. . . . . 7,800
Fines . . . . . . . 53,207
Seized in houses . . . . 105,530

 

323,287

316 rnavsns IN FRANCE.

5. Women, married and single, smugglers, first ofience,
a fine of 100 liv. Second, 300 liv. Third, flogged, and
banished the kingdom for life. Husbands responsible both in
fine and body.

6. Children smugglers, the same as women—Fathers
and mothers responsible ; and for defect of payment flogged.

7. Nobles, if smugglers, deprived of their nobility ,- and
their houses rased to the ground.

8. Any persons in employment (I suppose in the salt-
works or the revenue), if smugglers, death. And such
as assist in the theft of salt in the transport, hanged.

9. Soldiers smuggling, with arms, are hanged ; without
arms, gallies for life.

10. Buying smuggled salt to resell it, the same punish-
ments as for smuggling.

11. Persons in the salt employments, empowered if two,
or one with two witnesses, to enter and examine houses even of
the privileged orders.

12. All families, and persons liable, to the taille, in the
provinces of the Grandes Gabelles inrolled, and their con-
sumption of salt for the pot and saliére (that is the daily
consumption, exclusive of salting meat, &c. &c.) estimated
at 71b. a head per annum, which quantity they are forced
to buy whether they want it or not, under the pain of
various fines according to the case.

The Capitaineries were a dreadful scourge on all the
occupiers of land. By this term, is to be understood the
paramountship of certain districts, granted by the king, to
princes of the blood, by which they were put in possession
of the property of all game, even on lands not belonging to
them ; and, what is very singular, on manors granted long
before to individuals; so that the erecting of a district into
a capitainerie, was an annihilation of all manorial rights to
game within it. This was a trifling business, in comparison
to other circumstances ; for, in speaking of the preservation
of the game in these capitaineries, it must be observed, that
by game it must be understood whole droves of wild boars,
and herds of deer not confined by any wall or pale, but
wandering, at pleasure, over the whole country, to the de-
struction of crops ; and to the peopling of the gallies
by the wretched peasants, who presumed to kill them, in

REVOLUTION. 317

order to save that food which was to support their helpless
children. The game in the capitainem'e of Montceau, in
four parishes only, did mischief to the amount of 184,263
liv. per annum.1 No wonder then that we should find the
people asking, “ Nous demandons 0‘1, grand cris la destruction
des capitainem'es c6 celle de toute sorta dc gib'ier.” 2 And
what are we to think of demanding, as a favour, the per-
mission—“ De nettoyer 868 grains, dc faucher les pre’s artifi-
ciels, cf: d’enlever ses chaumes sans égard pour la perdr'ia:
on tout autre gibie'r.” 3 Now, an English reader will
scarcely understand it Without being told, that there were
numerous edicts for preserving the game which prohibited
weeding and hoeing, lest the young partridges should be
disturbed; steeping seed, lest it should injure the game;
manuring with night soil, lest the flavour of the partridges
should be injured by feeding on the corn so produced;
mowing hay, &c. before a certain time, so late as to spoil
many crops; and taking away the stubble, which would
deprive the birds of shelter. The tyranny exercised in
these capitainem’es, which extended over 400 leagues of
country, was so great, that many cahiers demanded the
utter suppression of them.4 Such were the exertions of
arbitrary power which the lower orders felt directly from
the royal authority ; but, heavy as they were, it is a ques-
tion whether the others, suffered circuitously through the
nobility and the clergy, were not yet more oppressive ?
Nothing can exceed the complaints made in the when
under this head. They speak of the dispensation of jus—
tice in the manorial courts, as comprizing every species of
despotism : the districts indeterminate—appeals endless—
irreconcileable to liberty and prosperity—and irrevocably
proscribed in the Opinion of the public 5—augmenting
litigations—favouring every species of chicane—ruining

1 “ Cahier du tiers état de Meaux,” p. 49.

2 “ De Mantes ” and “ Meulan,” p. 38.

3 Ibid. p. 40.—Also “ Nob. & Tiers Etat de Peronne,” p. 42. “De
Trois ordres de Monfort,” p. 28.

4 “ Clergé de Provins & Montereau,” p. 35.—“ Clergé de Paris,”
p. 25.-—“ Clergé de Mantes & Meulan,” pp. 45, 46,—“ Clergé de 1301),”
p. ll.——“ Nob. de Nemours,” p. 17,—“ Nob. de Paris,” p. 22.—“Nob-
d’Arras,” p. 29.

5 “ Rennes,” art. 12.

318 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

the parties-—not only by enormous expences on the most
petty objects, but by a dreadful loss of time. The judges
commonly ignorant pretenders, who hold their courts in
cabarets, and are absolutely dependent on the seigneurs, in
consequence of their feudal powers. They are “ vemtions
qui sont le plus grand fléau des peuplesf—Esclamage afli-
geant.2—Ce re’gime desast’reusef—That the feodalité be for
ever abolished. The countryman is tyrannically enslaved
by it. Fixed and heavy rents; vexatious processes to
secure them; appreciated unjustly to augment: rents,
solidaires, and revenchables; rents, chéantes, and levantes,
fumages. Fines at every change of the property, in the
direct as well as collateral line; feudal redemption (re-
traite) ; fines on sale, to the 8th and even the 6th penny;
redemptions (mohats) injurious in their origin, and still
more so in their extension; banalite’ of the mill,5 of the
oven, and of the wine and cyder-press ; corvee’s by custom;
corveés by usage of the fief; corvee’s established by unjust
decrees; corveés arbitrary, and even phantastical; servi-
tudes; prestations, extravagant and burthensome: collec-
tions by assessments incollectible ; aveum, minus, impunisse-
'mens ; litigations ruinous and without end: the rod of
.seigneural finance for ever shaken over our heads; vexation,
ruin, outrage, violence, and destructive servitude, under
which the peasants, almost on a level with Polish slaves,
can never but be miserable, vile, and oppressed.6 They
demand also, that the use of hand-mills be free; and hOpe
that posterity if possible, may be ignorant that feudal
tyranny in Bretagne, armed with the judicial power, has
not blushed even in these times, at breaking hand-mills,
.and at selling annually to the miserable, the faculty of

“ Nevernois,” art. 43.
“ Tiers Etat de Vannes,” p. 24.
“ T. Etat Clermont F errand,” p. 52.
“ T. Etat Auxerrc,” art. 6.
By this horrible law, the people are bound to grind their corn at
the mill of the seigneur only; to press their grapes at his press only;
and to bake their bread in his oven ; by which means the bread is often
.spoiled, and more especially wine, since in Champagne those grapes
which, pressed immediately, would make white wine, will, by waiting
for the press, which often happens, make red wine only.

Whilst the guest of a Vendean gentleman in 1876, at Montaign
(Vendée), I saw one of these seigneurial mills. —ED.

6 “ Tiers Etat de Rennes,” p. 159.

hwnfi

5

REVOLUTION. 31.9

bruising between two stones a measure of buck-wheat or
barley.1 The very terms of these complaints are unknown
in England, and consequently untranslatable: they have
probably arisen long since the feudal system ceased in this
kingdom .- What are these tortures of the peasantry in
Bretagne, which they call chevanehés, qnintat'nes, sonle, sant
de poison, baise'r de man'eés; 2 chansons; transporte d’aenf
snr an charette ; silence des grenonilles 3 corvée a misericorde ;
milods ; le'ide ; conponage ; cartelage ; barage ; fonage ; 4'
marechansse’ ;5 banm'n ;5 ban d’aént ; tronsses ; gelinage; ci-
verage ,- taillabt'l'ite’ ; vingtain ; sterlage; bordelage; minage ;6
ban do vendanges ; droit d’accapte.7 In passing through
many of the French provinces, I was struck with the
various and heavy complaints of the farmers and little pro-
prietors of the feudal grievances, with the weight of which
their industry was burthened; but I could not then con-
ceive the multiplicity of the shackles which kept them poor
and depressed. I understood it better afterwards, from the
conversation and complaints of some grand seigneurs, as
the revolution advanced; and I then learned, that the
principal rental of many estates consisted in services and
feudal tenures; by the baneful influence of which the
industry of the peOple was almost exterminated. In regard
to the oppressions of the clergy, as to tythes, I must do

1 “ Rennes,” p. 57.

2 See, concerning the horrible privilege of la Marquette, M. Henri
Martin’s “ Histoire de la France,” vol. 5, e’claircissemens. Amongst the
documents relating to this subject he cites the following, date 12 Sep.
1674, a title-deed of the Seigneur de Bizanos: “ Item, temps passé, les
dits soumis étoient en title subjectives que les prédécesseurs dudit dé-
nombrant avaient droit toutes fois et quantes ils prenvient femme en
mariage de coucher avec l’épouse la nuit la plus rochoine des noces, ce
devoir a esté pourtant convertz par ses dits prédecesseurs en c’est autre,
scavoir que les soumis sont tenus et obliges, chaque fois qu’il se fait des
110cm dans le dit lieu de lui porter une poule, un chapon, une épaule de
mouton,” &c. (From archives in the prefecture of the Basses Pyrenees.)
The right alluded to by Arthur Young had existed therefore in other
parts of F rance.——ED. _ .

3 This is a curious article; when the lady of the seigneur lies In, the
people are obliged to beat the waters in marshy districts, to keep the
frogs silent, that she may not be disturbed ; thlS duty, a very oppressu'e
one, is commuted into a pecuniary fine.

‘ Seigneurial tax upon fires. . .

Seigneurial right of selling wine exclusively in 1118 parish.
Seigneurial tax upon each mine or half sétier of corn (Littré).
“ Resumé des cahiers,” tom. iii. pp. 316, 317.

0|

“Q

320 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

that body a justice, to which a claim cannot be laid in
England. Though the ecclesiastical tenth was levied in
France more severely than usual in Italy, yet was it never
exacted with such horrid greediness as is at present the
disgrace of England. When taken in kind, no such thing
was known in any part of France, where I made inquiries,
as a tenth; it was always a twelfth, or a thirteenth, or even
a twentieth of the produce. And in no part of the kingdom
did a new article of culture pay any thing; thus turnips,
cabbages, clover, chicorée, potatoes, &c. 850. paid nothing.
In many parts, meadows were exempted. Silk worms no-
thing. Olives in some places paid—in more they did not.
Cows nothing. Lambs from the 12th to the let. Wool
nothing—Such mildness, in the levy of this odious tax, is
absolutely unknown in England. But mild as it was, the
burthen to people groaning under so many other oppres-
sions, united to render their situation so bad that no change
could be for the worse. But these were not all the evils with
which the people struggled. The administration of justice
was partial, venal, infamous. I have, in conversation with
many very sensible men, in different parts of the kingdom,
met with something of content with their government, in
all other respects than this; but upon the question of ex-
pecting justice to be really and fairly administered, every
one confessed there was no such thing to be looked for.
The conduct of the parliaments was profligate and atro-
cious. Upon almost every cause that came before them,
interest was openly made with the judges: and woe be-
tided the man who, with a cause to support, had no means
of conciliating favour, either by the beauty of a handsome
wife, or by other methods. It has been said, by many
writers, that property was as secure under the old govern-
ment of France as it is in England; and the assertion
might possibly be true, as far as any violence from the
King, his ministers, or the great was concerned: but for all
that mass of property, which comes in every country to be
litigated in courts of justice, there was not even the
shadow of security, unless the parties were totally and
equally unknown, and totally and equally honest; in every
other case, he who had the best interest with the judges,
was sure to be the winner. To reflecting minds, the

REVOLUTION. 321

cruelty and abominable practice attending such courts are
sufficiently apparent. There was also a circumstance in the
constitution of these parliaments, but little known in Eng-
land, and which, under such a government as that of
France, must be considered as very singular. They had
the power, and were in the constant practice of issuing
decrees, without the consent of the crown, and which had
the force of laws through the whole of their jurisdiction;
and of all other laws, these were sure to be the best obeyed;
for as all infringements of them were brought before
sovereign courts, composed of the same persons who had
enacted these laws (a horrible system of tyranny!) they
were certain of being punished with the last severity. It
must appear strange, in a government so despotic in some
respects as that of France, to see the parliaments in every
part of the kingdom making laws without the King’s con-
sent, and even in defiance of his authority. The English,
whom I met in France in 1789, were surprized to see some
of these bodies issuing arréts against the export of corn out
out of the provinces subject to their jurisdiction, into the
neighbouring provinces, at the same time that the King,
through the organ of so popular a minister as Mons.
Necker, was decreeing an absolutely free transport of corn
throughout the kingdom, and even at the requisition of the
National Assembly itself. But this was nothing new; it
was their common practice. The parliament of Rouen
passed an arrét against killing of calves; it was a pre-
posterous one, and opposed by administration; but it had
its full force; and had a butcher dared to ofiend against
it, he would have found, by the rigour of his punishment,
who was his master. Innoculation was favoured by the
court in Louis XV.’s time; but the parliament of Paris
passed an arrét against it, much more effective in prohibit-
ing, than the favour of the court in encouragmg that prac-
tice. Instances are innumerable, and I may remark, that
the bigotry, ignorance, false principles, and tyranny of
these bodies were generally conspicuous; .and that the
court (taxation excepted), never had a dispute With a
parliament, but the parliament was sure to be wrong.
Their constitution, in respect to the administration of jus-
tice, was so truly rotten, that the members sat as judges,
x

322 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

even in causes of private property, in which they were
themselves the parties, and have, in this capacity, been
guilty of oppressions and cruelties, which the crown has
rarely dared to attempt.

It is impossible to justify the excesses of the pe0ple on
their taking up arms; they were certainly guilty of cruel-
ties; it is idle to deny the facts, for they have been proved
too clearly to admit of a doubt. But is it really the people
to whom we are to impute the whole ?—Or to their
oppressors who had kept them so long in a state of
bondage? He who chooses to be served by slaves, and by
ill-treated slaves, must know that he holds both his pro-
perty and life by a tenure far different from those who
prefer the service of well treated freemen; and he who
dines to the music of groaning sufferers, must not, in the
moment of insurrection, complain that his daughters are
ravished, and then destroyed; and that his sons’ throats
are cut. When such evils happen, they surely are more
imputable to the tyranny of the master, than to the cruelty
of the servant. The analogy holds with the French peasants
--the murder of a seigneur, or a chateau in flames, is re-
corded in every newspaper; the rank of the person who
suffers, attracts notice; but where do we find the register
of that seigneur’s oppressions of his peasantry, and his ex-
actions of feudal services, from those whose children were
dying around them for want of bread? 1 Where do we find
the minutes that assigned these starving wretches to some
vile petty-fogger, to be fleeced by impositions, and a
mockery of justice, in the seigneural courts? Who gives
us the awards of the intendant and his sub-delegués, which
took ofi the taxes of a man of fashion, and laid them with
accumulated weight, on the poor, who were so unfortunate
as to be his neighbours ? Who has dwelt sufficiently upon
explaining all the ramifications of despotism, regal, aristo-
cratical, and ecclesiastical, pervading the whole mass of the
people; reaching, like a circulating fluid, the most distant
capillary tubes of poverty and wretchedness ? In these
cases, the sufierers are too ignoble to be known; and the
mass too indiscriminate to be pitied. But should a philo-

‘ Compare this passage with Carlyle’s, book i. chap. iii. “ Such are
the shepherds of the people,” &c.—-ED.

REVOLUTION. 323

sopher feel and reason thus? should he mistake the cause
for the efiect? and giving all his pity to the few, feel no
compassion for the many, because they suffer in his eyes
not individually, but by millions ? The excesses of the
people cannot, I repeat, be justified ; it would undoubtedly
have done them credit, both as men and christians, if they
had possessed their new acquired power with moderation.
But let it be remembered, that the p0pulace in no country
ever use power with moderation ; excess is inherent in their
aggregate constitution: and as every government. in the
world knows, that violence infallibly attends power in such
hands, it is doubly bound in common sense, and for common
safety, so to conduct itself, that the peOple may not find an
interest in public confusions. They will always suffer much
and long, before they are efiectually roused ; nothing, there-
fore, can kindle the flame, but such oppressions of some
classes or order in the society, as give able men the oppor-
tunity of seconding the general mass; discontent will soon
diffuse itself around; and if the government take not warn-
ing in time, it is alone answerable for all the burnings, and
plunderings, and devastation, and blood that follow. The
true judgment to be formed of the French revolution, must
surely be gained, from an attentive consideration of the
evils of the old government: when these are well under-
stood—and when the extent and universality of the oppres-
sion under which the people groaned—oppression which
bore upon them from every quarter, it will scarcely be
attempted to be urged, that a revolution was not absolutely
necessary to the welfare of the kingdom. Not one oppos-
ing voice 1 can, with reason, be raised against this assertion:

1 Many opposing voices have been raised; but so little to their credit,
that I leave the passage as it was written long ago. The abuses that
are rooted in all the old governments of Europe, give such numbers of
men a direct interest in supporting, cherishing, and defending abuses,
that no wonder advocates for tyranny, of every species, are found in
every country, and almost in every company. What a mass. of people,
in every part of England, are some way or other interested in the pre-
sent representation of the people, tythes, charters, corporations, mono-
polies, and taxation! and not merely to the things themselves, but to
all the abuses attending them; and how many are there who derive
their profit or their consideration in life, not merely from such institu-
tions, but from the evils they engender! The great mass of the peOple,
however, is free from such influence, and will be enlightened by degrees;

324 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

abuses ought certainly to be corrected, and corrected eflec-
tually: this could not be done without the establishment
of a new form of government; whether the form that has
been adopted were the best, is another question absolutely
distinct. But that the above-mentioned detail of enormi-
ties practised on the people required some great change is
sufficiently apparent; and I cannot better conclude such a
list of detestable oppressions, than in the words of the
Tiers Etat of Nivernois, who hailed the approaching day of
liberty, with an eloquence worthy of the subject.

“ Les plaintes du peuple se sont long-tems perdues dans
l’espace immense qui le sépare du trone: cette classe la
plus nombreuse & la plus intéressante de la societé ; cette
classe qui mérite les premiers soins du gouvernement,
puisqu’ elle alimente toutes les autres; cette classe a la-
quelle on doit & les arts nécessaires a la vie, & ceux qui en
embellissent 1e cours; cette classe enfin qui en recueillent
moins a toujours payé davantage, peut elle apres tant de
siecles d’oppression & de misére compter aujourdhui sur
un sort plus heureux? Ce seroit pour ainsi dire blasphémer
l’autorité tutélaire sous laquelle nous vivons que d’én douter
un seul moment. Un respect aveugle pour les abus établis
ou par la violence on par la superstition, une ignorance pro-
fonde des conditions du pacte social voila ce qui a per-
pétué jusq’ s nous la servitude dans laquelle ont gemi nos
péres. Un jour plus pur est pres d’éclorre: le roi a mani-
festé le desir de trouver des suj ets capables de lui dire la
vérité; une des ses loix, l’edit de création des assemblées
provinciales du moi de J uin 1787, annonce que le voeu le
plus pressant de son coeur sera touj ours celui qui tendra au
soulagement & au bonheur de ses peuples: une autre loi
qui a retenti du centre du Royaume a ses derniéres extre-
mites, nous a promis la restitution de tous nos droits," dont
nous n’avions perdu, & dont nous ne pouvions perdre que
l’exercice puisque le fond de ces memes droits est in-
alienable & imprescriptible. Osons donc secouer 1e joug'

assuredly they will find out, in every country of Europe, that by com-
binations, on the principles of liberty and property, aimed equally
against regal, aristocratical, and mobbish tyranny, they will be able to
resist successfully, that variety of combination, which, on principles of
plunder and despotism, is every where at work to enslave them.

REVOLUTION. 325

des anciennes erreurs: osons dire tout ce qui est vrai, tout
ce qui est utile; osons réclamer les droits essentials &
primitifs de l’homme: la raison, l’équité,1’opinion générale,
la bienfaisance connue de notre auguste souverain tout con-
cours a assurer le succes de nos doléances.”

Having seen the propriety, or rather the necessity, of
some change in the government, let us next briefly inquire
into the effects of the revolution on the principal interests
in the kingdom.

In respect to all the honours, power, and profit derived
to the nobility from the feudal system, which was of an ex-
tent in France beyond any thing known in England since
the revolution, or long parliament of 1640, all is laid in the
dust, without a rag or remnant being spared: 1 the im-
portance of these, both in influence and revenue, was so
great, that the result is all but ruin to numbers. How-
ever, as these properties were really tyrannies; as they
rendered the possession of one spot of land ruinous to all
round it—and equally subversive of agriculture, and the
common rights of mankind, the utter destruction brought
on all this species of property, does not ill deserve the
epithet they are so fond of in France ; it is a real regene-
ration of the people to the privileges of human nature. No
man of common feelings can regret the fall of all of that
abominable system, which made a whole parish slaves to
the lord of the manor. But the effects of the revolution

1 It is to be observed, that the orders of knighthood were at first pre-
served; when the National Assembly, with a forbearance that did them
honour, refused to abolish those orders, because persona], of merit, and
not hereditary, they were guilty of one gross error. They ought imme-
diately to have addressed the King, to institute a new order of knight-
hood—KNIGHTS OF THE PLOUGH. There are doubtless little souls that
will smile at this, and think a thistle, a garter, or an eagle more signifi-
cant, and more honourable; I say nothing of orders, that exceed com-
mon sense and common chronology, such as St. Esprit, St. Andrew, and
St. Patrick, leaving them to such as venerate most what they least
understand. But that prince, who should first institute this order of
rural merit, will reap no vulgar honour: Le0pold, whose twenty years,
of steady and well earned Tuscan fame gives him a good right to do it
with propriety, might, as Emperor, institute it with most effect. In
him, such an action would have in it nothing of affectation. But I had
rather THE PLOUGH had thus been honoured by a free assembly. It
would have been a trait, that marked the philosophy of a new age, and
a new system.

326 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

have gone much farther; and have been attended with
consequences not equally justifiable. The rents of land,
which are as legal under the new government as they were
under the old, are no longer paid with regularity. I have
been lately informed (August 1791), on authority not to be
doubted, that associations among tenantry, to a great
amount and extent, have been formed, even within fifty
miles of Paris, for the non-payment of rent; saying, in
direct terms, we are strong enough to detain the rent, and
you are not strong enough to enforce the payment. In a
country where such things are possible, property of every
kind it must be allowed, is in a dubious situation. Very
evil consequences will result from this; arrears will accu-
mulate too great for landlords to lose, or for the peasants
to pay, who will not easily be brought to relish that order
and legal government, which must necessarily secure these
arrears to their right owners. In addition to all the rest,
by the new system of taxation, there is laid a land-tax of
300 millions, or not to exceed 43. in the pound ; but, under
the old government, their vingtiemes did not amount to the
seventh part of such an impost. In whatever light, there-
fore, the case of French landlords is viewed, it will appear,
that they have sufiered immensely by the revolution.—
That many of them deserved it, cannot, however, be
doubted, since we see their cahiers demanding steadily,
that all their feudal rights should be confirmed: ‘ that the
carrying of arms should be strictly prohibited to every body
but noblemen : 2 that the infamous arrangements of the
militia should remain on its old footing: 3 that breaking
up wastes, and inclosing commons, should be prohibited : ‘
that the nobility alone should be eligible to enter into
the army, church, &c. : 5 that lettres dc cachet should con-

1 “ Evreux,” p. 32.—“ Bourbonnois.” p. 14.—“ Artois,” p. 22...
“ Bazas,” p. 8.—-“ Nivernois,” p. 7.—“ Poitou,” p. l3.—“ Saintonge,”
p. 5.——“ Orleans,” p. 19.—“ Cbaumont,” p. 7.

2 “ Verl’nandois,” p 41.-—“ Quesnoy,” p. 19.—“ Sens,” p. 25.—
“ Evreux, p. 36.-—“ Sézanne,” p. 17.-—“ Bar sur Seine,” p. 6.——“ Bean--
vais,” p. 13.—-‘: Bugey,” p. 34.——“ Clermont Ferand,” p. 11.

3 “ Limoges,’ p. 36.

‘ “ Cambray,” p. 19.—-“ Pont a. Mousson,” p. 38.

5 “ Lyon,” p. l3.—“ Touraine,” p. 32.-—“ Angoumois,” p. 13.—
“ Auxerre,” p. 13. The author of the “ Historical Sketch of the French

REVOLUTION. 327

tinue : 1 that the press should not be free: 2 and, in fine,
that there should be no free corn trade.3

To the clergy, the revolution has been yet more fatal.
One word will dispatch this inquiry. The revolution was
a decided benefit to all the lower clergy of the kingdom ;
but it was destructive of all the rest. It is not easy to know
what they lost on the one hand, or what the national
account will gain on the other. Mons. Necker calculates
their revenue at 130,000,000 liv. of which only 42,500,000
liv. were in the hands of the cure’s of the kingdom. Their
wealth has been much exaggerated: a late writer says,
they possessed half the kingdom.‘ Their number was as
little known as their revenue ; one writer makes them
400,000 ; 5 another 81,400 ; 6 a third 80,000.7

The clergy in France have been supposed, by many persons
in England, to merit their fate from their peculiar profligacy.
But the idea is not accurate: that so large a body of men,
possessed of very great revenues, should be free from vice,
would be improbable, or rather impossible; but they pre-
served, what is not always preserved in England, an’ exterior
decency of behaviour.———One did not find among them
poachers or fox-hunters, who, having spent the morning
in scampering after hounds, dedicate the evening to the
bottle, and reel from inebriety to the pulpit. Such adver-
tisements were never seen in France, as I have heard of in
England :—Wanted a curacy in a good sporting country,

Revolution,” 8vo. 1792, says, p. 68', “ the worst enemies of nobility have
not yet brought to light any calaz'er, in which the nobles insisted on their
exclusive right to military preferments.”——In the same page, this gentle-
man says, it is impossible for any Englishman to study four or five
hundred cakz’ers. It is evident, however, from this mistake, how ne-
cessary it is to examine them before writing on the revolution.

1 “ Vermandois,” p. 23.—“ Chalons-sur-Marne,” p. 6.—-“ Gien,” p. 9.

2 “ Crépy,” p. 10.

3 “ St. Quintin,” p. 9.

4 “De l’Autorité de Montcsquieu dans la revolution presente,” 8vo.
1789 . 61.

5 ‘Zgltats Géneraux convoqués, par Louis XVI.” par M. Target,
prem. suite, p. 7. .

5 “ Qu’est ce-que le Tiers Etat,” 3d edit. par M. l’Abbé Sleyés. 8vo.

. 51.

p 7 “ Bibliothéque de l’homme publique,” par M. Condorcet, 8w.
tom. iii.

328 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

where the duty is light and the neighbourhood convivial.
The proper exercise for a country clergyman, is the employ-
ment of agriculture, which demands strength and activity
——and which, vigorously followed, will fatigue enough to
give ease its best relish. A sportsman parson may be, as
as he often is in England, a good sort of man, and an
honest fellow ; but certainly this pursuit, and the resorting
to obscene comedies, and kicking their heels in the jig of an
assembly, are not the occupations for which we can suppose
tythes are given.‘ Whoever will give any attention to the
demands of the clergy in their cahiers, will see, that there
was, on many topics, an ill spirit in that body. They
maintain, for instance, that the liberty of the press ought
rather to be restrained than extended : 2 that the laws
against it should be renewed and executed: 3 that admis-
sion into religious orders should be, as formerly, at sixteen
years of age: ‘ that lettres de cachet are useful, and even
necessary.5 They solicit to prohibit all division of com-
mons ; 8—to revoke the edict allowing inclosures ;7 that
the export of corn be not allowed; 6 and that public grana-
ries be established.8

The ill efiects of the revolution have been felt more
severely by the manufacturers of the kingdom, than by
any other class of the people. The rivalry of the English
fabrics in 1787 and 1788, was strong and successful; and
the confusions that followed in all parts of the kingdom,
had the efiect of lessening the incomes of so many land-
lords, clergy, and men in public employments; and such
numbers fled from the kingdom, that the general mass of
the consumption of national fabrics sunk perhaps three-
fourths. The men, whose incomes were untouched, lessened
their consumption greatly, from an apprehension of the

‘ Nothing appears so scandalous to all the clergy of Europe, as their
brethren in England dancing at public assemblies; and a bishop’s wife
engaged in the same amusement, seems to them as preposterous as a
bishop, in his lawn sleeves, following the same diversion would to us.
Probably both are wrong.

2 “ Saintonge,” p. 24.—“Limoges,” p. 6.

“ Lyon,” p. 13.--“ Dourdon ” (Seine and Oise), p. 5.

“ Saintonge,” p. 26.—“ Montargis,” p. 10.

“ Limoges,” p. 22. 6 “ Troyes,” p. 11. 7 “ Meta,” p. 11.
“ Rouen,” p. 24. 9 “ Laon,” p. 11.-—“ Dourdon,” p. 17.

“Gib“

REVOLUTION. 329

unsettled state of things: the prospects of a civil war,
suggested to every man, that his safety, perhaps his future
bread, depended on the money which he could hoard. The
inevitable consequence, was turning absolutely out of em-
ployment immense numbers of workmen. I have, in the
diary of the journey, noticed the misery to which I was a
witness at Lyons, Abbeville, Amiens, &c. and by intelli-
gence, I understood that it was still worse at Rouen: the
fact could hardly be otherwise. This efiect, which was abso-
lute death, by starving many thousands of families, was a
result, that, in my opinion, might have been avoided. It
flowed only from carrying things to extremities—from
driving the nobility out of the kingdom, and seizing, instead
of regulating, the whole regal authority. These violences
were not necessary to liberty; they even destroyed true
liberty, by giving the government of the kingdom, in too
great a degree, to Paris, and to the populace of every town.

The efiect of the revolution, to the small prOprietors of
the kingdom, must, according to common nature of events,
be, in the end, remarkably happy; and had the new go-
vernment adopted any principles of taxation, except those
of the wconomistes, establishing at the same time an abso-
lute freedom in the business of inclosure, and in the police
of com, the result would probably have been advantageous,
even at this recent period. The committee of imposts I
mention (and I doubt not their accuracy), the prosperity
of agriculture, in the same page in which they lament the
depression of every other brance of the national industry.
Upon a moderate calculation, there remained, in the hands
of the classes depending on land, on the account of taxes
in the years 1789 and 1790, at least 300,000,000 liv.; the
execution of corvées was as lax as the payment of taxes.
To this we are to add two years’ tythe, which I cannot
estimate at less than 300,000,000 liv. more. The abolition
of all feudal rents, and payments of every sort during
those two years, could not be less than 100,000,000 liv.
including services. But all these articles, great as they
were, amounting to near 800,000,000 liv. were less than
the immense sums that came into the hands of the farmers

1 “ Rapport du 6 Decembre 1790, sur les moyens de pourvoir aux
depenses pour 1791,” p. 4.

330 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

by the high price of corn throughout the year 1789 ; a
price arising almost entirely from Mons. N ecker’s fine
operations in the corn trade, as it has been proved at large;
it is true there is a deduction to be made on account of the
unavoidable diminution of consumption in every article of
land produce, not essentially necessary to life : every object
of luxury, or tending to it, is- lessened greatly. But after
this discount is allowed, the balance, in favour of the little
proprietor farmers, must be very great. The benefit of
such a sum being added, as it is to the capital of husban-
dry, needs no explanation. Their agriculture must be
invigorated by such wealth—by the freedom enjoyed by its
its professors ; by the destruction of its innumerable
shackles; and even by the distresses of other employ-
ments, occasioning new and great investments of capital
in land: and these leading facts will appear in a clearer
light, when the prodigious division of landed property in
France is well considered; probably half, perhaps two-
thirds, of the kingdom are in the possession of little pro-
prietors, who paid quit-rents, and feudal duties, for the
spots they farmed. Such men are placedat once in com-
parative affluence ; and as ease is thus acquired by at least
half the kingdom, it must not be set down as a point of
trifling importance. Should France escape a civil war, she
will, in the prosperity of these men, find a resource which
politicians at a distance do not calculate. With rents the
case is certainly difierent ; for, beyond all doubt, landlords
will, sooner or later, avail themselves of these circum-
stances, by advancing their rents; acting in this respect,
as in every other country, is common; but they will find it
impossible to deprive the tenantry of a vast advantage,
necessarily flowing from their emancipation.

The confusion, which has since arisen in the finances,
owing almost entirely to the mode of taxation adopted by
the assembly, has had the effect of continuing to the present
moment (1791), a freedom from all impost to the little pro-
prietors, which, however dreadful its general effects on the
national affairs, has tended strongly to enrich this class.

The effects of the revolution, not on any particular class
of cultivators, but on agriculture in general, is with me, I
must confess, very questionable ; I see no benefits flowing,

REVOLUTION. 331

particularly to agriculture (liberty applies equally to all
classes, and is not yet sufficiently established for the pro-
tection of property), except the case of tythes; but I see
the rise of many evils; restrictions and prohibitions on
the trade of corn—a varying land-tax—and impeded in-
closures, are mischiefs on principle, that may have a gene-
rative faculty; and will prove infinite drawbacks from the
prosperity, which certainly was attainable. It is to be hOped,
that the good sense of the assembly will reverse this
system by degrees; for, if it is not reversed, AGRICULTURE
CANNOT FLOURISH.

The efiect of the revolution, on the public revenue, is one
great point on which Mons. de Calonne lays considerable
stress; and it has been since urged in France, that the ruin
of 30,000 families, thrown absolutely out of employment,
and consequently out of bread, in the collection of taxes on
salt and tobacco only, has had a powerful influence in
spreading universal distress and misery. The public re-
venue sunk, in one year, 175 millions: this was not a loss
of that sum; the peOple to whom assignats were paid on
that account lost no more than the discount; the loss,
therefore, to the peOple to whom that revenue was paid,
could amount to no more than from 5 to 10 per cent.‘ But
was it a loss to the miserable subjects who formerly paid
those taxes; and who paid them by the sweat of their
brows, at the expence of the bread out of their children’s
mouths, assessed with tyranny, and levied in blood. Do
they feel a loss in having 175 millions in their pockets in
1789, more than they had in 1788 ? and. in possessing other
175 millions more in 1790, and the inheritance in future ?
Is not such a change ease, wealth, life, and animation to
those classes, who, while the pens of political satirists
slander all innovations, are every moment reviving, by in-
heriting from that revolution something which the old
government assuredly did not give ? The revenue of the
clergy may be called the revenue of the public :—those to
whom the difference between the present payment of one

1 Since this was written, assignats fell in December 1791, and
January 1792, to 34 to 38 per cent. paid in silver, and 42 to 50 paid in
gold, arising from great emissions; from the quantity of private paper
issued; from forged ones being common, and from the prospect of a war.

332 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

hundred and forty millions, and the old tythes, are a de-
duction of all revenue, are, beyond doubt, in great distress;
but what say the farmers throughout the kingdom, from
whom the detestable burthen of those taxes were extorted?
Do not they find their culture lightened, their industry
freed, their products their own? Go to the aristocratical
politician at Paris, or at London, and you hear only of the
ruin of France—go to the cottage of the métayer, or the
house of the farmer, and demand of him what the result
has been—there will be but one voice from Calais to
Bayonne. If tythes were to be at one stroke abolished in
England,1 no doubt the clergy would suflfer, but would not
the agriculture of the kingdom, with every man dependent
on it, rise with a vigour never before experienced?

FUTURE EFFECTS.

It would betray no inconsiderable presumption to at-
tempt to predict what will be the event of the revolution
now passing in France; I am not so imprudent. But
there are considerations that may be ofiered to the atten-
tion of those who love to speculate on future events better
than I do. There are three apparent benefits in an aristo-
cracy forming the part of a constitution; first, the fixed,
consolidated, and hereditary importance of the great
nobility, is, for the most part, a bar to the dangerous
pretensions, and illegal views, of a victorious and highly
popular king, president, or leader. Assemblies, so elected,
as to be swayed absolutely by the opinion of the peOple,
would frequently, under such a prince, be ready to grant
him much more than a well constituted aristocratic senate.
Secondly, such popular assemblies, as I have just described,
are sometimes led to adopt decisions too hastily, and too

‘ It is an error in France to suppose, that the revenue of the church
is small in England. The Royal Society of Agriculture at Paris states
that revenue at 210,0001.; it. cannot be stated at. less than five millions
sterling. “ Mem. presente’ par la S. R. d’Ag. a l’Assemblée Nationale,”
1789, p. 52.—One of the greatest and wisest men we have in England,
persists in asserting it to be much less than two millions. From very
numerous inquiries, which I am still pursuing, I have reason to believe
this opinion to be founded on. insufficient data.

REVOLUTION. 333

imprudently; and particularly in the case of wars with
neighbouring nations ; in the free countries, we have known
the commonalty have been too apt to call lightly for them.
An aristocracy, not unduly influenced by the crown, stands
like a rock against such phrenzies, and hath a direct in-
terest in the encouragement and support of peaceable
maxims. The remark is applicable to many other subjects,
in which mature deliberation is wanted to ballast the im-
petuosity of the people. I always suppose the aristocratic
body well constituted, upon the basis of a sufficient pro-
perty, and at the same time no unlimited power in the
crown, to throw all the property of the kingdom into the
same scale, which is the case in England. Thirdly, what-
ever benefits may arise from the existence of an executive
power, distinct from the legislative, must absolutely depend
on some intermediate and independent body between the
people and the executive power. Every one must grant,
that if there be no such body, the peOple are enabled, when
they please, to annihilate the executive authority,——and
assign it, as in the case of the long parliament, to com-
mittees of their own representatives; or, which is the same
thing, they may appear, as they did at Versailles, armed
before the King, and insist on his consent to any proposi-
tions they bring him: in these cases, the seeming advan-
tages derived from a distinct executive power are lost.
And it must be obvious, that in such a constitution as the
present one of France, the kingly office can be put down as
easily, and a readily, as a secretary can be reprimanded for
a false entry in the journals. If a constitution be good, all
great changes in it should be esteemed a matter of great
difficulty and hazard: it is in bad ones only that altera-
tions should not be looked upon in a formidable light.
That these circumstances may prove advantages in an
aristocratical portion of a legislature, there is reason to
believe; the inquiry is, whether they be counter-balanced
by possible or probable evils. May there not come within
this description, the danger of an aristocracy uniting Wlth
crown against the pe0p1e? that is to say, influencing by
weight of property and power, a great mass of the people
dependent—against the rest of the people who are inde-
pendent ? Do we not see this to be very much the case in

334 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

England at this moment? To what other part of our con-
stitution is it imputable that we have been infamously in-
volved in perpetual wars, from which none reap any bene-
fit but that tribe of vermin which thrive most when a
nation most declines ; contractors, victuallers, paymasters,
.stock-jobbers, and money-scriveners : a set by whom
ministers are surrounded; and in favour of whom whole
classes amongst the people are beggared and ruined. Those
who will assert a constitution can be good 1 which suffers
these things, ought at least to agree, that such an one as
would not suffer them would be much better.2

If an aristocracy have thus its advantages and disadvan-
tages, it is natural to inquire, Whether the French nation
be likely to establish something of a senate, that shall have
the advantages without the evils. If there should be none,
no popular representatives will ever be brought, with the
consent of their constituents, to give up a power in their
own possession and enjoyment. It is experience alone, and
long experience, that can satisfy the doubts which every one
must entertain on this subject. What can be know, ex-
perimentally, of a government which has not stood the
brunt of unsuccessful and of successful wars? The English
constitution has stood this test, and has been found deficient ;
or rather, as far as this test can decide any thing, has been
proved worthless ; since in a single century, it has involved

1 It ought not to be allowed even tolerable, for this plain reason, such
public extravagance engenders taxes to an amount that will sooner or
later force the people into resistance, which is always the destruction of
.a constitution ; and surely that must be admitted bad, which carries to
the most careless eye the seeds of its own destruction. Two hundred
and forty millions of public debt in a century, is in a ratio impossible to
be supported; and therefore evidently ruinous.

2 “ The direct power of the king of England,” says Mr. Burke, “is
considerable. His indirect is great indeed. When was it that a king
of England wanted wherewithal to make him respected, courted, or per~
haps even feared in every state in Europe ? ” It is in such passages as
these, that this elegant writer lays himself open to the attacks, for-
midable, because just, of men who have not an hundredth part of his
talents. Who questions, or can question, the power of a prince that. in
less than a century has expended above 1000 millions, and involved his
peOple in a debt of 240! The point in debate is not the existence of
power, but its excess. What is the constitution that generates or allows
of such expences? The very mischief complained of is here wrought
.into a merit, and brought in argument to prove that poison is salutary.

nnvonunon. 335

the nation in a debt of so vast 1 a magnitude, that every
blessing which might otherwise have been perpetuated is
put to the stake ; so that if the nation do not make some
change in its constitution, it is much to be dreaded that
the constitution will ruin the nation. Where practice and
experience have so utterly failed, it would be vain to reason
from theory: and especially on a subject on which a very
able writer has seen his own prediction, so totally erro-
neous: “ In the monarchical states of Europe, it is highly
improbable that any form of properly equal government
should be established for many ages ; the people, in general,
and especially in France, being proud of their monarchs,
even when they are oppressed by them.” 2

In regard to the future consequences of this singular re-
volution, as an example to other nations, there can be no
doubt but the spirit which has produced it, will, sooner or
later, spread throughout Europe, according to the different
degrees of illumination amongst the common people; and
it will prove either mischievous or beneficial, in prOportion
to the previous steps taken by governments. It is unques-
tionably the subject of all others the most interesting to
every class, and even to every individual of a modern state;
the great line of division, into which the people divides, is,
1st, those that have property; and, 2d, others that have
none. The events that have taken place in France, in
many respects, have been subversive of property ; ~ and
have been effected by the lower peOple, in direct opposition
to the nominal legislature ; yet their constitution began its
establishment with a much greater degree of regularity,
by a formal election of representatives, than there is any
probability of seeing in other countries. Revolutions will
there be blown up from riotous mobs—from the military
called out to quell them, but refusing obedience, and join-
ing the insurgents. Such a flame, spreading rapidly
through a country, must prove more hostile, and more fatal

1 This debt, and our enormous taxation, are the best answer the
National Assembly gives to those who would have had the English
government, with all its faults on its head, adopted in France ; nor was
it without reason said by a popular writer, that a government, formed
like the English, obtains more revenue than it could do, either by direct
despotism, or in a full state of freedom.

2 Dr. Priestly’s “ Leetures on Hist.” 4to. 1788, p. 917.

336 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

to property, than any thing that has prevailed in France.
The probability of such events, every one must allow to be
not inconsiderable; the ruin that must attend them cannot
be doubted; for they would tend not to produce, a National
Assembly, and a free constitution, but an universal anarchy
and confusion. The first attempt towards a democracy in
England would be the common people demanding an admis-
sion and voice in the vestries, and voting to themselves what-
ever rates they thought proper to appropriate; which, in
fact, would be an agrarian law. Can there be so much su-
pineness in the present governments of Europe, as to sup-
pose that old principles and maxims will avail any longer ?
Can such ignorance of the human heart, and such blindness
to the natural course of events be found, as the plan of re-
jecting all innovations lest they should lead to greater ?
There is no government to be found, that does not depend,
in the last resort, on a military power; and if that fail
them, is not the consequence easily seen ? A new policy
must either be adopted, or all the governments we know
will be swept from their very foundations. This policy
must consist, first, in making it the interest, as much as
possible, of every class in the state, except those absolutely
without property,1 to support the established government;
and also to render it as palatable, as the security of pro-
perty will allow, even to these; farther than this, none can
look; for it is so directly the interest of the people, without
property, to divide with those who have it, that no govern-
ment can be established, which shall give the poor an

equal interest in it with the rich ;2-—the visible tangible in—

1 The representation of mere pulation is as gross a violation of
sense, reason, and theory, as it is ound pernicious in practice; it gives
to ignorance to govern knowledge ; to uncultivated intellect the lead of
intelligence; to savage force the guide of law and justice; and to folly
the governance of wisdom. Knowledge, intelligence, information,
learning, and wisdom ought to govern nations; and these are all found
to reside most in the middle classes of mankind; weakened by the habits
and prejudices of the great, and stifled by the ignorance of the vulgar.

3 hose who have not attended much to French affairs, might easily
mistake the representation of territory and contribution in the French
constitution, as something similar to what I contend for—but nothing is
more remote; the number chosen is of little cons . uence, while persons
without property are the electors. Yet Mr. hristie says, vol. i.
p. 196, that property is a base on which repmsentation ought to be

REVOLUTION. 337

terest of the poor (if I may use the expressions), and not
the ultimate and remote which they will never voluntarily
regard, is a pure democracy, and a consequent division
of property, the sure path to anarchy and despotism.
The means of making a government respected and beloved
are, in England, obvious; taxes must be immensely re-
duced; assessments on malt, leather, candles, soap, salt,
and windows, must be abolished or lightened; the funding
system, the parent of taxation, annihilated for ever, by
taxing the interest of the public debt—the constitution
that admits a debt, carries in its vitals the seeds of its de-
struction; tythes ‘ and tests abolished; the representation
of parliament reformed, and its duration shortened; not to
give the peOple, without property, a predominancy, but to
prevent that corruption, in which our debts and taxes have
originated; the utter destruction of all monopolies, and,
among them, of all charters and corporations ; game-made
property, and belonging to the possessor of one acre, as
much as to him who has a thousand; and, lastly, the laws,
both criminal and civil to be thoroughly reformed—These
circumstances include the great evils of the British consti-

founded; and it is plain he thinks that property is represented, though
the representatives of the property are elected by men that do not pos-
sess a shilling! It is not that the proprietors of property should have
voices in the election proportioned to their property, but that men who
have a direct interest in the plunder or division of property should be
kept at a distance from power. Here lies the great difficulty of modern
legislation, to secure property, and at the same time secure freedom to
those that have no property. In England there is much of this efl'ected
for the small portion of every man’s income that is left to him after
public plunder is satiated (the poor, the parson, and the king take 50oto
60 per cent. of every man’s rent)—-but the rest 18 secure. In Amerlca
the poor, the parson, and the king take noth1ng(or next to nothlng),
and the whole is secure. In France ALL seems to be at the mercy of
the populace. .

1 The exaction of tythes is so absurd and tyrannical an attack on. the
property of mankind, that it is almost imposs1ble for them to contlnue
in any country in the world half a century longer. To pay a man by
force 1000]. a year, for doing by deputy what would be much better
done for 100]. is too gross an imposition to be endured. To levy that
1000]. in the most pernicious method that can wound both property and
liberty, are circumstances congenial to the tenth century, but not to the
eighteenth. Italy, France, and America have set noble examples for
the imitation of mankind; and those countries that do not follow them,
will soon be as inferior in cultivation as they are in policy.

Z

338 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

tution; if they be remedied, it may enjoy even a Venetian
longevity ; but if they be allowed, like cancerous humours
to prey on the nobler parts of the political system, this
boasted fabric may not exist even twenty years. To guard
property effectually, and to give permanency to the new
system, the militia laws ought all to be repealed. When
we see, as in all the monarchies of Europe, the government
only armed, despotism is established. When those who
have property alone are armed, how secure the people from
oppression ?——When those who have no property are armed,
how prevent their seizing the property of others ?—Perhaps
the best method of guarding against these contrary evils,
is to embody, in a national militia, all who have property;
and, at the same time, to allow arms (unembodied) to all
citizens indiscriminately: we see, in the case of Berne, that
the peOple being armed, keeps an aristocracy in such order,
that great oppressions are unknown. An army was al-
ways dangerous; and, in the probable state of Europe, it
may be doubly so ; discipline preserved, it cemented des-
potism ; undisciplined, it may unite with the pe0ple of no
property, and produce anarchy and ruin. There seems to
be no sufficient guard upon it, but a national militia, formed
of every man that possesses a certain degree of property,
rank and file as well as officers.1 Such a force, in this
island, would probably amount to above 100,000 men; and
would be amply sufficient for repressing all those riots,
Whose object might be, immediately or ultimately, the de-
mocratic mischief of transferring property.2 This for a

l The late riots at Birmingham [riots against persons commemorating
the French Revolution, July, l791.—ED.] ought to convince every
man, who looks to the preservation of peace, that a militia of property is
absolutely necessary; had it existed at that town, no such infamous
transactions could have taken place, to the disgrace of the age and
nation. Those riots may convince us how insecure our property really
is in England, and how very imperfect that POLITICAL SYSTEM, which
could, twice in twelve years, see two of the greatest towns in England
at the mercy of a vile mob. The military must, in relation to the
greater part of the kingdom, be always at a distance; but a militia
is on the spot, and easy to be collected, by previous regulations, at a
moment’s warning.

2 The class of writers who wish to 5 read the taste of revolutions,
and make them every where the order 0 the da , affect to confound the
governments of France and America, as if estab ished on the same prin-

REVOLUTION. 339

free government z—despotic ones, that would wish to escape
destruction, must emancipate their subjects, because no
military conformation can long secure the obedience of ill

ciples; if so, it is a remarkable fact that the result should, tO appearance,
turn out so ditferently: but a little examination will convince us, that
there is scarcely any thing in common between those governments,
except the general principle Of being free. In France, the populace are
electors, and to so low a degree that the exclusions are of little account;
and the qualifications for a seat in the provincial assemblies, and in the
national one, are so low that the whole chain may be completed, from
the first elector to the legislator, without a single link of what merits
the name Of property. The very reverse is the case in America, there
is not a single state in which voters must not have a qualification of
property: in Massachussets and New Hampshire, a freehold of 31. a
year, or other estate of 601. value: Connecticut is a country Of sub-
stantial freeholders, and the old government remains: In New York,
electors Of the senate must have a property of 1001. free from debts;
and those Of the assembly freeholds Of 408. a year, rated and paying
taxes: in Pensylvania, payment of taxes is necessary: in Maryland,
the possession of 50 acres Of land, or other estate worth 301.: in Vir-
ginia, 25 cultivated acres, with a house on it: in North Carolina, for
the senate 50 acres, and for the assembly payment Of taxes: and in all
the states there are qualifications much more considerable, necessary for
being eligible to be elected. In general it should be remembered, that
taxes being so very few, the qualification of paying them excludes vastly
more voters than a similar regulation in Europe. In constituting the
legislatures also, the states all have two houses, except Pensylvania.
And Congress itself meets in the same form. Thus a ready explanation
is found Of that order and regularity, and security Of property, which
strikes every eye in America; a contrast to the spectacle which France
has exhibited, where confusion Of every sort has Operated, in which
property is very far from safe; in which the populace legislate and
then execute, not laws of their representatives, but of their own ambula-
tory wills; in which, at this moment (March 1792), they are a scene of
anarchy, with every sign Of a civil war commencing. These two great
experiments, as far as they have gone, ought tO pour conviction in every
mind, that order and property never can be safe if the right of election
is personal, instead of being attached to property : and whenever pro-g
positions for the reformation Of our representation shall be seriously
considered, which is certainly necessary, nothing ought to be in con-
templation but taking power from the crown and the aristocracy—not
to give it to the mob, but to the middle classes Of moderate fortune.
The proprietor of an estate Of 501. a year is as much interested, in the
preservation Of order and of property, as the possessor ofOfifty thousand;
but the peOple without property have a direct and posmve interest. 1n
public confusion, and the consequent division of that property, Of whlch
they are destitute. Hence the necessity, a pressing one in the present
moment, of a militia rank and file, of property; the essential counter-
pOise to assemblies in ale-house kitche‘ns, clubbing their pence to have

340 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

treated slaves ; and while such governments are giving to
their people a constitution worth preserving, they should,
by an absolute renunciation of all the views of conquest,
make a small army as efficient for good purposes, as a large
force for ambitious ones : this new-modelled military should
consist, rank and file, of men interested in the preservation
of property and order: were this army to consist merely
of nobility, it would form a military aristocracy, as dan-
gerous to the prince as to the people; it should be com-
posed, indiscriminately, of individuals, drawn from all
classes, but possessing a given property—A good govern-
ment, thus supported, may be durable; bad ones will be
shivered to pieces by the new spirit that ferments in
Europe. The candid reader will, I trust, see, that in what-
ever I have ventured to advance on so critical a subject as
this great and unexampled revolution, I have assigned
the merit I think due to it, which is the destruction of the
old government, and not the establishment of the new. All
that I saw, and much that I heard, in France, gave me the
clearest conviction, that a change was necessary for the
happiness of the peeple; a change, that should limit the
royal authority; that should restrain the feudal tyranny of
the nobility; that should reduce the church to the level of
good citizens; that should correct the abuses of finance;
that should give purity to the administration of justice;
and that should place the people in a state of ease, and
give them weight enough to secure this blessing. Thus
far I must suppose every friend of mankind agreed. But
whether, in order to effect thus much, all France were to
be overthrown, ranks annihilated, property attacked, the

the Rights of Man read to them, by which should be understood (in
Europe, not in America) the RIGHT TO PLUNDER. Let the state of
France at present he coolly considered, and it will be found to originate
absolutely in population, without property being represented : it exhibits
scenes such as can never take place in America. See the National As-
sembly of a great empire, at the crisis of its fate, listening to the bar-
rangues of the Paris populace, the female populace of St. Antoine, and
the president formally answering and flattering them! Will such spec-
tacles ever be seen in the American Congress ? Can that be a well
constituted government, in which the most precious moments are so
consumed ? The place of assembling (Paris) is alone sufficient to en-
danger the constitution.

REVOLUTION. 341

monarchy abolished, and the king and royal family trampled
upon; and above all the rest, the whole efiect of the revo-
lution, good or had, put on the issue of a conduct which,
to speak in the mildest language, made a civil war probable :
-—this is a question absolutely distinct. In my private
opinion, these extremities were not necessary; France
might have been free without violence; a necessitous court,
a weak ministry, and a timid prince, could have refused
nothing to the demands of the states, essential to public
happiness. The power of the purse would have done all
that ought to have been done. The weight of the com-
mons would have been predominant; but it would have
had checks and a controul, without which power is not
CONSTITUTION, but tyranny—While, however, I thus ven~
ture to think that the revolution might have been accom-p
plished upon better principles, because probably more
durable ones, I do not therefore assign the first National
Assembly in the gross to that total condemnation, they
have received from some very intemperate pens, and for
this plain reason, because it is certain that they have not
done much which was not called for by the people.

Before the revolution is condemned in the gross, it should
be considered what extent of liberty was demanded by the
three orders in their cahiers ; and this in particular is neces—
sary, since those very cahiers are quoted to show the mis-
chievous proceedings of the National Assembly. Here are
a few of the ameliorations demanded ; to have the trial by
jury, and the habeas corpus of England; 1 to deliberate by
head, and not by order, demanded by the nobility them-
selves: ; 2 to declare all taxes illegal and suppressed—but to
grant them anew for a year ; to establish for ever the capi-
taineries ; 3 to establish a caisse nationale separée inacces- .
sible d tonte influence dn ponvoir executifi"; 4 that all the in-

1 “Nob. Auxois,” p. 23. “Artois,” p. 13. “ T. Etat de Peronne,”
p. 15. “ Nob. Dauphiné,” p. 119.

3 “ Nob. Touraine,” p. 4. “ Nob. Senlis,” p. 46. “ Nob. Pays de
Labour” (Labourd, Pyrenees, ED.), p. 3. “ Nob. Quesnoy,” p. 6. “ Nob.
Sens,” p. 3. “ Nob. Thimerais,” p. 3. “ Clergé du Bourbonnois,” p. 6.
“ Clergé du Bas Limosin,” p. 10.

3 Too numerous to quote, of both Nobility and Tiers.

4 Many ; Nobility as well as Tiers.

842 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

tendants should be suppressed :’ that no treaties of com-
merce should be made but with the consent of the states :2
that the orders of begging monks be suppressed: 3 that all
monks be suppressed, and their goods and estates sold : ‘
that tythes be for ever suppressed : 5 that all feudal right,
duties, payments, and services be abolished: 8 that salaries
(traitement pe’cuniare), be paid to the deputies: 7 that the
permanence of the National Assembly is a necessary part
of its existence : 3 that the Bastile be demolished: 9 that the
duties of aides, on wine, brandy, tobacco, salt, leather,
paper, iron, oil, and soap, be suppressed : 1° that the
apanages be abolished: n that the domaines of the king be
alienated: ‘2 that the king’s studs (hams), be suppressed : 1’
that the pay of the soldiers be augmented: ‘4 that the king-
dom be divided into districts, and the elections propor-
tioned to population and to contributions : ‘5 that all citizens
paying a determinate quota of taxes vote in the parochial
assemblies : 16 that it is indispensable in the states-general
to consult the Rights of Man: 17 that the deputies shall
accept of no place, pension, grace, or favour.18

1 “ Nob. Sezanne,” p. 14. “ T. Etat Metz,” p. 42. “T. Etat do
Auvergne,” p. 9. “ T. Etat de Riom,” p. 23.

2 “Nob. Nivernois,” p. 25. 3 “ Nob. Bas Limosin,” p.12.

4 “ T. Etat du Haut Vivarais,” p. 18. “ Nob. Rheims,’ p. 16.
“ Nob. Auxerre,” p. 41.

5 “ Nob. Toulon,” p. 18. 5 Too many to quote.

7 “ Nob. Nomery en Loraine,” p. 10.

3 “ Nob. Mantes & Meulan,” p. 16. “ Provins 81 Montereaux,” art.
1. “ Rennes,” art. 19.

9 “ Nob. Paris,” p. 14.

1° “Nob. Vitry le Francois,” MS. “Nob. Lyon,” p. 16. “ Nob.
Bugey,” p. 28. “ Nob. Paris,” p. 22.

11 “ Nob. Ponthieu,” p. 32. “Nob. Chartres,” p. 19. “ Nob. Aux-
erre,” art. 74.

‘2 “ Nob. Bugey,” p. 11. “ Nob. Montargis,” p. 18. “ Nob. Paris,”
p. 16. “ Nob. Bourbonnois,” . 12. “ Nob. Nanc ” . 23. “ Nob.

, P Y: P
Angoumoxs,” p. 20. “ Nob. Pays de Labour,” fol. 9.

‘3 “ Nob. Beauvois,” p. 18. “ Nob. Troyes,” p. 25.

1‘ “ Nob. Limoges,” p. 31.

‘5 “ T. Etat de Lyon, ’ p 7 “ N ismes,” p. 13. “ Cotentin,” art. 7.

‘6 “ T. Etat Rennes,” art. 15. 17 “ T. Etat Nismes,” p. 11.

18 “ T. Etat Pont a Mousson,” p. 17. Mr. Burke says, “ When the
several orders, in their several bailliages, had met in the year 1789, to
chuse and instruct their representatives, they were the people of France;
whilst they were in that state, in no one of their instructions did they

REVOLUTION. 343

From this detail of the instructions given by the nation,
I will not assert that every thing which the National As-
sembly has decreed is justifiable; but it may be very fairly
concluded, that much the greater part of their arrets, and
many that have been the most violently arraigned, are here
expressly demanded. To reply that these demands are not
those of the nation at large, but of particular bodies only,
is very wide from the argument; especially as the most
virulent enemies of the revolution, and particularly Mess.
Burke and De Calonne, have, from these cahiers, deduced
such conclusions as suited their purpose ; and if they are made
authority for condemning the transactions in that king-
dom, they certainly are equal authority for supporting those
transactions. I shall make but one observation on these
demands. The assemblies that drew them up, most cer-
tainly never demanded, in express terms, the abolition of
the monarchy, or the transfer of all the regal authority to
the deputies; but let it be coolly considered, What sort of
a monarchy must necessarily remain, while an assembly is
permanent, with power to abolish tythes; to suppress the
intendants; not only to vote, but to keep the public money:
to alienate the king’s domains; and to suppress his studs :
to abolish the capitaineries, and destroy the bastile :—the
assembly that is called upon to do all this, is plainly meant
to be a body solely possessing the legislative authority: it
is evidently not meant to petition the king to do it; because
they would have used, in this case, the form of expression
so common in other parts of the cahiers, that his majesty
will have the goodness, &c.

The result of the Whole inquiry, cannot but induce tem-
perate men to conclude, that the abolition of tythe, of
feudal services and payments, of the gabelle, or salt-tax, of
that on tobacco, of the entrees, of all excises on manufac-
turers, and of all duties on transit, of the infamous pro-
ceedings in the old courts of justice, of the despotic prac-
tices of the old monarchy, of the militia regulations, of the
monasteries and nunneries, and of numberless other abuses;
I say, that temperate men must conclude, that the advan-
tages derived to the nation are of the very first importance,

charge, or even hint at any of those things which have drawn upon the
nsnrping assembly the detestation of the rational part of mankind.”

344 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

and such as must inevitably secure to it, as long as they
continue, an uncommon degree of prosperity. The men
who deny the benefit of such events, must have something
sinister in their views, or muddy in their understandings.
On the other hand, the extensive and unnecessary ruin
brought on so many thousands of families, of all descrip-
tions, by violence, plunder, terror, and injustice, to an
amount that is shewn in the utter want of the precious
metals, the stagnation of industry, and the poverty and
misery found amongst many, is an evil of too great a mag-
nitude to be palliated. The nourishment of the most per-
nicious cancer in the state, public credit: the deluge of
paper money; the violent and frivolous extinction of
rank ;1 the new system of taxation, apparently so hurtful
to landed property ; and a restricted corn trade; all these
are great deductions from public felicity, and weigh the
heavier in the scale, because unnecessary to effect the revo-
lution. Of the nature and durableness of the constitution
established, prudent men will not be eager to prophesy:
it is a new experiment,2 and cannot be tried or examined on

' It is so because the inequality remains as great as if titles had
remained, but built on its worst basis, wealth. The nobility were bad,
but not so bad as Mr. Christie makes them; they did not wait till the
E'tats Generaux before they agreed to renounce their pecuniary privileges,
“ Letters on the Revolution of France,” vol. i. p. 74. The first meeting
of the states was May 5, 17 89 ; but the nobility assembled at the Louvre,
Dec. 20, 1788, addressed the king, declaring that intention.

2 After all that. has been said of late years, on the subject of con-
stitutions and governments by various writers in England, but more
especially in France, one circumstance must strike any attentive reader;
it is, that none of the writers who have pushed the most forward in
favour of new systems, have said any thing to convince the unprejudiced

art of mankind, that experiment is not as necessary a means of know-
edge in relation to government, as in agriculture, or any other branch
of natural philos0phy. Much has been said in favour of the American
government, and I believe with perfect justice, reasoning as far as the
apartment extends; but it is fair to consider it as an imperfect experi-
ment, extending no further than the energy of personal virtue, seconded
by the moderation attendant on a circulation not remarkably active.
We learn, by Mr. Payne, that General Washington accepted no salary
as commander of their troops, nor any as president of their legislature
——an instance that does honour to their government, their country, and
to human nature; but it. may be doubted, whether any such instances
will occur two hundred years hence? The exports of the United States
now amount to 20 millions of dollars; when they amount to 500 mil~

REVOLUTION. 345

old ideas; but the EFFECTS, good and bad, here arranged,
1n Opposition to each other, are visible to every eye; the
advantages are recognized; the evils are felt. On these
circumstances we are competent to reason.1

1792.

IT may afford the reader some satisfaction to note a few
circumstances Of the state of France at the opening Of
1792, which I draw from the correspondence Of some friends,
on whose accuracy I can rely.

Agriculture—Small proprietors, who farm their own
lands, are in a very improved and easy situation: renters
are proportionally so, to the degree in which their landlords
have not been able to acquire in new rents, the payments
from which the land has been freed. Owners of meadows,
woods, and a variety of articles for which no tythe was paid
before, gain much less than others whose property used to
be subject to that burthen. In regard to the payment of
rent, there is a distinction between the north and south Of

lions, when great wealth, vast cities, a rapid circulation, and, by conse-
quence, immense private fortunes are formed, will such spectacles be
found ? Will their government then be as faultless as it appears at
present ? It may. Probably it will still be found excellent; but we
have no convictions, no proof; it is in the womb of time—Tar. EXPERP
KENT Is NOT MADE. Such remarks, however, ought always to be
accompanied with the admission, that the British government has been
experimented—With what result ?——Let a debt Of 240 millions—let
seven wars—let Bengal and Gibraltar—let 30 millions sterling Of na-
tional burthens, taxes, rates, tythes, and monopolies—let these answer.
1 The gross abuse which has been thrown on the French nation, and
particularly on their assemblies, in certain pamphlets, and without
interruption, in several of our newspapers, ought to be deprecated by
every man who feels for the future interests Of this country. It is in
some instances carried to so scandalous an excess, that we must neces-
sarily give extreme disgust to thousands of people, who may hereafter
have an ample Opportunity tO vote and act under the influence Of im-
pressions unfavourable towards a country, that, unprovoked, has loaded
them with so much contumely; for a nation groaning under a debt Of
240 millions, that deadens the very idea Of future energy, this seems, tO
use the mildest language, to be at least very imprudent. -

346 'rmwnns IN FRANCE.

of the Loire ; in the former, rents continue to be paid; but
to the south, many landlords have been unable to receive a
penny; and here a difference is observable ; absentees, who
were not beloved, or whose agents are disliked, are in an ill
situation ; but others, who reside, or who, though absent,
are beloved, are paid preportionally to the ability of the
meta/yer, which species of tenant is chiefly found south of
the Loire. The last crop (of 1791), is said to have been
short; in a good year, in Picardy, 4O sheaves gave a septier
of wheat, of 2401b; but now it takes 50 to 60. This
circumstance, however, cannot be general, as the price
plainly proves; for January 7th 1792, price at Paris of
wheat was 22 to 28 liv. with assignats at 36 per cent. dis-
count, a remarkable proof, that the most depreciated paper
currency will answer every purpose for objects of physical
necessity, and daily consumption. The discount on this
paper, is greater than ever was foretold by those who pre-
dicted an enormous rise of all the necessaries of life; a
proof how new the science of politics is, and how little able
the most ingenious men are to foretell the effects of any
specified event. The sale of the national estates has been
of late very slow, which is a strange circumstance, since the
rapidity of their transfer ought to have been proportioned
to the discount upon assignats, for an obvious reason ; for,
while land is to be acquired with money, the more de-
preciated paper is, the greater the benefit to the purchaser.
While the sale of the estates lasted with any degree of
briskness, the common price, of such as have come to my
knowledge, was 20 to 30, and even more years purchase;
at which rate the advantages attending investments may
be great. '

Commerce and Manufactures—The result of the vast dis-
count upon assignats has, in relation to the national industry,
been almost contrary to what many persons, not ill in-
formed, expected. Early in the confusion of the revolution,
nothing sufiered so severely as manufactures; but I am
now (1792) informed, that there is much more motion and
employment in them than some time past, when the
general aspect of afiairs was less alarming. The very cir-
cumstance which, according to common ideas, should have
continued their depression, has most unaccountably re-

nnvonn'rron. 347

vived them in some measure ; I mean the depreciation of
the assignats. Paper currency has been at so low a pitch,
that every species of goods has been preferred in payments;
master manufacturers paying their workmen, &c. in assig-
nats, by which bread is purchased at a price proportioned
to the crop, can sell the product of that labour to such an
advantage, as to create demand enough to animate their
business : a most curious political combination, which
seems to shew, that in circumstances where evils are of
the most alarming tendency, there is a re-action, an under-
current, that works against the apparent tide, and brings
relief, even from the very nature of the misfortune. Com-
bine this with the point of depression of England, in all
her wars, as explained with such talents by the ingenious
Mr. Chalmers, and something of a similarity will strike
the reflecting reader. The loss by the depression of
assignats has not been by any interior transactions, but by
those with foreign powers. In consequence of it, the
course of exchange rose at last so high, that the loss to the
kingdom has been great, but by no means so great as some
have imagined, who supposed the intercourse to be moving
in the same ratio as in preceding periods. But this is no
light error: the evil of exchange, like all other political
evils, corrects itself ; when it is very much against a pe0ple,
they necessarily lessen their consumption of foreign com-
modities; and on the contrary, foreign nations consume
theirs very freely, because so easily paid for. Through
the month of January 1792, the course of exchange between
us and Paris, has been about 18 on an average ; reckoning
the par at 30 (which, however, is not exact), here is 40 per
cent. against France ; deduct 36 for the discount on assig-
nats, and this apparent enormity of evil is reduced to 4
per cent. Through the month of January 1791, the course
was 25-;— ; this was 15 per cent. disadvantage and deducting
5 for the discount on assignats, the real disadvantage was
10. Thus the exchange in January, 1792 is 6 per cent. more
favourable to France than in 1 791 ; a remark, however, which
must not be extended to any other case, and touches not
on the internal mischiefs of a depreciated currency. It
seems to shew, that the evils of their situation, so little
understood by the generality of peOple here, are correcting

348 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

themselves, relative to foreigners, through the operation of
the causes I have mentioned. It is at the same time to be
remarked, that while the price of corn, and other things,
in which there is no competition by foreigners, rises merely
on account of a scarcity, real or apprehensive ; at the same
time, every thing bought by foreigners, or which can be
bought by them, has risen greatly; for instance, the cloth
of Abbeville, a French commodity, has risen from 30 liv.
to 42 liv. the aulne ; and copper, a foreign commodity, has
increased, it is asserted, in the petition of the Norman
manufactures to the National Assembly. 70 per cent.
Such a fabric may suffer; but if their pins fell proportion-
ably with other things, the evil, it must be admitted, tends
to correct itself.

Finances.—The prominent feature is the immensity of
the debt which, increases every hour. That which bears
interest, may be about 5,000,000,000 liv.; and assignats,
or the debt not bearing interest, may be grossly esti-
mated at 1,500,000,000 liv.; in all 6,500,000,000 liv. or
284,375,0001. sterling: a debt of such enormity, that no-
thing but the most regular, and well paid revenue, could
enable the kingdom to support it. The annual deficit may
be reckoned about 250,000,0001iv. at present, but improve-
able by a better collection of the revenue. The following
is the account for the month of February 1792.

 

 

Recette . ‘ . . . . 20,000,000
Dépenses extraordinaire de 1792 . 12,000,000
Id. pour 1791 . . . . 2,000,000
Avances au depart. de Paris . 1,000,000
Deficit . . . . . 43,000,000

58,000,000

I am afraid that any attempt to support such infinite
burthens, must continue to deluge the kingdom with paper,
till, like Congress dollars in America, circulation ceases
altogether. There seems to be no remedy but a bank—
ruptcy, which is the best, easiest, and most beneficial
measure to the nation, that can be embraced; it is also the

REVOLUTION. 349

most just and the most honourable; all shifting expedients
are, in fact, more mischievous to the people, and yet leave
government as deeply involved, as if no recourse had been
made to them. If the mil‘ice bourgeoise of Paris is so
interested in the funds, as to render this too dangerous,
there does not appear to be any other rule of conduct,
than one great and last appeal to the nation, declaring,
that they must either DESTROY PUBLIC CREDIT, 03. BE DE-
STROYED BY IT. If the National Assembly have not virtue
and courage enough thus to extricate France, she must at
all events, remain, however free, in a state of political
debility.

The impossibility of levying the (economistes, land—tax, is
found in France to be as great in practice as the principles
of it were absurd in theory. I am informed (February
1792), that the confusion arising from this cause, in almost
every part of the kingdom, is great. The tax of 300
millions, laid on the rental of France, would not be more
than 23. 6d. in the pound; too great a burthen on just
political principles, but not a very oppressive one had it
been once fairly assessed, and never afterwards varied.
But, by pursuing the jargon of the prodm’t net, and making
it variable, instead of fixed, every species of inconvenience
and uncertainty has arisen. The assembly divided the
total among the departments; the departments the quotas
among the districts; the districts among the municipali-
ties ; and the municipalities assembled for the assessment
of individuals: the same decree that fixed the tax at 800
millions, limited it also not to exceed one-fifth of the
prodnit net ; every man had therefore a power to reject any
assessment that exceeded that proportion ; the consequence
was, the total assigned to the municipalities, was scarcely
any where to be found, but upon large farms, let at a
money-rent in the north of France; among the small pro-
prietors of a few acres, which spread over so large a part
of the kingdom, they all screened themselves under defini-
tions, of what the prod/wit net meant; and the result was,
that the month of December, which ought to have pro-
duced 40 millions, really produced but 14. So practicable
has this visionary nonsense of the prodm't net proved,
under the dispensations of a mere democracy, though act-

350 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

ing nominally 1 by representatives. The fact has been, that
this ill-conceived and ill-laid land-tax, which, under a
different management, and under the orderly government
of the settled part of America, might have been efiectively
productive, has been so contrived, that it never will, and
never can produce what it was estimated at in France.
The people, without property, have a direct interest in
seconding the refusals of others to pay, that are in the
lowest classes of property, and who can really ill afford it ;
one great objection to all land-taxes, where possessions are
much divided. With power in such hands, the refusal is
effective, and the national treasury is empty. But sup-
posing such enormous difliculties overcome, and these little
properties valued and taxed on some practicable plan, from
that moment there must be a new valuation every year;
for, if one has wealth enough to improve beyond the
capacity of the rest, they immediately shift a proportion
of their tax on him; and this has accordingly happened,
early as it is in the day, and indeed is inherent in the
nature of the tax, as promulgated by the assembly.2 Thus
annual assessments, annual confusion, annual quarrels,
and heart-burnings, and annual oppression, must be the
consequence; and all this because a plain, simple, and
practicable mode of assessment was not laid down by the
legislature itself, instead of leaving it to be debated and
fought through 500 legislatures, on the plan, purely ideal
and theoretical, of the ceconomistes !

Police of coma—The National Assembly has been of late
repeatedly employed in receiving complaints from various
departments, relative to the scarcity and high price of corn,
and debates on it arise, and votes pass, which are printed,
to satisfy the people that all precautions are taken to pre-
vent exportation. Such a conduct shews, that they tread in
the steps of Mons. Necker, and that they consequently may

1 Whether nominally, or really, is not of consequence, if efl'eciiz'e
qualifications of property be not, at every step, the guard, as in the
American constitutions.

2 “ Aussitot que les operations preliminaires seront termineés les
officiers municipaux et les commissaires adjoints feront, en leur ame et
conscience l’evaluation du revenue net des differentes ropriétes fon-
ciéres de la communante section par section.” “ Journal es Etats Gen.”
tom. xvi. p. 510.

REVOLUTION. 351

expect, with a crop but slightly deficient, to see a famine.
In the “ Gazette N ationale,” of March 6, 1792, I read, in
the journal of the Assembly, Inquie’tudes ——précautions
prises—commissaires envoyés—oeiller a la snbsistance an
pe‘uple—fonds pour acheter des grains chez l’e’tranger—diw
millions—850. Now this is precisely the blind and infat-
uated conduct of Mons. Necker. If these steps ere neces-
sary to be taken (which is impossible), why talk of and
print them? Why alarm the peOple, by shewing yourselves
alarmed? Forty-five millions loss, in the hands of M.
Necker, purchased not three days corn from France; ten
millions will not purchase one day’s consumption! but the
report and parade of it will do more mischief than the loss
of five times the quantity: without being in France, I am
clear, and can rely enough upon principles to know, that
these measures will RAISE, not sink the price. One of the
many instances in legislation, that proves the immense dif-
ference (regarding the cases of France and the United
States) between a representation of mere population, and
one of property ! M —p0nr pre’venir les inqaietndes qni pour-
raient arriver l’année prochaine et les sni’vantes, l’assemble’e
doit s’occuper dés ce moment d’nn plan general sur les sub-
sistances—There is but one plan, ABSOLUTE FREEDOM ; and
you will shew, by accepting or rejecting it, what class of
the people it is that you represent. Proclaim a free trade,
and from that moment ordain that an inkstand be crammed
instantly into the throat of the first member that pro-
nounces the word corn.

Prohibition of the Export of the raw Materials of Mana-
factnres.—The last information I have had from France is
a confirmation Of the intelligence our newspapers gave,
that the National Assembly had ordered a decree to be
prepared for this prohibition. It seems that the master
manufacturers of various towns, taking advantage of the
great decline Of the national fabrics, made heavy com-
plaints to the National Assembly ; and, among other means
of redress, demanded a prohibition Of the export of cotton,
silk, wool, leather, and, in general, Of all raw materials. It
was strenuously opposed by a few men, better acquainted
than the common mass with political principles, but in
vain ; and orders were given to prepare the decree, which

352 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

I am assured will pass. As I have, in various papers in
the “Annals of Agriculture,” entered much at large into
this question, I shall only mention a few circumstances
here, to convince France, if possible, of the mischievous
and most pernicious tendency of such a system, which will
be attended with events little thought of at present in that
kingdom. As it is idle to have recourse to reasoning, when
facts are hand, it is only necessary to describe the effect of
a similar prohibition in the case of wool in England :-—-1,
The price is sunk by it 50 per cent. below that of all the
countries around us, which, as is proved by documents un-
questionable, amounts to a land-tax of between three and
four millions sterling ; being so much taken from land
and given to manufactures. 2d, Not to make them flou-
rish; for a second curious fact is, that of all the great
fabrics of England that of wool is least prosperous, and
has been regularly most complaining, of which the proofs
are before the public; the policy therefore has failed; and
because it fails in England, it is going to be adopted in
France. The home monopoly of wool gives to the manu-
facturers so great a profit, that they are not solicitous
about any extension of their trade beyond the home pro-
duct; and to this it is owing that no foreign wool, Spanish
alone excepted (which is not produced here), is imported
into England. The same thing will happen in France;
the home-price will fall; the landed interest will be robbed ;
and the manufacturer, tasting the sweets of monOpoly, will
no longer import as before: the fabric at large will receive
no increase; and all the effect will be, to give the master
manufacturer a great profit on a small trade: he will gain,
but the nation will lose. 3d, The most flourishing manufac-
ture of England is that of cotton, of which the manufacturer
is so far from having a monopoly, the {—gths of the material
are imported under a duty, and our own exportable duty free.
The next (possibly the first) is that of hardware; English
iron is exported duty free, and the import of foreign pays
21. 163. 2d. a ton ; English coals exported in vast quantities.
Glass exhibits the same spectacle; English kelp exportable
duty free, and 16s. 6d. a ton on foreign ; raw silk pays 3s.
a 1b. on import; export of British hemp and flax undressed
is free, foreign pays a duty on import; British rags, for

REVOLUTION. 353

making paper, exportable duty free; unwrought tin, lead,
and copper all exportable either free or under a slight
duty. The immense progress made by these manufac-
tures, particularly hardware, cotton, glass, flax, and earth-
ern-ware, another in which no monopoly of material can
exist, is known to all Europe ; they are among the greatest
fabrics in the world, and have risen rapidly ; but note (for
it merits the attention of France), that wool has ex-
perienced no such rise.l Our policy in wool stands on fact,
therefore convicted of rottenness; and this is precisely the
policy which the new government of France copies, and
extends to every raw material ! 4th, The free trade in raw
materials is necessary, like the free trade in corn, not to
send those materials abroad, but to secure their production at
home; and lowering the price, by giving a monopoly to the
buyer, is not the way to encourage farmers to produce. 5th,
France imports silk and wool to the amount of 50 and 60
millions a year, and exports none, or next to none ; why pro-
hibit an export, which in settled times does not take place?
At the present moment, the export either takes place, or it
does not take place? if the latter, why prohibit a trade which
has no existence? If it does take place, it proves that the
manufacturers cannot buy it as heretofore : is that a reason
why the farmers should not produce it ? Your manufac-
turers cannot buy, and you will not let foreigners ; what is
that but telling your husbandmen that they shall not pro-
duce? Why then do the manufacturers ask this favour?
They are cunning: they very well know why; they have
the same view as their brethren in England—solely that
of SINKING THE PRICE, and thereby putting money in their
own pockets, at the expence of the landed interests. 6th,
All the towns of France, contain but six millions of people;
the manufacturing towns not two millions : why are twenty
millions in the country to be cheated out of their preperty,
in order to favour one-tenth of that number in towns?
7th, In various passages of these travels, I have shown the
wretched state of French agriculture, for want of more
sheep ; the new system is a curious way to effect an increase

1 Exports 1757, 4,758,095]. In 1767,4,277,4621. In 1777, 3,743,537].
In 1787, 3,687,795]. See this subject fully examined, “Annals of
Agriculture,” vol. x. p. 235.

AA

354 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

——by lowering the profit of keeping them. 8th, The French
manufacturers, under the old system of freedom, bought
raw materials from other nations, to the amount of several
millions, besides working up all the produce of France;
if sinking the price be not their object, what is? Can they
desire to do more than this? If under the new govern-
ment their fabrics do not flourish as under the old one, is
that a reason for prohibition and restriction, for robbery
and plunder of the landed interest, to make good their own
losses ? And if such a demand is good logic in a manufac-
turer’s counting-house, is that a reason for its being
received in a NATIONAL ASSEMBLY! !

One of the most curious inquiries that can be made by
a traveller, is to endeavour to ascertain how much per cent.
a capital invested in land, and in farming-stock, will return
for cultivation in different countries; no person, according
to my knowledge, has attempted to explain this very im-
portant but difiicult problem. The price of land, the in-
terest of money, the wages of labour. the rates of all sorts
of products, and the amount of taxes, must be calculated
with some degree of precision, in order to analyze this
combination. I have for many years attempted to gain in-
formation on this curious point, concerning various coun-
tries. If a man in England buys land rented at 128. an
acre, at thirty years purchase, and cultivates it himself,
making five rents, he will make not more than from 4% to
5 per cent, and at most 6, speaking of general culture, and
not estimating singular spots or circumstances, and includ-
ing the capital invested in both land and stock. I learn,
from the correspondence of the best farmer, and the greatest
character the new world has produced, certain circum-
stances, which enable me to assert, with confidence, that
money invested on the same principles, in the middle states
of North America, will yield considerably more than double
the return in England, and in many instances the treble
of it. To compare France with these two cases, is very
difficult :—-—had the National Assembly done for the agri-
culture of the kingdom what France had-a right to expect
from FREEDOM, the account would have been advantageous.
For buying at 30 years purchase, stocking the same as
in England, and reckoning products 6 per cent. lower in

REVOLUTION. 355

price (about the fact), the total capital would have paid
from 5313- to 6-;- per cent.; land-tax reckoned at 38. in the
pound, which is the proportion of the total tax to the
rental of the kingdom.1 It is true, that the course of ex-
change would make an enormous diflerence, for when ex-
change is at 15, this ratio per cent. instead of 5% becomes
11, if the capital is remitted from Britain: but as that im—
mense loss (50 per cent), on the exchange of France, arises
from the political state of the kingdom, the same circum-
stances which cause it, would be estimated at so much
hazard and danger. But bring to account the operations of
the National Assembly, relating to the non-inclosure of
commons: the land-tax, variable with improvements (an
article sufficient to stifle the thoughts of such a thing);
the export of corn at an end; the transport every where
impeded; and your granaries burnt and plundered at the
pleasure of the populace, if they do not like the price; and,
above all, the prohibition of the export of all materials of
manufactures, as wool, &c. and it is sufficiently clear, that
America ofiers a vastly more eligible field for the invest-
ment of capital in land than France does ; a proof that the
measures of the National Assembly have been ill-judged,
ill-advised, and unpolitical: I had serious thoughts of
settling in that kingdom, in order to farm there; but the
two measures adopted, of a variable land-tax, and a prohi-
bition of the export of wool, damped my hopes, ardent as
they were, that I might have breathed that fine climate,
free from the extortions of a government, stupid in this
respect as that of England. It is, however, plain enough,
that America is the only country that aflords an adequate

1 But this land-tax is variable, and therefore impossible to estimate
accurately; if you remain no better farmers than your French neigh-
bours, it is so much; but if you improve, you are raised, and tkey are
sun/c ; all that has, and can be said against tythes, bears with equal
force against such a tax. And though this imposition cannot go by the
present law beyond 43. in the pound, it would be very easy to shew, by
a plain calculation, that 43. in the pound, rising with improvement, is a
tax impossible to be borne by one who improves; and consequently, that
it is a direct tax on improvement; and it is a tax in the very worst form,
since the power to lay and inforce it, is not in the government of the
kingdom, but in the municipal government of the parish. Your neigh-
bour, with whom you may be on ill terms, has the power to tax you ;
no such private heart-burnings and tyranny are found in excises.

356 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

profit, and in which a man, who calculates with intelligence
and precision, can think of investing his capital. How dif-
ferent would this have been, had the National Assembly
conducted themselves on principles directly contrary; had
they avoided all land-taxes ;1 had they preserved the free
corn-trade, a trade of import more than export ; had they
been silent upon inclosures ; and done nothing in relation
to raw materials, the profit of investments would have been
higher in France than in America, or any country in the
world, and immense capitals would have flowed into the
kingdom from every part of Europe : scarcity and famine
would not have been heard of, and the national wealth
would have been equal to all the exigencies of the period.

=5 =I‘ it =l= =l= =l=

April 26, 1792.

In the last moment which the preparation for publica-
tion allows me to use, the intelligence is arrived of a de—
claration of war on the part of France against the House
of Austria ;——-the gentlemen in whose company I hear it,
all announce destruction to France ;—-they will be beat ;—
they want discipline ;——they have no subordination ;——and

1 To have avoided land-taxes, might very easily have been made a
most popular measure, in a kingdom so divided into little properties as
France is. No tax is so heavy upon a small proprietor; and the
moono-mistes might have foreseen what has happened, that such little
democratic owners would not pay the tax; but taxes on consumption,
laid as in England, and not in the infamous methods of the old govern-
ment of France, would have been paid by them in a light preportion,
without knowing it; but the aeconomistes, to be consistent with their old
pernicious doctrines, took every step to make all, except land-taxes,
unpopular; and the people were ignorant enough to be deceived into
the opinion, that it was better to pay a tax on the bread put into their
children’s mouths—and, what is worse, on the land which ought, but
does not produce that bread, than to pay an excise on tobacco and salt,
better to pay a tax which is demanded equally, whether they have or
have not the money to pay it, than a duty which, mingled with the price
of a luxur , is paid in the easiest mode, and at the most convenient
moment. n the writings of the aconomistes, you hear of a free corn
trade, and free export of every thing being the recompence for a land-
tax; but see their actions in power—they impose the burthen, and
forget the recompence!

REVOLUTION. 357

this idea. I find general. So cautiously as I have avoided
prophetic presumption through the preceding pages, I shall
scarcely assume it so late in my labours ;-——but thus much
I may venture,—that the expectation of destruction to
France has many difficulties to encounter. Give all you
please to power of field evolution, depending on the utmost
strictness of discipline—you must admit that it bears only
on the question of battles. But guarded as France is, by
the most important frontier fortresses the world knows,
why hazard battles? Undisciplined trOOps behind walls
and within works, are known on experience to be eflective :
and where are the resources to be found that shall attack
those strong holds, 700 miles from home ‘9 I was at Lisle,
Metz, and Strasbourg ; and if the military intelligence I had
was accurate, it would demand 100,000 men, completel
provided with everything for a siege, three months to take
either of those towns, supposing them well provided and
well defended. . We know, on positive experience, what the
Austrians and Prussians led by'some of the greatest men
that have existed, were able to do in sieges, when under-
taken at their own doors ;—what will they eflect against
places ten times as strong and 700 miles from home ? It;
is a matter of calculation—of pounds and shillings ;——not
of discipline and obedience.

But many depend on the deranged state of the French
finances; that derangement flows absolutely from a vain
attempt at preserving public credit :——the National As-
sembly will see its futility; misery; ruin; the NATION
must be preserved—what on comparison is public credit .7

The divisions, factions, and internal disturbances, offer
to others the hope of a civil war. It ought to be a vain'
hope. During peace, such difficulties fill the papers, and
are dwelt upon, till men are apt to think them terrible; in
war they are TREASON, and the gallows sweeps from the
world, and the columns of a gazette the actors and the
recital.

Oil and vinegar—fire and water—Prussians and Aus-
trians are united to carry war amongst 26 millions of men,
arranged behind 100 of the strongest fortresses in the
world—If we are deceived, and Frenchmen are not fond
of freedom, but will fight for despotism—something may

358 TRAVELS IN FRANCE.

be done; for then France falls by the power of France :
but if united but tolerably, the attack will be full of difli-
culties in a country where every man, woman, and child is
an enemy, that fights for freedom.

But, suppose this idea erroneous—suppose an impression
made—and that the German banners were flying at Paris.
-——Where is the security of the rest of Europe? Is the
division of Poland forgotten? Is an unforeseen union of
two or three great powers to protrude through Europe a
predominancy dangerous to all? Gentlemen, who indulge
their wishes for a counter-revolution in France, do not,
perhaps, wish to see the Prussian colours at the Tower, nor
the Austrian at Amsterdam. Yet success to the cause
might plant them there. Should real danger arise to
France, which I hold to be problematical, it is the business,
and direct interest of her neighbours, to support her.

The revolution, and anti revolution parties of England,
have exhausted themselves on the French question; but
there can be none, if that peOple should be in danger: ——
WE hold at present the balance of the world; and have
but to speak, and it is secure.

INDEX.

Abbé de —, 118.

Abheville, 8, 151, 348.

Achillzea syherica, 162.

Agen, 65.

Agriculture in France, 345; and
politics, 131.

Aiguebelle, 278.

Aigues, tour (1’, 257.

Aiguillon, Due de, 7, 65, 77;
town of, 65.

Aire, 64.

Aire sur la Lys, 111.

Aix, Archbishop of, 159.

Aix-en-Provence, 257, 259.

Aizac, le coupe d’, 242.

Alencon, 141.

Allier, valley of the, 228, 230.

Alsace, 205, 207.

Ambigu Comique, l’, 100.

Amboise, 77.

America, and France, 338 3 govern-
ment of, 344.

America, North, farming in,
354. '

Ami, l’, des hommes, 85.

Amiens, 8, 112.

Ancenis, 135.

Angouléme, 7 O, 71.

Anjou, 135.

Annals of Agriculture, 1,
42,352.

Anspan, 62.

Antibes, 271.

Anville, Duchess D’, 305.

Arbois, 217.

6,

 

Argenson, Count (1’, 7:3.

Argenton, 20.

Arnas, les, 284.

Arpajon, 17.

Arras, 111.

Artois, Count (1’, 9, 14, 19, 171,
177,211,220.

Aubagne, 263.

Aubenas, 245.

Auch, 63, 64.

Auge, pays (1’, 116.

Aulus, 56.

Aumale, 112.

Auray, 128.

Austria, declaration of war against,
by France, 1792, 356.

Autun, 227.

Auve, 197.

Auvergnac (Lauvergnac), 130.

Auxonne, 218.

Avignon, 252.

Ay, 195.

Bagnéres de Bigorre, 59.

Bagnéres de Luchon. See Luchon.

Bailly, J. 8., 165, 173, 294.

Barbézieux, 70.

Barentin, 114.

Barnave. See Bernarve.

Barré, Du (Dubarry), Mme., 32,
100.

Barsac, 66.

Barut, l’abbé, 286.

Bassies (Bassines), 21.

360

Bastille, prisoners of, 134, 313;
storming of, 199, 206; and the
lettres de cachet, 313.

Bau me-les-I)ames, 212.

Bayes, Mr., his army, 226.

Bayonne, 59, 62, 63.

Béarn, 61.

Bears in the Pyrenees, 41.

Beaucaire, fair of, 50.

Beauce, la, 17.

Beaumont sur Sarthe, 141.

Beaune, 226.

Beauvais, 90.

Beauvais, Bishop of, 180.

Beauvoisin, Pont de, 279.

Bédarieux, 55.

Befort (Belfort), 210, 211.

Belle Angloise (Bellenglise), 105.

Belle-ile-en-Mer, 130.

Belleisle (Belle-Isle-Bégard), 126.

Belloy, De, 69.

Berchtold, Count de, 150.

Bernarve (Barnave), Mons., 165,
178,293.

Bernay (Eure), 141.

Bernay (Pas de Calais), 7.

Berri, Due de, 14.

' Berri, 1e, 20.

Besangon, 214, 215.

Besenval, Baron de, 298.

Béthune, 111.

Béziers, 46, 47, 48, 55.

Birmingham, the Priestley riots at,
338.

Bissy (Bizy), Chateau de, 144.

Blois, 77.

Blois, Bishop of, 159.

Bolbec, 114.

Bon, 117.

Bonbrie (Pont de Brique), 6.

Bonhier, Jean, 225.

Bordeaux, 66, 67, 68, 69.

Bossuet, 225.

Bouchaine (Bouchain), 107.

Bougainville, Comte de, 301.

Bouillon, Due de, 64, 70.

Boulogne, 5.

Bourbon, Laney, 228.

Bourges, 19.

Bourgoyn (Bourgoin), 282.

Brasseuse, 88:

 

INDEX.

Brest, 126.

Breteuil, 9.

Brézé, Marquis de, 170, 175.

Briare, Canal de, 287.

Brie, 192.

Brien (Canal de Brienne), 32.

Brienne, Loménie de, 32, 97.

Brioude, 239.

Brittany, 123.

Brive, 25, 26.

Broglio (Broglie, and Count de),
72 ; Chateau de, 141 ; Maréchal
Due de, 210.

Broons, 125.

Brosses, Chas. de, 225.
Broussonct, P. A.., 91, 100, 101,
102,105,161,170,217,220.

Brown, Robert, 101.

Bufi'on, 225.

Burney, Dr. and Miss, 150.

Caen, 116.

Café Foy, 155.

Cahors, 28.

Calais, 5, 13, 16, 28, 43, 109, 110,
148,150.

Calonne, Mons. de, 97, 331.

Cambray, 106.

Camelford, Lord, 159.

Campan, Valley of, 59.

Cannes, 271.

Capestan, 55.

Capitaineries, the, 316.

Carcassonne, 55, 56.

Carentan, 118, 122.

Cassel, 108.

Castres, 66.

Catnoir (Catenoy), 88.

Caudec, 72.

Caussade, 29.

Cavaleno, 266.

Cavignac, 70.

Chabert, M. do, 99.

Chagny, 226.

Chalmers, Mr., on war and trade,
347.

Chalons-sur-Marne, 196.

Chambers, Sir W., 101.

Chambéry, 278, 279.

Chambord, 78, 79.

Chambre la, 278.

INDEX.

Champagne, province of, 1 94, 195.

Chanteloup, 76, 77.

Chantilly, 10, 82, 86.

Chapelier, Isaac 1e, 178, 293, 297.

Charente, la, 70, 71.

Charenton, 98.

Chartreuse, la (Dijon), 219.

Chateaulandrin, 126.

Chateaulin, 128.

Chateauneuf, 234.

Chateaurault (Chatellerault), 73.

Chiiteauroux, 20.

Chfiteau-Thiery, 193.

Chaunay, 72.

Chaussée (Chausey),
123.

Chavanne le Roi (Chevagne), 228.

Cher, 1e, 19.

Cherbourg, 119, 120, 121.

Chiliac, 239.

Chinese hemp, 162.

Choiseul, Due de, 76, 77.

Chomet (Chomettes), 239.

Cierp, 35.

Clergy of France and the Revolu-
tion, 327.

Clermont, Ferrand, 234, 235, 236,
237.

Clermont (Oise), 9, 85.

Clement - Tonnerre, Comte de,
296.

Colmar, 210.

Columiers (Coulommiers), 191.

Combourg, 123.

Comédie Francaise, 94, 96.

Comédie Italienne, 94.

Commerce and manufactures and
the Revolution, 346, 351.

Commercial Treaty, 1786, 8, 69.

Condé, Prince de, 11, 87. '

Condorcet, Marquis de, 23, 292.

Coni, 275.

Conversation, Society,
France, 37.

Cookery, food, &c., French, 39,
306.

Corbon, Valley of, 116.

Corday, Charlotte, 157.

Cordeliers, Church of the, 31.

Corn, price of, 350.

Costaros, 242.

isles of,

&c., in

 

361

Coucy, 105.

Cour l’leniére, la, 190.
Courtisseau (Courtisois), 197.
Coutances, 122.

Crau, 1e, 256.

Craven, Lady, 263.
Créhillon, 225.

Cujes, the (Cujés), 263.

Dammartin, 105.

D’Armentiéres, 108.

Darnetal, 142.

Dax, 63.

Degouttes, Marquis, 286.

Denainvilliers, 80.

Dicquemare, the Abbé, 115.

Dieppe, 147.

Dijon, 218, 219, 220, 221, 223.

Dol, 123.

Dole, 218.

Donzenac, 25.

Dordogne, la, 27, 70.

Dress, fashions, &c., in France,
308.

Dubarry, Mme. de, 32, 100.

Dugny, 105, 166.

Duhamel, M. de, 80.

Dunkirk, 108.

Droiturier, 286.

Duretal (Durtal), Chateau de, 136.

Ecole Militaire, 100.

Ecole Vetérinarie, 98.

Elboeuf, 142.

England, agriculture in, 131.

Epernay, 194.

Ermenonville, 86.

Estrelles, 269.

Etampes, 17.

Exchange, course of, and the
Revolution, 347.

Exports, French and English, 351,
353.

Eyre, Sir James, 159.

Farming, profits of, 354.

Faujas de Saint-Fond, B., 243, 249.
Faujeaux, 55.

Favras, Marquis de, 298.

Fere, 1a, 105.
Ferté-la-Lowendahl, 18.

362

Fevret de Fontctte, C. M., 225.

Fix, Saint-Geneys, 239.

Fléche, la, 136.

Fleurance, 65.

Flixcourt, 8.

Fontainebleau, 81.

Fox, C. J., 112.

Foy, Café, de, 155.

France, the old government of,
315 ; in 1792, 345; its debt and
the Revolution, 348,

France and America, 338.

Francis 1., 81.

Free trade, 351, 353, 356.

Fréjus, 269.

Frontignan, 49.

Gacé, 141.

Game laws in France, 316.

Ganges (Hérault), 54.

Gardening, 101.

Garonne, la, 32, 34.

Genlis, Mme. de, 196.

Germany and France, 356-358.

Gibelin, Mons., 257.

Girardon, (Girardin) Marquis de,
87

Gobelins, les, 98.

Gordon, an English prisoner in
the Bastile, 313.

Gouzat, cascade of, 40.

Grandval (Granville), 123.

Gravelines, 109.

Gravenne, la, 244.

Grasse, 270.

Gray (Haute Marne), 221.

Grisolles, 30.

Grundy, Mr., 285.

Guerces (La Guierche), 141.

Guerchy, Marquis de, 116.

Guibray, 116, 117.

Guienne, la, 26.

Guingamp, 125.

Guignes, 186.

Guillon, 144.

Guyton-Morveau. Sec Morveau.

Haming (Hemingen), 205.

Harcourt, Chateau d’, 118.

Harfleur, 114.

Harwich, 6.

 

 

INDEX.

Hasparren, 62.

Hatsell’s “ Precedents,” 166.
Havre, le, 114.

Hédé, 123.

Hemp, Chinese, 162.
Hennebont, 129.

Henri IV., 18, 60, 61.

H yéres, Isles de, 264.

Indret, 134.

Innkeeper, knavery of one, 287.
Inns, 56.

Ireland, 25, 122.

Ireland, Tour in, 3.

Isenheim (Ensisheim), 210.
Isigny, 118.

Islets (les Islettes), 197.

Issoire, 238.

Italian agriculture, 1.

l Jacobins Club, 305.

Jeu de Paume, 164, 171, 173.
J eux Floraux, 31.
J onquiera, 42.

Kames, Lord, 10.
Kirwan, Richard, 94, 222.

La Chambre, 278.

La Fa ette, 294, 300, 301.

La F re, 105.

La Fléche, 136.

La Loge, 19.

Lamballe, 125.

Lamoignon, Mons., 190.

Land and farming, 354.

Land tax in France, 349, 355, 356.

Landernau (Landerneau), 127.

Landervisier (Landivisiau), 127

Langon, 66.

Langres, 221.

Languedoc, canal of, 32, 45, 46,
55 3 province of, 45, 48, 58.

Lans-le-Bourg (Savoie), 277.

Larboust, 40.

La Roche Guyon, 143.

Larrive, M., 68.

La Tour du Pin, 281.

Lauresse (Loures), 34.

Lauvergnac, 130.

INDEX.

Lave, la, 19.

La Ville au Bruu, 21.

Lavoisier, 93, 94, 95, 222.

Lazowski, M. de, 12, 13, 16, 36,
43,86,163,185.

Lectoure, 65.

Lettres d6 cachet and the Bastile,
313.

Le Mans, 140.

Lempdes, 239.

Léonuais, le, 127.

Le Puy, 241, 242, 243.

Les Islettes, 197.

Les Ormes, 73.

Levant, L’isle de, 264.

Leyrac, 65.

Liancourt, duc de, and chateau,
10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 82, 88,
89, 166, 172, 173, 174, 185,
288,291,303,304,309.

Libourne, 27.

Lille (L’isle, Vaucluse), 254.

Lilliers, 111.

Limoges, 22.

Limousin, le, 24, 26, 31.

Lisle (Lille, Nord), 107, 357.

L’Isle sur le Doubs, 210.

Lodéve, 55.

Loire, the, 17, 18, 72, 73, 74, 75,
76, 78, 79, 82, 83, 130, 135,
286,347.

Loménie de Brienne, 32, 97.

Lomond, M., 96.

Londrins fabric, 55.

L‘orient, 128.

L’Oriol (Loriol), 250.

Louis d’or, the, 18.

Louis XL, 74, 78.

IznfislirV1,8,46,7o,102,108.

Louis XV., 32, ‘79, 100. -

Louis XVI., 14, 97, 106, 171, 180,
181,182,211,288,290.

Lourdes, 60.

Louviers, 144, 145.

Luchon, Bagnéres de, 14, 35, 40,
41,42,43,46,59,64.

Lunéville, 203.

Lusienne (Lucienne), 100.

Luzarches, 1].

Lazy, 228.

Lyons, 282-285.

 

 

363

Macartney, Lord, 23.

Madieres, 54.

Maisse (Mayres), 242.

Malataverne, 278.

Malsherbs (Malesherbes),
chateau de, 81.

Marche, la, 21.

Mareuil, 193.

Marie Antoinette, 15, 16, 159,
168, 171, 177, 178, 179, 183,
210,211,220,236,244,288,298,
300.

Marseilles, 259, 260, 261.

Mars-la-Tour, 198.

Maupertuis, 191.

Maury, l’Abbé, 296.

Meaux, 191.

Mendoza and boxing, 190.

Métayage, system, 18.

Metz, 199, 357.

Meulan (Melun), 82.

Meusuier, M. de, 119.

Migniaune (La Meignanne), 135.

Militaire, Ecole, 100.

Millau, 53.

Militia grievance of the French
peasantry, 315.

Mills’ “ Husbandry,” 138.

Mirabeau, Marquis de, 85.

Mirabeau, Marquis de, (the Tri-
bune), 164, 168, 176, 260, 296.

Mirepoix, 55, 56.

Modane, 276,

Mondardier, 54.

Monein, 61.

Montauban, 29, 30, 33.

Montauban, cascade of, 40.

Montauban de Bretagne, 125.

Montbazin, 49.

97;

' Mont Cassel, 108.
g Montchanin, 226.
' Montesquieu, Marquis de, 191.

Montferrand, 234.

Moutgeron, 82.

Montigny, 190.

Montilimart (Montélimar), 249.
Montmorin, Count de, 17 4.
Montpellier, 48, 49, 51.
Montreuil sur Mer, 7.
Morefontaine (Mortefontaine), 86.
Morlaix, 126.

36%:

Morveau-Guyton, Mons., 218, 220,
222,223,225.

Motte, de la, Madame, 168.

Moulins, 229.

Mounier, J. J., 164, 178.

Musiliac (Muzillac), 130.

Nancy, 201.

Nangis, 186, 187, 188.

Nantes, 131, 132, 133.

N anteul (N anteuil 1e Hardouin),
105.

Narbonne, 44, 45.

National Assembly, 199, 206,290,
295,305,341,349,351,354.

N avarrenx, 62.

Necker, Mons., 85, 159, 160, 168,
172,173,175,176,177,179,201,
202,211,230,294,321,350.

Nemours, 287.

Neste, the, 35.

Neuf Montier (Neufmontier), 192..

Neuilié (Neuilly), 100.

N evers, 286.

Newbury, 7.

Newchatel (Neufchatel), 112.

Nice, 270, 271, 274.

Nimes, 50, 52.

Noailles, chateau de, 26.

Nobility of France, 325, 344.

Nonans (Sarthe), 141.

Nouant 1e Fuzelier, l9.

Nuys (Nuits), 226.

Ollioules, 263.

Opera, the, 91.

Opéra Comique, 94.

Orange, 252.

Orchees (Orchies), 107.

Orechamp (Orchamps), 218.

Orgon, 256.

Orleans, 16, 80.

Orleans, Duke of, 158, 173, 174,
179,180,190.

Ormes, Les, 73.

Ove (Auve), 197.

Paine, Thomas, 3443 his “ Rights
of11an5’340.

Pamiers, 56, 57.

Panckoucke, C. J ., 2'23.

 

 

INDEX.

Paper currency and the Revolu-
tion, 347.

Paris, ll, 13, 16, 90-105, 151,
152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157,
158, 159, 161, 166,176-186,285
to end of vol.

Parliaments, the, of Louis XVI.,
321.

Parmentier, Mons., 103.

Pau, 60, 61.

Payrac, 27.

Peasantry, the, of France, 315.

Penthievre, Due de, 158.

Perges (Pignol), 29.

Perpignan, 43.

Petivier (Pitbiviers), 80.

Pe'zenas, 48.

Phalsbourg, 205.

Pia, 43.
. Picardy, 346; canal of, 105.

Picquigny, 9.

Pierrebussiére, 24.

Pierrelatte, 252.

Pignan, 49.

Pignols, 29.

Place du Peyrou, 49.

Plessis lés Tours, 74.

Poitiers, 72.

Polignac, chateau de, 241.

Polignac, Duo and Duchesse de,
160,211.

Pompadour, 24.

Pompignon, 30.

Pont (Pout St. Maixence), 88.

Pont 5 Mousson, 200.

Pont de l’Arche, 144.

Pont de Beauvoisin, 281.

Pont de Brique, 6.

Pont du Gard, 51.

Pont de Rode, 28.

Pontoise, 90.

Pontorsin (Pontorson), 123.

Porquerolles, 264.

Port Cros, 264.

Potato, the, in France, 103.

Pougues, 287.

Pouilly, 287. ‘ .

Poula t (Paulhaguet), 239.

Prade , 19, 247.

Pradelles, 242.

Premontrés, les, 200.

INHIEXL

Priestley, Dr., 220, 222, 223, 335 3 i
riots at Birmingham, 338. '

Protestants at worship, 251.

Pronille, 55.

Puy. See Le Pny.

Pyrenees, 16, 29, 30, 37, 4o, 42,
43,50,55,59.

Quercy, 26.
Quimper, 128.
Quimperlé, 128.

Raynal, l’Abbé, 155, 157, 261.

Rennes, 124.

Revolution, the French, 199, 201,
206, 207, 313-358 5 effects of,
328, 332.

Rheims, 195.

Riaux (Ryan), chateau de, 231.

Richelieu, Tomb of, 94.

Riom, 234, 304.

Rivesaltes, 44.

 

Roanne, 286.

Robais, Van, 8.

Robespierre, 290.

Robine, la, 45.

Rochefoucanld, Cardinal de la,
180.

Rochefoucanld, Count de,
16.

Rochefoucauld, Duke de la, and
counts of, 14, 36, 37, 43, 71,
159,209.

Roche la Guyon, 143.

Rochemaure, 251.

Rochon, l’Abbé, 145.

Rodez, 53.

Roland, Monsieur and Madame,
284.

Rosoy (Rozoy-en-Brie), 191.

Rossendal (Rosendael, Le), 109.

Rouen, 112, 142.

Rouergne, la, 53.

Rousseau, 84, 283; his tomb, 87,
280.

Roussillon, 1e, 43', 45.

Roya (Royat), 235.

Rozier, l’Abbé, 47, 228, 283.

12,

St.
1 St. Menehonld, 197.

 

Rufi'ec, 72.

365

Sabatier, chateau, de, 52.

Sablonville, 170.

St. Bertrand, 34.

St. Brienx, 125.

St. Canat (St. Chamas), 257.

St. Cloud, 16.

St. Etienne, Rabaut,
174, 179.

St. Gaudens, 34.

St. George, 25.

St. Georges D’Anrac, 239.

164, 173,

, St. Georges-snr-Loire, 135.

St. Germains, 92. 101.

St. Germain-les—Belles, 25.
St. Gérnnd le Puy, 286.

St. Girons, 57.

St. Gobin (St. Gobain), 105.
St. Hippolyte du Fort, 53.
St. Jean de Maurienne, 278.
St. Jory, 31.

St. Laurence, 54.

St. Louis, Church of, 173.
St. Martino, 34.

St. Martory, 58.

St. Maurice, 54.

Maxime, 268.

St. Michel, 278.

St. Nazaire, 131.

St. Omer, 111.

St. Palais, 62.

St. Poncin (St. Pourgain), 233.
St. Ponrgain, 233.

St. Priest, M. de, 174.

St. Quintin, 106.

St. Severe (St. Sever), 64.
St. Symphorien~de-Laye, 286.
St. Tropez, 268.

St. Veté (St. Vit.), 218.
Salins, 216.

Salon, 256.

Samer, 7.

Sancerre, 20.

Sardinia, 273.

Sanve, 52.

Savanal (Savenay), 132.
Saverne (Zabern), 205.
Scenery, 40.

Scheele, Karl, 222.
Schelestadt (Schlestadt), 209.
Senér (Sénart, forest of), 82.

366

Senefi'e, battle of, 219.

Senlis, 105.

Serres, Olivier de, 247, 248.

Seve (Sévres), 101.

Sieyés, l’abbé, 155, 162, 163, 166,
168,173,178,288,290.

Sijean, 44.

Sillery, 196.

Soissons, 105.

Sologne, La, 18.

Souillac, 26, 27.

States-General, 151.

Strasburg, 205, 357.

Suffrein, Admiral, 15.

Symonds, Professor, 1.

Target, 178.

Taxes in France, 314.
Land tax, 810.

Thabor, 1e, 124.

Theatres, at Bourdeaux, 68 ; at
Paris, 94, 95, 96, 184.

Thuillieries, gardens, 288.

Thuytz (Thueyts), 242, 243, 244.

Tonnance (Tonneins), 66.

Tote (Tétes), 147.

Toulon, 263.

Toulon, affair of, 304.

Toulouse, 31, 32, 33.

Tourbilly (Turbilly), 137, 138,139.

Tour d’Aigues, chateau de, 257.

Tour du Pin, la, 281.

Tours, 74, 75.

Toury, 17.

Trade, depression of, 347. See
also Free Trade.

Traguer (Tréguier), 128.

Trianon, La Petite, 101.

Tull, Jethro, 66.

Turbarries, 7.

Turgot, 23, 97, 117.

Turnips, 157.

Tythes, 337.

See also

 

INDEX.

Uzerche, 25.

Valenciennes, 107.

Valognes, 119.

Vannes, 129.

Van Robais cloth, 8.

Var (Vaast, St.), 111.

Vatan, 20.

Vaucluse, 252, 254.

Vaucusson, Mons, 162.

Ventaillac, 29.

Vermont, I’Abbé de, 160.

Vernon, 144.

Verpiliére, la, 281.

Versailles, 13, 14, 15, 100, 101,
102, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175,
288.

Verteuil, 71.

Vesoul, 214.

Vic-Bigorre, 64.

Viella, 42.

Vierzon, 19.

V1 n, 16, 53.

Vifizfranche, 274.

Villeneuve de Berg, 245, 246.

Villeneuve St. Georges, 82.

Villers-Cotterets, 105.

Viviers, 249.

Volney, 288, 290, 293, 305.

Volognes (Valognes), 1 19.

Volta’s eudiometers, 224.

Voltaire, 8.

VVarens, Madame de, 279.

Watt, Mr., of Birmingham, 162.

Women in France, 84, 253.

Wool, exports of, French and
English, 352.

Yvetot, 114.

Zabern, 205.

 

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