BEADLE'S DIME
PAlTRIOTIC SPEAAKER:
BEING EXTRACTS FROMf
THE SPLENDID ORATORY OF
)IJDGE HOLT, GENERAL MITCHELL, DR. ORESTES A. BROWNZ
SON, EDWARD EVERETT, THE GREAT UNION SQUARE
(N. Y.) ADDRESSES, THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER,
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, DANIEL S. DICKINSON, CARL SHURZ, REV. DR. BELLOWS,
AND OTHERS; TOGETHER WITH
POElMS -FOR THE HOUR.
BEADLE AND COMPANY,
NEW  YORK: 141 WILLIAM  STREET.
LONDON: 44 PATERNOSTER ROW.




Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 188, by
BEADLE AND COMPANY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the.Southern District of New York.




INTRODUCTION.
Tm1 following work has been prepared from a desire to
place before the firesides and the youth of America some of
the specimens of eloquence which the Great Struggle for the
Union called forth. We are sure the world never has witnessed more devotion, more faith, more earnest effort than
were freely offered by the men and women of the 1North in
the course of the war; and it is not saying too much to
repeat that the orators of the hour were-worthy of the
crisis.
The Index of authors will show how freely we have
drawn upon the great stores offered for our choice. The
names embrace many of those whose fame is already worldwide.
We have added a number of poems called:forth by the
Rebellion-which, it seems to us, are particularly appropriate
for rehearsal. They will be found to possess-great variety of
measure and of sentiment.
For the Student the work will possess a stirring interest,
as its language is that of patriotism and devotion to the trust
of our fathers.                             0. J. V.
NEW YoRK, October, 1886




CONTENTS.,
America to the World,._..  9
Love-of Country,        -         -.Hon. roseph Holt, 10
The Right bf Self-Preservation,                -      -   Id., 11
Our Cause,                     -.      Major-General Jllitchell, 13
A Kentuckian's Appeal,                   -  Hlon. L.. Rosseau, 14
Kentucky Steadfast,       -    -.                   d., 15
Timidity is Treason,       -      -              Dr. Brownson, 16
The Alarum,      -             -. H. Stoddard, 18
April.15th, 1861,    -    -      -      -   W. H Burleigh, 18
The Spirit of'61, -            -    -   Franklin Lsushingtoni, 19
The Precious Heritage,     -      -    lon. Galusha A. Grow, 20
The Irish Element,             -     -      - Edward Everett, 23
George Francis Train's Speech in London,      -     -    -    24
Byron Christy's Burlesque Stump Speech, -   -           -       27
Let Me Alone,      -            -.            -       -         29
The Brigand-ier-General Contractor,       -             -       30
The Draft,  -                        ~ -                        31
The Union Square Speeches,.                  33
The. Union, -.           Oliver Wendell Holmes, 47
Our Country's Call,          -      -      Win. Cucllen Bryant, 48
The Story of an Oak-Tree,              -. J. H; Duganne, 49
L-e-g (Elegy) on my Leg,     -            -      -              51
History of our Flag,                          R -..ev. Dr. Putnam, 52
Extracts from Thomas F. Meagher's Address at Jones' Wood,       55
How much we owe to the Union,    -         ion. A. H. Stephems, 58
Extracts from the last speech of Stephen A. Douglas,            60
Extracts from President Lincoln's Message,     -      -         64:
Th'e great bell Roland,      - -     -    -  Theodore Tilton, 69
The New Year and the Union,       -     -  George D. Prentice, 71
King Cotton,                  ~-  B. HZ;  Stoddard, 72
Battle Anthem,      o                     -   John Neal, 75
The ends of Peace,            -      Hon. Daniel S. D)ickinson, 76
Freedom the Watchword,            -     -      - Carl Schurz, 77
The Crisis of our National Disease,   -            D les. Dr. Bellows, 80
The Duty of Christian Patriots,   -     -      Rev. Dr. Adams, 83
Turkey Dan's Fourth of July Oration,       -      -     -       86
A fearless Plea,    -         -          -     -      -      -  87
The Onus of Slavery,          o         on. Benjamin -F. Wade, 90
A Foreigner's Tribute,                              Dr. -. Lieber, 92
Catholic Cathedral,     o           -  -  T. Hzulburt Underwood, -6
The " Speculators,"  -                                          98
The Little Zouave,     -        -                               9




BEADLIE'S
DIME PATIOTIC $SPEAKEB.
AMERICA TO THE WORLD.
[You can not be too decided or too explicit in making known to the,
French Government that there is not now, nor has there been, nor will
there be any, tile least idea existing in this Government of suffering a
dissolution of this Union to take place in any way whatever. There will
be here only one nation and one Government, and there will be the same
republic and the same constitutional Union that have already survived a
dozen national changes and changes of Government in almost every
other country. These will stand hereafter as they are now-objects of
human wonder and human affection.-Secretary Sewa'rd to our itniezst
to Paris.]
Tell them this Union, so great, can not sever,
Though it may tremble beneath the rude shock;
As it hath lived, so it shall live forever,
Strong as the mountain-oak, firm as the rock.
Others have fallen-are falling around us;
Dynasties tremble/,and sink to decay;
But the great heart Iwhose strong fetters have bound us,
Never has throbbed as it's throbbing to-day.
Let them not deem in a moment of weakness,
We can surrender our birthright and name;Strike the old flag, and with patience and meekness
Bear the foul blot on our hardly-earned fame?
Dumb be the tongue that would tell the foul story,
Blighted the brain could conceive it in sin;
Crushed be the heart that would tarnish the glory
A.nd honor, our country hath striven to win.




20               THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
Ever and ever our flag shall be streaming,
Adding new'glories of stripes and of stars;
Though the sword glancing and bayonet gleaming
Tell us of treasons, corruptions and wars.
Slon shall our land, to its old peace returning,
Spring to the duties that make nations great;
And, while in every heart valor is burning,
Calmly, and bravely-her destiny wait.
LOVE OF COUNTRY.-Hon. Joseph HEolt.*
Next to the worship of the Father of us all, the deepest
and grandest of human emotions is the love of the land that
gave Us birth.  It is an enlargement and exaltation of all the
tenderest and strongest sympathies of kindred and of home.
In all centuries and climes it has lived, and defied chains and
dungeons and racks to crush it.  It has strewed the earth
with its monuments, and has shed undying luster on a thousand fields on which it has battled.  Through the night of
ages, Thermopylae glows like some mountain peak on which
the morning sun has risen, because twenty-three hundred
years ago, this hallowing passion touched its mural precipices and its crowning crags. It is easy, however, to be
patriotic in piping times of peace, and in the sunny hour of
prosperity.  It is national sorrow-it is war, with its attendant perils and horrors, that tests this passion, and winnows
from  the -masses those who, with all their love of life, still
love their country more.  We honor commerce with its busy
marts, and the workshop with its patient toil and exhaustless
ingenuity, but still we would be unfaithful to the truth of his.
tory did we not confess that the most heroic champions of
human freedom and the most illustrious apostles of its prince
ples have come from the broad fields of agriculture~   There
* Mr. Holt, a most devoted friend of the Union, was Secretary of War
for a brief period, after the "resignation" of John B. Floyd. To his
patriotism and fearless discharge of duty the country owes- much. Iad
it not been for him and for General Dix, who took the place vacated by
Secretary of Treasury Howell Cobb, it is to be doubted if Mr. Lincoln
would have had a Union to preside over.




THE  RIGHT OF SELF-PRESERVATION. 
seems to be something in the scenes of nature, in her wild
and beautiful landscapes, in her cascades, and cataracts, and
waving woodlands,' and in the pture and exhilarating airs of
her hills and mountains, that unbraces the fetters which man
would rivet upon the spirit of his fellow-man.  It was at
the handles of the.plow, and amid the breathing odors of its
Rewly-opened furrows, that the character of Cincinnatus was
ormed, expanded and matured.  It was not in the city full,
but in the deep gorges and uprau the snow-clad summits of
the Alps —amid the eagles aod the thunders, that William
Tell laid the foundations of those altars to human liberty,
against which the surging tid.sP of European despotism  have
beaten for centuries, but, thank God, have beaten in vain.
It was amid the primeval forests and mountains, the lakes
and leaping streams of our o)wn land; amid fields of waving
grain; amid the songs of the reaper and the tinkling of the
shepherd's bell, that wera,'aurtured those rare virtues which
clustered, star-like, in tare character of Washington, and lifted
him in moral stature A head and shoulders above even the
demi-gods of ancieat ~ory.
TJEE RIGoI ET     SELF-PRESERVATION.-Tble Same.*
Fellow-citizers, amid all the discouragements that surround
as, I have still an unfaltering faith in Ihuman  progress; and in
the canlrty of man for self-government. I believe that the
bloody which the true lovers of our race have shed on more
haun  a thousand battle-fields has borne fruit, and that that
Wuit ig the republic of the United States.  It came forth on
mue world like the morning sun from his chamber.  Its path.
ay' has been a pathway of light and glory.  It has brought
blessings upon its people in the brimming fullness with
which the rivers pour their waters into the sea.  I can not
admit to my bosom the crushing thought that, in the full light
of tho Christian civilization of the nineteenth century, such a
Government is fated to perish beneath the swords of the
guilty men banded together for its overthrow.  I can not, I
* Extract from an address delivered by the illustrious ex-Secretary of
War before'the New York Chamber of Commerce, Sept. 3d, 1861.




s12             THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKISR.
will not, believe that twenty millions of people, cultivated,
loyal, courageous-twenty millions of the Anglo-Saxon race,
bearing the names of the heroes of the Revolution, and passing their lives amid the inspiration of its battle-fields-will
ignominiously suffer their institutions to be overturned by ten
millions, nearly half of whom  are helpless slaves with fetters
on their hands.  No page of history so dark and so humnili
ating as that has been Written of any portion of the human
family; and the American people had better, far better, have
never been born than that they should live to have such a history written of themselves.  Let us rouse ourselves fully to
this great work of duty. If it is to be done well, it should
be done quickly. If we would economize both blood and
treasure, we should move promptly; we should move mightily.  At this very moment, were it possible to precipitate the
whole physical force of the loyal States on the fields of the
South, it would be a measure not only of wisdom but of
economy, and of humanity also. Let us, then, have faith, and
hope, and courage, and all will yet be well. Fellow-citizens,
I feel that I may have spoken to you with more emphasis
and with more earnestness of suggestion than I am privileged
to employ in your presence.  If I have done so you will for.
give the freedom, I know, at this terrible conjuncture of public affairs. If I had more interest than you have, if I had
less interest than you have, in the tragic events and issues
to which I have referred, you might well distrust me.. But
I have precisely the same. If this Union be dismembered,
and the Government overturned, the grave of every earthly
hope will open at my feet, and it will open at yours also. In
the lives of families and of nations there arise, from time to
time, emergencies of danger which press all their members
into the same common condition; and when the storm is
raging at sea, and the laboring and quivering vessel shrieks
out from every joint the agony of the -struggle, all who aro
on board, alike the humblest sailor and the obscurest passenger, may rightfully speak, on that great principle of nature
which no human institution can modify and no human destiny can control-the right of self-preservation.




OUR CAUSE.                       18
OUR CAUSE. —Major- Gernea a   itchell.*
We have engaged in the grandest conflict the world has
ever wit;nessed.  We are to-day fighting the battles of the
liberty of the world.  We are fighting the battle of freedom
for the whole world. Single-hancded as we are, are you ready
to-day to meet this conflict?  Are you ready to say," I care
not if the whole world were arrayed against us; our cause is
pure, and holy, and glorious, and we are ready to die in defense of that cause?"  Are you ready to say, " Our country
calls, in the discharge of our duty, for our blood, our money,
our sons, oiur fathers and our brothers, and in this cause we
freely give them to God and our country?"  The soil of our
country is sacred to us, and we will preserve it at all hazards
and risks, and will sacrifice our lives, our money, our bloodevery thing, to protect it; because we know the division of
this country will be literal, and absolute, and final death; and,
my friends, a death of utter contempt and degradation!  Can
any of you bear to think of it?  Suppose the South should
triumph over the North, who of you will ever be able to look
any honest man in the face'?
We have a tremendous battle to fight. Every day cements
the North.  The South is a solid mass; the North is divided,
as yet, but we are coming together every day, and a mighty
stream of people deliberately is extending until it will sweep
every thing before it, and bring absolute destruction to every
thing in its path.  The battle must be fought, and I will tell
you how it must be fought.  We will organize our battalions,
brigades and divisions, drill them, prepare them  for the battle-field, and hunt the enemy wherever he may be found, and
destroy him wherever we find him.  There is to be no more
delay or hesitation in regard to this matter.  We will prosecute this war without any enmity toward the South, but with
a solemn determination to rescue from their tyrannical grasp
those who are in it.  I understand them well.  I understand
Jeff. Davis's despotic power, and I believe the time will come
* Major-General 0. M. Mitchell, the celebrated astronomer, left his ob.
servatory and his logarithms to do battle for the Union. He proved as
good with the sword as with the telescope-accomplishing more with
fewer men than any General in the field. I-e was educated at West Point
and, therefore, was a soldier by profession. Our country should be proua
to do him lasting honor.




14                THDE rATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
whei we will rescue the country from its thraldom, and, that
many a heart will rejoice in its return to that old flag which
symbols the perpetuity of this Union.
Our cause is the greatest one in which the sword has been
drawn. This war costs us thousands of lives and thousands
of millions of expenditure; it has cost us blood without
limit and money without stint.  What do we get for't all?
Why, we are fighting for a grand principle-the liberty of the
world, the integrity of this nation; and if this integrity be
destroyed, liberty is lost forever to humanity.
A  KENTUCKIAN'S APPEAL.-Hon. L. S. Rosseau.*
Behold the results of secession!  Distress and ruin stare
men in the face.  Strong men, honest and industrious men,
can not get bread for their wives and children.  The widow
and the orphan, helpless and destitute, are starving.  In all
the large cities the suffering is intense; work is not to be
obtained; and those who live by their labor get no money.
Property of every description has depreciated  until it is
almost worthless. -In the seceded States, Union men are
driven penniless fiom  their homes, or hanged; and all this,
that " peaceful secession" may go on, and that politicians may
fill offices!  And, after you gentlemen bring all these calamlities upon us, you falsely say that " Lincoln did it," and that
we Union men are abolitionists, and aid him I I tell you that
Lincoln has not done it.  He was elected President by your
hlelp.  You ran a candidate for the presidency, that the Democratic party might be divided, and Lincoln elected.   That
was your pur1pose, and you accomplished it; and now you
have elected Lincoln thus, you must break up the Government because he is elected!  This is your programme-deny
it who can!
* ton. Lovell S. Rosseau, afterward a General of celebrity in the Union
army, was a member of the Kentucky State Senate, which assembled in
May, 1861, to consider the question of Kentucky's relations to the Union.
Most of her Senators urged the State to assume an attitude of neultrality
— allowing neither the United States nor the Confederate Government
the right to cross her soil with troops. This really treasonable attitude
Rosseau opposed fearlessly, demanding that Kentucky should array herself on the side of the Federal Governlent, where duty, honor and interest alike placed her. It was such voices as Rosseau's that gave Kentucky
to the Union, and saved her from the clutches of the conspirators.




KENTUCKY ST5ADFAST.                 1b
South Carolina was irritated at the presence of Major
Anderson and fifty-five men at Fort Sumter-so irritated that
she could not bear it.  She tried to starve him to death; she
tried to knock his head off, and burn him up; she bombarded
the people's fort; shot into the flag of our Government, and
drove our soldiers from the place. It was not Mr. Lincoln's
fort; not his flag, nor his soldiers, but ours. Yet, after all
these outrages and atrocities, South Carolina comes with
embraces for us, saying: "Well, we tried, we intended, to
kill that brother Kentuckian of yours-tried to storm him,
knock his brains out, and burn him up. Don't you love us
for it?  W~on't you fight with us, and for us, and help us
overthrow your' Government?"  Was ever a request so outrageously unnatural-so degrading to our patriotism?  And
yet, Mr. Speaker, there were those among us who rejoiced at
the result, and termed the assault upon their own fort, and the
capture of their own flag and their own soldiers, a heroic victory!
Mr. Speaker, I am sick and tired of all this gabble about
irritation over the exercise by others of their undoubted
right; and I say once for all to you secession gentlemen, that
we Union men know our rights; intend to maintain them.
If you get irritated about it, why-get irritated I  Snuff and
snort yourselves into a rage; go into spasms if you will; die
if you want to, and can't stand it-who cares.?  What right
have you to get irritated because we claim equal rights and
equality with you?  We are for peace; we desire no war,
and deprecate collision. All we ask is peace. We don't
intend you any harm.  We don't want to hurt you, and don't
intend you shall injure us if we can help it: We beg of you
to let us live in peace under the good old Government of
our fathers.  We only ask that.
KENTUCKY STEAD.FAST.-Thre same.
Our Government, constitutionally administered, is entitled
to our support, no matter who administers it. If we will not
support it, and yet enjoy its blessings, in Heaven's name let
us not war against it, nor allow our people to do so. Let us
be true to our position, whatever it may be. We are nullifying




16               THI  PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
at any rate.  Our Government has not objected tc it.  Bat
who can look an honest man in the face, while professing
neutrality, refusing to help his Government to preserve its
existence, yet secretly antd traitorously warring against it?
For one, sir, I'll none of it.  Away with it.  Let us be men
-honest men, or pretend to be nothing but vagabonds.
WVhen Kentucky goes clown, it will be in blood.  Let that
be understood.  She will not go as other States have gone.
Let the responsibility rest on you, where it belongs.  It is all
your work, and whatever happens will be your worlk.  We
have more right to defend our Government than you have to
overturn it.  Many of us are sworn to support it.  Let our
good Union brethren of the South stand their ground.  I
know that many patriotic hearts in the seceded States still
beat warmly-for the old Union-the old flag.  The time will
come when we shall all be together again.  The politicians
are having their clay.  The people will yet havze theirs.  I
have an abiding confidence in the rigjht, and I 1- now that this
secession movement is all wrong.  There is, in fact, not a
single substantial reason for it.  If there be, I should be glad
to hear it; our Government has never oppressed us with a
feather's weight.  The direst oppression alone could justify
what has brought all our present suffering upon us.  May
God, in his mercy, save our glorious Republic I
TIMIDITY  IS TREASON.-)r. Brownson.*
The country is now, perhaps, in its very crisis; but instead
of blaming the Government that it has not done more, would
it not be well for us to look at ourselves and ask if we have
not deserved all the chastisement we have received, and if
these trials which war brings were not trials necessary to
save us from that effeminacy which was overcoming us, from
that luxury Which was ruining us, and rekindle that almost
extinct manhood within us.
* Orestes A. Brownson is, perhaps, one of the ablest thinkers in the
conntry. As editor of " Brownson's Quarterly Review," he exerts a powerful inflnence, particularly over the minds of readers of his persuasion
(Roman Catholic). In the cause of the Union he embarked with zeal,
having an abiding- faith in the power of a Republican- Government to sustain itself in the crisis. His influence and that of Archbishop Hughes of
New York did much to inspire a large class of the Roman Catholics with
~peuligr' enthusiasm and devotion in the causee of tile Federal Government,




TIMIDITY IS TREASON;                  17
The country is never lost until manhood is lost.  The
country is lost first in the individual ceasing to be a man-to
be a man conscious of his rights, and equally conscious of his
duties, and determined and energetic in asserting the one and
in performing the other.  For my own part' I have long, seen
that this war was necessary.  I have long seen. that it would
come.; and, though we may regard it as a judgment, I think
it is a judgment sent in mercy upon us, and  that there is.more of mercy in the sending of it than of indignation on the
part of our Creator. Let us, then, not despond.:Let us feel
that we yet have a country, and it shall be restored and maintained, let whatever forces there may be combined against it.
We are here placed by Almighty God to develop and sustain free institutions, and set an example to the whole world.
Let us not be false to. that mission.  Let us not be recreant
to our duty; but let us be strong in. the confidence of Him
who was the God of our fathers, that after he has chastised
us for a time he will still be our God, and as near and tender
to us as to our fiathers.  Let us have this feeling. Let the
Government rise to the dignity of the occasion; let it lay
aside whatever timidity there may have been in its counsels,
and understand that, in times like these, it is only the bold,
the energetic spirit, that prevails.
Timid counsels are-now treason.  Timid actions are worse
than treachery.  WVe want such a leader as will say to those
below him in authority, "There is your work-go and do it,"
and leave not a rebel to desecrate the land of freedom.  Rise
up in your strength, in the strength'of your country, and in
the strength of your God, and sweep away treason from the
land of Washington, Adams and Jefferson.  Let -that voice
ring out as it rung out in 1776, and rebellion will soon hide
its head, and seek cover from the storm.
I fear not treachery,: nor what the rebels can do, if I have
only the true heart in my own country.  If, on the side of
loyalty, there be truth, energy, manhood, and a determination
to dare and to do every thing for its salvation, then it will be
done.  I tell you there is a power in the human arm when'it is raised in the cause of justice-a power that is more than
human, for then its power is strengthened by all -the power
of manhood, by all the forces of nature, and by all the forcea
of nature's God.




'La             THrE PATRIOTIC SPEAER..
THE ALARUM.-R. H.: toddard.
Men of the North and West
Wake in your might;
Prepare, as the rebels have done,
For the fight;
You can not shrink from the test —
Rise I men of the North and West!
They have torn down your banner of'stars;
They have trampled the laws;
They have stifled the freedom they hate,For no cause!
Do you love it, or slavery best?
Speak I men of the North and West I
They strike at the life of the StateShall the murder be done?
They cry, " We are -two 1"  And you? 
" We are one!"
You must meet them, then, breast to breast —
On I men of: the: North and West i
APRIL 15TH, 1861.-iWm. H. Burleigh.
Thank God, the free North is awake at last!
When burning cannon-shot and bursting shell,
As: from the red mouth of some volcan's hell,
Rained on devoted Sumter thick and fast,
The sleep of ages from her eyelids passed.
One bound-and lo! she stands erect and tall,
While Freedom's hosts come trooping to her cal,
Like eager warriors to the trumpet's blast I
Woe, to the traitors and their robber-horde l
Woe, to the spoilers that pollute the land I
When a roused Nation, terrible and grand,
Grasps, in a holy cause, th' avenging sword,
And swears, from Treason's bloody clutch to save
The priceless heritage ouir fathers gave.




THE SPIRIT OF'61.                 19
THE SPIRIT OF'61. —Franklin Lushington.
No more words;
Try it with your swords I
Try it with the arms of your bravest and your best!
You are proud of your manhood, now put it to the test;
Not another word;
Try it by the sword
No more NOTES;
Try it by the throats
Of the cannon that will roar till the earth and air be shaken;
For they speak what they mean, and they can not be mistaken;
No more doubt;
Come-fight it out.
No child's play!
Waste not a clay;
Serve out the deadliest weapon you know;
Let them pitilessly hail in the faces of the foe;
No blind strife;
Waste not one life.
You that in the front
Bear the battle's bruntWhen the sun gleams at dawn on the bayonets abreast,
Remember'tis for Government and Country you contest;
For love of all you guard,
Stand and strike hard.
You at home that stay,
From danger far away,
Leave not a jot to chance, while you rest in quiet ease;
Quick I forge the bolts of death; quick! ship them o'er the seas;
If war's feet are lame,
Yours will be the blame.
You, my lads, abroad,
"Steady!" be your word;
You, at home, be the anchor of your soldiers young and brave
Spare not cost, none is lost, that may strengthen or may save,
Sloth were sin and shame;
Now play out the game.




20               THE PATRIOTIC SPEAIKER.
THE PRECIOUS HTERITAGE.-Hon. Gatusha-A. Grow.*
Four-score years ago, fifty-six bold merchants: farmers,
lawyers and mechanics, the representatives of a fewx fceble
colonists scattered along the Atlantic seaboard, met in convention to found a new empire, based on the inalienable rights
of man.  Seven years of bloody conflict ensued, and the
Fourth of July, 1776, is canonized in the hearts of the great
and good as. the jubilee of oppressed nationalities, and in thle
calendar of heroic deeds it marks a new era in the history of
the race.  Three-quarters of a century have passed away, and
the few feeble colonists, hemmed in by the ocean in front,- the
wilderness and the savage in the rear, have spanned a wvhole
continent' with a great empire of free States, rearing through.
out its vast wilderness the temples of science and of civilization on the ruins of savage life. Happiness seldom, if ever,
equaled has surrounded the domestic fireside, and prosperity
unsurpassed has crowned the national energies; the liberties
of the people been secure at hom& and abroad, while the
national standard floated, honored and respected, in every
commercial mart of the world.  On the return of this glorious
anniversary, after a peliod but little exceeding the allotted
lifetime of man, the people's relpresentatives are convened in the
council chambers of the republic to deliberate on the means
for preserving the Government under whose benign influence
these grand results have been achieved. A rebellion, the
most causeless in the history of the race, has developed a
conspiracy of long standing to destroy the Constitution formed
by the wisdom  of our fathers, and the Union cemented by
their blood.  This conspiracy, nurtured for long years in
secret councils, first develops itself openly in acts of spoliatien
and plunder of public property, with the connivance or under
the protection of treason, enthroned in all the high places of
the Government, and at last in armed rebellion for the overthrow of the best Government ever devised by man.  Without an effort in the mode prescribed in the organic law for a
redress of all grievances, the malcontents appeal only to the
arbitrament of the sword, insult the nation's honor, and trampie upon its flag; inaugurate a revolution which, if successful,
* Delivered by Mr. Grow upon his assumption of the chairmanship of
the United States House of RepresentatiTve, December, 151.




THE PRECIOUS HERITAGE.                  21
wonld' end in establishing petty jarring  confederacies of
anarchy upon the ruins of the Republic and the destruction of
Its liberties.
In God is our trust, and the "Star-Spangled Banner b'rever shall wave, o'er the land of the free and the home of the
brave."  Those who regard it as mere cloth bunting, fail to
appreciate its symbolical power. ~Wherever civilization dwells,
cOr the name of Washington is known, it bears on its folds the
concentrated power of armies and navies, and surrounds its
votaries with a defense more impregnable than'a battlement
of wall or tower.  Wherever, on the earth's surface, an
American citizen may wander, called by pleasure, business or
caprice, it is a shield to secure him  against wrong and outrage, save on the soil of the land of his birth.  As the
guardians of the rights and liberties of the people, your paramount duty is to make it honored at home as it is respected
abroad.  A  Government that can not command the loyalty
of its own citizens is unworthy the respect of the world; and
a Government that will not protect its own loyal citizens,
deserves the contempt of the world.
lEe who would tear down this grandest temple of constitutional liberty, thus blasting forever the hopes of crushed
humanity, because its freemen, in the mode presented by the
Constitution, select a chief magistrate not acceptable to him,
is a parricide to his race, and should be regarded as a common
enemy of' mankind.  The Union once destroyed is a shattered
vase that no human power can reconstruct in its original
symmetry.  Coarse stones when they are broken may be
cemented again; precious ones, never. If the Republic is to
be dismembered, and the sun of its liberty must go out in endless night, let it set amid the roar of cannon and the din of
battle, when there is no longer an arm  to strike or a heart to
bleed in its cause, so that coming generations may not reproach
the present with being too imbecile to preserve the priceless
legacy bequeathed by our fathers, so as to transmit it unimpaired to future times.  Again, gentlemen, thanking you for
your confidence and kindness,'and invoking guidance fromithat Divine Power that led our fathers through the Red Sea
of the Revolution, I enter upon the discharge of the duties to




22              THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKERI
which you have assigned me, relying upon your forbearance
and cooperation, and trusting that your labors will contribute
not a little to the greatness and glory of the Republic.
The 19th of April, canonized in the first struggle for American Nationality, consecrated in the martyr-blood of Warren,
has its counterpart in Ellsworth, and the heroic deeds and.
patriotic sacrifices of the struggle for the establishment of the
Republic are being reproduced upon the battle-fields for its
maintenance. iEvery race and tongue of men almost is represented in the grand legion of the Union, their standards proclaiming, in a language more impressive than words, that here,
indeed, is the home of the emigrant and the asylumn of the
exile, no matter where was his birth-place, or in what clime
his infancy was cradled.  IIe devoted his life to the defense
of his adopted land, the vindication of its honor, and the protection of its flag, with the same zeal with which he would
guard his hearthstone and fireside.  All parties, sects, and
conditions of men, not corrupted by the institutions of human
bondage, forgetting bygone rancors and prejudices, band in
one phalanx for the integrity of the Union and the perpetuity
of the Republic. Long years of peace in the pursuits of sordid gain, instead of blunting the patriotic devotion of loyal
citizens, seems but to have intensified its development, when
the existence of the Government is assailed.  The merchant,
the banker and the tradesman, with an alacrity unparalleled,
proffer their all at the altar of their country; while from the
counter, the workshop, and the plow, brave hearts and stout
arms, leaving their tasks unfinished, rush to the tented field —
the air vibrates with martial strains, and the earth shakes with
armed men.  In view of this grand demonstration for selfpreservation in the history of nationalities, desponding patriotism may be assured that the foundations of our national greatness still stand strong, and the sentiment which beats to-day
in every loyal heart will for the future be realized.  No flag,
alien to the sources of the Mississippi; will ever float permanently over its mouth till its waters are crimsoned in human
gore; and not one foot of American soil can be wrenched
from the jurisdiction of the Constitution of the United States
until it is baptized in fire and blood.




THR IRISH ELEMENT                   23
TEE IRISH ELEMENT.-Edwvard Everett.
The scum of Europe! Good heavens, sir, who does not
know that in the terrible revolutions and disastrous vicissitudes of the last seventy years in the Old World, nothing has
more alleviated the sufferings caused by them, than that America offered, within her almost boundless domain, a refuge and
a home to the unfortunate and stricken of every condition
and every clime. No matter-in what region, or in defense of
what cause he may have suffered; it may have been in the
great dynastic struggles of popular upheavals on the continent-it may have been in seasons of fever and famine, or
political convulsions more cruel than the elements, with which
your fair island has from time to time been visited-a gracious
Providence had provided beyond the sea, in our all but illimitable territories, beneath the gentle sway of our equal laws,
and from the abundance of our overflowing granaries, a safe
retreat and a hospitable welcome.  It is not the scum of
Europe; they, alas! are destitute of the means of escape
from the hardships of their lot.  They fall unprotected victims to gaunt.poverty, famine, and typhus, starving in sight
of the waving cornfields their own hands had tilled; toiling
in rags within the walls of factories, which clothe half mankind.  It is, for the most part, thousands and hundreds of
thousands of those who formthe wealth and strength of the
community that have sought our shores.  It is estimated that
in ten or eleven years the population in Ireland fell off a full
quarter part. The emigration commencing with the potato
disease, and kept up by that and other causes, political, social, and moral, reached the enormous amount of nearly
2,000,000, of which a considerable portion came to the United
States.  Were these two millions, who possessed, if nothing
more, the means of defraying the expenses of emigration, the
"scum" of Ireland?  No, my friends; they were the small
farmers in the country, the industrious mechanics in the cities,
with a fair proportion of men of substance in trade and the
professions-healthy, active young men and women, able to
meet the cost and bear the hardships of the removal, and well
prepared to establish a home and to prosper in the country
of their adoption. Why, it was officially ascertained, ten years




24'THIE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
ago, in England, that this scum, was annually sending back,
to Ireland alone, five millions of dollars, to enable father and
mother, and brother and sister, to follow them  to their new
homes, and partake of the blessings of a mild and beneficent
form of government, of common privileges and equal laws.
Such a Government, my fiiends, you feel that you have
found.  It has extended to you its protection; it has sheltered you bhleath its fostering wings, and you do not intend
that it shall be overthrown.  You, feel that the sacrifices and
suflferings of our revolutionary fathers, by whose side your own
MIontgomery fought and bled, were as much for you as for
us; and you are now going to join us in paying back tIat
sacred debt to our common country. Your brethren and your
fathers have followed the flag of England wherever their
allegiance hlas called them, to the ends of the earth, moistening with their blood every battle-field of Europe and Asia,
from the Spanish Peninsula to the banks of the Indus and the
walls of Pekin; loyal to a power, even in times happily now
past, when they knew it only in its frowns and its terrors.
You, will not desert the Government of your free choice which
has secured you a happy home, vwhich has given you, from
the first, employment and food, cheap lands, high wages, equal
rights, civil and religious; the mildest and most beneficent
Government beneath the circuit of the sun. You will loyally
support it; you have done so in tines past in the sunshine;
you will still gallantly defend it in the storim.  You will join
us, we ask notlling else, in upholding its sacred banner.
Your patriotic-legions will hasten, with ours, to its defense,
and haply on somle hard-fought field, should the doubtful
day be about to turn against us, the Irish Brigade, as of olc
at Fontenoy, shall rush to the rescue, and with that terrible
war-cry of Fauch7-a-ballaglh, sweep the foes of the Union before
thenm, like chaff before the whirlwind.
GEORGE FRANCIS TRA4IN'S SPEECIH  BEFORE  THE
BROTHERHOOD  OF ST. PATRICK, IN  LONDON.*
I speak to you in the names of one hundred and fifty thousand of your countrymen, who' are now my countrymen an
* This bold language cost Mr. Train a brief imprisonment in Loadon
under charge of " inciting to insurrection."




THE DOWNFALL OF ENGLANr.
well, who are fighting the battle of your people as well as my
people-the great battle of humlanity in that high-favored
land, where liberty means the common rights of human nature, and where human beings are treated like men.  In the
name of the Irish army of the West, I ask you to cheer for
the Union of America, and the Disunion of Ireland from Great
Britain.  Those. cheers foreshadow already the downfall of
England. Englishmen are so busy plotting the ruin of America, predicting the death-knell of the nation, and praying for
the downfall of America, there can be no objection to my
changing the topic, and speaking to an Irish audience on the
"Downfall of England."  England is supposed to be a Gibraltar-a rock of strength, so grand, so powerful, so rich, that
any thing I might say would fail to penetrate her iron armor
of egotism and copper-sheathing af assumption.  I speak for
the people; the aristocracy have all the lawyers to speak for
them.  Some day men will be considered imen, and the simple annals of the poor will be heard in heaven.
Shall crime bring crime forever,
Strength aiding still the stiong?
Is it thy will, oh Father,
That man shall toil for wrong?
No! say thy mountains; No, thy skies;.Man's clouded sun shall brightly rise,
And songs be heard instead of sighs.
God save the people!
Revolution is catching-like laughter, fever, or speculation.
One suicide follows another; and more murders have taken
place during the last few weeks than the previous ten months.
When a~n accident happens in the morning, something goes
wrong each hour in the day-one man gapes, and then the
whole party begin to open their: mouths. The French Revolu
tion in'48 inaugurated revolution in Italy-revolution in Hungary-revolution in Poland, and two hundred thousand shop.
keepers ranged themselves into line to stop revolutfon in London.  Some revolutions are silent, others noisy; the thirteenth century revolution was silent-the Norman overcame
the Saxon, ending the tyranny of nation over nation.  The
eighteenth century revolution. was also silent, ending the
property in man.  The barons under the Plantagenets, Macaulay says, detradced the peasants to the level of the swmtn  and




28  TE PATBIIOTIC SPEAKER.
one they tendted.  When England abolished the slavery of the
body, the governing classes commenced enslaving the mind.
Their success may be seen by going into the back country,
and talking with the serfs you find there.  There are no such
people in America.  Lafayette, when riding through the
crowded streets of B2oston years ago, saw the thousands of
smiling faces and the well-dressed men that lined the road,
and asked, "Where are your common people?"  "There,"
replied the Mayor, "are all the common people we have in
America."
When I allude to the downfall of England, I mean the uprising of the people-when men shall have votes, and not be
called " the. mob."  The American rebellion is the world's s'ebelUion, and the life of America is the death of England. British
statesmen have acted on that hypothesis.  America will live,
England will die-such is the law of nations.  Prosperity,
then adversity. The antithesis follows every thing in nature,
right, left, up, down-abuse a man, then praise him-strong,
weak, young, old.  When a man is very ill, he must get better or die.  The runner at the top of his speed must slacken
or fall.  So the nation that has mounted to the last round
of the ladder must drop, or descend step by step.  America
is going up, England coming down.  The downfall of England commenced the moment the governing classes laid their
plans for sapping away the liberties of the people.  Taxation
without reprsentation is robbery.
Ah! drop the treacherous mask! throw by
The cloak which vailed thine instincts fell;
Stand forth, thou base, incarnate Lie,
Stamped with the signet brand of Hell I
At last we view thee as thou artA trickster with a demon's heart.
There are six millions of able-bodied men. in England wlose
position is lower than the American slave's.  Five liegroes are
allowed. three votes by the Constitution, which makes a negro
three-fifths of a man; but in England he is not-counted so
high as the cattle of the field, or the trees in the forest.
Even the millions of voters on: the lists have no actual representation.  They are bought and sold as regularly as corn,
or hemp, or iron.  You can look at the share-lists in the




BURLESQUE STUMP SPEECH.                 2?
Reform and the Carlton clubs. They will tell you, to a pound,
the cost of any rotten-:borough in the kingdom.  Amo<rica is
natural —England artificial.  God was the engineer of AmerIca's water-works-England, less famed, employed man; God
was our gardener-man, yours.  God planted our forestsman, yours.  Our corn feeds your millions as our cotton fur.
nishes them with clothes.  Our institutions give your masses
hope for better days, and our Revolution has furnished you
with a platform for your revolution.  Parchment is of no use
-the bayonet has a sharper point than the petition; parchment is of no use in our day-the people must act.  Vox popu1i vox dei.
When wilt thou save the people?
Oh, God of Mlercy, when?
The people I Lord, the people!
Not thrones and crowns, but men l
God, save the people! thine they are,
Thy children as thy angels fair;
Save them from misrule and despair!
God save the people.
BYRON CHRISTY'S BURLESQUE STUMIP SPEECIH.
Feller Citizens: Correspondin' to your unanimous call,
I shall now hab de pleasure ob ondressin' ebery one ob you;
and I'm gwine to stick to de pints and de confluence, whereby
I am  myself annihilated.  When, in de course ob human
events, it becomes necessary fur de colored portion ob dis
pop'lation to look into and inquire into dis inexpressible conflict.. It is-it is-it is-to return to our subject:
Dis is a day to be lookin' up like a bob-tailed pullet on a
ricketty hen roost-or —or-any other man    Somefin'  has
bust.  Whar is we?  You is dar and I'm  here: and I'lm agoin' to stand here, till I take root, if you'll only shout aloud
and cast your votes for Clem. Johnson, —or-or-any other
man I What do de folks mean talkin''bout de Norf and de
Souf?  Do dey want to seperate us from  our brederin in doe
sunshinny Souf?  Do dey?  Eh?  UmphP? Do dese people
* This ridiculous burlesque we introduce more from its celebrity as a
"stump speech " than for its intrinsic excellence. We shal not advi
any of our young friends to repeat it.




THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
what's roamin' around like-hungry lions, seekin' whom dey
may devour, want more-?  Elh?  Uinph?  If they do, let'em hab New Jersey —-Hardscrable-or-or-any other manll I
Do dese folks want to tare up dat magnificent and magniglorious American Flag, what's ravelin' out on de breezes ob
de atmosphere, on de top ob de-Hotel-Elh?  Umph?  Do
dey want to strip it up and give de stars to de Souf and de
stripes to de Norf? I answer you, in clarion tones which, I
hope, may be heard from de risin' place ob de Sun to de cheer
in which he sits down-dey can't do it!-nor-any other
man!
Our patriotic canal boat:has, indeed, unshipped her rudder;
our wigwams is torn to pieces and scattered to the winds, like
-like a dilapidated shirt on a brush fence.  Be we a gwine
to allow dese things to be did? Elh? Umph? Whar is our
progressiveness-ness-ness-is not our-o-our-our-to return
to our subject:
I ask you, in de name ob de shaggy headed eagle, what's
flyin' ober de cap cloud summits ob de Rockygany Mountains,
be we gwine to allow ourselves to be so extemporaneously
bigoted in dis'ere fashion? Answer me as Shakespeare says;
" Do not let me blush in ignorance,'"
nor-nor-any other man!
What does our glorious Constitution say on referrin' to dis
lamentable subject? Does not our glorious constitution'-shun
-shun-shun-tution! Don't it'  Ehli?  Umph?  I'll bet
two dollars and a half it does i Now den, Feller Citizens,
I've got a question to ask you all. I don't want you to go on
one side ob it, nor on the odder side ob it; but.1 want you
all to keep huddled up togedderas you be. If de democrats,
de aristocrats, de autocrats, or any other rats will elect me to
be dere President, I'll tell you what I'll do for you: I shall
hab de Japanese Embassy and de Prince ob Whales here, once
a week, for to look at you, and Johnny Heenan, do Magnesia
Boy, shall hab de champion belt-or-or any other man!
Why, see here, look a-here, de members ob Congress-gress
-gress-don't dey take de advantage ob de Frankin' privicge?  EliEh?  Umph?  Don't dey hab dere shirts washed
way out home and hab'em sent back to'en, froo de PostOffice, widout payin' nary red cent postage on'em? My dear




LET ME ALONE.                   29
feller citizens, dat one act is against de glorious laws ob dis
unimpeachable Onion!
What did my friend General Cass say, when he signed de
Decliclumption ob Dependence?  I was dere; I see'd him
sign it. He said to me (as he laid his right hand on my
head), Clem, my boy, who knows what may turn up to be
your trump card? Who knows but what you might wake up
some fine mornin' and find yourself de President ob dis glorious Unicorn?  You might-or-or-allny other man I
LET MIE ALONE.
As vonce I valked by a dismal swamp,
There sot an Old Cove in the dark and damp,
And at everybody that passed that road
A stick or a stone this Old Cove throwed.
And venever he flung his stick or his stone,
He'd set up a song of " Let me alone."
"Let me alone, for I loves to shy
These bits of things at the passers-by;
Let me alone, for I've got your tin,
And lots of other treps, snugly in;
Let me alone, I'm riggin' a boat
To grab votever you've got afloat;
In a veek or so I expect to come
And turn you out of your'ouse and'ome.
I'm a quiet Old Cove," says he, with a groans
" All I axes is-Let me alone."
Just then came along, on the self-same way,
Another Old Cove, and began for to say:
"Let you alone! That's comin' it strong I
You've been let alone a -darned sight too long;
Of all the sarce that ever I heerd I
Put down that stick I (You may wellook skeered )
Let go that stone I If you once show fight,
rll knock you higher than any kite.




80              THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
You must have a lesson to stop your tricks,
And cure you of shying them stones and sticke,
And I'll have my hardware back, and imy cash,
And knock your scow into tarnal smash,
And if ever I catches you'round my ranch,
I'll string you up to the nearest branch.
The best you can do is to go to bed,
And keep a decent tongue in your head;
For I reckon before you and I are done,
You'll wish you had let honest folks alone."
The Old Cove stopped, and the t'other Old Cove,
He sot quite still in his cypress grove,
And he looked at his stick, revolvin' slow,
Vether'twere safe to shy it or noAnd he grumbled on, in an injured tone,
" All that I axed vos, let me alone."
THE BRIGAND-IER-GENERAL CONTRACTOlR
Let him boast of his straps
And his stars-which, perhaps,
Look wondrous fine on the top of his shoulder;
Let him talk of his deeds,
Let him sigh as he bleeds,
To think of the fame he will win when lie's elder.
But-give me the bright stars
Which are won without scars,
Of bright metal and mint manufacture;
For-I'm not one of those
Who would win fame by blows,
rm a Briigand-ier-General Contractor.
When the wind and sleet blow,
And the earth all in snow,
Like a corps6 in its shroud, lies buried deep under,
And the brave Volunteer,
Quitting all at home dear,




T~H  DRAFT.                     a
Rashes forth at the call of the cannon's loud thunder;
Who is lie that is seen,
Of Samaritan mien,
Dispensing his goods, like a rich benefactor?
Soleless boots and rot shoddy,
To dis-cover the body —'Tis the Brigand-ier-General Contractor I
And again, when in moans
Our dear country loud groans,
And staggers beneath an unequaled disaster,
Who. of all that disport
At the summer resort,
Where heedless and criminal mirth reigns the mraster;
Or-whose daughters and wife
In the town's hollow strife,
Enact higher roles-each a consummate actor;
Who, in short, can afford
To play the rich lord,
Like the Brigand-der-General Contractor 1
Then hip! hip 1 hurrah!
For rebellion and war I
Open wide the flood-gates of corruption and plunder;
Spavinecd horses, spoiled oats,
Old and rotten steamboats,
And muskets (at which silly people do wonder)
In the arsenal laid,
And for which the U. S. paid
Three fifty apiece, to a notorious factor,
Are resold us, I ween,
For a plump seventeen!
By the Brigand-ier-General Contractor.
THE DRAFT.
Now, all of you "m men folks,"'twixt eighteen and fifty,
Whate'er your profession, your business or craft,
Whether wealthy or poor, whether shirtless or thrifty,
Keep your sight-windows open, look out for the drafL




TIEm PATRIOTIC SPEAXEU.
Effeminate youths, with incipient moustachesWho at ungloved humanity always have laughed,
As you brush from your finest of sack-cloth the ashes,
Dropped from your cigar end, beware of the draft.
Y. c'ty-bred clerks, with no powers of endurance,
To whom each breeze threatens consumption to wafts
Don't think that weak lungs will affect your insurance
From being exposed to this terrible draft.
Ye bankers and brokers, your credit is no test
That you're more exempt than the rest on the raftThe present demiancd will admit of no " protest;"
You'll have to " provide for," this Government draft,
Ye doctors unfledged, who at some c6untry college,
In one course of lectures vast learning have quaffed,
Postpone your libations of medical knowledge;
Doctor Lincoln prescribes you a different draft.
Ye sturdy mechanics, strong armed and stout handed,
Here's a chance for a job on the national craft;
Your services pressingly now are demanded,
On this vast ship of three hundred thousand feet draft
Ye engineers, architects, builders, designers,
Who can manage on paper base, column and shaft;
Ye artists, ye lawyers, ye penny-a-liners,
You can all try your hands at this popular draft.
Volunteer while you can-while such boounty-ful offera
Are made to induce-don't stand there abaft;
Tihe people, will, after a while, close their coffersUncle Samuel too —then look out for the draf




THn UNION SQUJARE SPEECHES..8
THE UNION SQUARE SPEECHES[April 20th, 1861, was a memorable day in the annals of the city~ of Neiw
York and of the country. On that day all business was suspended, and all
classes turned out to repair to Union Square, -in the city, and there to give
expression to the sentiments of the great metropolis on the war. It was
a magnificent spectacle indeed. No person could guess the number
present. It was moved by one impulse-that of devotion to the Union
and the Constitution. Democrats, Whigs, Republicans, Abolitionists,
forgot their differences; Jews, Roman Catholics, Protestants and Material.
ists became brothers; Trades' Unions, Associations, Secret Societies
fraternized and marched in ranks together; ministers left the pulpit,
money-changers their offices, sailors their ships, merchants their counters,
mechanics their shops, lawyers their briefs-all to join in the one great
work of meeting the crisis with men and money to any extent. The
speeches made were, many of them, splendid specimens of eloquence,
argument and invective. We may quote a few extracts, not more to afford
the young speaker good things for rehearsal, than to show to our youth
how sublime devotion to the country can render all men, of all creeds and
classes, brothers. The great strnugle for the Union broke down the
barriers of caste and class, and made the people realize that all were equal,
that stout arms and brave hearts were every thing to the country, and
sociai position nothing. This was one of the first fruits of the war; and,
if we come from the fiery ordeal chastened. and ennobled as citizens, we
shall not have suffered in vain.]
We are called upon to act.  There is no time for hesitation
or indecision-no time for haste and excitement.  It is a time
when the people sho6uld rise in the majesty of their might,
stretch forth their strong arm and silence the angry waves of
tumult.  It is time the people should command peace.  It is
a question between union and anarchy-between law  and
disorder.  All politics for the time being are and should be
committed to the resurrection of the grave.  The question
should be, "Our country, our whole country, and nothing but
the country."
"'Tis not the whole of life to live,
Nor all of death to die."
We should go forward  in a manner becoming a great
people.  But six months since', the material elements of our
country were never greater. To-day, by the fiat of madness,
we are plunged in distress and threatened with political ruin,
anarchy and annihilation.  It becomes us to stay the hands
of this spirit of disunion.  While I would prosecute this war
in a manner becoming a civilized and a Christian people, I
would do so in no vindictive spirit.  I would do it as Brutus
set the signet to the death-warrant of his son-"Justice is
satisfied, and Rome is free."  I love my country; I love this
Union.  It was the first vision of my early years; it is the
iast ambition  of my  public life.  Upon  its altar I have




.84             THE PATRIOTIC WPEAKaER.
surrendered my choicest hopes.  I had fondly hoped that in
approaching age it was to beguile my solitary hours, and I
will stand by it as long as there is a Union to stand by; and
when the ship of the Union shall crack and groan, when the
skies lower and threaten, when the lightnings flash, the
thunders roar, the storms beat and the waves run mountainhigh, if the ship of State goes down, and the Union perished
would rather perish with it than survive its destruction.s
Hlon. Daniel S..Diccinson, of New York.
Fellow-citizens, what is this country.?  Is it the soil on
which we tread?  Is it the gathering of familiar faces?  Is
it our luxury, and pomp, and pride? Nay, more than these,
is it power, and might, and majesty alone?  No, our country
is more, far more than all these.  The country which demands
our love, our courage, our devotion, our heart's blood, is more
than all these. Our country is the history of our fathers-our
country is the tradition of our mothers-our country is past
renown-our country is present pride anc, power-our country
is future hope and destiny-our country is greatness, glory,
truth, constitutional liberty-above  all, freedom  forever!
These are the watchwords under which we fight; and we
will shout them out till the stars appear in the sky, in the
stormiest hour of battle. Young men of New York-young
men of the United States-you are told this is not to be a war
of aggression.  In one sense that is true; in another, not.
We have committed aggression upon no man.  In all the
broad land, in their rebel nest, in their traitor's camp, no
truthful man can rise and say that he has ever been disturbed,
though it be but for a single moment, in life, liberty, estate,
character, or honor. The day they began this unnatural,
false, wicked, rebellious warfare, their lives were more secure,
their property more secure, by us-not by themselves, but by
us-guarded far more securely than any peoule ever have had
their lives and property secured from tue beginning of the
world. We have committed no oppression, have broken no
compact, have exercised no unholy power; have been loyal,
moderate, constitutional, and just.  WVe are a majority of the
Union, and we will govern our own Union, within our own
Constitution, in our own way.  We are all democrats.  We




ME UNION SQUARE SPEECHES.
are all republicans.  We acklnowledge the sovereignty of the
people within the rule of the Constitution; and under that
Constitution and beneath that flag, let traitors beware.  I
would meet them upon the threshold, and there, in the very,
State of their power, in the very atmosphere of their treason,
I propose that the people of this Union dictate to these rebels
the terms of peace. It may take thirty millions; it may take
three hundred millions.  What then?  We have it.  It may
cost us seven thousand men; it may cost us seventy-five
thoursand men in battle; it may cost us seven hundred and
fifty thousand men. What then?  "We have them.  The
blood of every loyal citizen of this Government is dear to me.
My sons, my kinsmen, the young men who have grown up
beneath my eye and beneath my care, they are all dear to me;
but if the country's destiny, glory, tradition, greatness, freedom,
government, written constitutional government-the only l'ope
of a free people-demand it, let them all go.- United States
Senator E. D1. Baker, of Oregon.
Let no man underrate the dangers of this controversy.
Civil war, for the best of reasons upon the one side, and the
worst upon the other, is always dangerous to liberty-always
fearful, always bloody; but, fellow-citizens, there are yet
worse things than fear, than doubt and dread, and danger and
blood. Dishonor is worse. Perpetual anarchy is worse.
States forever commingling and forever severing are worse.
Traitors and Secessionists are worse.  To have star after star
blotted out-to have stripe after stripe obscured-to have glory
after glory dimmed-to have our women weep and our men
blush for shame throughout generations to come-that and
these are infinitely Worse than blood. When we march, let
us not march for revenge. As yet we have nothing to revenge.
It is not much that where that tattered flag waved, guarded
by seventy men against ten thousand; it is not much that
starvation effected what an enemy could not compel.  We
have as yet something to punish, but nothing, or very little,
to revenge..- The President himself, a hero without knowing
it-and I speak from knowledge, having known him from
boyhood-the President says: —" There are wrongs to be
redressed, already long enough endured."  And we march to




88              THE PATRIOlIC SPEAKER.
battle and to victory because we do not choose to endure this
wrong any longer.  They are wrongs not merely against usnot against you, 3Br. President-not against me-but against
our sons and against our grandsons that surround us.  They
are wrongs against our Union; they are wrongs against our
Constitution; they are wrongs against human hope and
human freedom; and thus, if it be avenged, still, as Burke
says: " It is a wild justice at last;" only thus we will revenge
them.  The national banners, leaning fiom  ten thousand
windows in your city to-day, proclaim  your affection anl
reverence for the Union.  You will gather in battalions
"Patient of toil, serene amidst alarms,
Inflexible in faith, invincible in arms;"
and as you gather, every omen of present concord and ultimate
peace will surround you;../ The ministers of religion, the priests
of literature, the historians of the past, the illustrators of the
present, capital, science, art, invention, discoveries, the,works
of genius-all these will attend us in our march, and we will
conquer.  And if, from the far Pacific, a voice feebler than
the feeblest murmur upon its shore may be heard to give you
courage and hope in the contest, that voice is yours to-day;
and if a man whose hair is gray, who is well-nigh worn out
in the battle and toil of life, may pledge himself on such an
occasion and in such an audience, let me say, as my last word,
that when, amid sheeted fire and flame, I saw and led the
hosts of New York as they charged in contest upon a foreign
soil for the honor of your flag, so again, if Providence shall
will it, this feeble hand shall draw a sword, never yet dishonored-not to fight for distant honor in a foreign land, but
to fight for country, for home, for law, for Government, for
Constitution, for right, for freedom, for humanity, and in the
hope that the banner of my country may advance, and wheresoever that banner waves, there glory may pursue and
freedom be established.-The Same.
It is a sublime spectacle, and the greatest epoch in the history
of the world.  The question is, shall this Union lbe maintained
and perpetuated, or shall it be broken and dissolved? No question so important has ever occurred in the history of our race. It
involves not only the fate of this great country, but the question




THE UNION SQUARE SPEECHES.               8
of fiee institutions throughout the world.  The case of selfgovernment is now on trial before the forum of our country
and of the world.  If we succeed and maintain the Union,
free institutions, under the moral force of our example, will
ultimately be established throughout the world; but if we fail,
and our Government is overthrown, popular liberty will have
made its last experiment, and despotism will reign triumphant
throughout the globe.:Our responsibilities are fearful.  We
have a solemn duty to perform-we are this day'making
history.  We are writing a book whose pages can never be
erased-it is the destiny of our country and of mankind.  For
more than seventy years this Union has been maintained, and
it has advanced our country to a prosperity unparalleled. in
the history of the world.  The past was great, but the future
opened upon prospects beyond the power of language to
describe.  But where are we now?  The world looks on
with scorn and derision. We have, it is said, no Government
-a: mere voluntary association of independent.States —a
debating society, or a moot court, without any real power to
uphold the. laws or maintain the. Constitution.  We have no
country, no flag, no Union; but. each State at its pleasure,
upon its own mere whim  or caprice, with or without cause,
may.secede and dissolve the Union.  Secession, we are told,
is a.constitutional right of each State, and the Constitution
has inscribed.its own death-warrant upon its face.  If this be
so, we have, indeed, no Government, and Europe may: well
speak of us wikh contempt and derision.  This is, the very
question we are now to solve-have we a Government, and
has it power to maintain its existence.?  This question is not
for the first time presented to the consideration of the American
people.. It arose in 1832, when South Carolina nullified the
revenue laws of the Union, and passed her secession ordinance.
Deeply. as I deplore our present situation, it is my profound
conviction that the welfare, security and prosperity of the
South can. only be restored by, the reestablishment of the
Union.  I see, in the permanent overthrow of the Union, tile
utter ruin of the South, and the complete prostration of all
their interests.. I have devoted my life to the maintenance of
all their constitutional rights, and the promotion of their
happiness and welfare; but secession involves them and us in




I8              TIHE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.;
one common ruin.  The recognition of such a doctrine is fatal
to the existence of any Government-of the Union.  It is death
— it is national suicide.-Hron. Robert J. Tralker, of _Mgsissippi.
T'his is the question now to be decided-have we a Union
-have we a flag-are the Stars and Stripes a reality or a
aictlon-have we a Government, and can we enforce its laws
or must the whole vanish whenever any one State thinks
proper to issue the despotic mandate?  Is the Union indissoluble, or is it written on the sand, to be swept away by the
first angry surge of State or sectional passion which may
sweep over it? It was the declared object of our ancestors
to found a perpetual iUnion. The original articles of confederation, by all the. States, in 1778, declared tile Union to be' perpetual," and South Carolina (with all the States) then
plighted her solemn faith that " the union of the States shall
be perpetual."  And in modifying these articles by the formzation oi' the Constltution in 1787, tie declared object of that
change was to make "the Union more perfect."  But how
more pertect, if' te Union is indissoluble in 1787, but might
at any moment be destroyed by any one State after the adopLion of the Constitution?  No, my countrymen, secession is
not a constitutional right of any one State.  It is war-it is
revolution-and can only oe established on the ruins of the
Constitution and the Uniun.  W'fve must resist and subdue it,
or our Government will ne but an organized anarchy, to be
surely succeeded, as anarchy ever has bc;n, by military
despotism.  This, then, my fellow-citizens, is ihe last great
contest for the liberties of our country andr of mrie world. If
we are defeated, the last experiment ot self-government will
have failed, and we will have written witm oru own nands the
epitaph of human liberty.  We will have no flag, we will
have no Government, no country, and no Union; we will
cease to be American citizens, and the despots of lEurope will
rejoice in the failure of the great experiment of repurlican
institutions. The liberties of our country and of the worlck
will have been intrusted to our care, and we will have dishonored the great trust and proved ourselves traitors to the
freedom of our country and of mankind.  This is not a seo
tional question —it.is not a Northern or a Southeln question




THn UNION SQUARE SPEECHES.               so
It is not a question which concerns our country only, but all
mankind.  It is this: Shall we, by a noble and united effort,
sustain here republican institutions, or shall we have secession
and anarchy, to be succeeded by despotism, and extinguish
forever the hopes of freedom  throughout the world?;, God
grant you, my dear countrymen, courage, and energy, and
perseverance, to maintain successfully the great contest. You
are fighting the last great decisive battle for the liberties of
our country and of mankind. Faint not, falter not, but move
onward in one great column for the maintenance of the Con
stitution and the Union.-The Same.
Mr. President, we are compelled to deal with the stern
realities before us.  The past is beyond recall.  It belongs tc
history. The present is no' time for reviving former contro
versies or discussions.  We must meet the issue which is
forced upon us. Let us remember only that we have a country to serve, a Constitution to defend, and a national Union
to cherish and uphold.  On one side we behold our national
Government struggling for the maintenance of.its constitutional
authority; on the other a formidable combination of discon.
tented States, arrayed in open and disloyal resistance.  What
ever differences of opinion may exist touching the causes of
the attempted subversion of the Federal power, I am sure you
will all agree that they are not such as to furnish a sufficient
justification for the States which seek to renounce and annli
the national compact.  Our Constitution makes ample provisions for the redress of grievances, and who shall say that
the people, on a direct appeal to their patriotism and sense of
justice, would not be found faithful to its principles and true
to its spirit and design? Instead of revolution or secession,
we have at least the right to demand that an honest effort
Should be made to settle differences within the Union, and
according to the principles of the Constitution.  This is the
only mode consistent with reason or compatible with the public
safety. Amid the present distractions and dangers, I can not
but feel that it is the duty of every true citizen to uphold and
maintain the Government of the United States,  Come what
may, we must stand by our country, and support the Union
in its integrity.- x-Governor Hlunlt, qf Nlw York.




X               -THE PATRIOTIC SEAKER.
Men of' New York I your- great awakening fells the South
of no single soul's sympathy for secession; it will tell her that
the North is a perfect unit upon the doctrine that our Governmuent is not a Confederacy, but a Union, for good or ill, for
weal or woe, present and future, perpetual, indivisible, and
eternal.  From  the balls that struck Fort Sumter, like the
dragon's teeth that were sown in classic days upon the shores
of the Euxine, from-which -sprung armed warriors, are our
volunteers rising in serried thousands from  the snow-clad
shores of the St. Lawrence to the fertile valleys of the Susquehannah-friom the forests of Chautauque to thile  ighlands
of the Hudson, begirt with- the panoply of right.  I say, let
our brethren of the Southi pause, ere the crevassed Mississippi
river turns the States of Mississippi and Louisiana into disnial
swamps, and New Orleans into a wilderness of waters.  Let
them pause, ere northern chivalry devastates the shores of
South Carolina, and makes the site of Charleston what the
desert of Sahara now is, in remembrance of her infamous and
cowardly attack of nineteen batteries and nine thousand men,
upon an unfinished fortification, garrisoned by seventy illamimunitioned and hungry soldiers, and for every drop of loyal
Massachusetts blood spilled in the streets of Baltimore, other
blood alone can wash it away in rivulets just as warm and
red.  Yesterday we said farewell to the glorious Seventh
Regiment, the flower of this city's soldiery, its household
guards. Words can feebly describe the unanimity with which
they mustered for their country's service.  The lover left his
betrothed, the husband his bride, the father his new-born
babe, the merchant his counting-room, the mechanic his shop,
the student his books, the lawyer his office, and the parson
his church, as one man, the entire regiment responding to
that love of country worthy of the better days of the Republic
lany of them  gone, doubtless, to return no more; and if
they fall, theirs will be the proud Lacedsmnonian's epitap)h,
"They died in the defense of their colutry and its laws."   1 it
is said that when General Jackson came to die, he told his
spiritual adviser that there was one sin of'omission that lay
heavily, on his soul.  "What is it?" softly inquired the
devoted minister.  -The old General roused his departing
energies, and exclaimed, " It is that I did not hang Calhoun."




THa UIION SQUARlE sPEECHE.               41
fHis reason was prophetic.  Iohn C. Calhoun having sowed
the seeds of nullification, whose blossoms were secession, and
the fruit fraternal bloodshed and civil war L —facilis descensus
Averni!-we are now called upon to teach the people of the
South a salutary lesson of submission to the Constitution, and
obedience to the laws.-Hon. Caleb Lyon.
I am an Irishman-and I am proud of it.  I am also an
American citizen, and I am proud of that.  For twelve years
I have lived in the United States, twelve happy years, protected by its laws, under the shadow  of its Constitution.
When I assumed the rights of citizenship, I assumed, too, the
duties of a citizen. TWhen I was invested with the rights
which the wise and liberal Constitution of America gave to
adopted citizens, I swore that I would support the Constitution, and I will keep -my oath.  This land of mine, as well as
of yours, is in great danger.  I have been asked what side I
would take; and I am here. *No greater peril ever assailed
any nation.'Were all the armies and all the fleets of Europe
bound for our shores to invade us, it would not be half so
terrible a disaster as that we have to face now.  Civil war is
before us.  We are threatened not with'subjugation, but' disintegration, utter dissolution.   The  nation  is crumbling
beneath our feet, and we are called to save it.  This quarrel
is none of our making: no matter.  I do not look to the past.
I do not stop to ask by whose means this disaster was brought
about. A time will come when. history will hold the men
who have caused it to a heavy account; but for us, we live
and act in the present. Our duty is to obey, and our duty is
to stand by the Constitution and the laws.  I saw to-day the
officers of the Sixty-ninth Irish regiment, and they are ready.
If there be any men in these United States, who look to this
war with any feeling of exultation, I take no part with them.
I look to it with grief, with heartfelt grief  It is, after all, a
fratricidal war; it is a war that nothing but inevitable necessity can excuse, and the moment that inevitable necessity
ceases, the moment peace can* be attained-for peace is the
only legitimate end of any war-I pray to God that it may
cease, and we be brothers and friends again.  The South has
been deceived, cruelly deceived, by demagogues; they have




TIE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
had false news from this side, and that has deceived them.
They did not know, we did not know it ourselves, what a
fund of loyalty, what stern, hearty allegiance there was all
through this land for the Constitution and the Union. Fellow-citizens, the cloud that lowers over us now will pass
away. There may be storm; it may be fierce and disastrous,
but that storm was needed to clear and purify the political
atmosphere.  We are passing through an inevitable political
and national crisis.  We could not go on as we were going
on. A sea of corruption was swelling all round us, and
threatened to engulf honor, reputation, and the good name of
the nation and of individuals.  That stagnant water stirs, but
trust me, it is an angel that has touched the waters. An
angel hand has touched them and turned the fetid stream
into a healing balm.  That angel is patriotism, that walks
the land in majesty and power.  And were nothing else
gained by this terrible struggle than the consciousness that
we have a. nation and a national spirit to support it, I would
still say that this ordeal that we are going through will not
be all in vain. That flag is my flag, and I recognize none
other but one.  Why, what other flag could we have?  It
has been set by the hands of American science over the frozen
seas of the North; it is unrolled where, by the banks of the
Amazon, the primeval forests weave their tangled hair.  All
through the infant struggles of the Republic under its consecrated folds, men poured out their life-blood with a liberal
joy to save this country. All through the AMexican war it
was a sign of glory and of hope.  Fellow-citizens, all through
Europe, when down-trodden men look up and seek for some
sign of hope, where do they look but to that flag, the flag of
our Union?  I deprecate *this war; I do hope that it will
cease, but it is war. That flag must not be allowed to trail
in the dust, not though the hand that held, it down is a
brother's. —Richard O' Gormacn.
The iron' hail at Fort Sumter rattles on every Northern
breast. It has shot away the last vestige of national and
personal forbearance. -A loaf of bread on its way to a starving
man was split in two by a shot from his brother.  You might
saturate the cotton States with all the turpentine of North




THE UNION SQUARE SPEECHES.               43
Carolina; you might throw upon them  the vast pine forests
of Georgia, then bury the Gulf storm's- sharpest lightning into
the combustible mass, and you would niot redden the Southern
horizon with so angry a glow as flashed along the Northern
heart when the flames of Fort Sumter reached it.
To-day, bewildered America, with her torn flag and her
broken charter, looks to you to, guard the one, and restore the
other.  How Europe stares and liberty shudders, as from State
after State that flag falls, and the dream breaks I Hereafter,
Southern history will be as bare as the pole from which the
sundered pennant sinks, and treason parts with the last rag
that concealed its hideousness.
I know how common and how easy it is to dissolve this
Union in our mouths.  Dangerous words, like dangerous
places, possess a fearful fascination, and we sometimes look
down from the heights of our prosperity with an irresistible
itching to jump off.
This specter of disunion is no new ghost, born of any
cotemporary agitation.  For years it has been skulking semiofficially about the Capital.  Through the whole range of our
parliamentary history, every great question, from a tariff to a
territory, has felt its clammy touch. Did it not drop its
death's-head into the tariff scales of 1833, hoping to weigh
the duties down to a conciliation level?  Did it not shoot its
ghastly logic into the storm of 1820, and frighten our soundest
statesmanship into that crude calm called the Missouri Compromise?  Did it not sit grinning upon the deck of all our
naval battles, hoping to get a turn at the wheel, that it might
run the war of 1812 upon a rock?  Did it not stand up upon
the floor of the first Congress and shake its bony fingers in
the calm face of Washington?  And did not our fathers, who
stood unmoved the shock of George the Third's cannon, shudder in the presence of this scepter, when they thought how
the infant Republic might be cast away upon its bleak and
milldess breast?  Then it was a thin, skulking, hatchet-faced;host.  At last, fed upon the granaries of Northern and
Southern fanaticism, it has come to be a rotund, well fed,
corpulent disaster.
Southern passion may put on the war-paint; Southern
statesmanship may attempt to organize a pique into an




$44             THE PATRIOTIC SPEARfL.
empire, to elevate a sulk into a sacrament, by marrying disaph
pointment to revolution, and reducing a temporary constitutional minority into a hopeless organic political disaster.
They may even propose in solemn convention to abolish the
Fourth of July, and throw all its patriotic powder into the
murderous arsenal of fratricidal conflict; but they can not,
except through self-destruction, permanently disrupt our
nationality. —David S. Coddington.
Our republicanism means the whole nation, or it means
nothing. Together, the parts temper each other; asunder,
the aristocracy of the slave power makes equality a myth, and
the free radical North less safely democratic.
If Abraham Lincoln has inaugurated a crash; if GeorgQ
Washington is to be no longer known as the successful contender -for a combined anld self-regulating nationality; if
Bishop Berkeley's star of empire has crumldel away into
belligerent asteroids, and we are to fall, like Csesar, at the
base of this black Pompey's pillar, we shall at least go into
this holy battle for the Constitution, with no law broken and
no national duty unfulfilled.
-We have not stolen a single ship, or a pound of powder,
or a dollar of coin to sully the sacred tramp with which patriotismn pursues robbery and rebellion.  All the ills of the South
could have been remedied within the Constitution-all their
wrongs righted by the victory of future votes.
Shall I tell you what secession means? It means ambition in the Southern leaders, and misapprehension in the
Southern people. Its policy is to imperialize slavery; and to
degrade and destroy the only free Republic in the world.  It
is a fog of.the brain, and a poison at the heart.  Dodging
the halter, it walks in a volcano which must explode whenever the tempestuous shock of the Northern invasion shall
render slavery impossible.
The day that Southern statesmanship turned pirate, South.
ern slavery lost its hold on Northern forbearance. God forbid
that servile war should ever be on our consciences; but wha.t
power could restrain the frenzied passion of continuously pro.
voked multitudes, when the taste of blood has brutalized their
march?




THE UNION SQUARE SPEEC.-ES.               45
Party and- partyism  are dead; only grim powder is alive
now. Who4talks of Tammany or Mozart Hall? VWho haunts
the coal-hole or the wood-pile, when our souls' fuel is on fire
for flag and country? Did not Washington fight seven yearN
break ice on the Delaware, break bones and pull triggers on
Monmouth field, send tenl thousand bleeding feet to where no
blood ever comes, and pass from clouds of smoke to archways
of flowers-for what?   That States should defy their best
guardian, which is the nation, insult history, and make republicanisin impossible? Here, in this city of our love and pride,
this cradle of the civil life of Washington, where despotism
sheathed its last sword, and constitutional liberty swore its
first oath; where steam- first boiled its way to a throne, and
art, and:commerce, and finance, and all the social amenities
marshaled their forces to the sweet strain of the first inaugural-here, where "government began and capital centers, is the
sheet anchor of American loyalty.
Heretofore, in our differences, we have shouldered ballots
instead of bayonets.  With a quiet bit of paper in our hands
we have marched safely through a hundred battles about tariff,
bank, anti-liquor, anti-rent, and all those social and political
questions about which a fiee people may amicably differ.  If
slavery can not be appeased with tlib old life of the ballot,
depend upon it, the bayonet will only pierce new wounds in
its history.
We have, heretofore, kept all our lead moulded into typce
that peaceably and intellectually we might enter the Southern
brain, until passion and precipitation have forced us to melt
down that type into a less friendly visitor. KIossuth says
that bayonets thinkc; ours have resolved in solemn convention to think deeply, act- Fromptly, and end victoriously.-TSe Same.
In 1832, the State of South Carolina attempted to nullify
t e action of the Federal Government, upon the questions
affecting our revenue laws.  Fortunately, Andrew Jackson
was then President of the United States.  Himself the very
impersonation of republican democracy, he was also at that
period surrounded by loyal majorities in both the Senate and
House of Representatives.  In that emergency, the old hero




46              THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
at once determined to defend the Constitution and uphold the
laws.  Both branches of Congress stood firmly bh the side of
the people's chosen chief, who proclaimed ini words which can
not die-" The Union must and shall be preserved 1"  True,
South Carolina had aided to swell the majority by which he
was placed among the foremost rulers of the nations of the
earth-nevertheless, his fidelity and patriotism, his devotion
to the Constitution which he had sworn to support, raised
him above the reach and beyond the stretch of mere party
feeling, and prompted him to lose sight of every thing that
might tend to seduce himn from the service of the country he
loved so well. Thus- it was that the prompt, statesmanlike,
and energetic action of the Federal authorities, in that memorable and trying crisis, most effectually suppressed the spirit
of rebellion which then menaced the peace of the country,
and the stability of our cherished institutions;. and the determined announcement of Jackson to preserve the Union at all
hazards, was responded to by the united voice of every hamlet, village, town, and city throughout the limits of our blessed
land. Since then, Columbia's sons have ever made the heavens
sng with music to the inspired words:
Then a song for our Union-the watchword recall,
Which gave the Republic her station.
United we stand-divided we fallIt made and preserved us a nation.
The union of lakes, the union of lands,
The union of States none can sever;
The union of hearts, the union of hands,
And the flag of our Union forever and ever,
The flag of our Union forever I
After the lapse of thirty peaceful years-yehrs of unexampled national prosperity-twenty millions of freemen, in
this hour of our country's peril, again are chanting the magic
words:
The flag of our Union forever and ever,
The flag of our Union forever I
The decisive and vigorous policy of the hero of New Orleans
gave peace and harmony to the country at once, and proved
to the world that whether fighting under Washington or
Scott against a foreign enemy, or under.Jackson or Lincoin




TlE UNION.                     47
against foreign foes, the people of this enlightened land have
a Government which is invincible against assaults and attacks,
let them come from without or from within.  The spirit of
rebellion again rears its hideous head among the citizens of
the sunny South; and as it was met by Jackson thirty years
ago, so it is now being met by President Lincoln. Now, as
then, though we differ upon questions of domestic politicswhether we favor or oppose the internal doctrines and platforms upon which Jackson or Lincoln was elected-nevertheless, we are are agreed that " The Union must and shall be
preserved 1"-Judge  Thomnpson.
THE UNION.-Oliver Wendell Holmes.
Has our love all died out?  Have its altars grown cold?
HIas the curse come at last, which the fathers foretold?
Then nature must teach us the strength of the chain,
That her petulant children would sever in vain.
They may fight till the buzzards are gorged with their spoil
Till the harvest grows black as it rots in the soil;
Till the wolves and the catamounts troop from their caves,
And the shark tracks the pirate, the lord of the waves.
In vain is the strife! when its fury is past,
Their fortunes must flow in one channel at last;
As the torrents that rush from the mountains of snow,
Roll mingled in peace from the valleys below.
Jur Union is river, lake, ocean and sky;
Man breaks not the medal when God cuts the die I
Though darkened with sutphur, though cloven with steel,
The blue arch will brighten, the waters will heal I




48               THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
OUR COUNTRY'S CALL.-Win, CuIllen Bryant
Lay down the ax; fling by the spade;
Leave in its track the toiling plow;
The rifle and the bayonet blade
For arms like yours are fitter now;
And let the hands that ply the pen
Quit the light track, and learn to wield
The horseman's crooked brand, and rein
The charger on the battle-field.
Our country calls; away! away I
To where the blood-stream blots the green
Strike to defend the gentlest sway
That Time in all his course has seen.
See, from a thousand coverts-see
Spring the armed foes that haunt the tracks
They rush to smite her clown, and we
Must beat the banded traitors back.
Ho! sturdy as the oaks ye cleave,
And moved as soon to fear and flight,
Men of the glade and forest! leave
Your woodcraft for the field of fight.
The arms that wield the ax must pour
An iron tempest on the foe;
His serried ranks shall reel before
The arm that lays the panther low.
And ye who breast the mountain storm
By grassy steep or highland lake,
Come, for the land ye love, to form
A bulwark that no foe can break.
Stand, like your own gray cliffs that mock
The whirlwind, stand in her defense;
The blast as soon shall move the rock
As rushing squadrons bear ye thence.
And ye whose homes are by her grand
Swift rivers, rising far away,
Come from the depths of her green land
As mighty in your march, as they;




THEE STORY OF AN OAX-TRE.              40
As terrible as when the rains
Have swelled them over bank and bourne,
With sudden floods to drown the plains,
And- sweep along the woods uptorn
And ye who throng beside the deep,
Her ports and hamlets of the stra.d,
In number like the waves that leap
On his long murmuring marge of sand,
C(ome, like that deep, when, o'er his brim,
He rises, all his floods to pour,
And fling the proudest barks that swim
A helpless wreck upon his shore.
Few, few were they whose swords of old
Won the fair land in which we dwell;
But we are many, we who hold
The grim resolve to guard it well.
Strike for that broad and goodly land,
Blow after blow, till men shall see
That Might and Right move hand in hand,
And glorious must their triumph be.
riHE STORY OF AN OAK-TREE.-A. J. 1. Dugann%,
On Croton's plains, where Grecian youths
In silence learned immortal truths,
And wise Pythagoras taught the schools
That Freedom reigns where Justice rules:
On Croton's plains, in days of old,
Stout 1Kilo roved-a Wrestler bold;
Whose brawny arm, as legends tell,
With one good blow an ox could felL
And when this Milo dined, we read,
An ox would scarce his hunger feed;
So strong was he, so wide of maw,
His like, I think, the world ne'er saw.




Ulu              TiE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
In stalwart pride he strode the plains,
A tyrant grim o'er kine and swains;
And swung beneath Crotona's oaks,
A woodman's ax with giant strokes.
And day by day his wedges drove,
Until the goodliest oak he clove;
A lofty tree, whose branches spanned
The broad, fair fields with foliage grand.
With foliage green, like sheltering wings,
O'er flowers, and fruits, and breathing things
O'er swarming bees and nestling birds,
And laboring men, with flocks and herds.
The stars were clustered round its crest,
And sunbeams striped its blooming breast;
And under it-as well might bePythagoras taught how souls were free I
But Milo, mustering strength perverse,
His wedges drove with scowl and curse,
Till, rending through the oak-tree's side,
They clove its trunk with fissures wide.
And, yielding round those wedges black,
The huge tree quaked with thunderous crack,
Until, beneath their widening strain,
Its heart of oak seemed riven in'twain.
Then Milo, in his madness spoke:
"I think my strength can tear this oak I
These wedges I no mare need drive,
My hands alone the trunk shall rive I"
With giant gripe the oak to rend,
He bowed himself as whirlwinds bend,
With furious tug and desperate strain;
To rive that goodly oak in twain.




L-E-G (ELEGY). ON MY LEG.             51
Till, one by one, with loosening clang,
His iron wedges outward sprang;
And, narrowing its elastic strands,
The tough oak closed on Milo's hands.
It crushed him in its fierce rebound;
It shook each black wedge to the ground;
It lifted up its crest of stars,
And bade the sunbeams gild its scarsl
I know not if Pythagoras spoke.
To freeborn souls of Milo's oak;
But this I know-that if there towers'Such oak-tree in this land of oursAnd if some impious hand should strain
To rend that goodly oak in twainMethinks I'd cry aloud this day,
" In God's name, strike the wedge away!"
The wedge, that rent the strands apartThe wedge, that fain would cleave the hearth.
Strike out this wedge! and God will close
The Union's oak on Union's foes!
L-E-G (ELEGY) -ON MY LEG.*
Good leg, thou wast a faithful fiiend,
And truly hast thy duty done;
I thank thee most, that to the end
Thou did'st not let this body run.
Strange paradox! that in the fight
Where I of thee was thus bereft,
I lost my left leg for "the Right,"
And yet the right's the one that's left I
But while the sturdy stump remains,
I may be able yet to patch it,
For even now I've taken pains
To make an L-E-G to match it.
* Written by a soldier who lost his leg at the battle of Fait Oa.)s  Y4foxe
Richmond.)




52              TTIIF, PATltIOTIC, SPIAIER.I.
HISTORY OF OUR FLAG. — Rev. Afirecd P..Putnam*
The history of our glorious old flag is of exceeding inteleat,
and brings back to. us a throng of sacred and thrilling associa.
tions.  The banner of St. Andrew was blue, charged with a
white altier or cross, in the form of the letter X, a.d was used
in Scotland as early as the eleventh century.  The banner of
S:. George was white, charged with the red cross, and was
used in England as early as the first part of the fourteenth
century.  By a royal proclamation, dated April 12, 1700, these
two crosses were joined together upon the same banner, forming the ancient national flag of England.  It was not until
Ireland, in 1801, was made a part of Great:Britain, that
the present national flag of England, so well known as the
Union Jack, was completed.  But it was the ancient flag of
England that constituted the basis of our American banner.
Various other flags had indeed been raised at othler times by our
colonial ancestors.  But they were not particularly associated
with, or, at least, were not incorporated into, and made a part
of, the destined " Stars,and Stripes."  It was after Washington
had taken comlnmand of the fresh army of the Revolution, at
Cambridge, that (January 2, 1776) he unfolded before them the
new flag of thirteen stripes of alternate red and white, having
upon one of its corners the red and white crosses of St. George
and St. Andrew, on a field of blue. And this was the standard
which was borne into the city of Boston when it was evacuated
by the British troops and was entered by the American army.
Uniting, as it did, the flags of England and Am.nerica, it showed
that the colonists were not yet prepared to sever the tie that
bound them  to the mother country.  By that union of flags
they claimed to be a vital and substantial part of the empire
of. Great Britain, and demanded the rights and privileges
which such a relation:inplied.  YTet it was by these thirteen
stripes that they made known the union also of the thirteen
colonies, the stripes of white declaring the purity and innocence of their cause, and the stripes of red giving forth defiance
to cruelty and oppression.
* Extracts from a sermon preached by the Rev. Alfred P. Putnam, oP
Roxbury, MIass., from the text: "And in the nlne of our God we will set
up our baann(s." The extracts given form a fine sublject f'or dccllmation,
full of eloquence and interest.




HISTORY OF OUR FLAG.'8
On the 14th day of June, 1777, it was resolved by Congress,
"That the flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen stripes,
alternate red and white, and that the Union be thirteen white
stars in the blue field."  This resolution was made public
September 3, 1776, and the flag that was first made and usnd
in pursuance of it was that which led the Americans to victory
at' Saratoga.' Here the thirteen stars were arranged in a circle,
as we sometimes see them now, in order better to express the
idea of the union of the States.  In 1794, there having -been
two more new States added to the Union, it was voted that
the alternate stripes, as well as the circling stars, be fifteen in
number, and the flag, as thus altered and enlarged, was the
one which was borne through all the contests of the war of
1812.  But it was thought that the flag would at length
become too large if a new stripe should be added with every
freshly admitted State.  It was therefore enacted, in 1818, that
a permanent return should be made to the original number of
thirteen stripes, and that the number of stars should henceforth
correspond to the growing number of States.  Thus the flag
would symbolize the Union as it might be at any given period
of its history, and also as.it was at the very hour of its birth.
It was at the same time suggested that these stars, instead of
being arranged il a circle, be formed into a single star-a
suggestion which we occasionally see adopted.  In fine, no
particular order. seems now to be observed with respect to the
arrangement of the constellation.   It is enough if only the
whole number be there upon that azure field-tihe blue to be
emblematical of perseverance, vigilance and justice, each star
to signify the glory of the State it may represent, and the
whole to be:eloquent forever of a Union that must be " "one
and inseparable."
What precious associations cluster around our flag! Not
alone have our fathers set up this banner in the name of God
over the well-won battle-fields of the Revolution, and over the
cities and towns which they rescued frnom  despotic rule; but
think where also their descendants have carried it, and raised
it in conquest or protection I Through what clouds of dust
and.smnoke has it passed-what storms of shot or shell-what
scenes of fire and blood! Not alone at Saratoga, at Monmouth,




THIE  PATRIOTIC SPEARER.
and at Yorktown, but at Lundy's Lane and New Orleans, at
Buena Vista and Chepultepec. It is the same glorious old
flag which, inscribed with the dying words of Lawrence"Don't give up the ship"-was hoisted on Lake Erie by
Commodore Perryjust on the eve of his great naval victory —
the same old flag which our great chieftain bore in triumph to
the proud city of the Aztecs, and planted upon the heights. of
her national-palace.  Brave hands raised it above the eternal
regions of ice in tlie Arctic seas, and have set it up on the
summits of the lofty mountains in the distant West.  Where
has it not gone, the pride of its friends and the terror of its
foes?  What countries and what seas has it not visited?
Where has not the American citizen been able to stand beneath
its guardian folds and defy the world?  With what joy and
exultation seamen and tourists have gazed upon its stars' and
stripes, read in it the history of their nation's glory, received
from  it the full sense of security, and drawn from  it the
inspirations of patriotism.  By it, how  many have sworn
fealty to their country.
What burst of magnificent eloquence it has called forth from
VWebster and from Everett I What lyric strains of poetry- from
Drake and Holmes I How many heroes its folds have covered
in death  I ow inmany have lived for it, and how many have
died for it I How many, living and dying, have said, in their
enthusiastic devotion to its honor, like that young wounded
sufferer in the streets of Baltimore: "Oh, the flag! the Stars
and Stripes 1"  And, wherever that flag has gone, it has been
a herald of a better day-it has been the pledge of freedom,
of justice, of order, of civilization and of Christianty.  Tyrants
only have hated it, and the enemies of mankind alone have
trampled it to the earth.  All who sigh for the triumph of
truth and righteousness love and salute it.




EXTRACTS FROM THOMAS F-. M1ACGHER'S ADDWS&   55EXTRACTS FROM  THOMAS  FRANCIS MIEAGHEV'S
ADDRESS BEFORE THE "IMONSTER  IRISII FESTIVAL," HELD  AT JONES' WOOD  (NEAR  NEW
YORK  CITY), AUGUST 29TH, 1861.
In the dew of the morning as it melts in the sunshine-in
he brightest river hastening to the depths in which its fresh
life is lost-in the loftiest mountains as the darkness of the
storm covers them, and night and they become inseparablein the budding of the greenest leaf-in the tranquil glory of
the fullest star that is set in heaven-in every thing that is
visible on the earth, above it or'below, there is an admonition
which reminds us of the waywardness and instability of human
fortunes and the -certainty of death.  The very stones that are
planted to commemorate the goodness, the rank, the achieved
honors, the illustrious mind, the brave or the beneficent career
of people we have admired and extolled while living, or which
simply register a birth and a decease, leaving the story of the
dead, if worthy of it, to be written in a book the characters of
which shall never fade-these very stones, far more forcibly
than the losses they record, teach the lesson that our days on
the earth are as a shadow, and there is none abiding. Be it
marble, be it granite, be it the sternest stone or metal, the
letters and emblems with which -it is wrought grain by grain
decay, and the day comes at last when some strange creature,
whose communion is with the past, and with the past alone,
peering and gleaming through his spectacles, searching keenly
and fiercely almost, with brain and chisel, vainly strives to
rescue a solitary epitaph from the confusion and mystery into
which it has irrevocably passed.  Such, then, being the lesson
taught by the brightest, the strongest, the grandest forms and
voices, whether in the sky, the land, or sea-such the lesson
taught by the very stones which man, in his love, his vanity,
his courtesy or gratitude erects as enduring memorials of his
race-no wonder that here, this day,-in the midst of all these
games and pastimes, through the heart of this healthful and
joyous crowd, over all this blended splendor of foliage and
sunshine, above the shrill tumult of the boats that vex the
river on the rocks of which we stand, and the music to which
these waters, sweeping there before us, have seemed to leap —




56             %THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
no wonder that a broad shadow fiom  the hushed batti-field
should rise and overspread us.
There are eyes clouded and gt6shing with bitter sorrow in
the desolation of spirit in homes where winter has settled in
the zenith of summer, while we stand here blessed and gladdened with all the warmth and beauteousness, with, all the
promise -and fruitfulness of this propitious hour and consecrated scene; and there are little hearts that have grown big
and'heavy in the darkened rooams, waiting and praying for
footsteps which once were cheerier to them than the songs of
birds that greet the rising sun, but which shall never wake
again the echoes of the expec;.nt house.  *  *  *  High
above these banners, these trees, these pillars-gathering allthe youngest, the fairest, the hardliest and the oldest, the rude,
the gentle, white hairs and glowing cheeks, the extremes of
society, life and character-into one great edifying and benignant throng, the angel of charity extends his wings —sandtifies
the pastimes and pleasures of the hour-refines, illuminates,
ennobleswhat might otherwise be rough, boisterous, frivolous
or idle, and, linking with rays of divinest light and luster
the living and the dead, breathes into every Irish heart at least
the assurance that they shall never be forgotten who fall in a
just cause, in vindication of laws that are unimpeached and
unimpeachable, and in sustainment of a Government, which,
while it is the least exacting, is at the same time the most
encouraging and beneficent the world has ever kfiown.
The assertion of the national authority, derived, as it is,
from the free will and votes of a majority of the citizens; the
conservation in its integrity of that mllagnificent expanse of
country over which a common constitution has thrown its
shield, and along the frontiers and at the gates of which a
common treasury has planted forts and customn-houses, and the
flag which no foreign hand as yet has questioned with imnpu.
nity; the enforcement of the laws of Congress, the sworn
compact of the States, the inviolability of the ballot-box, and
the decisions that proceed from  it; the sanctity of official
oaths, the accountability of the public servants, the most
precious fruits of the Revolution, the claims of posterity, the
progress of democracy, its consolidation and ascendancy, the




EXTRACTS FROM THOMAS F. MEAGIER'S ADDRE5Gb   67
glory of the New World —behold the cause in which those
lives were offered up I Never, I repeat it, was there a cause
more sacred, nor one more just, nor one more urgent.  No
cause imore sacred, for it comprehends all that has been considered most desirable, most valuable, most ennobling to a
political society and humanity at large.  No cause more just,
for it involves no scheme of conquest or subjugation, contemplates no disfranchisement of the citizen, excludes the idea of
provincialism and inferiority, aiming only Bat the restoration
of franchises, powers and property, wlhfct' were enjoyed by
one people and one republic, and which, to be the means of
happiness, fortune and renown to millions, must be exercised
and held in common under one code of national laws, one
flag, and one Executive. No cause more urgent, for intrigues,
perfidies, armed legions, the hatred and cupidity of foreign
courts assail it, and every reverse with which it is visited
serves as a pretext for the desertion of the coward, the misrepresentation of the politician whose nation is his pocket, the
proffered compromises of men who, in the name of peace,
would capitulate to treason and accept dishonor, encouraging
the designs of the kings, and queens, and knaves, to whom
this great commonwealth, with all its wondrous acquisitions
and incalculable promise, has been, until within the last few
weeks, a source of envy, vexation, alarm  and discomfiture,
presenting, as it did, nobler scenes of activity and progress
than their estates could show-sheltering and advancing the
thousands whom their rods and bayonets had swept beyond
the sea, and, like the mighty genius of the ocean confronting
the ship of Vasco di Gama, uprising here to repel the intrusion
which would establish on the seas and islands of the New.World the crowned monopolies and disabling domination of
the Old. The inviolability of that tranquil system of election
without which no popular government can. have legitimacy,
consistency and force-these considerations are far dearer to
me, and I claim them to be of far more vital consequence than
the liberty to promulgate sedition or the liberty to conspire.
Such liberties must succumb to the demands of the crisis, the
public safety, the discipline and efficacy of the army, and the
attitude or the revolt.  Within the range of the laws, the
police, the courts, the proprieties and interests of the commu.




88              THISE PATRIOTIC SPAKER.
nity, let them  have full swing in the days of peace.  Such
days have their peculiar sanctities-more than this, they have
their recognized and favored abuses of popular institutions
and prerogatives; and the fieriest or foulest sheet that is
scribbled in the coal-hole or the garret, as well as the most
faithless citizen among us, may be permitted, the one to
scatter broadcast, and the other to drop in crevices and corners, the seeds of disaffection against the Government, without the Commonwealth incurring any detriment.  But in
time of war-above all in time of civil war-the supremacy
of the Government should be the sole, grand object-and to,this end, martial law should be the higher law-and the only
one in undisputed force.  Who speaks about his rights as a
passenger-about his bag of money, his chest of books and
clothes, the photographs of his wife and children, his live
stock or bales of merchandise, when the steamship has met
with a collision, threatens to go down, must be cleared of
every embarrassment and dead-weight, and all hands are summoned to the rescue.  You know it well-I assert it without
fear of contradiction from any quarter, and those who have
had most latitude and impunity, were they frank and generous, would be the first to own it: the national Government
has suffered more from the patience, the leniency, the magnanimity it has practiced toward its enemies, and those who are
in sympathy and league with them, than it has done from the
courage, the science, the fierce energy of those who have taken
the field against it, and victoriously shaken the banner of
revolt and repudiation in its face.  The masked conspirators
of the North are infinitely more criminal and mischievous
than the bold and armed recusants of the South.
HOWW MUCH WE OWE TO THE UNION.-H-on. A. E.
Stephens.*
The influence of the Government on us is like that of the
atmosphere around us. Its benefits are so silent and unseen
* Delivered in the fall of the House of R:epresentatives of the Stateoo
4iorgia, November 14th, 1860.
It will scarcely be credited that the author of such sentiments, ere long,
became the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy!l His defection
did not blot out the speaker's tribute to the Union. By his own words
Is he condemned.




tLOW MIUCH WE OWE TO THE UNION.              o
that they are seldom thoughlt of or appreciated.  We,seldom
think of the single element of oxygen in the air we breathe;
and yet, let this simple, unseen, and unfelt agent be withdrawn, this life-giving element be taken away from this allperva.ding fluid around us, and what instant and appalling
changes would take place in all organic creation.
It may be that we are all that we are in " spite of the Gene.
al Government;" but it may be that without it we shou-d
have been far different from what we are nown.  It is true,
there is no equal part of the earth with natural resources
superior, perhaps, to ours. That portion of this country known
as the Southern States, stretching from the Chesapeake to the
Rio Grandce, is fully Cequal to the picture drawn by the llonorable and eloquent Senator last night, in all natural capacities.
But how many ages and centuries passed before these capacities were developed to reach this advanced age of civilization?
There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys
and plains, are, as they have been since they came fiom the
hand of the Creator; uneducated and uncivilized man roamed
over them, for how long no history informs us.
It was only under our institutions that they could be developed.  Their development is the result of the enterprise of
our!people under operations of the Government and institutions under which we have lived.  Even our people, without
these, never would have done it.  The organization of
society has much to do with the development of the natural
resources of any country or any land.  The institutions of a
people, political and moral, are the matrix in which the germ
of their organic structure qtuickens into life-takes root and
develops in form, nature and character.  Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix, from which spring all our char.
acteristics of development and greatness.  Look at Greece.
There is the same fertile soil, the same blue sky, the same
inlets and harbors, the same.Egean, the same Olympus;
there is the same land where Homer sung, where Pericles
spoke; it is in nature the same old Greece —but it is living
Greece no more.
Descendants of the same people inhabit the country; y6
what is the reason of this mighty difference?  In the midst
of present degradation we see the glorious fragments of




so              THIIE  PATRIOTIC SP'EAKER.
ancient works of art-temples w-ith ornaiments andi inscrip
tions.that excite w~onder and admiration-the remains of a
once high order of civilization which. have outlived the language they spoke-upon them all Ichabod is written —their
glory has departed. Why is this so.?  I answer, their institutions have been destroyed. "These were but the fruits -bf their
forms of government, the matrix' from which their grand dereloirment sprung, and when once the  institutions of a
people have been destroyed, there is no earthly power that
can bring back the Promethean spark to kindle them here
again, any more than in that ancient land cf eloquence, poetry,
and song.
The same may be said of Italy.  Where is Rome, once the
mistress of the world?  There are the same seven hills now,
the same soil, the same natural resources; nature is the same,
but what a ruin of human greatness meets the eye of the traveler throughout the length and breadth of that most downtrodden land!  Why have not the people of that heavenfavored clime the spirit that animated their fathers?  Why
this sad difference?
It is the destruction of her institutions that has caused it;
and, my countrymen, if we shall in an. evil hour rashly pull
down and destroy those institutions which the patriotic band
of our fathers labored so long and so hard to build up, and
which have done so much for us and the world, who can venture the prediction that similar results will uot ensue.?  Let
us avoid it if we can.  I trust the spirit is among us that
will enable us to do it. Let us not rashly try the experiment,
for if it fails, as it did in Greece and Italy, and in the South
iAmerican Republics, and in every other place, wherever liberty
Is once destroyed, it may never be restored to us again.
EXTRACTS FROMi THE LAST SPEECH IADE B1
STEPHEN ARNOLD DOJUGLA S, DELIVERED AT
CHICAGO, MAY 1ST, 1t61.
If, war must come-if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution-I can say, before God, my conscience
is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the




SPEECH OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 
difficulty.  I have not only tendered those States what was
theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity.
The return we receive is war, armies marched upon our
capital, obstructions and dangers to our navigation, letters of
marque to invite pirates to prey upon our commerce, a con,
certed movement to blot out the United States of America
from tLe map of the globe. The question is, are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken down
by those who, when they. can no longer govern, threaten to
destroy?
What cause, what excuse do disunionists give us for breaking up the best Government on which the sun of heaven ever
shed its rays? They are dissatisfied with the result of a Presidential election.  Did they never get beaten before?  Are we
to resort to the sword when we get defeated at the ballot-box?
I understand that the voice of the people expressed in the
mode appointed by the Constitution must command the
obedience of every citizen.  They assume, on the election of
a particular candidate, that their rights are not safe in the
Union.  What evidence do they present of this?  I defy any
man to show any act on which it is based. What act has
been omitted or been done? I appeal to these assembled thou-,sands, that, so far as the constitutional rights of the Southern
States, I will say the constitutional rights of slaveholders, are
concerned, nothing has been done, and nothing omitted, of
which they can complain.
There has never been a time, from the day that Washington was inaugurated first President of these United States,
when the rights of the Southern States stood firmer under the
laws of the land than they do now; there never was a time
when they had not as good a cause for disunion as they have
to-day.  What good cause have they now that has not existed under every Administration?
If they say the Territorial question-now, for the first time,
there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery anywhere.  If
it be the non-enforcement of the laws, the only complaints
that I have heard have been of the too vigorous and faithful
fulfillment of the Fugitive Slave Law.-,,Then what reason
have they?




THEE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
The slavery question is a mere excuse. The election of
Lincoln is a mere pretext.  The present secession movement
is the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a
year since-formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy
more than twelve months ago.
They use the Slavery question as a means to aid the accomplishment of their ends. They desired the election of a Northern candidate, by a sectional vote, in order to show that the
two sections can not live together. When the history of the
two years from the Lecompton charter down to the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the scheme
was deliberately made to break up this Union.
They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a
purely Northern vote, and then assign this fact as a reason
why the sections may not longer live together.  If the disunion candidate in the late Presidential contest had carried
the united South, their scheme was, the Northern candidate
successful, to seize the Capital last spring, and, by a united
South and divided North, hold it. That scheme was defeated
in the defeat of the disunion candidate in several of the Southern States.
The conspiracy is now known.  Armies have been raised,
war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to
the question. Every man must be for the United States, or
against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots,
or traitors.
I know they expected to present a united South against a
divided North.  They hoped in the Northern States party
questions would bring civil war between Democrats and Republicans, when tHle South would step in- with her cohorts,
Lid one party to conquer the other, and then make easy prey
)f the victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the,'orth.
There is but one way to defeat this-by closing up the
ranks.  War will thus be prevented on our own soil.  While
there was a hope of peace I was ready for any reasonable
salcrifice or compromise to maintain it. But when the question comes of war in the cotton-fields of the South, or the
corn-fields of Illinois, I say the further off the better.




PRbESIDENT LINCOLN'S MESSAGE.
We can not close our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that
war does exist.  The G6vernment must be maintained, its
enemies overthrown, and the more stupendous our preparations the less the bloodshed, and the shorter the struggle.
Biut we must remember certain restraints on our action even
in time of war.  We are a Christian people, and the war mudl
be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations.
I We must not invade Constitutional rights.  The innocent
must not suffer, nor women and children be the -victims.
Savages must not be let loose. But while I sanction no war
on the rights of others, I will implore my conntrymen not to
lay down their arms until our own rights are recognized.
The Constitution and its guarantees are our birthright, and
I am realdy to enforce that inalienable right to the last extent.
We can not recognize secession.  Recognize it once, and you
have not only dissolved Government, but you have destroyed
social order, upturned the foundations of society.  You have
inaugurated anarchy in its worst form, and will shortly experience all the horrors of the French Revolution.
Then we have. a solemn duty-to maintain the Government.
The greater our unanimity, the speedier the day of peace.
We have prejudices to overcome from the few short months
since of a fierce party contest.  Yet these must be Ollayed.
Let us lay aside all criminations and recriminations as to the
origin of these difficulties. When we shall have again a country with the United States flag floating over it, and respected
on every inch of American soil, it will then be time enough to
ask who and what brought all this upon us.
It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war;
but sad as it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be,
I express it as my conviction before God, that it is thee duty
of every American citizen to rally round the flag of his
county.




64              THE PATRIOTIC SPEAIER.I
EXTRACTS FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S MESSAGR
EXTRA SESSION OF CONGRESS, JULY 4TH, 1861.*
It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference
whether the present movement at the South be called secession or rebellion.  The movers, however, well understand the
difference.  At the beginning they knew that they could never
raise their treason to ally respectable magnitude by any name
which implies violation of law; they knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law
and order, and as niuch pride in and reverence for the history
and government of their common country, as any other civilized and patriotic people.  They knew they could make no
advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble
sentiments.  Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious
debauching of the public mind; they invented an ingenious
sophism, which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical
steps through all the incidents of the complete destruction of
the Union. The sophism itself is, that any State of the Union
may, consistently with the nation's Constitution, and therefore
lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union, without
the consent of the Union or of any other State.
The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judge of
its justice, is too thin to merit any notice.  With rebellion
thus sugar-coated, they have been drugging the public mind
of their section for more than thirty years, until, at length,
they have brought many good men to a willingness to take
up arms against the Government.-  This soplism  derives
much, perhaps the whole of its currency, from the assumption
that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a State, to each State of our Federal Union. Our States
have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them
in the Union by the Constitution, no one of them ever having
been a " State " out of the Union.  The original States passed
into the Union before they cast off their British Colonial
dependence, and the new ones came into the Union directly
* Let the reader or student compare the argument of this message
with the speech made by A. IH. Stephens, (see page 58,) and he will see that
there is but slight difference in their conclusions.




EXTRICTS FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S MESSAGE.   65
from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas, and even
Texas, in its temporary dependence, was never designated as
a State.  The new ones only took the designation of States
on coming into the Union, while that name was first adopted
for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence.
Therein the united colonies were declared to be free and
indpendent States. But, even then, the object plainly was not
to declare their independence of one another or of the Union,
but directly the contjieay, as their mutual pledge and their
mutual action, before, at the time, and afterward, abundAntly
show. The express plight of faith, by each and all of the
original thirteen States, in the Articles of Confederation, two
years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive.  Having never been States, either in substance or in
name, outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence
of." State rights," asserting a claim of power to lawfully
destroy the Union itself?
Much is said about the sovereignty of the States; but the
word, even, is not in the National Constitution, nor, as is
believed, in any of the State Constitutions.  What is sovereignty in the political sense of the word.?  Would it be far
wrong to define it a political community without a political
superior? Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas,
was a sovereignty; and even Texas gave up the character on
coming into the Union, by which act she acknowledged the
Constitution of the United States, and the laws and treaties
of the United' States, made in pursuance of the Constitution, to
be for her the supreme law. The States have their status in
the Union, and they have no other legal status, If they break
from this, they can only do so against law and by revolution.
The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their
independence and their liberty by conquest or purchase.  The
Union gave each cf them whatever of independence and liberty
It has.  The Union is older than any of the States, and, in
fact, it created them, as States.  Originally, some dependcelt
colonies made the Union, and in turn, the Union threw off
their old dependence for them, and. made them- States, such as
they are. Not one of them ever had a State Constitution
independent of the Union.  Of course it is not forgotten that




66              THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKLR.
all the new States formed their Constitutions before they
entered the Union; nevertheless, dependent upon, and preparatory to coming into the Union.
Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights
reserved to them in and by the National Constitution.  But
among these surely are not included all conceivable powers,
however mischievous or destructive, but at most such only as
were known in the world at the time as governmental powers.
and certainly, a power to destroy the Government itself had
nevier been known as a governmental, as a merely adminis.
trative power. This relative matter of national power and
State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of
generality and locality.  Whatever concerns the whole should
be confined to the General Government; while whatever
concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State.
This is all there.is of original principle about it.  Whether
the National Constitution, in defining boundaries between the
two, has applied the principle with exact accuracy is not to
be questionecld.  We are all bound by that defining, without
question.
What is now combated is the position that secession is
consistent with the Constitution-is lawful and peaceful. It is
not contended that there is any express law for it, and nothing
should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd
consequences. The nation purchased with mloney the countries out of which several of these States were formed.  Is it
just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding?  The nation paid very large sums-in the aggregate, I
believe, nearly a hundred millions-to relieve Florida of the
aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off without
consent or without any return? The nation is now in debt
for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding
States in common with the rest.  Is it just, either that credit.
ors shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole?
A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the
old debt of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay
no part of this herself? Again: if one State may secede, so
may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to
pay the debts,  Is this quite just to creditors?  Did we




EXTRACTS FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN$S MESSAGE.   67
notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their
money?  If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the
seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we canll do
if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which they
will promise to remain. The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession.  They have assumed to make a
national constitution of their own, in which, of necessity, they
have either discarded or retained the right of secession, as they
insist.exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby
admit that on principle it ought not to exist in ours; if they
have retained it, then, by their own construction of ours,
they must, to be consistent, secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts,
or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle
itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no Government can possibly endure.
If all the States save one should assert the power to drive
that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of
seceder politicians would at once deny the power, and
denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights.
But, suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being
called "driving the one out," should be called the seceding
ox the others from  that one, it would be exactly what the
seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they made the point that
the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the
others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do.
These politicians are subtle and profound in the rights of
minorities.  They are not partial to that power which made
the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself,
" We, the people."  It may be affirmed, without extravagance,
that the free institutions we enjoy have developed the powers
and iml roved the condition of our whole people beyond any.
example'a the world.  Of this we now have a striking and
impressive illustration. So large an army as the Governmen
has now on foot was never before known, without a soldier
in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice.
But more than this, there are many single regiments whose
members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge
of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whethet




THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
useful ol elegant, is known in the whole world, and tfhere is
scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a CongorQss, and perhaps a Court, abundantly
competent to administer the Government itself.  Nor do I
saythis is not true also in the army of our late friends, now
adversaries in this contest.  But, it is so much better the
reason why the Government which has conferred such beneiits
on both them and us should not be broken up.  Whoever
in any section, proposes to abandon such a Government, would
do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that
he does it; what better he is likely to get in its stead;
whether' the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so
much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings
on this subject.  Our adversaries have adopted some' "declarations of independence," in which, unlike the good old one
penned by Jefferson, they omit the words,'" cll men are
created equal."  Why?  They have adopted a temporary
national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our
good old one signed by Washington, they omit, "We, the
people," and substitute " We, the deputies of the sovereign
and independent States."  Why?  Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the
people?
This is essentially a people's contest.  On the side of the
Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form
and substance of Government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift artificial weights from all
shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all, to
afford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of
life, yielding to partial and temporary departures from necessity.  This is the leading object of the Government for whose
existence we contend.




THE GREAT BELL ROLAND.                    se
THE GREAT BELL ROLAND.-TTheodore Tilton.
[Motley relates that the famous bell Rolanld, of Ghent, was an object of
great; affection to the people, because it always rung to arm them when
liberty was ia danger.]
Toll! Roland., toll!
In old St. B&avon's tower,
At midnight hour,
The great Bell Roland spoke I
All souls that slept in Glhent awoke I
What meant the thunder-stroke?,
Why trembled wife and maid?
Why. caught each man his blade?
Why echoed every street
With tramlp of thronging feet?
All flying to the city's wall!
It was the warning call
That Freedom stood in peril of a foe I
And even timid hearts grew bold
Whenever Roland tolled,
And every hand a sword could hold I
So acted men
Like patriots thenThree hundred years ago!
Toll! Roland, toll I
Bell never yet was hung,
Between whose lips there swung
So grand a tongue!
If mnen be patriots still,
At thy first sound
True hearts will bound,
Grleat souls will thrill I
Then toll and strike the test
Through each man's breast,
Till loyal hearts shall stand confestAnd may God's -wrath smite all the rest I
Toll! Roland, toll!
Not now in old St. Bavon's tower —
Not now at midnight hourNlot now from River Scheldt to Zuyder Zee,




THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKEE.
But here-this side the seaToll here, in broad, bright (lay I
For not by night awaits
A noble foe without the gate;
I at perjurecd friends within betray,
And do the deed at noon!
Toll! Roland, l;oll!
Thie sound is not too soon.!
To Arms! Ring out the Leader's call 
Re-echo it from East to W~est
Till every hero's breast
Shall swell beneath a soldier's crest I
Toll! Roland, toll!
Till cottager from cottage wall
Snatch pouch and powder-horn and gun t
The sire bequeathed them to the son
When only half their work was done!
Toll! Roland, toll!
Till swords from scabbards leap I
Toll! Roland, toll!
What tears can widows weep
Less bitter than when brave men fal'
Toll! Roland, toll!
In shadowed hut and hall
Shall lie the soldier's pall,
And hearts shall break while graves are filled I
Amen! So God bath willed!
And may His grace anoint us al I
Toll! Roland, toll!
The Dragon on thy tower
Stands sentry to this hour,
And Freedom so stands safe in Ghent I
And merrier bells now ring,
And in the land's serene content
Men shout " God save the King!"
Until the skies are rent I
So let it be!
A. kingly king is lie
Who keeps his people freeI



THEm NEW YIEAR AND T'IE UNION.           71
Toll I- Roland, toll 9
Ring out across the sea I
No longer Trhey but We
Have now such need of thee- 
Toll! Roland, toll I
Nor ever may thy throat
Keep dumb its warning note
Till Freedom's perils be outbraved l
Toll! Roland, toll!
Till Freedom's flag, wherever waved,
Shall shadow not a man enslaved I
Toll! Roland, toll!
From Northern lake to Southern strand 
Toll'! Roland, toll!
Till friend and foe, at thy command,
Once more shall clasp each other's hand,
And shout, one-voiced, " God save the land I
And love the land that God hath saved I"
Toll! Roland, toll!
THIE NEW YEAR AND THE UNION.-George-D. Prenti4e
God has made
A wilderness of worlds; his will, and strong
Creative spirit, shook ten thousand worlds,
Like golden dewdrops, from his waving wing,
To roll in beauty through abysmal space,
And chant the chorus of his love divine.
He made thle Milky Way to span the sky,
A pearly bow of promise, every drop,
That sparkles there, a singing, shining world i
He woke the music of the Northern Harp,
The wild weird chiming of the. PleiadesAnd bade the arches of a Southern sphereReverberate their hallelujahs high.
The mighty One
Who sweeps the lyre of Ages, and commands
The praises of ten thousand singing worlds,
Creates the stars of Union,. and attunes
The lofty heart of liberty!... shall we,
Proud children of the brave, the free,




TE7IM PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
Behold our banner, blazoned by the breath
Of glory, sullied by a slave?-our stars,
Of Union tossing wildly to and fro
Upon the wave of faction, as they were
But shining shadows, not eternal orbs,
For ever circling throughl the boundless heaven
Of everlasting purpose?-or shall we
Hear Dissolution sounded, and forbear
To brand the traitor hearts that dare forget
The bond for which our fathers fought and bled F
Cursed be the traitors-dloubly, trebly doomedThe pit of Discord for her victims yawns,
Then, back recoiling, shudders to receive
Their hearts-a fouler and a fiercer hell!
God save the Union! Give the dawning year
This proud baptismal anthem-let its last
Dissolving sigh be-Union undissolved!
New States, with starry emblems, one by one,
Come stealing through the Future's twilight dim,
Like orbs of evening from its dusky sky,
To take their place at last with those that tread
Their high, unwearied and unwearying round
Before the golden gates and battlements.
Of Paradise.  The harp of Liberty
Shall sound amuain, till Death himself expire;
Till God has made us fiee, iimmortally,
And Time is dust upon his broken Lyre I
Thrice raptured moment! if all blessed like thee
Are Heaven's bright centuries, how brief will be
Its countless ages of Eternity!
KING COTTON.-R. HI. Stoddard.
See this new king who comes -apace
And treats us like a conquered race;
He comes from Dixie's land by rail,
His throne a ragged cotton-bale.
On to the White House straight
He's marching-rather late..




KING COTTON.                    78
Clanking along the land,
The shackles in his hand.
Hats off!  hats off!
Ye slaves, of curs begotten,
Hats off to great King Cotton I
"White niggers, mudsills, Northern scum,
Base hirelings, hear me, and be dumb:
What makes this country great and free?'Tis me, I tell you-only me I
Beware, then, of my might,
Nor dare dispute my right,.
Or else-you'll find, some day
There'll be the devil to pay!
Hats off! hats off!
Ye slaves, of curs begotten,
Hats off to great King Cotton!
Dare you dispraise my royal parts,
And prate of Freedom, Commerce, Arts?:What are they to my pedigree?
Why, Adam was an F. F. V.!
My arms (a whip, ye fools,
Above a bloodhound, gules!)
Declare my house and birth —
The king of kings on earth!
tHats off! hats off!
Ye slaves, of curs begotten,
Hiats off to great King Cotton!
Paupers, who can resist me? None I
My wife's a pew in Washington;
My youngest son-he looks like meWill be in Congress soon, (S. C.)
His brother, Colonel Fuss,
Trained up by old U. S.,
Tore down your dirty flagA General, now, with Bragg l
Hats off! hats off 
Ye slaves,. of curs begotten,
Hats off to great King Cotton!




V4              THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER L
Let us alone, ye Federal crew,
Nor dare collect our revenue;
For gentlemen, from earliest date,
Were never useful to the State.
Thanks to my forts, and guns
And arsenals, (yours, once 1)
I can now speak my mind,
As Ancient Abe: shall find I
Hats off I hats off!
Ye slaves, of curs begotten,
Hats off to great King Cotton I
God's ministers, we fight for you:
Aid us, ye aid the Gospel too.
For you, beast-people, (clear the track
Still bear our saddles on your back!
We'll ride you all your lives;
Your daughters, too, and wives,
Shall serve us in our'need,
And teach our girls to read 
Hats off! hats off-!
Ye slaves, of curs begotten,
Hats off to great King Cotton!
Your musket, chaplain-(mind my
The smoke is incense in my nose I
On them, Confederates, great and s
Down with the Union-death to a]
From my brave ancestry,
These rights descend to me,
And all true Southern men,
World without end. Amen'.
Hats off! hats off!
Ye slaves, of curs begotten,
Hats off to great King Cotton I




3ATTLE ANTHEM.                  75
BATTLE ANTHEM.-Joh  N/eal.
Up, Christian warrior, upI  I hear
The trumpet of the North
Sounding the charge I
Fathers and sons, to horse!
Fling the old standard forth,
3Blazing and large!
And now I hear the heavy tramp
Of nations on the march,
Silent as death I
A slowly-gathering host,
Like clouds o'er yonder arch,
Holding their breath!
Our great blue sky is overcast;
And stars are dropping out,
Through smoke and flame!
Hail-stones and coals of fire!
Now comes the battle-shout I
Jehovah's name I
And now the rebel pomp I To prayerI
Look to your stirrups, men I
Yonder rides death!
Now with a whirlwind sweep I
Empty their saddles when
Hot comes their breath'!
As through the midnight forest tears,
With trumpeting and fire,
A thunder-blast,
So, reapers, tear your way
Through yonder camp, until you hear,
" It is enough! Put up thy sword I
Oh, angel of the Lord I
My wrath is past 1"




705             THE PATRIOTIC  SPEAKER.
THE ENDS OF PEACE.-H on. Daniel S. Dickinmsn.
When this country commences to die, it will die rapidly
When this nation is given up to disruption, it will go to swift
destruction.  Rome, to be sure, was three hundred years
dying; but then its physical powers were greater than ours,
its moral force less, its nervous energy less acute than ours.
When we fall, we shall go down in blood and darkness; but
not in tears, for the dying never weep. Nero, the last and
worst of the Casars, sung to his harp while his capital was in
flames; Tamerlane, to signalize his brutal ferocity, reared a
monument of seventy thousand human skulls; Attila declared
that the grass should never grow where the hoof of his warhorse trod; Hyder Ali left the Carnatic black with ashes and
desolation-but he who destroys the American Union will be
a greater curse than all or either. And " the foe, the monster
Brant," who fell upon and-slaughtered the defenseless women
and children of this valley, will be more approved in history
by men, and be an honester man in the sight of God, than the
despoilers of our late happy Union.  Shall the fell destroyers
of this beautiful fabric be permitted to accomplish their infernal
errand, and shall they be aided in this work of evil by the cry of
peace?  Let none escape  under this shallow  pretension.
Solomon, the wise King of Judea, spared not the murderous
Joab, though he fled for refuge to the inclosures of the Tabernacle, and clung for protection to the horns of the altar-he
slew him there.  And a cry of peace, to be negotiated with armed
traitors, should secure a city of refuge to none.
I am pained to contemplate the vast destruction of property
that must follow; I regret that the prosperity of the country
must for a time be blasted and destroyed; I mourn the7 great
loss of human life that must ensue. But if these events must
come, they had better come with a country preserved, than
with a country divided and destroyed. We must fight battles,
and bloody battles.  We must call vast numbers of men into
the field.  We must not go as boys to a general training, with
ladies, and idlers, and members of Congress, to see the show,
but we must go in earnest-go prepared. for action-to fight it
as a battle, and not to fight it as a play-spell.  We must unita
as a whole people, going shoulder to shoulder.  And when we do




FREEDOM THIE WATCHWORD.                 77
S, we shall conquer.  And why?  We have the right, we
have the prestige of Government, we have the sympathy of
the disinterested world, we have the moral and material elements to do it all, and to insure victory.  Rebellion has not
the financial ability to stand a long war, with all their gains
fi'om privateering and piracy, and issuing Confederate bonds
-made a lien upon the property of people who were never
consulted as to their issue, and who repudiate them-worth as
much as a June frost or a cold wolf-track; which no financier
fit to be outside of the lunatic asylum would give a shilling a
peck for. They may vex, they may harass, they may destroy,
they may commit piracy, but the reckoning is to come for all
this.  They will be brought to the judgment of the American
people-of their own people. They will be arraigned, and
who is there will be ready to stand up as their defenders in
the name of the Constitution?
"' I tell thee, Culloden, dread-echoes shall ring,
With blood-hounds that bark for thy fugitive king."
What a glorious Constitution we shall have when it finds
such glorious interpreters!  How strong our institutions will
be, anchored upon such foundations! The Constitution -will
then literally
"Live through all time, extend through all extent,
Spread undivided, operate unspent."
FREEDOMI THE WATCHWORD.-Carl Schurz.
~What! you, the descendants of those men of iron who
preferred a life-or-death struggle with misery on the bleak
and wintry coast of New England to submission to priestcraft
and kingcraft; you, the offspring of those hardy pioneers who
set their faces against all the- dangers and difficulties that
surround the early settler's- life; you, who subdued the forces
of wild nature, cleared away the primeval forest, covered the
endless prairie with human habitations; you, this race of bold
reformers who blended together the most incongruous elements
of birth and creed, who built up a Governmepnt,which you
called a model Republic, and undertook to show mankind how
to bea free; you, the mighty nation of the West, that presumes




78              THIE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
to defy the world in arms, and to subject a hemisphere to its
sovereign dictation; you, who boast of recoiling from  no
enterprise ever so great, and no problem ever so fearful-the
spectral monster of Slavery stares you in the face, and now
your blood runs cold, and all your courage fails you?  For
half a century it has disturbed the peace of this Republic; it
has arrogated to itself your national doriiain; it has attempted
to establish its absolute rule, and to absorb even your future
development; it has disgraced you in the eyes of mankind,
and now it endeavors to ruin you if it can not rule you; it
raises its murderous hand against the institutions most dear to
you; it attempts to draw the power of foreign nations upon
your heads; it swallows up the treasures you have earned by
long years of labor; it drinks the blood of your sons and the
tears of your wives-and now?  Every day it is whispered in
your ears, "Whatever Slavery may have done to you, whatever. you may suffer, touch. it not   How many thousand
millions of your wealth it may cost, however much blood you
may have to shed in order to disarm its murderous hand,
touch it not! How many years of peace and prosperity you
may have to sacrifice in order to prolong its existence, touch
it not! And if it should cost you your honor"-listen to this
story: On the Lower Potomac, as the papers tell us, a negro
comes within our lines, and tells the valiant defenders of the
UTnion that his master conspires with the rebels, and has a
quantity' of arms concealed in a swamp; our soldiers go and
find the arms; the master reclaims his slave; the slave is
given up; the master ties him to'his horse, drags him along
eleven miles.to his house, lashes him, to a tree, and, with the
assistance of his overseer, whips him three hours-three mortal
hours; then the negro dies.  That black man served the
Union; Slavery attempts to destroy the Union; the Union sure
renders the black man to Slavery, and he is whipped to death
— touch it not.  Let an imperishable blush of shame cover
every cheek in this boasted land of freedom —but be careful
not to touch itI  Ah, what a dark divinity is this, that we
must sacrifice to it our peace, our prosl;erity, our blood, our
future, our hoinor!  What an insatiable vampire is this that
drinks out the very marrow  of our manliness  Pardon
me; this sounds like a dark dream, like the offspring of a




FREEDOM TEE WATCHWORD.                79
hypochondriac imagination; and yet-have I been unjust in
what I have said?
Is it asking too much of you that you shall secure against
future dangers all that is most dear to you, by vigorous measures?  Or -is it not true that such measures would not be
opposed had they not the smell of principle about them? Or
do the measures proposed really offend your constitutional
conscience? The most scrupulous interpreter of our fundamental laws will not succeed in discovering an objection. Or
are they impolitic?  What policy can be better than that
which secures peace and liberty to the people? Or are they
inhuman?  I have heard. it said that a measure touching
Slavery might disturb the tranquillity and endanger the fortunes of many innocent people in the South.  This is a possibility which I sincerely deplore. B3ut many of us will
remember, how often they were told it in former years, that
true philanthropy begins at home. Disturb the tranquillity
and endanger the fortunes of innocent people in the South!and there your tenderness stops?  Are the six hundred
thousand loyal men of the North, who have offered their lives
and all they have and they are- for the Union, less innocent?
Are those who have soaked the soil of Virginia, and Missouri,
and Kentucky, and Tennessee with their blood-are they
guilty?  Are the tears of Northern widows and children for
their dead husbands and fathers less warm and precious than
the tears of a planter's lady about the threatened loss of her
human chattels?  If you have such tender feelings about the
dangers and troubles of others, how great must be the estimation you place upon the losses and sufferings of our people I
Streams of blood, and a stream of tears for every drop of
blood; the happiness of so many thousand families forever
blasted, the prosperity of the country ruined for so many years
-how great must be the compensation for all this! Shall all
this be squandered for nothing? for a mere temporary cessation of -hostilities, a prospect of new troubles, a mere fiction
of peace?
People of Americal I implore you, for once, be true to
yourselves, and do justice to the unmistakable instinct of your




'80             THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
minds and the noble impulses of your hearts.  Let it not be
said that the great American Republic is afraid of the nineteenth century.  And you, legislators of the country, and those
who stand at the helmn of Government, you, I intreat, do not
trifle with the blood of the people.  This is no time for
politely consulting our enemies' tastes, or for sparing our enemies feelings.  Be sure, Whatever progressive measures you
may resolve upon, however progressive it may be, the people
are ready to sustain you with heart and hand.  The people
do not ask fi>r any thing that might seem extravagant.  They
do not care for empty glory; they do not want revenge, but
they do want a fruitful victory and a lasting peace. - When
pondering over the tendency of this great crisis, two pictures
of our future rise up before my mental vision. Here is one:
The Republic, distracted by a series of revulsions and reactions,
all tending toward the usurpation of power, and the gradual
destruction of that beautiful system of self-government to which
this country owes- its progress and prosperity; the nation
sitting on the ruins of her glory, looking back to our days
with a sorrowful eye, and saying, "Then we ought to have
acted like men, and all would be well now."  Too late, too
late! And here is the other: A GoVernment, freed from the
shackles of a despotic and usurping interest, resting safely
upon. the loyalty of a united people; a nation engaged in the
peaceable discussion of its moral and material problems, and
quietly working out its progressive development; its power
growing in the same measure with its moral consistency; fhe
esteem of mankind centering upon a purified people; a union
firmly rooted in the sincere and undivided affections of all its
citizens; a regenerated Republic, the natural guide and beacon
light of all legitimate aspirations of humanity.  These are the
tw: pictures of our future. Choose!
TtHE CRISIS OF OUR NATIONAL DISEASE.-Rev. DZ
Bellows.
Those who do not much value the Union at the North,
value law and order; and they are determined to maintain it,
It must not be supposed that it'is the enemies of Slavery.




THE CRUSTS OF OU1t NATION&L DISEASE.          1
extension alone who have the custody of order, and tbe
maintenance of Federal authority on their consciences.  Many
who are perfectly ready to let the South go where she pleases
when she makes her wishes known in a proper and orderly
manner, will not consent, cost what it will, that the Federal
authority of the nation shall be trampled upon by any or all
the Slave States while the compact is in force.  It will not be
a war for or against slavery —a war between one party and
another party, or one section and another section, which will
be precipitated, if the Federal and Constitutional authorities
of the United States are gravely insulted and despised; but a
war in defense of civilization against anarchy'-a war of law
and order upon piratical and barbarous assailants of the public
peace and security, which could not fail to be short, bloody,
and decisive! Already the indecision of the National Executive has obliterated party lines, and united in a new party of
order and civilization the complete North.' How vast must
be the sympathy secretly felt by all property holders and
patriots in the South, with such conservators of all the precious
interests of civilization   This party must grow. Its issue
must, for the time, supersede every other.. Are we a nation?
Have we a Government?  Is. the Constitution to be respected
by its own subjects? These are questions, in mly judgment,
which will be positively and finally settled, if necessary, with
any cost of blood and treasure-settled affirmatively, before
the secondary questions of the union or separation of the
States will admit of debate -and adjustment.
Let us not make a false issue with our exasperated and
unhappy fellow-citizens of the Slave States about the Union.
We are not going to war, I trust, to force fifteen States to live
under a Government they hate. But we will go to war to
save order and civilization, with any faction, v:)nspiracy,
rabble, or political party that strives, in illegal and treasonable
ways, to break up the Government.  We owe it to the intelligence and worth of the South, to believe that they are silenced
and tyrannized over by a mob that does not understand nor
value their interests and wishes. The -sobriety and sense of
that region has a right to be heard. They are entitled to the
protection of the General Government, and- to the evidence




THE PATRIOTIC SPEAER.
that they live under a Constitution and an Executive capable
of enforcing the laws: of the land.  We -are not to believe,
until we have made the experiment, that Federal authority
would not be obeyed, and that a dignified demonstration of
national force would not restore order and peace. Who
knows how the hearts of the real patriots and real men, even
in South Carolina, may be even now anxiously expecting
efficient interference by the General Government?  To assume
the weakness, the inadequacy, the unpopularity of the Federal
power, is to invite contempt, rebellion and secession. I would
not harshly judge the Executive of the Union.  The vast
responsibilities of his position, the varied means of his information, the contrariant influences brought to bear upon him,
entitle him to our utmost charity.  We may possibly see, in
due time, that his policy has been wiser and more patriotic
than it now appears. But there can be no difference of
opinion on one point. The National Government must be
not merely submitted to, but obeyed, or we are, in a state of
revolution and anarchy, and in a little while shall be cutting
each other's throats, beginning in South Carolina, where
anarchy commenced, and ending at Washington, where liberty
will be buried in the bloody waters of the Potomac, and lapse
away to stain the sods of Washington's grave.
In the providence of God, and in the natural course of
affairs, we have been brought to this crisis.  It could not have
been avoided. With such an anomalous element as Slavery
in the Constitution, a tremendous trial of its strength, and of
the strengt4l of the Union' and of the Government, was inevitable, sooner.or later. It has not come an hour too soon. If
we are not strong enough in our centripetal principles to hold
together upon the- original compact, if the Federal power is
inherently too weak for the State powers, it is better to know
it now-better to abandon a Union which will presently, with
increased Weight, fall upon our children's heads, and destroy
our successors.  But I will believe in no such weakness until
it is proved.  The Gcvernment/is strong in-the hearts and in
the interests of a vast majority of the people. The Constitution
is strong enough to outlive -its one congenital disease.  The
Union is strong enough to bear even the tremendous strain




TlE  DUTY OF CHRISTIAN PATRIOTS.
now trying its hoops.  We want only faith in the Constitution
as it is; faith in the right of political majorities to exercise
their legitimate power; faith in the original wisdom of our
fathers; faith in humanity; faith in Christ and in God, to
carry us triumphantly through this. glorious but awful hour,
when the grandest political structure the providence of God
ever allowed to be erected is to be finally tested by earthquake,
and to prove, I doubt not, that it rests on the rock of ages,
and will endure while time shall last.
THE DUTY OF CHRISTIAN PATRIOTS. —7?ev.-Dr. Adams.
Anterior to our own time and generation, without personal
complicity of our own, by the persistent agency of the mother
country, African Slavery was introduced and entailed upon
this country.  In the original draft of the Declaration of
American Independence, by the hand of Mr. Jefferson, him.
self a slaveholder, one of the reasons alleged foI the act was
that Great Britain, notwithstanding the remonstrances and
expostulations of the Colonies, had persisted in forcing upon
them this very system.  The time was, and not so long ago,
when, throughout the whole of this country, and especially in
the Southern States, which, in the origin and prosecution of
measures at emancipation, anticipated others, and outstripped
others in the amount of costs and sacrifices looking to that
end-the time was, I say, when, throughout the whole country,
there was a remarkable unanimity in reference to Slavery, as
a political, social, and moral evil. Legislatures of States
where it existed, and ecclesiastical bodies more immediately
connected with it, scarcely without an exception, took action,
looking to its gradual and ultimate removal. I shall not
undertake to describe the manner in which a change in regard
to the treatment of the subject was effected; enough to know,
what can not be denied, that a change has taken place, andl
that this has led to extreme views, acrimony, and active
antagonism.  Men have driven each other wide apart by con.
trary opinions, as ivory balls are separated by concussion.  On
the one hand are those who regard the act of slaveholding as
necessarily and unexceptionably sinful. They pronounce those.




THE - PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
who are involved in this relation as the greatest of criminals
Churches in the Northern interior, who never saw either a
slaveholder or a slave, and were never ill the way of such a
probability, took action, denouncing this relation as one of the
most atrocious of all crimes, forbidding any one connected
with it to approach their communion.:Epithets could not be
found too' strong by way of expressing detestation of this
particular act, and those there are who have publicly avowed
their purpose to put the Constitution and the Bible under
their feet for a supposed complicity with this one unpardonable
sin.  In the opposite extreme are those who now assert that
this relation is of Divine origin and sanction, and that to'conserve, extend, and perpetuate it," after the same manner
as the relation between parent and child, to the end of time,
is a Christian duty.  Moreover, the proposal has been made
and publicly advocated, in consistency withl this sentiment, to
reopen and legalize the African Slave-trade, which the whole
civilized world, and none more emphatically than our own
country, has stigmatized as piracy.
But these, you say, are extreme views.  Certainly they are.
But do you not know that these are the very agencies which
work mischief; for that which is ultra-beyond fairness and
truth-is the parent of fanaticism; and fanaticism is a fire
which, once kindled, burns you know not where or what.  I
use that word with philosophical accuracy. Enthusiasm is a
noble quality.   Ve all admire earnestness and zeal; the
expression of one's own sentiments with an honest heartiness.
But fanaticism has this peculiarity, that always it has in it an
element of malignity; a spirit that would do harm to its object
after some form  or method; a spirit which would lift its
hands and sharpen its tongue in wrath; which would strike,
and bite, and retaliate, and devour.  Extremes to be sure.
But does any one question that it is these extreme notions
which are now flying through the troubled air; which are
repeated bacaward and forward, exasperating a bad temper?
Is not this spirit, wherever it has existed, the parent of
misapprehension, and prejudice, and hate?  If Sir Walter
Raleigh found it so difficult to arrive at the exact truth of
racts, occurring almost under his own eye, in his own castleyard, what may truth expect when the very air is full of a




THiE  DUTY OF CHRISTIAN PATRIOTS.           85
malign spirit. excited to a most inflammable and explosive
pitch?  The consequence has been, that, while the extremists
on either wing have understood each other well, and hated
each other heartily, the great body lying betweeni, on both
sides, have not known and understood each other at all.
When, at length, the subject became involved with political
legislation, then a thousand other. forces came in to intensify
the feeling.. Now it was that legislative acts themselves partook of the prevalent sentiment on either side, increasing the
exasperation. The real cause which made the Fugitive Slave
Law so obnoxious to many in the North was, that they interpreted it as containing a crack and a jeer which was intended
to humiliate them; while the people of the South, in their
turn, put the same interpretation upon every Northern Liberty
Bill, its animus, whatever ingenuity may have been in the
letter, being understood as one of defiance and insult.  And
so it is that the great mass of the nation, innocent of all evil
designs, intending no wrong, and doing no wrong, are yet, by
the great law of social liabilities, involved in perils engendered
by others, which threaten now  the whole domain.  The
question now  before us is, whether it is possible for this
matter to be lifted up and lifted out from this region of distemper into the court of reason, and before the supremlacy of
providential facts?  The stars in their courses fought against
Sisera-and there is no place for passion, or impatience, or
fretfulness, when we put ourselves in contact with the great
calm facts of Nature, and Providence, and Revelation. Our
hope is not'so much in legislation and discussion, for it has
long been our nati-mnl vice to legislate and talk too much, for
mere effect, on abstract questions, instead of meeting each and
every case upon its own merits. In cases of disputed rights,
let supreme law  be arbiter-and I believe there are many
questions of law in connection with this subject which should
employ the highest legal talent of the country-and every
citizen be prompt to recognize its solemn authority.  Though
it is the most difficult of all conditions in which to act wisely
and freely when put under threats, yet it is a token for good,
that, already in our own Northern community, there is a
disposition to repeal whatever may have been judged in its
spirit and intention to be contrary to faith, and honesty, and




86:             THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
law.  I speak of the spirit and the temper, for this is the
whole matter.  If, by any process-if, by a special answer to
special prayer, there could be such a return to a reasonable
and charitable temper, in which all shall be convinced that
nothing is intended, and nothing will be tolerated, which is
not right, then, indeed, fear would give place to hope, and
apprehension to peace.
TURKEY DAN'S FOURTH OF JULY ORATION.*
"Feller-citizens, as I was sayin', this is the glorious Fourth,
and anybody as says it isn't, ought to be horse-whipped.  1
say it is!  It's made me feel so chock full of hail-Columby,
I'll go off like a bundle of fire-crackers ef anybody tech fire
to me. I'd like to wind up these exercises by a pitched battle,
single-handed, with about a hundred gorillas, blast their
women-scarin',  house-burnin',  corn-stealin',  horse-thievin'
skins I They ought to be tied to the backs of live alligators
and swum up and down the Mississippi river for a thousand
years, while the banks was lined with sharpshooters riddlin'
them like an old siv'.  I'd volunteer for that service, mighty
quick.  They oughlter all be turned into rattlesnakes and be
everlastingly walloped with white-ash switches.  I'd be will.
ing to be transmogrified into an ash tree and cut up into
switches for that purpose.  ~Why, ly old rifle's so chock full
of spunk, it would kick me over and blow me up quicker'n a
wink, if I should turn round and go over to Jeff.  You've
seen us mountaineers when the snakes get too thick; we
build a fire down to the bottom of the hill, and thrash the
reptiles down into it. That's the way we're goin' to serve the
human reptiles: we'll whip'em down into a hotter fire than
they ever built to cook us by. I propose three cheers for the
glorious old Fourth I It's the Fourth of July. You see the
hail-Columby has got into my head so strong, I jest get Ca little confused. Didn't I hear somebody a saying, a spell ago,
that this toas the glorious Fourth? and if I did, it must be so.
Yes, feller-citizens, this is the Anna Domino of our Indepen.
deuce, as you've all heard.  Any body as tries to upset iI
* From M[rs. Victor's " Romance of East Tenuessee."




A FEARLESS PLEA.                  87
ought to be compelled to never see no money but Jeff. Davis's
shinplasters, arnd never have any thing but Mississippi mud to
drink on this great day. They oughter be obliged to drink
Mrs. Davis's health in a tumbler of river water stirred up with
a tadpole.  Yes, they had.  The Fourth of July! May it
last so long that these mountains will grow full of wrinkles,
and may every secesh rascal live to be buried along with the
catamounts called Southern. wimmen, which, I takes it, is the
most onhappy end of human natur'."
A FEARLESS PLEA.*
I-shall not -argue this doctrine of secession.  The simple
history of the Constitution; its simpler and yet plainer reading; the overwhelming authority of our fathers against it;
the crushing weight of opinion against it in our own Stateher Jefferson declaring that even the old Confederation, a
Government far weaker than the present Federal Union, possessed the power of coercion-her Madison, the very father
of the Constitution, solemnly asserting that its framers never
for one moment contemplated so disorganizing and ruinous
a principle-her great and good Marshall decreeing more than
once, from the bench of the- Supreme Judiciary, that the Federal Constitution did not constitute a mere compact or treaty,
but a government of the whole people of the United States,
with supreme powers within the sphere of its authorityJudge Spencer Roane, the Ajax Telamon, in his day, of her
State-rights republicanism, indorsing. the sentiment, "It is
treason to secede 1"-her Thomas Ritjhie, the " Napoleon of
the Press" and Jupiter Tonans of the modern Democracy;
heralding through the columns of the Richmond Enquirer the
impregnable maxims that' no association of men, no State or
set of States, has a right to withdraw from the Union of its
own accord," and that " the first act of resistance to the law
is treason to the United States;" the decisions of some of the
most enlightened of the State judiciaries in repudiation of the
dangerous dogma; the concurrent disavowal of it by the
* Uttered in the Virginia House of- Deleates, March 20th, 1861, by
Joseph Segar, Esq., of York District.




THE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
Marshalls, and iKents, and Storys, and McLeans, and W'aynes,
and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all ihe
really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and
wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittendcen, and Everett, and
Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and
Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly
eminent statesmen: these  considerations and  authorities
present the doctrine of secession to me with one side only.
Peaceable secession-secession without war!  You  can
no more have it than you can crush in the rack every limb
and bone of the human frame without agonizing the mutilated  trunk.  "Peaceable  secession I (said  Mr. Webster)
peaceable secession!  Sir (continued the'great expounder'),
your eyes and mine are not destined to see that miracle. The
dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion!
The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without
ruffling the surface!"  No! secede when you will, you will
have war in all its horrors: there is no escape. The President of the United States is sworn to see that the laws be
faithfully executed, and he must and will-as General Washington did, and as General Jackson would have done in 1833
-use the army, and the navy, and the militia, to execute the
laws and defend the Government.  If he does not, he will be
a perjured man. Besides, you can not bring the people of
the South to a perfect union for secession. There are thoseand " their name is legion "-whom no intimidation can drive
into the disunion ranks. They love the old Union which
their fathers transmitted to them, and under which their
country has become great, and tunder which they and their
children have been free and happy. Circumstances may
repress their sentiments for a while, but in their hearts they
love the Union; and the first hour they shall be free to speak
and to act, they will gather under, and send up their joyous
shouts for, the Stars and Stripes.  They will not fight with
you against the flag; so that there must be a double w:-r —a
Federal war, and a war among ourselves. And it may be
that whole States may refuse to join in the secession movement (which is most probable), and then we shall witness the




A FEARLESS PLEA.                   89
revolting spectacle of one Southern State warring against and
in deadly conflict with another; and then, alas! will be over
our unhappy country a reign of terror none the less terrific
than that which deluged with blood and strewed with carnage
revolutionary France.
For what, then, are we plunging into the dark abyss of:lisunion?  In God's name, tell me. I vow I do not know,
nor have I ever heard one sensible or respectable reason assigned for this harsh resort. We shall lose every thing; gain
nothing but war, blood, carnage, famine, starvation, isocial
desolation, wretchedness in all its aspects, ruin in all its forms.
WTe shall gain a taxation, to be levied by the new Government, that will eat out the substance of the people, and
"make them poor indeed!"  We shall gain alienation and
distrust in all the dear relations of life.  We shall gain, ill
blood between father and son, and brother and brother, and
neighbor and neighbor. Bereaved widowhood and helpless
orphanage we shall gain to our hearts' content.  Lamentation, and mourning, and agonized hearts we shall gain in
every corner where "wild war's deadly blast" shall blow.
We shall gain the prostration-most lamentable calamity will
it be-of that great. system  of internal development, which
the statesmen of Virginia have looked to as the basis of all
her future progress and grandeur, and the great hope of her
speedy regeneration and redemption. We shall gain repudiation; not that Virginia will ever be reluctant to redeem her
engagements, but that she will be disabled by the heavy burdens of secession and war. We shall gain the blockade of
our ports, and entire exclusion from the commerce, and markets, and store-houses of the world. We shall gain the hardest times the people of this once happy country have known
this-side tzie War of Independence.  I know not, indeed, ot
one single interest of Virginia that will not be wrecked by
disunion. And entertaining these views, I do shrink with
horror from the very idea of the secession of the State. I can
never assent to the fatal measure.  No; I am for the Union
yet. Call me submissionist or traitor, or what else you'will,
I am for the Union-as I said upon another occasion, "while
Hope's light lickers in the socket."  In Daniel Webster's immortal words, give me "Liberty and Union, now and forever,
one and inseparable."




90             TIE PATRIOTIC SPEAIEl.,
THE ONUS OP SLAVERY. —— Hr. Benjami P:. Wade.
Sir, if you are not able to make head against us in the
field, it is not because you are not equally brave and enterprising; it is not, even, for the lack of numbers; but it is
because slavery has impoverished you, emasculated you, and
now, without our appealing to the force you feel would be
most potent to put treason down, you are still on the declining
side. I do not invoke it; but when I see black regiments
put forward to shoot down my sons who are in the war, and
your relatives, when I see these black chattels thrust forth in
front of the chivalrous owners to shoot down, murder and
destroy our men who have gone to the field only in defense
of our glorious institutions, I am strongly tempted to make
the appeal, and say to your bondmen: Stand forth, invested
in the rights wherewith Almighty God hath clothed you;
come to our side; help to fight the battles of freedom, and
you shall be free. It would only be a righteous retribution
to those who have held them against common right. Suppose we should do it, what would become of this rebellion?
Where. would traitors be?   Talk to us of prosecuting the
war in a vindictive spirit! They may thank your God that
we have been as forbearing as we have.
These reflections fill me with wonder that sagacious,
honorable men of the Southern States do not,,of their own
accord, arise and put down an institution that so weakens
andi emasculates them, and which places them in the power
of the free States around them whenever they shall think best
to put them down.
In the progress of nations, after a certain advance in civilization and the arts, slavery becomes impossible. Deeply
rooted as this institution of slavery is, every invention of a
useful character for a thousand years has tended to make it
impossible. Once you might worklthe galley-slave with profit.
Warlike nations formerly put slaves aboard of their armed
ships as a motive power to propel them against the enemy,
and made them labor in that way.  Could that system be
continued now?  Slavery might then be useful in war when
nobody knew any better, and when the nation having the
most slaves to man its galleys was the strongest and most




THM  ONUS OF SLAVERY.               91
powerful. How is it when you put the galley-slave against
the steam engine?  Was it an abolitionist that argued down
the institution?  Can you work a naked' savage or a negro
against a steam engine?  If you can not, your system is at an
end. Every labor-saving machine is an abolitionist.  Every
puff of the engine upon a railroad is an abolition sermon
more potent and more effective than was ever preached by
mouth of abolitionist.  Can you work a slave, carrying his
bundle on his back, against the tremendous power and energy
of the locomotive on your railroad?  Can you put the one
against the other?  How is it with the reaper we have introduced into our fields to harvest our grain-the tremendous
power of our mowing-machines, power-looms, and spinning
jennies?  I might count over from now till to-morrow the
instrumentalities that have rendered your system absolutely
impossible; and yet, against the laws of God and nature, you
are hanging on with impotent pertinacity to a system that has
passed away, and can never be renewed.
When gentlemen rise here day by day and talk about the
object of this war, whether it be for the perpetuation of
slavery or freedom, I think it best to take a common-sense
view of the subject and see how it stands. I am so entirely
convinced of its impotency, its failure to answer the requisitions of the state of civilization to which we have approached,
that I have no fears of it.  Sir, it will pass away.  If every
man in this Senate, if every man in this Congress, stood forth
as an advocate for perpetual and eternal slavery, it would
only be the poor instrumentalities of man fighting against
God.  God and nature have determined the question, and we
shall not affect it much either way. But I throw out these
hint.p to those gentlemen who seem to believe that the world
will not go round when slavery is abolished. As the Almighty
sometimes overrules the wickedness of man to perfect a
glorious end, so his providence was never more obvious than
in this rebellion. Slavery might have staggered along against
the improvement of the age, against the common consent of
mankind, a scoff and a by-word on the tongue of all civilized
nations, for a great many years; but this rebellion has sealed
ts fate and antedated its doom, You can not escape from




92              T"I PATRIOTIC SPE.KEKR.
this war without the emancipation of your negroes. It will
not be because I announce it; it will not be because I am
going to move any thing in that direction; but it is because I
see the hand of God taking hold of your own delinquency to
overrule for good what your rulers meant for evil.  Proslavery men seem to suppose that the Ruler of the universe is
a pro-slavery being; but, if I have not mistaken him greatly,
he is, at least,: a gradual emancipationist.
A FOREIGNER'S TRIBUTE.-Dr.. Lieber.
This is the Fourth of July! There is a fragrance about
the month of July, delightful and refreshing to every friend of
freedom.  It was on the sixth day of this month that Leonidas
and his martyr-band, faithful " to the laws of their country,"
even unto death, sacrificed themselves, not to obtain a victory
-they knew that that was beyond their reach-but to do more
-to leave to their state, and their country, and to every successive generation of patriots to the end of time, the memory of
men that could " obey the law," and prepare themselves for
a certain death for their country as for a joyful wedding-feast.
It was on the ninth day of this mdnth that the Swiss peasants
dared to make a stand, at Sempach, against Austria-then,
as now, the drag-chain to the chariot of advancing Europethat memorable day when Arnold Winkelried, seeing that his
companions hesitated before the firm rampart of lances leveled
against them by the Austrian knights, cried out: " Friends,
I'11 make a lane for you! Think of my dearest wife and
children I"-grasped, as le was a man of great strength, a
whole bundle of the enemy's pikes, buried them in his breast,
and made a breach, so that over him, and the knights whom
he had dragged down with him, his brethren cculd enter the
hostile ranks, and with them  victory for Switzerland and
liberty; and Arnold's carcass, mangled and trodden down,
became the corner-stone of the Helvetic Republic.  It was on
the fourteenth day of this month that the French, awakened
from a lethargy into which an infamous despotism had drugged
them, stormed and conquered that castle of tyranny, the
ominous keys of which Lafayette sent to our Washington,
who sacredly kept them to the last day of his life, so that




A FOREIGNER'S TRIBUTE.                9
every visitor could see them, as the choicest present ever
offered to him to whom  we owe so much of our liberty and
of the existence of our great commonwealth. And it was on
this day that our forefathers signed that Independence which
many of them sealed with their blood, and which the others,
not permitted to die for their cause, soon after raised to a
great historical reality, by the boldest conception-by engraft.
ing, for the first time in the history of our kind, a representative and complete political organism on a confederacy of
states, nicely adjusted, yet with an expansive and assimilative
vitality.
And can we imagine that men so sagacious, so far-seeing,
on the one hand, and -so thoroughly schooled by experience
on the other, as the framers of our Constitution were, have
just omitted, by some oversight, to speak on so important a
point?  One of the greatest jurists of Germany said to me
at Frankfort, when the Constituent Parliament was there
assembled, of which he was a member: "The more I study
your Constitution, the more I am amazed at the wise forecast
of its makers, and the manly forbearance which prevented
them from entering into any unnecessary details, so easily
embarrassing at a later peridd."  They would not deserve this
praise, or, in fact, our respect, had they been guilty of a neglect such as has heen supposed.  Can we, in our sober senses,
imagine that they believed in the right of secession, when they
did not even stipulate a fixed time necessary to give notice
of a contemplated secession-knowing, as they did, quite as
well as we do, that not even a common treaty of defense or
offense-no, not even one of trade and amity-is ever entered
into by independent powers, without stipulating the period
which must elapse between informing the other parties of an
intended withdrawal and the time when it actually can take
place; and when they knew perfectly well that, unless such a
provision is contained in treaties, all international law interprets them as perpetual; when they knew that not even two
merchants join in partnership without providing for the period
necessary to give notice of an intended dissolution of the house?
It seems to me preposterous to suppose it.: The absence of all
mention of secession must be explained on the same ground
on which the omission of parricide in the first Roman penal
laws was explained-no one thought of such a deed.




94              THEE PATRIOTIC SPEAKER.
I will only add that I, for one, dare not do any thing toward
the disruption of the Union. Situated, as we are, between
Europe and Asia, on a fresh continent, I see the finger of God
in it. I believe our destiny to be a high, a great, and a
solemn one, before which the discussions now agitating us
shrink into much smaller dimensions than they appear, if' we
pay exclusive attention to them.  I have come to this country, and pledged a voluntary oath to be faithful to it, and I
will keep this oath. This is my country from  the choice of
manhood, and not by the chance of birth. In my position, as
a servant of the State, in a public institution of education, I
have imposed upon myself the duty of using my influence
with the young neither one way nor the other in this discussion. I have scrupulously and conscientiously adhered to it
in all my teaching and intercourse.  There is not a man or a
youth that can gainsay this. But I am a man -and a citizen,
and as such I have a right, or the duty, as the case may be, to
speak my mind and my inmost convictions on solemn occasions before my fellow-citizens, and I have thus not hesitated
to put down these remarks. Take them, gentlemen, for what
they may be worth. They are, at any rate, sincere and fervent.; and, whatever judgment others may pass upon them, or
whatever attacks may be leveled against them, no one will be
abl' to say that they can have been made to promote any
individual advantages.  God save the commonwealth I God
save the common land I
THE LITTLE ZOUAVE.
(One little stocky fellow in the Fire Regiment killed thirteen men in
thirteen shots. He was afterward killed himself.-Daily Paper.]'Twas a little Zouave of the fireman sort,
His face powder-blackened, his hair shingled short,
His brawny chest naked, his eyes flashing flame,
As over the red field of battle he came,
Then c-r-r-rack! went his gun,
On the banks of Bull Run,
And the great rebel army was lessened-by one.




THE LITTLE ZOUAVME.
The batteries, thundered, the cannjn-balls flew,
The smoke and the dust hid the soldiers from view;
But whenever the cloud lifted up, you might scan
The little Zouave taking aim at his man.
Then c-r-r-rack I went his gun,
On the banks of Bull Run,
And put a quietus to some rebel's fun.
The day was a scorcher, the men were athirst,
And the little Zouave often fluently cursed;
But still he pressed an among shrapnel and shell,
And each time he fired, an enemy fell;
For c-r-r-rack I went his gun,
On the banks of Bull Run,
And every shot told on the dead list for one.
The rebels, astonished, remarked, now and then,
"Them red-legged devils fight wus'n our men,"
For they saw that no rebel and traitor could have
One quarter the pluck of the little Zouave;
So c-r-r-rack I went his gun,
On the banks of Bull Run,
Making holes in the rascals, to let in the sun.
Still forward, bare-breasted and sp'iling for fight,
The little Zouave battled well for the Right;
Perhaps it was lucky he never could know
How our army received a repulse from the foe,
For, as c-r-r-rack  went his gun,
On the banks of Bull Run,
A minie-ball came, and the Zouave was done I
There, prone on the field of his prowess he lay,
In the last fading light of the lingering day;
The wound in his forehead was ghastly to see,
But the little Zouave had done gloriously I
And his merciless gun,
On the shores of Bull Run,
Had settled the hash of a dozen and one!




THE PrATRIOTIC SPRAEIR.
CATfOLIC'CATHEDRAL.-By T. HLulbert TUnd-erwo
See! o'er yon proud- cathedral, like a star,
The signal-cross is beaming bright and far.
One year ago it gleamed along the sky,
A light malignant, l1ke an evil eye,
With scornful lip the men of purpose said:
"Portent of evil! lo, the Christ has fled."
But now, thank God! it stands a beacon light;
The Christ is there, encour ging the Right.
The solemn organ grandly pealing thereA hymn to Freedom sweetens all the air.
One year ago that deep-toned organ smote
The ear with horror; for each mocking note
Came down uponus with the monstrous cry,
That "Slavery is truth, and God a lie;"
But now the nation listens while it ringsFor lo! a song of Freedom upward springs.
Thank God for this! -We turn again to thee,
Great Mother Church, and bow the willing knee
Before thine altar. Now the Christ is there,
And Liberty beside Him breathes her prayer.
Within thy precincts men of holy vow
And earnest purpose are assembled now..
Thy prayer is Union-gather for the fight,
For God, for Country, Liberty, and Right.
And first among them boldly Brownson stands;
His lips are eloquent, his pleading hands
Are upward raised, imploring Heaven to aid
In sending Treason to its native shade;
With scathing words rebukes the tardy will
Of nerveless rulers, vacillating still:




CATHOLIC CATHEDRAL.                 91
"Oh ye whom we have called upon to lead!
What I are ye weak in purpose and in deed?
"And dare ye shrink fiom acting now your part,
While all the nation waits with throbbing heart?
" Oh, give us, God, the men of purpose high,
And give the people one brave battle-cry" A cry whose tones will wake the civic earth,
And start its heroism into birth.
" Be this our watchword-let the nations hear —.
Slaves nevermore shall breathe our atmosphere I
" And let our boast (the boast of England) beThe slaves that touch Columbia's soil are free.
"M an must be man in all that makes the manThe crowning. work of God's creative plan;
" No thing debased, no slave of monstrous birth,
A blighted manhood and a shame to earth.
"Strike Treason down, annihilate the wrong,
Make Justice bold, and Truth and Freedom strong.
" Ho, impious men! ye fight at fearful odds,
Who war on Freedom; for her curse is God's."'Twas thus he spoke; and that brave, honest prayer,
Is now an anthem on the lips of air;
And earnest ears are quick to catch the song,
And every heart-pulse at the sound grows strong.
The BMother Church, with all a mother's bliss,
Takes Freedom to her bosom with a kiss.
The great Cathedral, as in days gone by,
Leads on the battle with the startling cry,
"E spiritus de Santus!  Truth and Right I
Let rebels flee, for GOD is in the fight 1"




THE: PATRIOTIC SIPEAKER.
THE " SPECULATORS."-Phladelhiia Intellige
Some folks may boast their rank and birth,
Descent and lofty station;
May claim they're made of better earth,
And hope to rile the nation;
While others brag upon their wealth,.
And worship only Mammon;
Let honest men assert again
Such doctrines are but " gammon."
Thew-orld is flush of rogues and knaves,
Who sham the patriotic,
And hope to keep the people slaves,
By scheme and plan Quixotic;
While some are boasting what they'll do
In" "fuss and feathers," dressy,
Let honest men prepare again,
To give the traitors " Jessie."
From top te toe, from head to foot,
Our politcs are rotten;
And those we pay are bribed to boot,
While justice is forgotten I
For every one that gets a chance
To serve the State, is stealing,
And honest men must pay again
For scoundrels' double-dealing.
In court and camp it's all the same,
From Judge to Quartermaster;
The devil takes the one that's lame —
He should have robbed the faster I
For pork or progress, blankets, brief
The roguery's defended,
And honest men are told again,
The system can't be mended.




BEADLE'S DIME AMERICAN SPEAKER, No. 1.
Young America" on progress, Intelligence the basis of liberty, No peace with oppressios,
The birthday of Washington,   The war,' A thanksgiving sermon,
Plea for the Maine law,       The charge of the light brigade, The cost of richest
Not on the battle-field,      After the battle, -            Great lives imperishable,
The Italian struggle,         The glass railroad,            The prophecy for the year,
Independence,                 The case of Mr. Macbeth,       Unfinished problems of uanlver
Our country,                  The professor on phrenology,    Honor to the dead,
The equality of man,          Washington's nlame,            The immortality of patriots,
True character of the Revolution The sailor boy's syren,     Whbster's political system,
The fruits of the-war,        Jeriah Jeboom's oration,       A vision in the forum,
The sewing machine,           A Dutch cure,                  The press,
True manhood,                 The weather,                   Woman's rights,.
The mystery of life,          The heated termt               Right of the Government to exist'Tie ups and downs,            Philosophy applledj           My ladder,
The truly great,              Penny wise and pouud foolish,  Woman,
Early retiring and rising,    True cleanliness,              Alone,
Artemas Ward's oration,       Saturday night's enjoyments,   The rebellion of 1861,
True nationality,             " In a just cause,"            Disunion.
Oar r.atal day,
BEADLE'S DIME NATIONAL SPEAKER, No. 2.
The Union and its results,    Seeing the eclipse,            Our country first,last, and alway
Our country's future,         Beauties of the law,           British influence
The statesman's labors,       Ge-lang! git up,               Defense of Jefferson,
Let the childless weep,       The rats of life,              National hatreds are barbarous,'Our country's greatest glory,   The creownin' glory of the U. S., Murder will out,
The Union a household,        Three fools,                   Strive for the best,
Independence bell             Washington,                    Early rising,
The scholar's dignity,        Our great inheritance,         Deeds of kindness,
A Christmas chant,            Eulogium on Henry Clay,        Gates of sleep,'Stability of Christianity,    Ohio,                          The bugle,
The true higher law,          Oliver.Hazard Perry,.          A Hoodish gem,
The one great need,           Our domain,                    Purity of the American struggle,
The ship and the bird,        Systems of belief,             Old age,
Tecumseh's speech to warriors, The Indian chief,             Beautiful, and true as beautiful,
Territorial expansion,        The independent farmer,        The worm of the still,
Martha Hopkins,               Mrs. Grammar's ball,           Man and the Infinite,
The bashful man's story,      How the money comes,           The language of the eagle,
The matter-of-fact man,       The future of the fashions,    Washington.
~Rich and poor,
BEADLE'S DIME PATRIOTIC SPEAKER, No. 3.
America to the world,         Let me alone,                  The New Year and the Union,
Love of country               Brigand-ier-general contractor, King Cotton,
The right of sell-preservation,  The draft,             -   Bttle anthem,
Our cause                     The Union Square speeches.(10), The ends of peace,
A Kentuckian's appeal,        The Union,    -                Freedom the watchword,
Kentucky steadfast,           Our country's call             Crisis of our national disease,
Timidity is treason,          The story. of an oat-tree,     The duty of Christian patro's,
The alarum,                   L-e-g on my leg,               Turkey Dan's 4th ofJuly oiailx
April 15th, 1861,             History of our flag,           A fearless plea,
The spirit of'61,            Thomas F. Meagher's address,   The onus of slavery,
The precious heritage,        How much we owe to the Union, A foreigner's tribute,
The Irish element,            Last speech of S. A. Douglas,    Catholic cathedral,
George Francis Train's speech, President Lincoln's message,    The "speculators."
Christy's burlesque speech,   The great bell Roland,
BEADLE'S DIME COMIOC SPEAKER, No. 4.,
Gotlieb Klebcyergoss on the war Mr. Puff's account of himself,.  Brian O'L0inn, 
Age bluntly considered,        Practical phrenology,         Crockett to office-seekere
Ear y rising,                  BeaUtiful,         -           Who is my opponent i
The'wasp and the bee,         Cabbage,                      Political stump speee;,
Comic grammar, No. 1,          Disagreeablepeople            Comic grammar, 3 o. 0,
Pm not a single man,           What is a bachelor like I     Farewell to the bottle,
A. Ward's advice to husbands,  Funny folks,                  The cork le,,
Sergeant Buzfuz on Pickwick,   A song of woe,                The smaeod in school,
Romeo and Juliet,             A. Ward's trip to Richmond,   Sam.Vick's definition of a wife,
Happiness,                     Parody,                       Ta]r, of a hat,
Dogs,                          The mountebank,                ~fe debating club,,
Pop,                           Compound interest,            A Dutch sermon,
A Texan eulogium,              A sermon or the feet,         A negro lecture on locomotion,
How to be a fireman,           Old rlog Jock,               j  rs. Caudle's umbrella lecture.
The United States,             The fiolheao' oilet,
U,'. The Dims Speakb:'s, 100 pp. ISmo,  beomzac  gems of oratory and wit, particularly adapted
to American schools 9.ud familime




SRADLE'S DI' SCHff OOL,IND HO'E HALVD-BOOXS.
BEADLE'S DIME DIALOGUES No. 1.
A reprtory of colloquial gems, gathered from original and fresh sources. Designed for' Cshu
exhibitions, parlors, etc. Revised and enlarged edition. 100 pp. 12mo.
CONTENTS.
Meeting of the Muses* or, the Crowning of Florence Nightingale. For nine young ladles.
Baiting a Live Englishman. For three boys.
Tasso's Coronation. For male and female.
Fashion. For two ladies.
The RehearsaL  For sixboys.
Which will you choose I For two boys.
The Queen of May. For two little girls.
The Tea-Party. For four ladies.
Three Scenes in the Wedded Life of Mr. Bradley. For male and femrla.
Mrs. Sniffles' Confession. For male and female.
The Mission of the Spirits. For five young ladies.
Hob-Nobbing. For five speakers.
The Secret of Success. For three male speakers.
Young America. For three males and two females.
The Destiny of the Empress Josephine. For four females and one male.
The Folly of the Duel. For three male speakers. 
Dog-matlsm. For three male speakers.
The Year's Reckoning. For twelve females and one male.
The Village with One Gentleman. For eight females and one male.
BEADLE'S DIME DIALOGUES No. 2.
A repertory of colloquial gems, gathered from original and fresh sources. Designed for "hoo
exhibitions, parlors, etc. Revised and enlarged edition. 100 pp. 12moe.
CONTENTS.
The Genius of Liberty. For two males and one female,
Cinderella; or, the Little Glass Slipper.
The Society for Doing Good and Saying Bad. For several characters.
The Golden Rule. For two males and two females.
The Gift of the Fairy Queen. For several females.
Taken In and Done For. For two characters.
The Country Aunt's Visit to the City. For several characters.
The Two Romans. For two males.
Trying the Characters. For three males.
The Happy Family. For several "animals."
The Rainbow. For seven characters.
How to Write "Popular" Stories. For two males
The New and the Old. For two males.
A Sensation at Last. For two males.
The Greenhorn. For two males.
The Three Men of Science. For four males.
The Old Lady's Will. For four males.
The Little Philosophers. For two little girls.
How to Find an Heir. For five males.
The Virtues. For sir young ladies.
The Public Meeting. For five males and one female.
The English Traveler. Foritwo males.
BEADLE'S DIME DIALOGUES- No. 3.
A choice collection of original school and parlor dramas, comedlettas, burlesques, farces, etc., ete.
Adapted for any stage, platform or room, with full directions as to stage disposition, dram
action, and expression. 100 pp.l12mo.
CONTENTS.
j'bfe May Queen. Musical and Floral Drama, as performed at the Convent of Notre Da
Cincinnati For an entire school.
The Drese Reform Convention. For ten females
Keeping hBd Company. A Farce. For five males
Courtship tntder Dififculties  A Comedietta. For two males and one female.
National Represcntatives. A Burlesque. For four males.
Escaping the Draft. A Comediettn. For numerous male characters
The Genteel'Cook, _. Humorous Colloquy. For two males.
Maote'rpiece. A Dramtic. Charade. For two males and two females
The Two Romans. A Collo: vy en costume    For two males
The Same. Second Scene. 1Tor t-,: males.
Showing the White Feather. A Farce. For four males:and one fesnale
Te BDitlo CalL  A Recitative. For om esqal