ai nunquam lassat venatio sylva.
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THE
STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN:
A
COMPLETE NARRATIVE
OF
THE WAR IN SOUTHERN RUSSIA.
WRITTEN IN A
cent in tte;rimta.
BY
MAJ. E. BRUCE HAMLEY,
A.UTHOR OF "LADY LEE'S WIDOWHOOD," ETC.
BOSTON:
Gr OULD AND LINCOLN,
59 WASHINGTON STREET.
NEW YORK: SHELDON, LAMPORT & BLAKEMAN,
115 NASSAU STREET.
1855.




Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by
GOULD AND LINCOLN,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.




INTRODUCTORY NOTICE.
THE following narrative first appeared in Blackwood's Magazine. It there attracted general attention,
as being the most brilliant, and at the same time, the
fullest and most connected account yet given of the
campaign in the Crimea. Written on the spot, by an
officer of rank in the British army, and while each
event was fresh in the writer's mind, it places the
reader almost in the position of an eye-witness of the
scenes narrated. The style is admirable for its clearness, vivacity, and pictorial quality; the various scenes
stand out before the eye as if they had been painted
upon canvas. The merits of the work are in every
respect so striking, that the publishers have felt that
they would be rendering no small service by collecting
it from the pages of the Magazine and presenting it to
the American public in a permanent and attractive
form.
The author is commonly reported, by the English
journals, to be Major E. Bruce Hamley; his name has
accordingly been placed upon the title page. Major




Vi          INTRODUCTORY NOTICE.
Hamley is better known as the author of " Lady Lee's
Widowhood," which was published in Blackwood several years since, and was afterward reprinted in a
separate form to meet the popular demand. Those
who have read that fascinating story, will need nothing
else to induce them to peruse this more exciting, because real, Story of the War.
Some information of a personal nature communicated by the author to the editor of Blackwood, may
properly be introduced here. In a letter dated, " Camp
before Sebastopol, Oct. 27, 1854," he writes thus: —' The account of the operations is brought down to the
occupation of Balaklava, leaving the siege to fill a
paper by itself. You should have had it two mails ago,
but I was prostrated just as I began to write, at the
very end of September, by a severe attack of jaundice,
a disorder that has been very prevalent, so that nothing
is more common than to meet a fellow with a face like
a cowslip or a bachelor's button. Interruptions to my
writing of course have been frequent.  Alarms of
attack, mostly false, generally turn us out once in
twenty-four hours, often by night.:::
Yesterday, as I was writing the last chapter, there was
an alarm of a sortie in force from the garrison, confirmed by a tremendous fire of musketry in our front.
Taking the nearest battery of our division, the colonel
and I marched it to the front, and came into action
with the guns of the second division, which occupies




INTIRODUCTORY NOTICE.              Vii
the heights in front of us.  The Russians, eight
thousand. in number, under Prince Gortschakoff, were
advancing upon us in columns with skirmishers in
front, but our guns, whose practice was really beautifully accurate, made them all seek shelter, and our
skirmishers pressing on, drove them into the town, with
a loss, it is said, of five hundred. Our own loss was
seventy killed and wounded. Carts of wounded Russians are constantly coming in."
In another letter dated, C" Camp before Sebastopol,
Dec. 7th," he writes: —" Several days that I have set
apart for writing up, have been spent in the saddle.
Could I have managed it, you should have had the
account of the battle of the 5th; but the divisions of
the army are scattered at such a distance from meseveral miles-that I have been unable to collect the
information necessary for accuracy in describing the
events of the day, and I was too much occupied myself
to see all that passed, being in the thick of it, as you
will believe when I will tell you that my horse, receiving three wounds, was killed by a cannon-shot, which
passed through him behind my leg; and a poor
sergeant, in the act of extricating me, had his thigh
carried away by another. It was a gloomy but a glorious business. The cannonade, far more tremendous
than at Alma, lasted, almost without intermission, for
more than nine hours."
It is seldom that the sword and pen are both success



Vlll        INTRODUCTORY NOTICE.
fully wielded by the same hand; more seldom has it
occurred that the soldier has become the worthy historian of his own achievements. The Anabasis of
Xenophon, in Grecian, the Commentaries of Caesar, in
Roman, and Napier's History of the Peninsular War, in
English literature, are perhaps the only illustrious
exceptions to this remark. But these celebrated histories were written during a period of repose, when ample
opportunity was afforded for elaborate composition.
The present narrative is the only military history that
has come forth all rounded and finished with the graces
of elegant scholarship from the very midst of the iron
storm and the carnage of the battle-field. It is one of
the significant illustrations of the spirit of the age.
Should the life of the gallant author be spared amid
the manifold perils of his situation, the sequel of this
stirring drama will be given to the world in due season.




CO N T E N T S.
CIIAPTER I.
TIIE RENDEZVOYUS.
rAGE
Arrival in the Bosphorus-Halt at Scutari-Silistria-Camp at VarnaInactivity-Cholera in the Camp-Preparations for an Invasion of the
Crimea-Gevreckler-The Landscape around Varna —Scenes in the
Camp,.                                                      15
CHAPTER II.
THE MOVEMENT TO THE CRIMEA.
Departure of the First Division-Feebleness of the Troops-A Turkish
Village-Balchick Bay-Floating Corpses-Sailing of the Expedition
from Balchick Bay-At Anchor-Reconnoiter of the Coast-Voyage
resumed-Eupatoria —Disembarkation commenced-A  Night-Storm
-Difficalties of Disembarking-Landing complete-The Army Described-Rations-Ambulances,..21
CHAPTER III.
FIRST OPERATIONS IN THE CRIMEA.
Peculiarity of the Campaign-Military Maxims-Steam a New Power in
War-Encampment on the Plaius-Supplies from the Villagers-The
Author's Success in Foraging-Fresh Meat-Skirmish with Cossacks
-Commencement of the March-Order of March-The BaganakEngagement between the Cavalry and Artillery and the CossacksBivouac-No Tents —Raglan and St. Arnaud,.      28
1*




~~X    ~CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
BATTLE OF THE ALMBA,
PAGE
March resumed-The Alma-Character of the Ground-The Russian
Position-French Attack on the Heights-Pennefather's BrigadeBritish Assault on the principal Russian Battery-The Russians driven
back-Discomfiture of a strong Russian Column-Exploit of the Highlanders-Retreat of the Russian Army-Russian General taken prisoner
-Capture of Prince Menschikoff's Carriage and Papers-Strength of
the Russian Position,.                                       35
CHAPTER V.
THE BATTLE FIELD.
A wounded Russian-The Dead around the Signal-Tower-The Russian
Breastwork and its Victims-Hospitals and Surgeons-Lieut. Cockerell-Removal of the Dead and Wounded-Mementoes of the BattleThe generous Drummer-Monument erected by the French in Commemoration of the Battle,......... 43
CHAPTER VI.
THE  KATCHA  AND  THE  BALBEK.
Continuance of the Cholera-Position on the Katcha —EncampmentDeserted Cottages-March from the Katcha to the Balbek-Compliments-Valley of the Balbek-A Russian Villa-Pleasant CampingGround-Spoiled Fruit-First Sight of Sebastopol,.            47
CIHAPTER VII.
THE FLANK MAROH.
March resumed-Lord Raglan-Narrow Escape —Mackenzie's FarmPursuit of the Enemy-Spoils taken-Russian Prisoners-March to the
Tchernaya-Encampment-All's Well that ends Well,... 52




CONTENTS.                             Xi
CHAPTER VIII.
OCCUPATION OF BALAKLAVA.
PAGE
Ravages of the Cholera-Colonel Cox —Halt in a Gorge-Firing —Ships'
Guns heard-Surrender of Balaklava-Successful transfer of the Army
from the north to the south Side of Sebastopol-Description of Balaklava-The Valley-The Harbor —The Town-Ruined Fortifications,. 57
CIIAPTER IX.
THE POSITION BEFORE SEBASTOPOL.
Pillage of Private Property-Post-Office-Speculators-Position taken
up before Sebastopol-Landing and Transportation of Siege MaterialDescription of the Environs of Sebastopol-The French Camp-Kamieth Bay —Monastery of St. George-Russian Priests-The Landscape, 61
C-IAPTER X.
COMMEN'CEMENT  OF  THE  SIEGE.
The English Batteries-The Redan-Position of the French TrenchesObstacles to a complete Investment-Extent of the Lines-The Bombardment-French and Russian Magazines blown up —The Lancaster
Guns-Attack of the allied Fleet-The Agamemnon and the Sanspareil-Result of the Bombardment-Repair of the Russian WorksToil and Exposure of the Troops-Balaklava threatened by a Russian
Force-Sortie on the French Trenches,.                         67
CHAPTER  XI.
ATTACK  ON  BALAKLAVA.
Position of General Liprandi's Army-Attack on the Turkish Outposts
-The Russian Cavalry-View of the Battle from the Heights-Charge
of the Guards-Gallant conduct of the 93d-Capture of nine Guns by
the Russians-Fatal Charge of the Light Brigade-Terrible loss of
Men and Horses-Balaklava Secure-Abuse of the Turks-Object of
the Russian Attack,.. 74




Xii                       CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XII.
FIRST ACTION OF INKERMANN.
PAGE
Description of the Ground-Attack by the Russians-Successive Repulses of the Attacking Columns-Difficulty of distinguishing Friend
from Foe-Efficiency of the Lancaster Guns-Losses on both SidesAid from the French declinedl-Importance of the Success achievedWounded Russian Officer-Capture of riderless Horses-Trenches
pushed forward-Flag of Truce-French Field Hospitals-Positions
at Balaklava and opposite Inkermann strengthened-What a " Redoubt" is-Ruins of Inkermann-Reenforcement of the Russians,. 81
CHAPTER XIII.
BATTLE  OF  INKERMANN.
The Fifth of November —Movements of the Russians concealed by Fog
-British Outposts surprised-Position occupied by the Russian FieldArtillery-The Author's Share in the Engagement-Desperate Rush
of Russian Infantry-Conflict in the Two-Gun Battery-Capture and
Re-capture of British Guns-Duel of Artillery-Fresh Attack of Russian Infantry-The Author's narrow Escape-Death of Sir George
Cathcart-Aid from the French-Colonel Dickson and his Two Guns
-Hand to Hand Fight-Sir De Lacy Evans-Final Repulse of the
Russians-Plan of the Enemy-Amount of the Slaughter-The BattleField-Wounded killed by Russian Soldiers,.                  91
CHAPTER XIV.
WINTER ON THE PLAINS.
Change of Weather-A Hurricane-Tents Prostrated-Pursuit of Flying
Property-Cheerless Condition of the Camp —The Storm at Sea-Loss
of Vessels-Destruction of the Steamer "Prince"-The Plains a Quagmire-Scots Grays-Dead and dying IIorses-Dogs-Frorn Balaklava
to the Camp —Lack of Fuel-Huts —The Author's Experience-Drag



CONTENTS.                           Xiii
ging on of the Siege-Clearing the Rifle-Pits-New Entrenchments
opposite Inkermann —Liprandi retires into Sebastopol-Attack by the
French on the Russians-Capture of Kamara-Close of 1854,.. 106
CIAPTER XV.
OIR a IUM SPE aTI ON.
Present Situation-Sufferings of the Troops-Number disabled-Difficulty of Transporting Provisions-Sympathy in England-Causes of
the Disasters-Impatience of the English Public-Lack of Warm
Clothing-Inadequacy of the Expedition-Means of Transport Deficient-Deficiency of Troops-Weakness in Cavalry and Artillery —The
best done under the Circumstances,. 120
CHAPTER XVI.
THE HOSPITALS ON  THE BOSPHORUS.
Condition of a Sick Soldier-How removed to Hospital-AmbulancesThe Author dispatched to Constantinople-The City in Summer and
in Winter-Nationalities Illustrated-Military Company at the Hotels
-Ships of the Allies undergoing Repair-English Hospitals at Scutari
-The Author's Sick-Room-The Sick-The Nurses —Miss Nightingale-Food-English Burying-Ground-Mode of Burying —French
Hospital at Pera-Hospital Staff-The Commissariat,.         130
CHAPTER XVII.
EXCULPATORY.
Influence of Public Opinion on the War-Letters from Camp-Roebuck's
Committee —Ground of Censure not Apparent-Why a Road had not
been made-All well up to the end of October-No Forces to spare
from the Trenches for Road-Making —Superior Condition of the French
Army questioned-Government to blame-Bricks without StrawImpolicy of insisting on English Inferiority,...... 144




X1V                        CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XVIII.
PROGRESS  OF  THE.SIE GE.
PAGE
Improvements in the Hospitals-Author's return to the Crimea-Pleasures left behind-Aspect of things at Balaklava-Monotony of the
Siege unbroken-Failure of a French Expedition into the Valley of the
Tchernaya-Attack on Eupatoria-Hill seized by the Russians-New
Work constructed on it-Assaulted by the French-Their RepulseAttack on the Russian Rifle-Pits-Construction of New Batteries-A
Russian Steamer silenced-News of the Death of Nicholas-Seizure
of the Mammelon Hill by the Russians-Death of Captain CraigieFrench and English Lines connected-Renewed Attack on the RiflePits-Death of Admiral Istaminl-Sir John Burgoyne and General
Jones,.............153
CHAPTER XIX.
TEE  BURIAL  TRUOE.
Russian Night-Attack on March 22d —Bloody Conflict between French
and Russians-The Burial Truce-Strange Spectacle-The Albanian
Leader-Description of the Rifle-Pits —Russian Officers and Soldiers
described - Near View of Sebastopol-I-Iostilities Resumed- The
Railway-An Electric Telegraph established-Recapitulation-The
Great j I-Diheartening Prospects of the Russians-Effects of the
Czar's Death,.... 164
CHAPTER XX.
VIEW  OF THE  WORKS.
Position of the Spectators-Sebastopol-The Barracks-Fort NicholasFort Constantine-The Left Suburbs-Chapman's Battery-Gordon's
Battery-The Redan-Fort Paul-The Malakoff Hill and Tower-The
Mammelon —Firing the Mortars-Victoria Redoubt-North Side of
the Harbor-Sievernaia-Vast Burying-Ground-Within the WorksThe Trenches-The Batteries-Mode of Aiming a Mortar-Bursting
of a Shell-Boyaux or Zigzags-The Flag-staff Battery-British advanced Battery-Valley of the Shadow of Death-Ruined HouseFrench Parallel-Russian Cemetery-Sharp-Shooters-A Grave Joke
-French Mine-Maison de Clocheton,.                           173




THE
STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN,
CHAPTER I.
THE  RENDEZVOUS.
ARRIVAL IN THE BOSPHORUS-HALT AT SCUTARI-SILISTRIA-CAMP AT VARNA
-INACTIVITY-CHOLERA IN THE CAMP —PREPARATIONS FOR AN INVASION
OF THE CRIMEA-GEVRECKLER-THE LANDSCAPE AROUND VARNA-SCENES
IN THE CAMP.
DURING the months of April and May the Allied Army continued to arrive by installments in the Bosphorus. On their way
they had most of them halted at Malta. Those who came in
steam-vessels made a swift and pleasant voyage, surrounded by
every luxury a traveler can hope for. The visits to the palaces
of the Knights, and the churches of the city-the novel and
striking aspect of the harbors and fortifications-the subsequent
voyage through the Egean-the view of the plains of Troy,
dotted with the sepulchral mounds of classic heroes-the passage of the Dardanelles-and the gay scenery of Constantinople,
contributed to give the expedition rather the air of a pleasure
excursion than of the advance of an army.
The halt at Scutari, so far from the scene of action, was rendered endurable to all but the most impatient spirits, by the
curious scenes of the Turkish capital, and the magnificent land



16           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
scapes disclosed at every bend of the Bosphorus. A vast quadrangular barrack, capable of accommodating a small army in its
numerous chambers, and of affording ample space to assemble
the occupants on parade within the oblong enclosed by the four
walls of the building, was made over to the English. The regiments not lodged here were encamped on the grassy plains behind. A steamer plied across the strait every hour for the conveniece of the troops; and those who happened to miss it found
means of passage in the numerous caiques which, gaily carved
and painted, and of peculiarly graceful shape, danced everywhere on the clear water, propelled, some by one, some by two,
handsome Greeks in red skull-cap and white tunic. The background to these graceful figures was especially pleasant to the
eye, whether formed by the white buildings of the city, gleaming
amid the dark clumps of trees, or by the banks of the seariver, covered with the soft feathery foliage, amid which black
cypresses stood stiffly up, varied by the pink blossoms of the
peach and apple, and the purple clusters of the Judas-tree:
while close to the water's edge extended a line of red-roofed,
painted, wooden houses, many of them decaying, but picturesque
in their decay.
In the mean time the Russians had crossed the Danube and
laid siege to Silistria, which was expected to fall, for the fortress
was neither regular nor strong, and the besieging force was disproportionately great. Consequently, the original plan of the
campaign remained as yet unchanged. This was, to fortify
Gallipoli, in order to prevent the Russians (who might, after
turning the left of the Turks, have advanced to the Chersonese)
from closing the passage of the Dardanelles; and to intrench
the neck of the isthmus on which Constantinople stands, so that,
should the Russians defeat the Turks south of the Balkan, the
capital might still be saved from the invader. As the end for




THE RENDEZVOUS.                     1'7
which these works were designed has never been fulfilled, and
they have ceased to be objects of interest, a detailed account of
them is unnecessary.
Contrary to expectation, Silistria continued to hold out, and, at
the request of Omer Pasha, an English division was landed at
Varna early in June. The Russians being checked in their rapid
advance, the line of the Balkan might now be held, and the
fortresses of Shumla and Varna covered, when the enemy should
turn upon them after taking Silistria, which, though marvelously
defended, was still considered as doomed to fall. The rest of the
English army, including the greater part of the brigade left in
Gallipoli, followed the Light Division to Varna, and was distributed on the heights south of Varna Bay, and at various
points on and near the Shumla road, Devna, Aladyn, and Monastir; places which, though surrounded by landscapes picturesquely grand, will long live drearily in the remembrance of the
British army in Turkey.
Foiled in their repeated attacks on Silistria, and suffering
terribly from disease and want, the enemy made one final grand
assault, and, when repulsed, withdrew across the Danube. It
was now expected that the Allies would push on; but for this
they were not prepared. Overrating the resources of the enemy
from the beginning, an advance into the Principalities does not
seem to have entered into their calculations. Various reasons
for our inactivity were circulated; the commissariat could not
supply us on the march; there was no transport for the reserve
ammunition; we were waiting to see what Austria would do.
Leaving diplomatists to attach a value to the last reason, I may
say, that the commissariat would probably, if they had been
called on, have found means to supply the army, but that the
want of animals to carry the ammunition formed a more serious
obstacle. The French, indeed, sent a division into the Dobrud



18           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
scha, but it rejoined the army without other result than a fearful
loss of men from the malaria of those pestilent swamps.
A new and terribly prominent feature of the campaign now
disclosed itself. Toward the end of July the cholera broke out
at Varna, and in a few days the hospitals were filled with cases.
Some of the transports lost many men in a few hours, and were
ordered to cruise outside the bay, in hopes of evading the pestilence. Changes of site seemed of no avail to the troops, and
not a day passed, in any quarter, without the ghastly spectacle
of many men, victims either to cholera or fever, being borne
through the camp, sewed in their blankets, to be laid in the
earth. At this time the troops were busily employed in manufacturing gabions and fascines from the brushwood which every
where covers the face of the country. Huge piles of these were
collected on the south side of Varna bay; the sappers were busy
running out temporary piers; the transports remaining in the
Bosphorus were ordered up; and every thing pointed to the
speedy fulfillment of what had become, since the repulse of the
Russians at Silistria proved the Turks capable of holding the
line of the Danube single-handed, the true strategical object of
the campaign, viz., the invasion of the Crimea. Stores were accumulated-rumors of speedy departure were every where repeated, and the 14th of August was even confidently named as
the day of embarkation. However, the 14th passed without
movement; and though the preparations still continued, yet all,
except the most sanguine, began to despair of an active campaign at so advanced a season.
The First Division, consisting of the Guards and Highlanders,
and two field batteries, was now encamped at Gevreckler, a
dreary common on the heights to the right of the Shumla road
going from Varna. The soil was stony, and covered with short
wiry grass, such as geese feed on in England; trees were thinly




THE RENDEZVOUS.                       19
sprinkled round the borders of the desolate plain. Going out of
the camp in any direction, however, the prospect speedily became more smiling. Woods of low coppice appeared, having in
the intervals vast corn-fields, spreading sometimes for miles in
every direction. These were laid out in patches of wheat, oats,
and barley, golden with ripeness, and of tall guinea-grass of
deepest green. Amid the crops occasionally sprang up groups
of trees of maturer growth than those in the surrounding woods.
Bulgarian peasants, in parties generally consisting each of a man
and two women, or young girls, were reaping in the patches of
corn; their left hands, which grasped the stalks, being defended
from the sickle by part of a bullock's horn pushed over the
fingers. Quail were tolerably plentiful in these fields; and
parties of sportsmen might be seen in all directions, who, taking
soldiers for beaters in the absence of dogs, advanced in line
across the fields. A party of three generally averaged about
ten brace of quail and two or three hares in an afternoon.
Crossing the common from Gevreckler, over patches of thistles
and plowed land, the position of the Second Division was
reached, commanding a spreading and magnificent prospect.
Distant passages near Shumla could be discerned-great woody
hills of graceful form undulated in tumbled confusion through
the valleys-and on the south was seen the blue outline of the
Balkan range.
Such was the brighter side of the picture, affording a temporary respite from the gloomy scenes which awaited us in camp.
Accounts of friends, last seen in health, suddenly struck down
with disease, and then reported dead-cries from the hospital
tents of men in the agonies of cramps-silent groups of five or
six digging, on the outskirts of the camp, receptacles for those
who, the rigid outline of their features and feet showing through
the blanket-shroud, were presently borne past, followed by the




20           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
officer who was to read the funeral service-sales of the clothes,
camp-equipage, and horses of those who died yesterday —such
were the dismal sights and sounds that spread a gloom over the
army, and doubled its impatience for action. On that melancholy plain the Guards alone left seventy-two graves, many of
which contained a double tenant. Besides the fatal cases, sickness of milder, though similar type was almost universal; and it
is scarcely exaggerating to state, that not more than a tenth of
the army remained in average health.




CHAPTER II.
THE MOVEMENT TO THE CRIMEA.
DEPARTURE OF TEE FIRST DIVISION-FEEBLENESS OF THE TROOPS-A TURKISH VILLAGE-BALCHICK BAY-FLOATING CORPSES-SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION FROM BALCHICK BAY-AT ANCHOR-RECONNOITER OF THE COASTVOYAGE RESUMED —EUPATORIA-DISEMBARKATION COMMENCED-A NIGHTSTORM-DIFFICULTIES OF DISEMBARKING-LANDING COMPLETED —THE ARMY
DESCRIBED-RATIONS-AMBULANCES.
AT length came the wished-for order for embarkation, and the
First Division moved, on the 23d of August, toward the sea,
the men so enfeebled that their knapsacks were carried on packhorses during even a short march of five or six miles, and lamentably different in appearance from the splendid regiments who
had marched past the Sultan on the plains of Scutari at the end
of May. At the close of the first day's march, the artillery of
this division halted at the base of the hills, near a Turkish village, so picturesque as to be worth describing. Its streets were
green lanes, bordered by hedgerows of fine trees; on each side
of the lanes were gardens, and each garden contained a mudwalled house, with thatched roof, having a farm-yard attached to
it, one of the invariable features of which was a great, whitewashed, dome-shaped, clay oven. These lanes had a common
center in a sort of village green, but I did not observe any sports
going on there; all the inhabitants seemed sedate and apathetic,




22           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
except the girls at the fountains, who tittered and whispered as
the martial strangers passed by, much as young female villagers
of any other nation might have done. In a stackyard an old
peasant, seated in a kind of sledge, with a little girl standing up
beside him, was being dragged round and round by oxen, over
loosened sheaves of corn. This was a luxurious mode of thrashing. The oxen, according to the Scripture precept, were unmuzzled, and occasionally stooped for a mouhtful. Milk, fowls, and
fruit, were brought from here to the tents for sale, though at other
villages the inhabitants had kept carefully aloof. Probably they
were now beginning to discover that we were not robbers.
The portions of the English army, as they embarked, sailed at
once for Balchick Bay, where the greater part of the Allied fleet
lay. Thither the cholera still pursued us, and every day boats
might be seen leaving ships, towing a boat astern, wherein was a
long motionless object covered by a flag. After a time the
corpses, sewed in blankets or hammocks, and swollen to giant size,
rose to the surface and floated upright among the ships, their
feet being kept down by the shot used to sink them. One of
these hideous visitants lingered about the foot of the accommodation-ladder of one of the transports, till men going down the
side passed cords with weights attached over its neck, when it
slowly sank. Gevreckler common was scarcely more depressing
to the men than the bay at Balchick.
Part of the French army marched from Varna to Balchick,
defiling along the hills above the beach, and embarking from
their encampment. Day after day our own transports came up
with troops, and the Turkish squadron,with the Ottoman portion
of the allied army, also joined us. When all were assembled,
we were still kept waiting by an adverse wind, against which the
steamers could not have towed us. At length, on Thursday the
7th of September, we sailed with fine weather, and, when under




MOVEMENT TO THE CRIMEA.                   23
way, arranged ourselves according to order, in six columns, a
division in each. The Light Division, which was next the shore,
was distinguished by a blue and white checkered flag; the First
Division, blue; the Second, white; the Third, red; the Fourth,
white and red; the cavalry blue and red. Each steamer towed
two transports-the men-of-war stationed themselves ahead and
on our flanks-the French fleet was on our right. Most of the
transports were East Indiamen of the largest class, equaling in
size the frigates of the last war; the steamers were among the
finest in the world; and though more numerous invading armies
have traversed the Euxine, yet so complete and imposing an
armament never before moved on the waters of any sea.
On the 9th we were signalled " Rendezvous 14," which meant
"forty miles west of Cape Tarkan;" and, on coming up with the
ships ahead of us, at 6 P.M. we received the order to anchor.
We remained at anchor the whole of Sunday the 10th, while
Lord Raglan, whose headquarters were in the Caradoc, escorted
by the Agamemnon, reconnoitered the coast. The day being
fine, and the water smooth, boats were hoisted out and visits paid
to other vessels, some of which had suffered much from the
cholera. The delay was disagreeable and unexpected, as we had
all calculated on landing in the Crimea on Sunday morning.
Starting at noon on the 11th, we were signaled from the Emperor " Rendezvous No. 9," which meant " thirty-two miles west of
Sebastopol;" and at sunset "Rendezvous 13," which meant
"Eupatoria."  Squalls came on in the night, and our tow-ropes
parted; the Kangaroo, which towed us, ran into the Hydaspes,
and lost her bowsprit. In the morning of the 12th we were
sailing far from any of the other ships, which appeared in different groups around us. Land had been sighted at dawn, and
before breakfast we saw Cape Tarkan in the distance. On the
previous day, the French, who had fallen astern, came in sight;




24           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
but on the 12th none were visible all the morning, any where in
the horizon.
On the night of the 12th, signal was made to anchor in the
prescribed order. We had Eupatoria point on our right; the
coast-line in front was low, sandy, and perfectly open; a few
white houses, with stacks close to them, were scattered along the
plain. On the 13th we were not under way till long after sunrise, when the columns, wheeling to the right, stood along down
the coast, and parallel to it, and the signal was made to prepare
for landing. At half-past eleven we were nearly off Eupatoria
point, and we anchored for the night, while the place was taken
possession of without opposition.
On the 14th we were taken in tow, and moved off at half-past
two in the morning. There was a splendid sunrise. We kept
near the shore; and anchoring about twelve miles below Eupatoria, the disembarkation commenced at about 10 o'clock. Some
French troops were already on shore, about two miles farther
down the coast, when we began to land. The English disembarked on a narrow strip of sandy beach, having a lake on its
other side. In front was a steep cliff, with only one path down,
which led to the point of disembarkation. At the top of the cliff
extensive plains spread all round to the horizon and the sea. Two
or three Cossacks with long lances appeared on the cliff, who,
as our skirmishers mounted the hill, galloped away, and the
troops continued to land without molestation. During the morning some firing was heard down the coast, which proceeded from
the Furious, Vesuvius, and some French steamers, who, seeing a
Russian camp, with about two thousand soldiers drawn up before
it, fired shells at long range, and struck and dispersed their columns, and afterward sent some others among the horses and
tents.
In the afternoon it rained, and a swell arose along the coast,




MOVEMENT TO THE CRIMEA.                   25
which continued to increase. At night the rain came down in
torrents, and the troops on the beach were drenched. Bad as
their situation was, I envied it. At eight in the evening I had
left the transport with another officer in a man-of-war's boat,
which, assisted by two others, towed astern a large raft, formed
of two clumsy boats boarded over, on which were two guns, with
their detachments of artillerymen, and some horses-two of my
own among them. The swell from the sea was now considerable,
and made the towing of the raft a work of great labor. As we
approached the shore, a horse swam past us, snorting, and surrounded by phosphorescent light, as he splashed rapidly by. He
had gone overboard from a raft which had upset in attempting
to land. The surf was dashing very heavily on the sand, though
it was too dark to see it. Fires made of broken boats and rafts
were lit along the beach, and a voice hailed us authoritatively to
put back, and not attempt to land, or we should go to pieces.
Unwillingly the weary oarsmen turned from the shore. The
swell was increasing every moment, and the raft getting more
and more unmanageable. Sometimes it seemed to pull us back,
sometimes it made a plunge forward, and even struck our stern,
while the rained poured down with extraordinary violence. It
was a long time before we reached the nearest ships, which were
tossing on the swell, and not easily to be approached. The first
we hailed had already a horseboat alongside, with Lord Raglan's
horses, and needed assistance, and two or three others which we
passed were unable to help us. By this time the raft was fast
filling with water, and the men on it much alarmed; and our
progress was so slow that we took at least ten minutes' pulling
from the stern to the stem of the Agamemnon. At length a rope
was thrown us from a transport near, whose bows were rising on
the swell like a rearing horse; and, getting the artillerymen who
were on board her out of bed, we hoisted in our horses and guns;
2




26           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
but the gun-carriages, too heavy for our small number of hands,
were lashed down to the raft, which was allowed to tow astern
of the ship, and which presently sank till the water was up to the
axles, when the Agamemnon sent a party and hoisted them on
board, and the raft shortly went to pieces. A horse, which had
been swimming about for two hours, was also got safely on board.
It was a gray, said afterward to have been given by Omer Pasha
to Lord Raglan.
The next morning the surf abated, and we were all landed
without accident, as were a great many other guns and horses,
under the superintendence of Captain Dacres of the Sanspareil,
who was indefatigable in carrying out the arrangements of Sir
Edmund Lyons, and who was warmly thanked by Lord Raglan
for his exertions. Ascending from the beach to the level of the
common, we saw the allied army spread along the plains in front,
the French on the right. Plenty of country wagons full of
forage, driven by peasants in fur caps, with their trowsers stuffed
into their boots, were ranged alongside of the artillery camp;
some drawn by oxen, some by large two-humped camels.
The army being thus landed, it will be well to describe shortly
its composition and material.
A division of infantry, under Major-General Cathcart, had
joined from England just before we sailed from Varna. The
English army in the Crimea then consisted of four divisions of
infantry, each division consisting of two brigades, each brigade
of three regiments. To each division of infantry was attached
a division of artillery, consisting of two field-batteries, each battery of four 9-pounder guns, and two 24-pounder howitzers. The
brigade of light cavalry was also embarked, the heavy brigade
remaining at Varna. With the cavalry was a 6-pounder troop
of horse-artillery. In all, the British mustered twenty-six thousand men and fifty-four guns; the French twenty-four thousand




MOVEMENT TO THE CRIMEA.                    17
men, and, I believe, about seventy guns; the Turks four thousand
five hundred men, with neither cavalry nor guns.
The food supplied to the English troops by the commissariat
was of very good quality. A ration for an officer or soldier was
1 lb. of meat, 1 lb. of bread, 2 oz. of rice, 1 oz. of sugar, 1 oz.
of coffee, and half a gill of rum, for which 44d. was paid. The
ration of meat was at was at one time increased to 1 lb.; but when pro
visions became scarcer this was discontinued. The ration fore
cavalry, artillery, or staff horse, was 10 lb. of corn and 12 lb. of
ha'y or straw; for a baggage animal, 8 lb. of corn.
A number of carts of a peculiar construction had been provided at Woolwich, to contain small-arm ammunition in reserve
for the infantry. These, being found too heavy, were left at
Varna, and the cartridges, packed in boxes or barrels, were
carried on pack-horses, a great number of which had been purchased for the British government in Tunis, Syria, and Turkey.
An ambulance corps, provided with light spring-wagons, containing layers of stretchers and seats for the sick and wounded,
was also left behind; and disabled men were either carried on
stretchers by hand, or in arabas, the common carts of Turkey
and the Crimea.




CHAPTER  III.
FIRST OPERATIONS IN THE CRIMEA.
PECULIARITY OF THE CAMPAIGN —MILITARY MAXIMS —STEAM A NEW
POWER IN WAR-ENCAMPMENT ON THE PLAINS-SUPPLIES FROM TIIE
VILLAGES-THE AUTHOR'S SUCCESS IN FORAGING-FRESH MIEAT-SKIRMISH WITH COSSACKS-COM-MENCEMENT OF THE MARCH-ORDER OF
MARCH-THE BAGANAK-ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE CAVALRY AND
ARTILLERY AND THE COSSACKS-BIVOUAC-NO TENTS-RAGLAN AND
ST. ARNAUD.
THE campaign thus begun differed from all campaigns with
which the reader has hitherto made himself acquainted, in some
essential particulars.
According to the practice of war up to the present time, it
was necessary for an invading army, on first entering an enemy's
territory, to secure one or more defensible posts as depots, from
whence to draw supplies, to form hospitals, and as points to retreat upon in case of disaster. As the army advanced from these
points, the lines of communication grew more assailable, and it
became necessary either to leave a movable force to keep the
road open, or to secure and garrison some other strong points
on the line of march, from whence to oppose any attempt the
enemy might make to throw himself on the line of communication. In advancing, it was also impossible to disregard any fortress or body of troops of the enemy stationed on the flank. The
former must be besieged and taken, the latter attacked and
routed; or a strong force must be detached to hold either in




FIRST  OPERATIONS IN  THE CRIMEA.    29
check, before the advance could be continued in safety;-and
each of these necessary operations, of course, called for a certain
expense of time or of material.
According to the old conditions of war, in the invasion of the
Crimea near Eupatoria, and the advance on Sebastopol, the right
flank of the army would be secure by resting on the sea, but the
left would be totally unprotected. In the first place, the army,
after landing its stores, must have strongly intrenched and garrisoned the depot on the coast selected for them. As it advanced,
the communication with this depot must have been rendered
secure, by detaching a force sufficient to repel any Russian army
appearing on the flank of the line of march, and strong escorts
must have accompanied all convoys between the army and its
depot. In order to leave, after these deductions, a sufficient
force to carry on the siege, the invading army must have been
far larger than that which the Allies possessed. It would also
have been necessary to attack the fortress on that side on which
the landing of the army was effected; because, a complete
investment being impracticable, to have passed round the place
would have been to leave the communication at the mercy of
sallies from the garrison.
All these considerations were obviated by the presence of
steam. The fleet, moving as the army moved, within sight of,
and in constant communication with it, carried the supplies and
received the sick and wounded; and had the Russians, advancing from the interior in overwhelming numbers, attacked the left,
or threatened the rear, the army, falling back parallel to the
coast, might have fought, and, if necessary, reembarked, with
the advantage of an immeasurably more powerful artillery-that
of the fleet-than the enemy could possibly have brought into
the field. Thus the calculations and provisions which so largely
contributed to the difficulties of warfare, and its chances of mis



30           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
hap, resolved themselves into the simple measures necessary to
keep the army in readiness for battle while marching on the
point in view.
The French, as stated, disembarked at a point about two
miles lower down the coast. From thence they extended their
front across the plain till their left touched the right of the
English light division, while the first division filled up the interval
between the light and second divisions and the head of the lake.
On the ground thus inclosed by the front of the army, the lake,
and the sea, the other divisions were encamped at intervals down
to the point where the disembarkation of the stores went on.
In the plain, about two miles in front, might be seen a Russian
villa, with its outbuildings and clumps of trees. Here was an
outpost of English rifles and French light infantry, with some
artillery; and close to this place the light cavalry bivouacked
and made daily reconnoissances of the surrounding country. In
a village beyond the lake, on the left of the army, was another
outpost of riflemen. The inhabitants remained in this village,
and, being paid for any poultry, forage, and vegetables they
might possess, freely parted with them; and they also brought
their camels, bullocks, and arabas on hire. The camels were
especially fine animals —large, well-fed, sagacious-looking, and
covered with smooth brown hair-very different from the gaunt,
mangy dromedaries of Barbary. The indefatigable foraging of
officers and men, who returned from the village at all hours laden
with poultry and vegetables, very soon exhausted the scanty supply the village contained, though at first it was easy to get fowls,
turkeys, geese, melons, and pumpkins.  On the third morning,
taking with me a Turkish interpreter of the division, I rode to
the village to try my fortune.  Successful foragers, with strings
of poultry hanging to their saddles, passed me, and assured me
there was nothing eatable left.. The houses were of mud, thatch



FIRST OPERATIONS IN THE CRIMEA.    31
ed, and standing within small stone-walled inclosures. The
inquiries of the interpreter at the doors only elicited the assurance
that the inhabitants had already parted with all they had, and
that there was not a single goose, hen, or turkey left in the
place. However, I got some melons, pumpkins, and a jar of
butter. On repeating the visit next day, even these were scarcely
to be obtained; and almost the only result of the expedition was
a small lump of fresh butter, which a woman brought me in a
gourd. Looking round for something to cover it with, I saw a
peasant in a long gown and fur cap standing beside his araba,
eating a water-melon, and made signs to him that I wanted a
piece of the rind. He courteously choked himself in his haste
to finish the eatable portion of the section he was occupied with,
gave me what I wanted, and then, scooping out the heart of the
melon, presented it to me on the point of his knife. I had not
thought it possible that water-melons could be so delicious as
this juicy mouthful proved then; certainly those of the Crimea
may challenge the world.
In the mean time, the commissariat officers, indefatigable in
their efforts, had purchased, or, where the presence of Cossacks
or the absence of the owners rendered purchase impossible, had
"lifted" large droves of sheep and oxen, so that the army had
daily fresh meat of good quality. Water was scarce, and not
good. A muddy well in the village afforded the principal supply,
and over it a guard was placed.
On the 18th, about eighty of the  lth hussars, reconnoitering
in front, were pursued by seven troops of Cossacks, and, retiring
in skirmishing order, were fired upon; but the enemy kept too
far aloof to do mischief. At midnight, on the 18th, the order
was given for the army to advance on the following morning,
the necessary supplies and reserves being all landed.
Accordingly, on the 19th, at about seven in the morning, the




32           STORY  OF THE  CAMPAIGN.
army commenced its march. The order of advance was by
double column of companies, from the center of divisions, the
artillery on the right of their respective divisions. The day was
cloudless, and the spectacle splendid. From any one of the numerous grassy heights produced by the undulations of the plain,
the whole army might be seen advancing as if at a great review:
the Turks close to the beach; then the French columns; next to
them our second division, followed by the third; and on their
left the light division, followed by the first and fourth. On the
left of all marched the cavalry, parties of which, as well as of the
rifles and French light infantry, were in front, in skirmishing
order. Close in rear of the columns came the trains of horses
carrying the reserve ammunition, the baggage animals, the arabas
with sick men and commissariat stores, and the droves of oxen
and sheep. There was a road along the plain, but none was
necessary; every where the ground was smooth, grassy, and
totally uninclosed. Perfect silence reigned in the vast solitudes
around; no inhabitants, nor any signs of habitation were visible;
only, sometimes a Cossack might be seen perched on a distant
hillock, who presently vanished like a ghost.
In this way the army continued to march, halting occasionally,
till, early in the afternoon, the Baganak was reached. This
stream, dignified in these ill-watered regions by the name of a
river, is a sluggish rivulet, creeping between oozy, muddy banks,
along the scarcely indented surface of the plain. Though fordable every where, the army commenced filing across it by a bridge,
the light division leading. Before reaching it, we had seen our
cavalry gallop up to and over the ridge beyond, in pursuit of
some Cossacks who showed themselves, and a troop of horseartillery followed. Just as the first division began to follow the
light across the bridge, we heard the guns open.
I obtained leave to go to the front and see what was going on.




FIRST OPERATIONS IN THE CRIMEA.    33
Arriving at the ridge, I found it lined with the troops of the
light division, looking on at a skirmish of cavalry and artillery
in the plain. All our cavalry, about one thousand, and twelve
guns, were drawn up opposite about two thousand Cossacks,
whose artillery was just ceasing to fire; while ours continued to
practice at them at a long range, probably one thousand two
hundred yards. I rode down to the troop of horse artillery, and
saw them throw some shot and shell, which appeared to fall
short; but at the beginning of the skirmish the combatants had
been much nearer. Three or four dragoon horses, killed by the
Russian artillery, were lying about, and we had seven men of
the cavalry wounded. After a time, the Cossacks slowly retired
up the next ridge, behind which more of the enemy showed
themselves, and Lord Raglan forbade any further advance. We
found afterward that the Russians lost in the skirmish twentyfive men and thirty-five horses. The army, withdrawing behind
the ridge south of the Baganak, prepared to bivouac; but there
being reason to suppose that the enemy meditated a flank movement to attack our left, they having been seen extending in that
direction at dusk, the divisions on the left had to abandon their
scarce-lit fires, till the wing of the army, falling back until it
rested on the Baganak, showed a front in the required direction.
The night passed quietly, though the change of front had
caused some confusion, and men who had straggled on the march
were wandering about every where, unable to find their regiments.
The English lay without cover, the tents having been left behind,
with some few exceptions, for generals, hospitals, and staff. The
knapsacks, too, remained on board ship; and the articles judged
most necessary having been selected from them, were carried,
packed in the great-coats and blankets.
The next morning we were under arms early, but did not
move for some time. Marshal St. Arnaud, riding along the front
2*




34          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
from an interview with Lord Raglan, was loudly cheered. A
report went about that a general action was to be fought that
day, which was shortly verified; and between nine and ten
o'clock the army advanced, in the same order as the day before,
and over plains exactly similar in character to those we had been
traversing.




CHAPTER IV.
BATTLE  OF THE ALMA.
MARCH RESUMED-THE ALMA-CHARACTER OF THE GROUND-THE RUSSIAN
POSITION-FRENCH ATTACK ON THE HEIGHTS-PENNEFATHER'S BRIGADE
-BRITISH ASSAULT ON THE PRINCIPAL RUSSIAN BATTERY-THE RUSSIANS
DRIVEN BACK-DISCOMFITURE OF A STRONG RUSSIAN COLUMN —EXPLOIT
OF THE HIGHLANDERS-RETREAT OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY-RUSSIAN GENERAL TAKEN PRISONER-CAPTURE OF PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF'S CARRIAGE
AND PAPERS-STRENGTH OF THE RUSSIAN POSITION.
UNDER a bright sun we marched onward for about two hours,
surmounting the grassy ridges which successively formed our
horizon, only to see others equally solitary rising beyond. The
front of the Allies was oblique, the Turks on the right being
about two miles in advance of the British left.
About noon, a steamer, coasting along beyond the Turks, began to fire on the land just where a sharp steep cliff terminated
the shore. None of the enemy's troops were within range from
the sea. The firing was precautionary, to insure an unmolested
passage to the troops on the right, who were already passing the
river Alma at its mouth. When the British surmounted the
next ridge, the scene of the coming struggle disclosed itself:
The plain, level for about a mile, then sloped gently down to
a village, beyond which was a valley sprinkled with trees, and
watered by the river Alma, a narrow stream, deep in parts, and
its banks very steep, but in many places fordable and easy of




.6           STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
passage. Between the village and the river were flat meadows
and vineyards.  On the opposite side of the stream the banks
rose abruptly into high steep knolls, terminating in plateaus,
behind which rose another and higher range of heights.  Both
these ranges were occupied by masses of Russian troops; the
higher by the reserves, the tops of the knolls below by heavy
guns, supported by cavalry and infantry on the plateaus behind.
Such was the position in front of the British. In fi'ont of the
French the first range of knolls grew more and more abrupt, so
that guns could not be placed there, and, indeed, seemed unnecessary from the natural strength of the position. These were
defended by infantry, and field artillery were posted, with more
infantry, on the plains at the top of the heights. Following the
course of the river to the sea, the lower range of heights, growing more and more precipitous, gradually merged in the upper,
till all became one steep perpendicular cliff, traversed by one or
two narrow paths, where the Turks passed in single file. This
cliff, had it been held by the enemy, could have been shelled by
the fleet; but the Russians, as already stated, trusting,.probably,
to the natural inaccessibility of this part of the position, did not
occupy it, and our Ottoman allies saw no enemy that day.
The progress of the French against the heights in their own
front was marked by the puffs of musketry as they swarmed up.
Their advance was steady and incessant. On the plain at the
top, a small building, probably intended as a signal-station, had
been left unfinished, with the scaffolding still round it; and this
was the point most hotly contested against the French. During
the attack on it, the right of the British had, in the oblique
order of advance, gradually come under the fire of the heavy
artillery of the knolls, which now began to open, and our skirmishers in advance exchanged shots with the Russians in the
village, who retired after setting the houses on fire, the smoke




BATTLE OF THE ALMA.                      37
from which, rolling up the valley, rendered the view in front obscure for some time. Pennefather's brigade of the second division,
advancing in line along the slope of the plain, lay down near the
walls of the village for shelter from the fire of the enemy's guns,
which was now incessant and destructive, and then moved onward
to the, river; while the light division, passing into the valley on
the left of the second, continued to advance slowly-sometimes
lying down for shelter against the terrible fire of an 18-gun
battery directly in their front, sometimes pressing on, till, passing
the river nearly up to their necks, they began to ascend the slopes
beyond, which were held by the Russian battalions.
The battery now in front of them, where the great struggle of
the British took place, was, unlike the guns of the Russian center, covered with an epaulment-that is, a thick low bank of
earth, obtained in this instance from trenches dug between the
spaces occupied by the guns. This battery swept the whole
front of the British throughout its depth and length, ard distributed its fire, sometimes on the regiments advancing to attack
it, sometimes on the second division, while in and behind the
village, sometimes on the first division, drawn up on the plain
behind the light. Its fire was crossed by that of the guns fiom
the knolls, which searched the village, and plowed up the plain
behind it. Between the first and second divisions was a wide
road, bounded by low stone-walls, leading to a bridge and ford;
and this point, being nearly intermediate between the principal
lines of fire, was probably the hottest of the cannonade. Many
of the 55th fell there, before advancing into the village; and
Captain Dew, of Franklin's battery, was killed by a round shot
early in the action, near a large painted post beside the road.
Many corpses, marked with ghastly wounds, were sprinkled on
that part of the slope-two I noticed, while riding into action
with Wodehouse's battery, as killed by especially horrible inju



38           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
ries; a corporal of the 55th, whose brain, scooped out along with
the back of his skull, was lying in a mass beside him, leaving his
face perfect; and a soldier with only a profile left, half his head
being carried away. Shot and shells of various calibers whistled
and bounded incessantly along this spot, so that it seemed a
marvel how any body escaped; but the circumstance of the
ground there sloping upward, in an opposite direction to the line
of fire, considerably diminished the actual peril: for the shot
bounding high after striking, hit only those who were in their
line within a few feet of where they touched the ground.
To oppose, however inadequately, this fire, Franklin's and
Turner's batteries of the second division bad come into action
behind the village, the former suffering more severely during the
day than any other. Turner's battery, while moving to the
right, was ordered by Lord Raglan, who had crossed the river on
the left of the French, to send two guns to the spot where he
had stationed himself, from whence the Russian batteries were
seen in reverse. Some delay was caused by a horse being shot,
crossing the narrow ford; but the guns were at length brought
successively into action on the opposite bank, and their fire took
the Russian center and guns in reverse; while the French, pressing up the heights, had driven back the left. Anderson's battery
of the light, and Wodehouse's of the first division, being unable
to come into action advantageously so far on the left, had joined
the second division, and, unlimbering on the right of the road,
directed a fire on the knolls in front of them. The Russian
artillery on these knolls, attacked in front, and having their flank
and rear threatened by the French and by the field battery which
had crossed the river, now began to retire in succession from the
left, and the covering masses of infantry soon followed; and a
few minutes afterward the 18-gun battery also limbered up, and
began to retreat. It was at this moment that a brigade of the




BATTLE OF THE ALMA.                    39
light division, consisting of the 7th, 23d, and 33d regiments,
very gallantly led by General Codrington, advancing up the slope
under a terrible fire of musketry, pressed into the epaulment
before the guns were withdrawn, and Captain Bell of the 23d
running up to a driver who was urging his horses out of the
fight, the man dismounted and ran away, and the gun was taken.
But the Russian battalions were as yet too numerous, and their
fire from the breastwork and the slope behind it too close and
heavy for the regiments assailing them, and the brigade, with a
loss of six hundred killed and wounded, was compelled to retire
down the slope, and re-form under cover of the attack of the first
division, which had been led across the river by the Duke of
Cambridge to support them. The Fusileer Guards, going up to
the breastwork with a cheer, retook and kept possession of the
gun; the 33d and 95th came to the support of the 7th; the
19th and 47th also advanced; and after a terrible slaughter the
Russians were driven back. The 55th and 30th regiments coming up on the right of the 95th, drove back the enemy in their
own front; and the three brigades, viz.,, Pennefather's of the
second division, Codrington's of the light division, and the Guards,
formed line on the ground they had won.
At this time Wodehouse's battery, which had been limbered
up, and led across the river by Lieut.-Colonel Dacres when the
Russian guns ceased firing, came up on the right of the 30th
regiment. The slopes in front were still covered with the enemy's skirmishers, obstinately contesting the ground with our own,
and giving way, if at all, very slowly. Over the heights, behind
the contested battery, the helmets of a Russian column might be
seen; and presently the solid mass, apparently about two thousand strong, marched over the hill, and began to descend toward the British line. A shell from a gun, laid by Colonel
Dacres himself before the gun detachment came up, dropped




40           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
among the Russian skirmishers; the other guns, coming up in
succession, opened their fire on the column, and struck it every
time. Franklin's and Anderson's batteries, crossing the river,
came up and opened on the left, and Paynter's followed; and
the column, after marching about fifty yards down the hill, halted,
turned about, and, disappearing over the crest, was seen no more.
At this time some guns were brought to bear upon another column which halted in a ravine on the right, quite close to where
the French skirmishers were pressing along the heights, and apparently at a loss what to do, presented a somewhat puzzling aspect; insomuch that Sir De Lacy Evans twice stopped our fire,
under the impression that the column was French, and sent a
staff-officer to the nearest French regiment to inquire. But, it
being presently apparent that a French column would not be in
front of their own skirmishers, and some bullets from the troops
in question beginning to drop into the battery, where they
wounded a sergeant, the guns reopened and dispersed them; and
there being none but fugitives now within sight, the batteries
limbered up, and advanced in pursuit.
The battle, it will be seen, had thus rolled back to the right
rear of the Russians. On the extreme right of their original
position, at the top of the heights, was a battery behind an epaulment, with a flank for seven guns, thrown back to prevent the
right being turned. The brigade of Highlanders being on the
left of the British line, found themselves, when the first division
crossed the river, directly in front of this battery, which, before
it followed the other guns in their retreat, poured upon them,
during their advance, a heavy but ill-directed fire, doing them
but little damage. At the top of the hill they met some battalions of the enemy still showing a front, and compelled them
to retreat with the loss of a good many men; and two troops of
horse-artillery, which had crossed the river higher up, coming




BATTLE OF THE ALMA.                    41
into action, plunged into the retreating masses with great effect.
Thus ended the battle of the Alma. The Russians might still be
seen withdrawing in masses across the plain; but the troops,
French and English, halted on the ground they had won; and
the batteries, six in number, which, by advancing, had placed
themselves at the apex of two irregular lines, found themselves
with nothing between them and the enemy. Some withdrew
behind the third division, which, together with part of the light,
had been moved to the front, and others were covered by a detachment posted for the purpose on the plain.
In the advance, an officer of Wodehouse's battery, Lieutenant
Richards, took prisoner a Russian general, whose horse had
thrown him, and who was trying to hide himself. While he was
seated on a gun-limber, Lord Raglan rode up and questioned
him. In reply, he said that the number of the Russians was
about fifty thousand; that they did not expect we should ever
take the position; and added that they had come to fight men,
and not devils, as our red-coats seemed to be. When taken on
board ship, he complained that one of his captors had deprived
him of his silver snuff-box. Inquiry was made, and the artilleryman who had it gave it up; but it certainly seems no more than
reasonable to expect that, if people choose to take such articles
into action, they should submit to lose them with a good grace.
Two guns were taken, but the principal trophy was Prince
Menschikoff's carriage, with his papers. In one dispatch the
general assures the Czar that the position selected on the Alma
must detain the Allies at least three weeks, and that he confidently hoped it would be found altogether impregnable. It
was taken in three hours.
But the Russian general did not overrate the strength of his
position; his mistake was in his estimate of the troops who were
to assail it. It would be difficult to find a position more defens



42            STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
ible in itself, and almost impossible to select another equally
strong, where the ground in front is so favorable to the artillery
fire of the defenders, and so devoid of all shelter from it.  However, one other position as strong, or even stronger, exists on the
river Katcha, five miles distant from the Alma., on which we expected to find the Russians had fallen back.
Two men of literary celebrity witnessed the action- Mr. Layard, nwho saw it from the ships, and the author of Eothen, who
rode with Lord Raglan's staff throughout the day.




CHAPTER V.
THE BATTLE FIELD.
A WOUNDED RUSSIAN-THE DEAD AROUND THE SIGNAL-TOWER-THE RUSSIAN BREASTWORK AND ITS VICTIMS-HOSPITALS AND SURGEONS-LIEUT.
COCKERELL-REMOVAL OF THE DEAD AmD WOUNDED —MEMENTOES OF
THE BATTLE-THE GENEROUS DRUMMER-MONUMENT ERECTED BY THE
FRENCH IN COMMEMIORATION OF THE BATTLE.
GOING out Qf our camp next morning, to see where our own
division lay, I heard a moaning on my right, on the bank of one
of the ravines we had fired up the preceding day. Proceeding
toward the sound, I found it came from a wounded Russian,
who had made a pillow of the corpse of a brother soldier which
lay on its back, its breast pierced, and left arm broken by a round
shot. Beside these lay two other soldiers, one alive, wounded
in the head, and resting, like the other sufferer, on a comrade's
corpse, which lay on its face. The first man, by signs and words,
earnestly begged for water, which was brought him, and a surgeon coming up, examined his wounds. The flesh of both his
thighs had been torn away; he was too badly injured to be
moved, or even relieved otherwise than by trying to make him
comfortable as he lay; and next morning it was a relief to hear
that he had died in the night. On the knoll around were about
a dozen wounded men, who had lain there all night in torment,
and to whom our soldiers now afforded a temporary relief.
The sides of the ravine, or rather gully, were sprinlled all the




44          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
way with bodies, and with knapsacks and accoutrements thrown
away by the flying enemy. On the slopes, too, and the paths
crossing them, were lying dead men here and there, with scattered knapsacks and arms. One dead Russian appeared to have
been lying on his back, probably wounded, or perhaps killed,
when a shot from our batteries, toward which his head was
turned, had carried away all his features, leaving an unsightly
block, and had broken his foot short off at the instep, where it
hung back as if on a hinge.
But it was not till reaching the plain on which stood the unfinished signal-tower, already mentioned as the contested point
in the French attack, that there appeared signs of a sanguinary
conflict. Many Russians lay dead there, and they lay thicker
near the signal-tower, the hillock on which it was built being
strewn with them. Three or four had been bayoneted while defending the entrance; and in the narrow space within, which
was divided into compartments, were three or four small groups,
slain in the defense. Another spot near contained three or four
hundred corpses.
Riding back up the course of the river, we came to the slopes
where the British had been most warmly engaged; and here it
was that the real nature of the struggle first became apparent.
The slope below the epaulment, on which the 18-gun battery
had been posted, was covered with men of the 7th, 23d, and
33d, thickly intermixed with gray-coated, helmeted Russians.
Within the breastwork the enemy lay in ranks. One company
seemed to have fallen as it stood; there was no heaping of the
bodies one on another, but it would have been difficult to step
between them. Some lay with their faces buried in the soil, as
if they had fallen as they turned to fly; others on their backs
with bullet-holes through their foreheads; a few had their hands
outstretched, as if still grasping their weapons, or grappling with




THE  BATTLE  FIELD.                    45
their enemy. Altogether, I estimated the bodies iir and about
the breastwork at seven or eight hundred, of whom two thirds
were Russians; and the returns of the officers charged with the
burial duty did not much differ from that conjecture.
Passing onward to the right of the Russian position, the plain
was again thickly strewn with dead; the tall bear-skins showing
where the Guards had fought. In a narrow hollow way I observed a line of Russians, who seemed to have fallen while using
it as a breastwork. Ascending the slope to the top of the position, the bodies there bore the marks of cannon shot; this was
where our fire had turned the column. In a spot to the left, fifty
or sixty bodies showed where the Highlanders had poured in
their fire at the close of the battle; and again, on the plains at
the top of the heights, files of slain, with the round shot still in
some instances sticking in the farthest body, marked the line of
retreat where the artillery had last fired upon the enemy.
All over the ground, so grimly strewn, were numerous parties
burying the dead, and carrying off the wounded, both friends
and foes. Hospitals had been established in the village north of
the river, in some empty houses on each side of the road. Here
the surgeons of the army, and some from the navy, were in terribly full practice; and as those whose wounds were already
dressed were borne to the sea, others from the field took their
places. Parties of sailors carrying hammocks assisted the soldiers, who were provided with stretchers for the wounded, and the
road to the beach was crowded with these. Some stray Cossacks
were seen during the day hovering on our flank and rear, and a
detachment of cavalry patrolled the plain we had been marshaled
on the day before, to protect the hospitals and burial parties.
As I stood on this plain, sketching the position of the Russian
army, a clergyman approached an open grave, to the edge of
which a party of artillerymen brought a body wrapped in a cloak.




46          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
It was that of Lieutenant Cockerell, whose leg had been carried
away by a cannon shot the day before, while in action with his
battery near this spot, and who had died after amputation.
Two entire days were occupied in removing the traces of conflict and carrying the wounded to the ships. The Russian arms
and accoutrements left on the field were collected in heaps, from
whence the curious gathered trophies to hand down to posterity
as mementoes of a famous field. The eagles on the front of the
helmets of the Imperial Guard seemed in greatest request for this
purpose; and though, on the second evening, I examined some
hundreds of these helmets, I found all had been stripped of the
ornaments, so I contented myself with a pouch-belt. Some were
so fortunate as to get excellent rifles, but the common muskets
were very shabby in appearance, and were mostly thrown away
after being broken. One English soldier was said to have found
forty gold pieces on a dead body; and I heard of a drummer of
the Guards who, assisting a wounded Russian officer, received
from him his purse. This the man took care of, and gave to the
captain of his company, who forwarded it to the Russian on
board ship; but it was returned, with a request that the drummer would keep it as a token of the owner's gratitude.
On the plain near the signal-tower, where the struggle was
hottest on the part of the French, our allies left a stone, inscribed
"Victoire de l'Alma," with the date.  The English left no
monument on their fatal hill; but it needs none. The inhabitants will return to the valley, the burnt village will be rebuilt,
the wasted vineyards replanted, and tillage will efface the traces
of the conflict; but tradition will for centuries continue to point,
with no doubtful finger, to the spot where the British infantry,
thinned by a storm of cannon-shot, drove the battalions of the
Czar, with terrible slaughter, from one of the strongest positions
in Europe.




CHAPTER VI.
THE  KATCHA  AND  THE  BALBEK.
CONTINUANCE OF THE CHOLERA-POSITION ON THE KATCHA-ENCAMPMENT
-DESERTED COTTAGES-MARCH FROM THE KATCHA TO THE BALBEIKCOMPLIMENTS-VALLEY OF THE BALBEK-A RUSSIAN VILLA-PLEASANT
CAMPING-GROUND-SPOILED FRUIT —FIRST SIGHT OF SEBASTOPOL.
AMID this scene of blood, it seemed unnatural that any one
could find time to die other than a violent death. But the
cholera still exacted its daily tribute. Major Wellesley of the
Staff died of it on the morning of the battle. Brigadier Tylden,
of the Engineers, whom I met riding over the ground in good
health on the following day, never left the field, but expired after
a few hours' illness; and there were many others who passed
unharmed through the combat, only to die a less soldierly death
by pestilence.
The road between the Alma and the Katcha, traversed by the
army on the 23d, lay as before over dry grassy plains. Here
we expected to find the enemy awaiting us; but, ascending the
ridge which overlooks the valley, we saw the heights unoccupied.
The lesson on the Alma had been so sharp that the enemy never
slood again in the field; and could he have found heart to hold
the position, it would scarcely have been prudent for him to risk
a battle where the pursuit might carry the victors into Sebastopol
along with the vanquished.
The position on the Katcha is, in one respect, more advan



48           STORY OF T H E CAMPAIGN.
tageous than that on the Alma. Like the latter, it has a village
on the north bank of the river, beyond which is a plain; but the
plain, in this instance, instead of sloping upward against the line
of fire, is quite level for about three quarters of a mile; and the
lower range of heights on which the cannon would have been
posted, being less elevated than the knolls occupied by the artillery at the Alma, every shot that bounded along the plain would
have told with double effect. Except at the ford, the banks of
the river were high, and as steep as the sides of a trench. It was
such a position as English troops would have held against the
world in arms, and, had the enemy made a determined stand
there, the conflict would have been no less desperate an'd bloody
than that of the 20th.
Though it was scarcely noon when we reached the heights
beyond the river, we encamped there for the night. The village extended for some distance along the narrow valley, and
became, up the stream, extremely pretty, with nice white
houses standing amid poplars, and surrounded by vineyards,
gardens, and stackyards. The cottages had been deserted in
evident haste; bedsteads were still standing; large chests, which
had apparently held the household gods and treasures, were
open and empty; and there were cradles fiom which the infants had lately been snatched in hurry and alarm. All the
cottages were very neat and clean, and the furniture spoke of
comfort. This, as well as the doors and rafters, was appropriated by the soldiers as firewood to cook their rations; and from
every doorway might be seen emerging a forager with a beam,
a bench, or a chest, and under every camp-fire were blazing the
splinters of some cherished Lar, or long-descended heir-loom.
Many cats lingered with feline tenacity about these forsaken
thresholds, winking lazily at the new-comers, as they suckled
their kittens in the sun, and apparently indifferent, so that mice




THE KATCHA  AND THE BALBEK.                 49
were plentiful, whether Russians or British held the village. I
carried a small black one, which one of our people picked up
on the bank of the river, on my holsters for some time, feeding
him with biscuit; but during my absence from the saddle he
made off. Many ownerless dogs made fiiends with the army
here, and, no doubt, will long be found in the ranks, all answering, of course, to the name of Katcha. At this place the Scots
Grays and the 57th Regiment joined the army.
Between this river and the Balbek the allied armies marched
so close to each other, on the 24th, that the red coats almost
intermingled with the blue; and the officers of the two nations
rode together, Prince Napoleon conversing with the Duke of
Cambridge. The Guards and Ilighlanders were on the right,
and were much admired by the French officers, who called them
"superb" and " magnificent."  They also praised highly our
artillery, the horses and equipment of which were certainly not
to be surpassed.
A yawning rift, half a mile wide, separates the heights on
the opposite sides of the Balbek. Beyond the stream, the aspect of the country changes from grassy plains to hills, divided
by deep ravines, and covered with low oak-coppice. A steep
road, which the English and French artillery descended together, led us to the river. Down the hill we found two wagons, painted green, abandoned by the Russians; they contained
a great number of copper pans and dishes, and about twenty
thousand rounds of rifle ammunition, the balls pointed, and fitting a two-grooved rifle. The Russian method of folding a cartridge is particularly neat and convenient; the end can be
twisted off and the powder exposed in a moment.
Passing up the valley to the river, we came to a small villa,
which had been plundered by the retreating Russians. I rode
up the road leading to the courtyard, and, tying my horse to




50           STORY  OF THE  CAMPAIGN.
the garden railing, entered the horase.- On the steps of the
porch were some broken arm-chairs, covered with yellow damask. In a room on the right were broken sofas, chairs, and
card-tables heaped together, and a piano, still tuneable, with the
front board torn off, exposing the keys. Up stairs was a small
library, where a good many French books lay scattered on the
floor. Portraits of a lady and gentleman, of a very low signboard-kind-of-order of art, had been torn from their frames;
and two fine mirrors, quite uninjured, in gilt fi'ames, leant
against the wall amid a heap of other furniture. In front of
the house was a garden, laid out in flower-beds, with fruit-trees
in the midst of them. I climbed into a tree bearing still some
large, yellow plums, and found them delicious, though rather
over-ripe. On the right of the garden was a vineyard, with
plenty of grapes. On the left a fence, lined with dahlias in full
bloom, gay in color, though not of high floricultural rank, separated the garden firom a kind of orchard of apples, pears, and
peach-trees.  Under the latter the fruit lay thick on the
ground, and before riding off I filled my haversack to furnish a
dessert.
Passing the river, we ascended a narrow, strong, winding
road, leading up a steep ravine; and, emerging into plainer
ground at the top, pitched our tents amid the coppice, in the
pleasantest camping-ground we had yet found in the Crimea.
While dinner was getting ready, the allurements of which were
heightened by the presence of a fine cabbage and a pumpkin
from the garden of the villa, I took off my haversack to display
the dessert it contained. But the transformation of the money,
in the Eastern tale, into dry leaves, was not more disappointing
to the owner than the spectacle now revealed. The ripeness of
the fruit had unfitted it to bear the jolting of my Lorse.  Plums
and peaches were squeezed into a shapeless comnlound, and




THE KATCIIA AND THE BALBEK.                   51
mixed with crumbs of ration-biscuit; while in the center of the
mass lay imbedded a piece of dried tongue, escaped from its
envelop; and the expressed juice of the fruit, partly running
down thle leg of my trowsers, partly absorbed by my forag(e-cap,
w7lich was in my haversaek,lhad turned the color of those articles of dress fromr their orioginal blue to a dirty, olive green.
IHowever, the pumpkin, mashed in the Yankee fashion, and the
boiled cabbage, turned out so good, that no vain regrets were
expended on my unfortunate contribution to the feast.
We were now so close to the great object of the expedition,
that, by going up the road about a mile and a half, tile towers
and fortifications of Sebastopol were seen, at no great distance,
in the basin below. This was the north front of the place,-to
strengthen which all the efforts of the Russian engineers had
been directed since the expedition had been first talked off. The
whole of the ground there was supposed to be rendered deadly
by batteries and mines, and the next move in the game was
anxiously awaited. We had halted two nights on this ground,
during' which the cavalry and horse-artillery, who were on outpost duty, led a hard life. The horses had neither forage nor
water for forty-eight hours, all which time they remained accoutered and harnessed; and the men and officers did not, for
these and two other days, taste meat.




CHAPTER  VII.
THE FLANK  3MARCIH.
MARCH RESUMED-LORD RAGLAN-NARROW ESCAPE-M3ACKENZIE S FARIM
-PURSUIT OF TIIE ENEMIY-SPOILS TAKEN-RUSSIAN PRISONERSMARCH TO TCHERNAYA-ENCAIPMIENT-ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL.
ToVARD noon, on the 26th, the artillery of the first division
received orders to march immediately, without waiting for the
infantry, up the road near which we were encamped. Proceeding about a mile, we came to a white house on the roadside, in
front of which Lord Raglan and General Airey were seated,
looking at a map. His lordship motioned us to take a by-road
into the woods on our left, and called out to us to go southeast. Accordingly, we went on, steering by the sun, and following the main path, which was overhung with bushes. After
proceeding in this way for an hour, our progress was stopped by
a troop of our horse artillery, halted in the road in front. Finding themselves unsupported by cavalry, they had naturally become alarmed for the safety of their right flank and front, in a
spot where artillery would be taken at a great disadvantage if
attacked by skirmishers, who might pick off the men and
horses, and capture the guns, without risk.
Presently Lord Raglan came ridincg up, followed by his staff,
and demanded sharply why we had halted; and, going to the
troop in front, ordered them immediately to proceed, himself
leading the way. Accordingly, we advanced through the wood




THE FLANK MARCH.                       53
for about three miles further, when Lord Raglan and his staff
came back in haste, inquiriag for the cavalry.  In an open
space ill fiont of us, they bad come suddenly on a Russian force,
marching at right angles to our own.
Had the enemy, whose numbers were variously estimated at
from ten to fifteen thousand men, known our order of march,
they might, by throwing a sufficient force of infantry into the
wood, have captured, or, at any rate, disabled, about twenty of
our guns. The cavalry, some squadrols of which presently
trotted past us to the front, could not have acted efficiently
against musketry in a thick wood; the artillery themselves
could not have acted at all; and our own infantry, with the exception of a small body of the rifles, which presently followed
the hussars to the front, was still some miles in rear. Luckily,
the enemy, far from adopting any such bold measure, at once
took to flight, the meeting being no more expected, and much
less desired, by him than by us; and our horse-artillery, debouching into the open space, opened at once on the rear of the
fugitives, who, in their haste, left some carriages with baggage
and ammunition on the plain.
On this small plain, which is surrounded by trees, stands a
large white house, known as Mackenzie's Farm. From Sebastopol a road crosses it at right angles to the one we had come
by, ascending very steeply fiom the plains below, on the side of
the city, and descending again on the left aft after passing the farm.
Down the road to the left the troop of horse-artillery (AMaude's)
pressed in pursuit, and came up with some infantry, who, turning on the skirts of the wood, fired a volley, which did no damage, and ran into the bushes, when the artillery, unlimbering,
opened with case shot, and killed several. Some of the Scots
Grays, dismounting, went skirmishing through the wood, and
about a dozen Russians, throwing themselves down and pretend



5;4         SSTORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
ing to be dead, rose after they were past and fired on them, for
which discreditable ruse they were, as they deserved to be, all
put to death.
In the mean time, all the artillery was brought into the open
space and placed in position in both directions, so as to open on
the force that had passed us if it returned, or on any other body
which might be following it. Going to the edge of the plain
opposite the side we had debouched from, we found ourselves on
the edge of a steep cliff descending to the plains below, along
which was retreating a train of carriages which, cut off by our
advance, had turned back by the road they came. A gun was
moved down this road, and some rounds were fired, with no
other effect, however, than accelerating their flight, and causing
them to abandon some of their vehicles. Those left on the plain
were immediately submitted by the artillerymen and dragoons to
a rigorous examination. They appeared to contain the wardrobe
of some luckless cavalry officer. Blue jackets, trimmed with
black fur, and laced with silver, silver sashes, smart shakos,
marked with the number " 12" in silver, and gorgeous shabracks,
were among the spoils. There were also fine shirts and other
garments, a looking-glass in an inlaid tortoise-shell case, which
I tried in vain to tempt the captor to sell me (he said if he was
spared he hoped to look at himself in it in England), and a sort
of altar-piece, in a great wooden case with folding doors, which,
being thrown back, disclosed a goodly assemblage of saints and
sacred personages, whose figures were gilt; while their faces, appearing through holes left in the metal, were beautifully painted
on ivory behind. There was some concealed machinery by
which the figures were moved. MAy own share of the spoil was
a large bucket filled with corn attached to one of the carriages,
into which my horse immediately plunged his muzzle, having
had but short rations for some days past.




THE FLANK MARCH.                       55
By degrees the divisions of infantry came through the wood,
and formed on the plain. The cavalry, coming back fiom the
pursuit, brought in a few prisoners, mounted on Russian carriages,
with some pairs of nice horses. An officer was taken, to whom
the Duke of Cambridge put some questions in French about the
late battle. "Ah," he said, "our men fought well enough, but't is of no use-your infantry are the best in the world."
Before we resumed our march, a dull deep roar was heard behind us, and from amid the trees ascended a column of smoke,
itself in shape like a magnificent tree, its rounded outlines spreading, like white foliage, high and wide. This was the explosion
of an ammunition-wagon of the enemy, which Captain Fortescue
of the artillery had been ordered to blow up. Then the divisions
moved in their accustomed order of march down the steep chalky
hill, on the precipitous side of which were numerous carts and
wagons, upset by those who had fled back by the road they
came. The march was slow, and the stoppages from the carriages and wagons halting on the steep, frequent: and, though
evening was approaching, we still had to traverse some miles of
plain before reaching water. These plains had a surface of chalk
covered thinly with grass, amid which the white dust rose in
clouds at every step, and chalky hills were all around. At length,
after a long and weary march, we reached the river Tchernaya,
which runs through the valley of Inkermann, and pitched our
tents after nightfall, while the rear divisions and batteries did not
arrive till some hours afterward. During the night, the redness
of the sky above the heights on which Mackenzie's Farm stands,
showed that' our allies, following in our steps, were encamping
there.
It is not easy to define the object of the Russian troops in thus
sallying from Sebastopol. Probably it was done with a view to
operate in the woods in our rear during the siege, on the sup



56           STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
position that we should attack the fortress from our camp on the
Balbek. But for the halt which our artillery made in the wood,
it would have debouched at Mackenzie's Farm, across the middle
instead of across the rear of the enemy's column of route. Had
the infantry been close, in sufficient force to support us, this
would have insured the discomfiture of the Russians, and the
capture of many prisoners. But, under the actual circumstances,
we may consider the halt fortunate, and console ourselves with
thinking all's well that ends well.




CHAPTER VIII.
OCCUPATION OF BALAKLAVA.
RAVAGES OF THE CHOLERA-COLONEL COX-HALT IN A GORGE-FIRINGSHIPS' GUNS HEARD-SURRENDER OF BALAKLAVA-SUCCESSFUL TRANSFER
OF THE ARMY FRO3M THE NORTHI TO THE SOUTH SIDE OF SEBASTOPOLDESCRIPTION OF BALAKLAVA-THE VALLEY —THE HARBOR-THE TOWNRUINED FORTIFICATIONS.
ON the 27th we only went about four miles; but the consequences of the long and fatiguing march of the day before
showed themselves directly we started. Men, fallen out of the
ranks, began to strew the roadside, many of them in the agonies
of cholera; and, within a mile, I saw at least fifty or sixty Highlanders lying exhausted. On this day Colonel Cox, of the
Guards, seized with cholera, was taken up on one of our gunlimbers, and, going on shipboard, died the same evening.
Before noon the first division halted at the mouth of a gorge
between very lofty hills; and up the heights inclosing it, the
brigades of the light division advanced, one on each side; while
some riflemen took possession of a low pointed hill in the valley,
crowned with a white house. From beyond this hill we presently
heard some of the guns of the light division, and the smoke of
others also rolled back over the heights on the left, while a shell
or two from the enemy burst over the valley. The Guards were
moved forward into a village at the mouth of the gorge, down
which appeared a piece of water like a small lake, closed at the
3*




STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
other extremity by a high hill crowned by a long wall with towers, looking in the distance like a respectable fort. Presently
ship's guns were heard from  the sea. Our own continued to
fire from the height on the left, and dust flew from the walls
where they struck; while the garrison instead of continuing to
reply, ran along the edge of the wall toward the sea, apparently
in great agitation. A party of rifles, moving up the slopes, entered the place and followed the garrison along the wall, and a
white flag showed that Balaklava had surrendered, fortunately
without any blood spilt; while a small English steamer; appearing suddenly on the piece of water below, assured us that the
harbor was our own, and our communication with the fleet reestablished.
The maneuver, now successfully accomplished, of transferring
the army from the north to the south side of Sebastopol, would,
as before remarked, have been impossible under the old conditions of war. With a stationary depot north of Sebastopol, convoys with munitions could not have been taken past the fortress,
unless guarded by detachments of such strength as could not
have been spared from the army, and then only with constant
risk of interruption and loss. To transfer this depot to the south
side of the fortress, in sailing ships, the first condition must have
been a favorable wind; and, when the fleet had obtained this
and taken advantage of it, the maneuver, detected from the fortress, would have been baffled by the interposition of a Russian
force on the land side of Balaklava. But, thanks to steam, the
army could afford to abandon its communications with the fleet
on the Balbek, confident of resuming them at the point concerted; and the labors of the Russian engineers, long directed solely
to resist the anticipated attack on the north side, were, by this
unexpected movement, rendered unavailing.
As Balaklava henceforth becomes a place of importance in




OCCUPATION  OF BALAKLAVA.                    59
the narrative of the campaign, it is worth describing, and, indeed, deserves notice from its picturesque beauty.
The valley, extending less than a mile from the gorge to the
edge of the harbor, consists of gardens, meadows, and vineyards,
the latter spreading a little way up the slopes on each side, till
the hard rock forbids further cultivation. To the soldiers, long
accustomed to eat their ration, fresh or salt, with the vegetable
accompaniment of rice only, the vineyards, rich with clusters of
ripe grapes, and the gardens, abounding overhead in apples
and plums, and underfoot in pumpkins, tomatoes, and cabbages,
all of excellent quality, appeared a paradise. The last-mentioned
vegetable seemed especially agreeable to the military palate;
and men of all arms of the service might be seen crossing the
meadows, bearing on their shoulders long poles, on which whole
rows of cabbages were impaled. Clusters of trees were intermingled with the spots of tillage, and a small stream, filling
wells as it went, flowed along the meadows.
The harbor, a narrow inlet of the sea, winding between steep,
barren heights, looked more like a fresh-water lake than an arm
of the ocean, its mouth being concealed by an abrupt bend. I
have seen something like it in the basins of the hills around
Snowdon and Cader Idris.  Except at the upper extremity,
where it grows shallow, it shelves down to an extraordinary
depth close to the shore. Its greatest width is about four hundred yards. In the course of the afternoon many ships came in,
and ranged themselves side by side close to the south shore;
the Agamemnon, towering above the rest, looked like the old
puzzle of the reel in the bottle on a magnificent scale. The
town, consisting of several narrow streets, stands on the south
shore. The women, apprehensive of ill-treatment, had fled to
the opposite side, but a staff officer crossing to assure them of
safety, several boat-loads returned. Among them was a poor




60           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
lady, who told me in French that she had left Sebastopol only
the day before, "to escape from the English."  She submitted
with exceeding good grace to the will of fate.  Outside the
guard-room were ranged in order the garrison to the number
of eighty, with their venerable white-mustached commandant,
prisoners of war, their arms being piled on the ground in front.
Behind the town the rock slopes very steeply up to the wall and
the towers at the top. These, built in rude times, and unrepaired for centuries, are absolutely useless for defense. The
ruinous towers seem ready to topple over with the first footstep that ascends their broken stair; huge gaps yawn in the intervening walls, and the portions of the latter still standing
show, by their thin parapet raised in front of a narrow path,
that they were intended to resist an enemy who knew not the
use of cannon. Nevertheless, at a distance these shattered
stones wore an imposing and martial aspect, like an ancient suit
of mail in an armory. There were no guns in the place, and
the shells fired at us were from a mortar.




CHAPTER IX.
THE POSITION BEFORE SEBASTOPOL.
PILLAGE OF PRIVATE PROPERTY-POST-OFFICE-SPECULATORS-POSITION
TAKEN UP BEFORE SEBASTOPOL-LANDING AND TRANSPORTATION OF
SIEGE MATERIAL-DESCRIPTION OF THE ENVIRONS OF SEBASTOPOL-THE
FRENCH CAMP —KAMIETH BAY —MONASTERY OF ST. GEORGE-RUSSIAN
PRIESTS-THE LANDSCAPE.
MosT of the inhabitants of the valley had left the doors of
their houses locked, as if they intended to return shortly,.and
expected to find things as they had left them. But, notwithstanding a general order (called forth by a great slaughter of
turkeys, geese, and hens, with rifles and revolvers) that private
property was to be respected, the houses in Kadukoi, the village
at the entrance of the valley, were pillaged, and the doors, window-sashes, and rafters, for the most part, taken away for firewood. Some of the chiefs of the army took up their quarters in
Balaklava; a post-office was established, and ships laden with
siege materials were brought into the harbor, and ranged along
the road in front of the houses, which the great depth of water
close to the shore rendered almost as accessible and convenient
as a wharf. Private speculators set up stores for the sale of
grocery and clothing. Cargoes of the same articles were brought
from Constantinople in the hired transports; and, in most instances, advantage was taken of the necessities of the troops
to demand shamefully exorbitant prices.




32           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
Meantime the third, fourth, and light divisions were moved
up to the heights of Sebastopol, and bivouacked within long cannon-range of the fortress.  Some shot, pitched into their positions, forced them to move, on different occasions, a little to the
rear; but, after a tiime, this ineffectual annoyance was, for the
most part, discontinued, and at the beginning of October the
rest of the allied army was moved up to the position it was intended to occupy, leaving the cavalry, a troop of horse-artillery,
the 93d Regiment, and some marines and seamen, with guns
from the fleet, to pritect B3alaklava.
For eight days the time was spent in landing and bringing up
the materials and armament for the batteries of attack; and
these being collected in sufficient numbers, the trenches were
opened. This process was rendered very difficult and laborious
by the soil, which was extremely rocky, and the progress made
in it necessarily slow. As the whole interest of the campaign
was now focused in this particular portion of the Crimea, it will
be well to describe minutely the position which was soon to become the theater of a series of conflicts. These would be but
imperfectly understood without a fuller idea than a map can
give of the whole of the ground occupied by the allied army,
and by the enemy.
Looking at a map of the Crimea, the reader will see that a
valley extends from the inner end of the harbor of Sebastopol,
where the Tchernaya runs into it, to that of Balaklava.
From the former harbor to the ruins of Inkermann the valley
is from twelve to fifteen hundred yards wide; then the heights
on either side separate till, at the point where the road to Mackenzie's Farm crosses the Tchernaya, they are nearly four miles
asunder. Here a rounded cluster of gentle eminences divides
the valley into two defiles: these, sweeping round from southeast to south-west, unite in one plain, which, traversed by small




THE POSITION  BEFORE SEBASTOPOL.    63
hills, spreads to the gorge of the valley of Balaklava, and up to
the heights right and left. Thus this valley, extending from one
harbor to the other, forms a wide neck to a small peninsula of
which Cape Kherson is the extremity, and on which the allied
troops took their position. This peninsula, having steep cliffs at
the sea-shore, consists of a high undulating plain, or range of
plains, cleft by deep gullies that descend gradually to the basin
in which lies Sebastopol. From a point opposite the ruins of
Inkermann, to that where the road from Sebastopol descends to
Balaklava, the range of heights bounding the valley is unbroken,
except at a point easily defensible, where the Woronzoff road
crosses it. But to the left of the point, opposite the ruins of Inkermann, the ground south of the Tchernaya slopes upward so
gradually as to oppose no serious obstacle to the advance of
troops to the heights, while the English division posted there
was not on the ridge looking into the valley, but on another
ridge in rear of it. Thus the space between the right of the
allied batteries of attack and the heights opposite Inkermann was,
while unintrenched, the weak point of the position. The ground
will be more minutely described in an account of the two actions
of which it was the scene.
The harbor of Balaklava lies, as has been said, in a cleft between high and steep mountains. Beyond the inner extremity
of the harbor this cleft continues itself for about half a mile in
the small cultivated valley described in the last chapter.* A
row of low isolated hills extends across the entrance of the valley
and up the heights on each side, to the plains of the peninsula
on the one hand, and to the cliffs above the sea on the other,
thus forming a natural line of defensive posts. At about three
thousand yards in front of these, on the plain, sweeping, as before
described, from the valley of the Tchernaya, is another range of
* See p. 59.




64           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
isolated hills, the left of which is within cannon-shot of the
heights held by the Allies, and the right one near the village of
Kamara, which lies on the mountains forming the southern
boundary of the plain. This last range of hills, crowned with
small intrenched works armed with artillery, and garrisoned by
Turks, formed the outposts of the Allies in front of Balaklava.
Thus, the position extended from the sea-shore in front of Sebastopol round the heights of the peninsula to the Woronzoff road,
and thence across to the last hill on the plain near Kamara;
-while an inner line of posts extended across the entrance of Balaklava valley, up to the heights of the peninsula on the left and
round to the sea-cliffs on the right, inclosing valley, town, and
harbor.
Of the gullies already mentioned as channeling the plains, the
principal one divides the peninsula nearly in half. Resembling
at first a wide ditch between grassy slopes, it gradually becomes
a deep winding ravine with steep rocky sides like the dry bed
of a wide river, and descends to the basin of the inner harbor.
The left of the English lines in front of Sebastopol rested on one
margin of this ravine, the right of the French lines on the other.
The greater part of the French troops were encamped behind
their lines on the site of the ancient Chersonesus, leaving a large
space by the sea unoccupied. Their supplies were landed at
Kamieth Bay, one of the deep narrow recesses of Cape Cherson,
from whence to Sebastopol the coast is indented by many inlets.
There a fleet of transports assembled, so numerous that their
masts looked like a forest; and a wharf afforded the necessary
convenience for landing the multitude of stores which crowded
the beach and the environs of a small city of tents.
Half-way between Cape Cherson and Balaklava the bold coast
line turns back at a sharp angle, close to the site of an ancient
temple of Diana, now occupied by the monastery of St. George.




THE POSITION BEFORE SEBASTOPOL.    65
It stands on the edge of a high sloping cliff, and consists of a
long low range of white buildings, with pillared porticoes and
green roofs and domes. The cliff it stands on is of yellow clayey
stone-the next headland southward, abutting far beyond it, is
of extreme richness of color-a deep pearly gray, dashed with
dark red, of a tone which, even on a gloomy day, imparts to the
mass a kind of sunset radiance and glow. A sergeant's guard
of Zouaves is stationed in one of the buildings, and many Russian
families continue to inhabit the place. Passing through the edifice by a steep flight of steps, a gallery is reached extending
along the upper face of the cliff. Terraces connected by a winding path jut out below, and near its base the rock is clothed
with a shrubbery of small firs. There was a sound of chanting
as we passed along the balcony: the Zouave who accompanied
us opened the door, and motioned us in without ceremony. The
place was a very small low chapel, its walls hung with sacred
pictures executed with elaborate vileness. A priest in a red
garment was reading prayers to some others who sang the
responses. He was bareheaded, but the rest, clad in black gowns,
wore tall cylindrical caps, from which black vails descended behind. There was something strange in coming thus suddenly
from a great camp into the presence of this secluded brotherhood,
whose devotions, usually accompanied only by the dashing of
the waves below, were now broken by the less seemly sound of
the distant bombardment.
The whole of these plains are probably much the same in aspect
now as in the days when Diana's worshipers crossed them on
the way to her temple. A short dry turf, scarcely clothing the
gray rock, which every where pushes its fragments through, is,
except the patches of coppice, the only verdure. No fields nor
gardens tell of an attempt to make the soil productive, but here
and there vines cling to the side of a slope where the earth is




66           STORY OF THIE CAMPAIGN.
deepest, and are inclosed by walls of loose stone. A few trees,
soon cut down for firewood, surrounded the farm-houses, and
others grew at intervals down the course of the larger ravines.
Lit by a warm sun, bounded by a blue sea, and enlivened by the
view of the white-walled city, the aspect of the plains in October
was fresh and almost cheerful, while, looking inland, the tumbled
masses of hills always lent grandeur to the landscape. But when
a north wind whistled piercingly across the heights-when the
dense fogs of November hung their gray drapery along the horizon, and rested in cold white masses on the hills-when the
green turf grew mire, and the leafy coppice a texture of wet
brown twigs and roots, and yellow turbid pools settled along the
course of the ravines, it was no wonder that the tents of the Arab,
who is at least dry and warm in his desert, seemed preferable to
the camp before Sebastopol, and the hardiest soldiers turned now
and then a longing thought to the firesides of England.




CHAPTER X.
COMM,[ENCEMIENT  OF  THE  SIEGE.
THE ENGLISH BATTERIES —TE REDAN —POSITION OF THE FRENCH TRENCIIES-OBSTACLES TO A COM1PLETE INVESTMENT-EXTENT OF THE LINESTHE BOMBARDMENT-FRENCH AND RUSSIAN MAGAZINE BLOWN UP-TIE
LANCASTER GUNS-ATTACK OF TIIE ALLIED FLEET-THE AGAMIEMNON
AXD SANSPAREIL —RESULT OF TIHE BOMBA RDM[ENT-REPAIR OF TIIE
RUSSIAN WORKS —TOIL AND EXPOSURE OF TIIE TROOPS-BALAKLAVA.
THREATENED BY A RUSSIAN FORCE-SORTIE ON THE FRENCH TRENCHES.
THE ravines already mentioned, five in number, beginning in
the middle of the plains of the peninsula, descend in courses,
more or less winding, to the basin of the harbor. On the slopes
of the plain, between these ravines, the English batteries were
traced. In front of them, in the angle made by the outer and
inner harbors, and on the right of the latter, stand some large
public buildings belonging to the dockyard, and a large barrack.
These in the absence of permanent defensive works, were covered
by strong and solid earthen batteries on commanding points,
thrown up simultaneously with the progress of our own trenches.
In front of the right of our attack was a round tower, surrounded
by an intrenchment armed on all sides with heavy guns. Next
was a very large battery, composed of two faces meeting in a
salient angle; this was known during the siege as the Redan.
Near the inner harbor was another, known as the Barrack Battery, capable of firing on our left batteries or on the French.
These were all that were immediately opposed to us, besides the




68           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
broadsides of a line-of-battle ship in the inner harbor, and the long
guns of some steamers.
Between the English camps and the fortress the ground
sloped upward to a ridge, and then downward toward the Russian batteries. It is evident that the farther down these slopes
our trenches were placed, the more they were commanded by
the enemy, and the higher must be the parapets to cover us
from their fire. In such very stony and deficient soil, it would
have been almost impossible to obtain the requisite amount of
earth very low down on the slopes, and our first batteries were
placed on some spots where the ground rose gently upward for
a space on the face of the descent.
From the left of the great ravine to the Quarantine Harbor
the ground is comparatively flat and unbroken, and on the right
portion of this space the French trenches were opened at much
shorter range than those of the English. In the angle of the
outer and inner harbors, opposite the French attack, stands the
town of Sebastopol, protected partly by parapets of masonry,
partly by earthen batteries.
The distinctive features of the campaign have been noticed in
a preceding chapter; the siege now commenced has also its peculiarities.
In ordinary sieges, the place having been completely invested
so as to confine the garrison to its own resources, the trenches
are opened at about six hundred yards, inclosing one or more
salient points of the fortifications. Thus the works of the assailants being on the arc of the outer of two concentric circles
described from a point within the fortress, while the defenses
are on the arc of the inner one, six hundred yards nearer the
center, it follows that the besiegers always have space for a far
greater number of guns than are mounted on the works to oppose them. When the superior fire from the batteries in the




COMMENCEMENT  OF THE SIEGE.                   69
trenches has overpowered that of the place, the works are
pushed forward; other batteries are established close enough to
breach the walls; and the breach becoming practicable, the
assault is made, and the garrison being overpowered by superior
numbers, the place is taken.
In the present instance, the assailing force being insufficient
to inclose the whole extent of front, the southern side of the
harbor only was invested, leaving the formidable forts on the
north unassailed, and the road from the interior free for supplies
of all kinds. The front attacked being about three miles in' extent, the space at the disposal of the garrison enabled them  to
reply with at least as many guns as the besiegers could bring to
attack them. But had the Russian batteries been totally silenced, and the south side taken by assault, the outer harbor, acting as a huge wet ditch, presented a fresh obstacle,
backed by a fresh line of batteries, and rendered a new series
of operations necessary. If the harbor had remained open, the
fleet might have come in to support an assault of the land
forces; but, on entering Sebastopol after the defeat at the Alma,
Menschikoff had caused eight large ships to be sunk across the
entrance.  Henceforward, so long as this obstacle existed, the
operation of the fleets was limited to making a diversion by attacking the forts at the entrance; and this was the part it took
in the combined attack.
Until the whole of the allied batteries were ready to open together, not a gun replied to the fire which the Russians did not
cease to direct, first, upon our camps, and afterward on our
trenches. Hidden as the allied camps were behind the crest of
a hill, there must have been something of mystery and awe for
the garrison in this strange silence, almost the only token of the
presence of an enemy being the increasing height of the parapets of the trenches.




70           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
On the 17th at daylight, pursuant to the general orders of
the night before, the silence was broken by such a peal of artillery as has scarcely ever before, in the most famous battles or
sieges, shaken the earth around the combatants. A hundred
and twenty-six pieces, many of them  of the largest caliber,
opened at once upon the Russian defenses, and were answered
by a still larger number, of equal range and power. The din
was incessant, and the smoke in the batteries so dense that,
after a few rounds, the gunners laid their pieces rather by the
line' on the platforms than by a view of the cbject aimed at.
The first visible effect of our fire was on the Round Tower, the
pieces mounted on which were soon dismounted, and its surface
deeply scarred by the shot of the heavy 68-pounder guns in the
naval battery on the right, practicing at a range of more than
two thousand yards.  Several explosions took place this daythe first in a French battery, where a magazine blew up at halfpast eight in the morning, killing and wounding fifty men and
disabling the battery; another less serious one occurred afterward in the French lines. In the afternoon, the Russian magazine in the Redan was fired by a shell from the English batteries, and silenced a great number of its guns; and shortly afterward a number of cases filled with powder blew up in rear of
the English trenches, doing but little damage. The Lancaster
guns (a new invention, now tried for the first time in war), of
which there were several in our batteries, sent forth their missiles with a rushing noise, exactly like that of a railway train,
and were distinguishable at each discharge amid the din of the
cannonade.
At one o'clock, the French and English fleets, whose attack
had been anxiously expected, stood in, and engaged  the forts at
the mouth of the harbor, the former on the south, the latter on
the north side; and the deep volleying thunder of their broad



COMMENCEMENT OF THE SIEGE.                  71
sides, continuing without an instant's pause, gave a new character to the cannonade, while a dense canopy of smoke, hanging
heavily above the scene, hid the sea, the harbor, and the town,
from the spectators on the heights in front of the English
camp. The Agamemnon and the Sanspareil maintained on this
occasion a position much nearer to the forts than the rest of the
fleet, which anchored, for the most part, at upward of two thousand yards.
When the fire ceased at nightfall, and the gains and losses
were counted up, the result was by no means commensurate
with the expectations previously afloat in the allied army.
High authority had been quoted for the opinion that we should
silence the Russian batteries in a few hours. The less sanguine had
prescribed three days as the limits of the contest. Our progress
hitherto had fallen short even of the latter estimate. On the
Russian side many guns had been disabled, the works had been
much damaged, and Fort Constantine was said to be seriously
shaken by the fire of the two line-of-battle ships; but on ours,
the French attack had totally ceased since the explosions of the
morning. The Russian works, being of earth like our own,
were repaired with equal facility, and the disabled guns were replaced by fresh ones from the arsenal. It was while watching
the renewed vigor of the enemy's fire, and seeing our own
wounded borne by from the trenches, that we received on the
18th the mail bringing the absurd and mischievous announcement of the fall of Sebastopol, and read the details of our own
imaginary victory —an announcement happily characterized aftarward as " discounting" the glory of the conquest. It was
robbing success of its best rewards thus to give us our honors
before they were due.
The interest excited by a contest of artillery, without decided
advantage on either side, soon languishes; and in a few days




'72          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
the thunder of the bombardment was almost unheeded. But
the troops in the trenches and batteries were hardly worked,
and exposed by day incessantly to a tremendous fire. The space
in the magazines in our batteries was at first insufficient to hold
ammunition for the day's consumption, and to take in fresh
supplies formed one of the most trying duties which artillerymen can be called on to perform. Wagons filled with powder,
drawn by horses of the field-batteries, were driven down the face
of a hill for upward of half a mile, in full view, and quite
within range, of the enemy's guns. A shell bursting in the
wagons would have blown horses and men into the air; and to
the risk of this were added the usual chances of being struck
by shot or splinters; yet neither the officers (often mere boys)
nor the drivers ever showed the slightest hesitation in proceeding on their perilous errand. Several horses were killed by
cannon-shot, and on one occasion a shell, lodging between the
spokes of a wheel, exploded there, blowing off three wheels and
the side of the wagon, and blackening the cases of powder without igniting their contents.
Hitherto the attention of the Allies had been concentrated on
the fortress, but on the 20th of October a new element forced itself into their calculations. Russian troops showed themselves on
the cluster of low heights which, as before mentioned, divide the
valley of the Tchernzaya into two defiles. Some Cossack horsemen lounged about the meadows, at about two thousand yards
from our position, and about fifty infantry soldiers, emerging
from a ravine in the heights, crossed to the river for water, remaining for some time on the bank of the stream, and returning
with a deliberation which showed they felt secure of support if
molested. A body of cavalry, with some guns, posted itself on
the Bakshi-serai road, near the bridge which crosses the Tchernaya there, and close to the meadow where our own artillery had




COMMENCEMENT OF THE SIEGE.                   73
bivouacked on the night of the flank march. From day to day
this force seemed to be augmented, and was judged to be the
rear-guard of an army whose numbers, being hidden in the
farther defile, were unknown.
On the night of the 20th, a sortie was made by the garrison
on the French trenches. The Russians, calling out in French,
"Ne tirez pas, nous sommnes Anglais," penetrated into the works
without opposition, and bayoneted some of the defenders, but
were speedily repulsed with a loss of six killed and four
wounded. During the next few nights some Russian guns on
the heights in the valley once or twice opened fire on the Turks,
garrisoning the outposts in front of Balaklava, without result.
4




CHAPTER XI.
ATTACK ON BALAKLAVA.
POSITION OF GENERAL LIPRANDI'S ARMY-ATTACK ON THE TURKISH OUTPOSTS-THE RUSSIAN CAVALRY-VIEW OF THE BATTLE FROM THE
HEIGHTS-CHARGE OF TIIE GUARDS-GALLANT CONDUCT OF THE 93DCAPTURE OF NINE GUNS BY THE RUSSIANS-FATAL CHARGE OF THE
LIGHT BRIGADE-TERRIBLE LOSS OF MEN AND HORSES-BALAKLAVA
SECURE-ABUSE OF THE TURKS-OBJECT OF THE RUSSIAN ATTACK.
IN the description of our position, the line of outposts occupied by the Turks was said to be on a range of low hills, crossing
the plain from below the heights of the plateau to the opposite
mountains, near the village of Kamara. Between these hills the
plain slopes upward from Balaklava to a ridge, and down on the
opposite side, where the valley, as before mentioned, is divided
into two defiles, the one sweeping round to the lelt under the
heights of the plateau held by the Allies, the other passing
straight on to the Tchernaya. In this latter defile, and on the
low eminences dividing it from the other, the Russian army, now
numbering thirty thousand men, under General Liprandi, was
posted.
At daybreak on the 25th the Russian guns on the eminences
and in the valley commenced a cannonade on the outposts held
by the Turks. A troop of horse-artillery and a field-battery,
supported by the Scots Grays, were ordered up from Balaklava
to the slopes between the outposts, and found themselves op



ATTACK  ON BALAKLAVA.                   75
posed to the fire of several field-batteries and some guns of
position, which covered an advance of infantry against the hills
on the right. As the troop was armed only with six-pounders,
it and the field-battery were quite overmatched, both in metal
and in numbers. Nevertheless, our artillery maintained the contest till its ammunition was exhausted, when it retired, having
lost a good many horses and a few men, besides Maude, the captain of the troop, who was severely wounded by a shell which
burst in his horse.
At about 9 A.M. the first division, and part of the light, were
ordered down to support the troops in Balaklava, which consisted of a body of marines and seamen, with heavy ships' guns,
on the heights to the right of the valley, the 93d Highlanders
and a Turkish detachment in front of the village of Kadukoi,
and all the cavalry drawn up behind their encampment on the
plain to the left, near a vineyard. The first division, passing
along the heights from the Woronzoff road to that which descends from the plateau to the valley of Balaklava, had a complete view of the attack.
The Russians, pushing on a large force of infantry, cavalry,
and artillery, had just succeeded in carrying the works on the
hills nearest Kamara. Two large columns of cavalry, numbering probably three thousand each, swept with great rapidity
over the slopes of the other hills nearer to our position, and the
Turks who garrisoned the works there, firing a volley in the air,
fled with precipitation over the parapets and down the slope.
The Russians passed on; and their guns, darting out firom the
columns and dotting the plain at intervals, fired shells at us up
the heights, all of which burst short. At that moment three
heavy guns-two Turkish and one French-in position on the
heights along which we were passing, were fired in succession
on the Russian cavalry, the right column of which, losing some




'76          STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
men and horses by the first shot, wavered, halted, and, before
the third gun was discharged, turned and galloped back. When
the smoke of the battery had dispersed, we saw that the left
column, passing over and down the opposite slopes, was already
engaged with our cavalry on the plain. There was something
almost theatrical in the grandeur of this portion of the spectacle; the French stationed on the heights, and the English
passing along them, looked down, as if from the benches of an
amphitheater, on the two bodies of cavalry meeting in mortal
shock on the level grassy plain, which, inclosed on every side by
lofty mountains, would have been a fit arena for a tournament
of giants.
The Scotch Grays and the Enniskilleners, charging in front,
were impeded by the tent-drains and picket-lines of their own
camp, and, advancing but slowly, though with great steadiness,
were swept back for a hundred paces by the torrent of Russian
horsemen, fighting as they went, the red coats, fur caps, and
gray horses, conspicuous amid the dark masses of the enemy.
Then the 4th Dragoon Guards, advancing like a wall, buried
themselves, in an unbroken line, in the flank of the Russians,
while the 5th Dragoon Guards charged in support of the Grays
and Enniskilleners. For a moment sword-cuts and lance-thrusts
were exchanged, then the Russians turned and fled confusedly
back over the slopes, pursued for several hundred yards by the
whole of the heavy cavalry, the Grays and Enniskilleners having
rallied in time to join in their discomfiture.
While this was going on, part of the enemy's column, throwing its right shoulder forward, made a rush for the entrance of
the valley. The 93d were lying down behind a slope there; as
the cavalry approached they rose, fired a volley, and stood to
receive the charge so firmly that the horsemen fled back with
the rest of the column, pursued as they went by the fire of the




ATTACK  ON BALAKLAVA.                    77
battery (Barker's), which had already been engaged in the
mornling.
At this stage of the action the enemy's infantry and guns
held the two hills nearest Kamara, and had taken, in the works
there, nine iron twelve-pounders, which we had confided to the
Turks. We held the two points of the ridge nearest to our own
position, and an intermediate one, crowned with a redoubt, remained unoccupied. The divisions advancing to support our
troops, having descended into the plain, some field-batteries
were moved forward, and a desultory and ineffective exchange
of fire took place, at very long range, between the Russian
guns behind the hills they had taken, and our own posted on the
slopes in our possession.
At the same time the brigade of light cavalry, which had not
yet been engaged, had advanced to the edge of the slopes,
whence they could look down on the enemy rallied on their own
side of the plain, who had posted there a battery, flanked by two
others, to repel any attack which might be made on them in
their turn. Captain Nolan, author of the book on cavalry tactics, serving on the staff, brought an order to the commander of
the cavalry to charge the enemy. To do so seemed desperate
and useless; but Nolan asserted the order to be peremptory, and,
joining in the charge which presently took place, was struck by
a shell in the breast, and fell dead. Never did cavalry show
more daring to less purpose. Received in front and flank by a
fire which strewed the ground, for the half mile of distance
which separated them fiom the enemy, with men and horse-,
they nevertheless penetrated between the guns and sabered the
gunners. Captain Lowe, of the 4th Dragoons, is said to have
cut down eleven of the enemy with his own hand. This gallantry availed nothing. The whole Itussian force was before
them; a body of cavalry interposed to cut off their retreat; and,




78           STORY  OF THE CAMPAIG N.
assailed on every side by every arm, and their ranks utterly
broken, they were compelled to fight their way through, and to
regain our position under the same artillery fire that had crashed
into their advance. Singly, and in two's and three's, these gallant horsemen returned, some on foot, some wounded, some supporting a wounded comrade. The same fire which had shattered their ranks had reached the heavy cavalry on the slope
behind, who also suffered severely. Our loss would have been
greater but for the timely charge of a body of French cavalry,
which, descending from the plateau, advanced up the heights in
the center of the valley, where they silenced a destructive
battery.
The ridge of hills, stretching entirely across the plain, hid the
occurrences on the Russian side of the ground from the view of
our troops in front of Balaklava; but the nature of the disaster
soon became apparent.  Riderless horses galloped toward us
over the hill, and wounded men were brought in, or rode slowly
back, escorted by their comrades. I saw three privates of heavy
dragoons riding back in this way. The middle one, a smoothfaced young fellow, hardly twenty, in no ways differed in his demeanor from the other two, sitting straight in his saddle and
looking cheerful; but, as he passed, I saw that a cannon shot had
carried away a large portion of his arm, sleeve, flesh, and bone,
between the shoulder and elbow, leaving the lower part attached
only by a narrow strip of flesh and cloth. Colonel Yorke of the
Enniskilleners too, rode past, supporting himself with his hand
on the cantle of his saddle, and, in reply to an inquiry from the
Duke of Cambridge, said his leg was broken.
In this unhappy affair the light cavalry lost ten officers and
one hundred and forty-seven men killed or missing, and eleven
officers and one hundred and ten men wounded, with three hundred and thirty-five horses. The heavy brigade lost, during the




ATTACK ON BALAKLAVA.                   79
day, nine men killed, and ten officers and eighty-seven men
wounded, and forty-six horses.
\When the artillery fire ceased, some rifles were moved in
skirmishing order up toward the hill near Kamara, apparently
as a preliminary to an advance to retake it. But none such
took place, though the expectation was universal among our
people that it was to be recaptured at once. Toward evening
some rum and biscuit were served out to the men, who had had
no dinner, and at dusk the first division was marched back to its
own encampment on the heights. The Russians were left in
possession of two of the outposts held by the Turks in the morning, and nine guns, and their columns remained in the plain,
about one thousand five hundred yards from our fiont, drawn
up as if to offer battle. Much murmuring was heard that they
should be allowed thus to defy us, and to keep possession of
the hills. But their success was rather apparent than real, and,
but for the loss our cavalry suffered, would have been even beneficial to us. While it showed us that we were holding a front
more extended than was necessary or desirable, it conferred on
the enemy no advantage worth fighting for. Balaklava was no
more assailable after the action than before; and if the possession of the road into the mountains by Kamara was convenient
to the Russians for supplies from the interior, they could, by a
detour from the valley of the Tchernaya, have communicated
with it.
The Turks were loaded with abuse for running away from the
outposts, and losing the guns; and certainly the celerity with
which they fled from the left of the position reflected no great
credit on them. But the amount of obloquy seems undue.
Others besides Turks would have left slight field-works attacked
by an army, and having no support within cannon-range. The
redoubts and works nearest our heights were so weakly con



80           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
strutted as to be rather a cover for the defenders than an obstacle to the assailants. Any sportsman would have considered it
no great feat to have ridden his horse over both ditch and parapet. These works were held by few men; the distance from
them to the scanty force covering the entrance of the valley of
Balaklava was three thousand yards; and they were not all
abandoned without a struggle; for an Englishman serving with
our Ottoman allies, told me on the field that he had seen thirtyseven of the fugitives from the posts on the right who had received bayonet wounds in their defense. But the combats on
the Danube had procured for our Mussulman friends such a reputation for valor in defending intrenchments, that it was believed to be necessary only to throw up a few shovelfuls of earth,
and any Turk posted behind them would live and die there; and
the reaction produced by the upsetting of this belief, operated a
little unjustly to their disadvantage.
It is not easy to assign any precise object to the Russian attack, except that of penetrating into the village, and doing what
hasty damage they could to the stores there, and to the vessels
in the harbor. To attempt to hold the place without the command of the sea, and with a very superior enemy on the heights
on each side, would have been madness. The Russians would
have been inclosed, and destroyed, or captured to a man. Nor,
in any case, would the loss of Balaklava, though a disaster, have
been absolutely crippling to the Allies, or effectual for the relief
of Sebastopol, since the British might have landed their supplies,
as the French did, at Kherson: and the abandonment of Balak.
lava, as too distant from our siege-works, was once said to be in
contemplation.




CHAPTER XII.
FIRST ACTION OF INKERMANN.
DESCRIPTION OF THE GROUND-ATTACK BY THE RUSSIANS-SUCCESSIVE REPULSES OF THE ATTACKING COLUMNS —DIFFICULTY OF DISTINGUISHING
FRIEND FROM FOE-EFFICIENCY OF THE LANCASTER GUNS-LOSSES ON
BOTH SIDES-AID FROM THE FRENCII DECLINED-IMPORTANCE OF THE
SUCCESS ACHIEVED-WOUNDED RUSSIAN OFFICER-CAPTURE OF RIDERLESS HORSES-TRENCIIES PUSHED FORWARD —-FLAG OF TRUCE-FRENCH
FIELD HOSPITALS-POSITIONS AT BALAKLAVA AND OPPOSITE INKER3IANN
STRENGTHENED-WHAT A "REDOUBT" IS-RUINS OF INKERMANN-REINFORCEMENT OF THE RUSSIANS.
ON a detailed map of the Crimea, a path is shown which,
branching to the right from the WVoronzoff road in its course toward Sebastopol, descends the heights to the valley of the
Tchernaya, close to the head of the great harbor. On this road
the second division were encamped across the slope of an eminence. The road, passing over the ridge, turns to the right down
a deep ravine to the valley. To the left of this road the ground,
sloping gently downward from the crest in front of the second
division, rises again to a second eminence about one thousand
two hundred yards in front of the first; and from  this second
ridge you look down across the head of the harbor in front, on
the town and allied attack on the left, and on the ruins and valley of Inkermann on the right. To the right of the road the
ground, first sloping upward, then descends to the edge of the
heights opposite Inkermann. All the space between and around
4*




82          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
the two ridges, down to the edge of the heights, was covered
with low coppice.
From the first, the Russians showed great jealousy of any one
advancing on any part of the ground beyond the ridge. As soon
as any party, if even but two or three in number, showed itself
there, a signal was made from a telegraph on' the Russian side
of the valley to the ships in the harbor, which (though the spot
was not visible from their position) immediately sent up shot and
shell at a tolerably good range. As the ridge in front was rather
higher than that behind which the second division was posted,
and as the road, as well as the slopes from the valley on the left
of it, afforded facilities to the advance of an enemy not found at
any other point of the heights, this was notoriously the weak
point of our position.
About noon on the day after the action at Balaklava, a Russian force was descried from the naval battery on the right of
the attack, sallying from the fortress, and, shortly afterward, the
pickets of the second division were driven in. Volleys of musketry on the ground between the ridges showed the affair to be
serious, and a battery from the first division hastened to join
those of the second in repelling the attack, while the Guards
were moved up the slope in support. Some shot from the enemy's fie~d-pieces were pitching over the ridge, behind which the
regiments of the second division were lying down, while their
skirmishers met the enemy's down the slope; and the guns of
the second division had come into action on the crest of the hill.
The battery of the first division (Wodehouse's) ranged itself in
line with them, and, the enemy's guns being at once driven off
the field, the whole eighteen pieces directed their fire upon a
Russian column advancing half-way between the ridges. Unable to face the storm of shot, the column retired precipitately
down the ravine to its left, where our skirmishers fired into it,




FIRST ACTION  OF INKERMANN.                  83
and completed its discomfiture. Another strong column then
showed itself over the ridge, and, after facing the fire of the
batteries for a minute, retired the way it came. Presently the
first column, having passed along the ravine, was descried ascending, in scattered order, the height beyond; at fourteen hundred yards every shot and shell pitched among them, our skirmishers also pressing hard on their rear and flank. When they
had disappeared over the hill, the only enemy visible was the
body of skirmishers fighting with our own on the space between
the ridges, and to them our guns were now turned. From the
circumstance of those of our men who had been on outpost duty
that day wearing their great-coats, it was difficult to distinguish
them from the gray-clad Russians, especially as all were hidden
to their waists in coppice, but an occasional speck of red enabled
us to avoid mistakes. The Russian skirmishers, under the fire
of our guns and musketry, retired, as I have always seen them
retire, without precipitation, turning to fire as they went; and,
in less than an hour from the beginning of the combat, the space
between the ridges was cleared of them. As their columns retreated toward Sebastopol, they came within range of the Lancaster gun in the right siege-battery. The naval officer in charge
(Mr. Hewett) blowing away the right cheek of the embrasure, to
obtain the requisite lateral sweep, fired nearly a dozen rounds
into them with very great effect; and the men of the second
division, pressing on their rear, were with difficulty recalled firom
the pursuit. The Russians left a hundred and thirty dead within
our pickets. We took forty prisoners, and a great number of
wounded were brought into our hospitals. Next day parties
from the fortress were seen on their own side of the hill, burying
numbers slain in the retreat. Altogether, the Russians were estimated to have lost one thousand men, while we had ten killed
and sixty wounded; so that this brilliant affair made amends to




84          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
the army for whatever was unsatisfactory in the combat of the
preceding day.
The regiments engaged in this action were-the 30th, 55th,
95th, 41st, 47th, and 49th. The batteries were Turner's, Franklin's (commanded by Captain Yates), and Wodehouse's.
While the Russians were retiring, a French staff-officer came
to General Evans, with an offer from General Bosquet of immediate assistance, which Sir De Lacy declined with thanks, requesting him to inform the French general that the enemy
were already defeated.
Parties of the attacking force were observed to carry intrenching to6ls in this enterprise. The design of the enemy
probably was, after driving back the troops in front, to throw
up cover on the opposite ridge, from behind which they might
afterward attack the same point of our line with sufficient force
to follow up any advantage, and meet the Allies on the plains.
Had they succeeded in intrenching themselves, we must either
have dislodged them at once in a pitched battle, or have allowed them to collect troops and artillery there, till it should
suit their convenience to attack us with every advantage on
their side. The value of the service done in repelling them
with so inferior a force (there were fifteen hundred men of the
second division engaged against eight thousand Russians) was
perhaps not quite appreciated. It is scarcely too much to say,
that the presence of a strong intrenched force upon that part of
the ground would have been a more serious disaster than the
loss of Balaklava. However, even had they succeeded in driving back the second division, they would have been encountered
by the other divisions coming to its support. But the Russian
general probably calculated that the attack on Balaklava of the
previous day, would have induced us to strengthen that part of




FIRST ACTION  OF INKERMANN.                 85
the position at the expense of the rest, and that we should be
able to oppose but a weak force in an opposite quarter.
All that afternoon wagons were bringing in wounded Russians. Passing the hospital-tent of the first division on the way
to my own that evening, I saw a neat boot sticking out of the
doorway, the wearer's leg being supported by an orderly. I
looked in, but quickly withdrew. A young Russian officer, extended on a table, whose thigh-bone had been splintered by a
ball, was undergoing amputation of the hip joint. As I turned
away, the booted limb was detached from the bleeding mass
and laid on the ground. He died in an hour. Outside the
same tent next day, I saw a guardsman making soup in a large
camp-kettle, while within a stride of his fire lay the bodies of
five Russians, in different postures, who had died of their
wounds, and had been laid there for burial. The young officer's
body was laid apart, covered with a blanket, and near it, covered also, but not hidden, was a heap of amputated arms and
legs.
On the night of the 26th, a body of horse, galloping from the
valley through the French outposts, up the Woronzoff road,
rushed through the divisional camps on each side, and were
supposed to be cavalry on some desperate errand, the darkness
preventing it from being discovered that the horses were riderless. About a hundred were captured. They were completely
accoutered, some for hussars, some for lancers. Bags of black
bread hung at the saddle-bows. All were bridled, but the bits
were out of their mouths, as if they had broken from  their
pickets; and it was surmised that they had been startled by
some rockets which the French had fired at troops passing
along the valley.
On the 27th, a new parallel was opened, as a place of arms,
in front of our left siege-battery, and a day or two later the




86           STORY  OF THE  CAMPAIGN.
French trenches were pushed to within two hundred and fifty
yards of the place.
Great anxiety prevailed as to the officers and men missing
since the action at Balaklava. It was said that the Cossacks
had been seen riding over the-field, transfixing the wounded
with their lances. On the 28th, Captain Fellowes was sent with
a flag of truce to ascertain their fate. He was civilly received
-told him that the dead were already buried, and the wounded
cared for-and that, if he would return next day, the names of
the survivors should be ascertained and given him, with any
messages or letters they might wish to send. On returning the
day after, he learnt that only two officers were alive in the enemy's hands, and that but few prisoners had been made. The
Russian general is said to have expressed his surprise at the
desperate charge of the light brigade; saying, the English cavalry were always reputed brave, but this was mere folly.
I had heard much of the excellent arrangement of the French
field-hospitals, and rode one day to see the principal one, near
General Canrobert's head-quarters. It was a tall, wooden building, like a barn, very airy, for there was a space between the
roof and the walls, yet very warm-the change from the cold
air without being most pleasant. The principal surgeon, a man
of very fine and intelligent countenance, accompanied us round
the beds, courteously indicating the most remarkable cases
among the patients. These poor fellows, all wounded men, were
arranged in rows, in excellent beds, and seemed as comfortable
as such sufferers ever can be. Amputations had been very numerous, and the stumps of arms and legs projecting from the
bed-clothes were frequent along the rows. One man lay covered up, face and all; he had undergone amputation of the hipjoint, the surgeon said, four days before; was doing well, and
would probably live. I told him of the case of the young Rus



FIRST ACTION OF INKxERMANN.                   87
sian officer, which I had witnessed a few days before, as already
narrated. There was a little gleam of professional exultation as
he repeated the fatal termination of the case to the surgeons in
attendance; and then, turning to me, remarked that many similar operations had been successful in their hospitals. Hle pointed out one man, a chasseur, who had served in Algiers, as of
noted valor. He had lost both arms in the French cavalry
charge at Balaklava. The attendants seemed especially tender
and assiduous in their treatment of the wounded.
The attacks of the 25th and 26th had shown the necessity
of strengthening our position at Balaklava and opposite Inkermann. A continuous intrenchment was carried in front of the
former place, extending from the plateau across the entrance of
the valley, up the hills, and round to a mountain path near the
sea, which communicates with the Woronzoff road. On the
lowest hill, in the valley of Kadukoi, a strong fort was erected.
Batteries were placed at suitable points of the intrenchment,
which was garrisoned by eight thousand men, English, French,
and Turks.  The trees in the meadows and gardens of the valley were cut down, partly to furnish abattis and fire-wood, partly
to prevent the enemy from obtaining cover, if they should succeed in penetrating the outer line of defense. I have already
described the appearance of the valley when we entered it.
Now it was sadly changed; all traces of cultivation had been
stamped out by the multitudes of passing feet and hoofs, and
only the stumps of the graceful willows or fruitful apple-trees
remained to show where was once a garden or a grove.
The first division was posted about half a mile in rear of the
second.  On its right, a narrow path descended the steep boundary of the plateau to the valley of the Tchernaya, crossing a
ford of the stream between the ruins of Inkermann and the
cluster of heights where part of Liprandi's force was posted.




88           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
About a third of the way down, a shoulder projected from the
precipice like a terrace, and on this the French made a small
redoubt, into which we put two guns to fire down on the plain,
and to sweep the. terrace, and which was at first garrisoned by
guardsmen, but afterward made over to the French. The latter had formed an almost continuous intrenchment from their
great redoubt on the plateau above the Woronzoff road to this
point, and we had begun on the 4th of November to carry it
onward round the face of the cliff opposite Inkermann, so as to
include the front of the second division. But the work proceeded but slowly and interruptedly; and up to that time, the
ground which had already been the scene of an attack, and
was now again to become so, had only two small fragments of
insignificant intrenchments, not a hundred yards long in alland more like ordinary drains than field-works-one on each
side of the road, as it crossed the ridge behind which the division was encamped.
Amid the many loose assertions and incorrect statements
which have appeared in the public prints respecting the operations of the campaign, there is one frequently-recurring error
which deserves notice, as it is calculated to mislead military
readers in forming their estimate of the different actions. Every
species of intrenchment which appears on a position is talked of
as a "redoubt." At the Alma the English force has been repeatedly described as storming intrenchments, and the battery
where the great struggle took place is always mentioned as the
"redoubt."  The two-gun battery where the Guards fought at
Inkermann is also a "redoubt;" and one writer describes it as
equipped with "a breastwork at least seven feet high."  A remarkable breastwork certainly, since the defenders, to make use
of it as such, must needs be about ten feet in stature.
There were no intrenchments, nor any works intended as ob



FIRST ACTION  OF INKERMANN.                 89
stacles, in the Russian position at the Alma. The only works of
any kind were two long low banks of earth over which the guns
fired-intended, not to prevent our advance, but the protect the
guns and gunners from our fire. The battery at the Inkermann
was a high wall of earth, riveted with gabions and sand-bags,
sloping at the extremities, and having two embrasures cut in it
for the guns to fire through; from end to end it was about twelve
paces long..Now, premising that field-works are said to be inclosed when
they afford on all sides a defense against an enemy, and that,
when they are so constructed that the defenders behind one face
fire along the space in front of them parallel to another face, the
one is said to flank the other-a redoubt may be defined as an
inclosed work without flank defense. It is either square, circular, or many-sided; and it is evident to the least informed reader,
that a continuous parapet and ditch, guarded firom behind at all
points by musketry, must be a formidable obstacle to assail, and
must greatly increase the facilities of defense.
The ruins of Inkermann, which have often been mentioned in
this narrative, and which have given a name to a fierce battle,
stand on the edge of a cliff-like precipice on the Russian side of
the valley, about a mile from the head of the harbor of Sebastopol. They consist of a broken line of gray walls, battlemented
in part, with round towers. The yellow cliff they stand on is
honey-combed with caverns-in the valley close beneath runs
the Tchernaya fringed with trees. Behind them the ground
slopes upward to plains covered with coppice, and on two high
points stand light-houses to guide ships entering the harbor.
Masses of gray stone protrude abruptly through the soil around
the ruins, of such quaint sharp-cut forms, that in the distance
they might be taken for the remains of some very ancient city.
)n the 4th of November it was known in our camp that the




90'          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
Russian army, which had been for some days past assembling
north of the town, had received an important augmentation, and
the arrival of some persons, apparently of distinction, had been
witnessed from our outposts. During the night there was a great
ringing of bells in the city; but no warning had reached us of
the great enterprise, in preparation of which these were the preliminaries.




CHAPTER XIII.
BATTLE OF INKEPEMANN.
THE FIFTH OF NOVE-MBER-MOVEMENTS OF THE RUSSIANS CONCEALED BY
FOG-BRITISH OUTPOSTS SURPRISED-POSITION OCCUPIED BY THE RUSSIAN FIELD-ARTILLERY-THE AUTHOR'S SHARE IN THE ENGAGEMENTDESPERATE RUSH OF RUSSIAN INFANTRY-CONFLICT IN THE TWO-GUN
BATTERY-CAPTURE AND RECAPTURE OF BRITISH GUNS-DUEL OF
ARTILLERY-FRESH ATTACK OF RUSSIAN INFANTRY -TE AUTHOR S NARROW ESCAPE-DEATII OF SIR GEORGE CATIICART-AID FROM THE FRENCH
-COLONEL DICKSON AND HIS TWO GUNS-HAND TO HAND FIGHT-SIR DE
LACY EVANS-FINAL REPULSE OF THE RUSSIANS-PLAN OF THE ENEMYAMOUNT OF TIIE SLAUGHTER-THE BATTLE FIELD-WOUNDED KILLED
BY RUSSIAN SOLDIERS.
FEW of those who were roused from their sleep by the Russian volleys at daylight on the 5th of November, will cease to
retain through life a vivid impression of the scene which followed. The alarm passed through the camps — there was
mounting in hot haste of men scarce yet half awake, whose late
dreams mixed with the stern reality of the summons to battlemany of whom, hastening to the front, were killed before they
well knew why they had been so hastily aroused. Breathless
servants opened the tents to call their masters-scared grooms
held the stirrup-and staff-officers, galloping by, called out that
the Russians were attacking in force.
It was a dark, foggy morning, the plains miry, and the herbage dank.  Cold mists rose from  the valley, and hung heavily




92           STORY OF THE  CAMPAIGN.
above the plains. During the darkness the enemy had assembled in force in the valley of the Tchernaya, between Inkermnnann
and the harbor. A marsh renders this part of the valley impassable, except by the Woronzoff road, which, after winding
round the sides of the steep bluffs, stretches, level, straight, and
solid, across the low ground. The Russian artillery had probably crossed this in the night, and been brought with muffled
wheels to a level point of the road, where, concealed by the jutting of the hill, it waited till- the repulse of our outposts should
afford it the opportunity of advancing to its destined position.
At dawn they made their rush upon our advanced posts of
the second division, on the crest looking down into the valley,
which fell back fighting upon the camp behind the crest, twelve
hundred yards in rear. The outposts of the division were well
accustomed to skirmish with the enemy on the same ground;
but Captain Robert Hume of the 55th, whom I met going out
in command of a picket the night before, and who was shot
through the knee in the action, told me that the Russians had
ceased to molest us there since their repulse on the 26th of October. A picket of the light division, in the ravine on the left,
was captured with its officer.
The outposts driven in, the hill was immediately occupied by
the enemy's field-artillery and guns of position. These latter
are so named, because they are of too large caliber to be moved
from point to point with ease, and are generally stationary during a battle, in some position which has been previously selected
for them. Their range is greater than that of field-artillery; at
shorter ranges their aim is more accurate, and the shells they
throw are more destructive. The heaviest guns were placed on
the highest point, where they remained throughout the day, and
the field-guns spread themselves down the slope, opposite our
right. Our field-batteries, coming up the slope in succession,




BATTLE OF INKERMANN.                    93
as they were more or less distant from the second division, found
themselves exposed at once to the fire of pieces answering to
our 18-pounder guns and 32-pounder howitzers, so placed on
the crest of the opposite hill that only their muzzles were visible. Over the brow, and along the face of the gentle acclivity,
shot came bounding, dashing up earth and stones, and crashing
through the tents left standing lower down the slope, while
shells exploded in the misty air with an angry jar. Many men
and horses were killed before they saw the enemy. Captain
Allix of General Evans' staff was dashed from his saddle, not far
from his own tent, by a round shot, and fell dead.
At the first alarm, the crest in front of the tents had been occupied by some troops of the second division. To their left extended the 47th and two companies of the 49th, which were
immediately joined by Buller's brigade of the light division.
Arriving on the ground, these regiments and companies found
themselves close to a Russian column advancing up the ravine,
which they at once charged with the bayonet, and drove back.
The 41st, with the remainder of the 49th, had been sent to the
right with Brigadier Adams, and advanced to the edge of the
heights looking upon Inkermann. On arriving at the front, I
was sent to this part of the ground with three guns, which
opened on a column of the enemy, apparently about five thousand strong, descending the side of a steep hill on the other
side of the Woronzoff road, and pursued it with their fire till
the side of the ravine hid it from view. Immediately afterward
the enemy swarmed up our side of the ravine in such force that
the 41st and 49th fell back; but the Guards, marching up by
companies, as they could be mustered, came on to that part of
the ground in succession, and, passing on each side of our guns,
checked the enemy's advance.
Hitherto all that was known had been that there was an at



94           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
tack in force, but the numbers and design of the enemy were now
apparent. The plan of the Russians was, after sweeping the
ridge clear by their heavy concentrated fire, to launch some of
their columns over it, while others, diverging to their left, after
crossing the marsh, passed round the edge of the cliffs opposite
Inkermann, and turned our right. The artillery fire had not continued long before the rush of infantry was made. Crowds of
skirmishers, advancing through the coppice (which, as before
mentioned, every where covered the field), came on in spite of
the case-shot, which tore many of them to pieces almost at the
muzzles of our guns, and passed within our line, forcing the artillery to limber up and retire down the slope, and spiking a
half-battery, which was posted behind one of the small banks
of earth mentioned before as the beginnings of an intrenchment. Two companies of the 55th, lying down there, retreated
as the Russians leaped over it, firing as they went back, and
halted on a French regiment that was marching up the hill.
The Russians retreated in their turn, and the French, arriving at
the crest, were for a moment astonished at the fire of artillery
which there met them, while the Russian infantry from the
coppice poured in close volleys. They halted, as if about to
waver, b.ut General Pennefather riding in front and cheering
them on, they went gallantly down the slope under the tremendous fire, driving the enemy before them. It was a critical moment, and the French regiment did good service to the army by
its timely advance.
Almost simultaneously with this attack on the center, and as
part of it, a body of Russians had passed round the edge of the
cliff, and met the Guards there. There was a two-gun battery,
riveted with gabions and sand-bags, on the edge of the slope
opposite the ruins of Inkermann, which had been erected for the
purpose of driving away some guns which the Russians were




BATTLE OF INK ERMANN.                   95
placing in battery near the ruins: this effected, our guns had
been removed.  Into this the Guards threw themselves, the
Grenadiers extending to the right, the Fusileers to the left of the
battery, and the Coldstreams across the slope toward our center.
The Russians came on in great numbers, with extraordinary determination. Many were killed in the embrasures of the battery,
and the Guards repeatedly attacked them with the bayonet, till,
having exhausted their ammunition, and lost nearly half their
number, they were forced to retire before the continually increasing force of the enemy. They left one of their officers, Sir
Robert Newman, lying there wounded by a bullet. Being reenforced, they returned, drove the enemy out of the battery, and
found Newman there dead from bayonet-wounds. He, as well as
many other disabled men, had been savagely killed by the enemy.
Townsend's battery of the fourth division had arrived at the
left of the position during one of the rushes made by the enemy.
Four of the guns were taken almost as soon as they were unlimbered, the Russians being close to them in the coppice unawares; but some of the 88th and 49th retook them before they
had been many seconds in the enemy's hands-Lieutenant
Miller, R.A., taking a leading part in the recapture of one of the
guns of his own division of the battery. In all these attacks on
our left, the Russians were prevented from turning that flank by
Codrington's brigade of the light division, which, posted on the
further bank of the ravine, skirmished in and across it with the
enemy's infantry throughout the day. Four guns had been detached early in the battle to support this brigade; but they were
met, whenever they came into action, by so heavy a fire, that
they were compelled to remain inactive, for the most part, under
shelter of a large mound of earth.
When the Russian infantry was driven back, a cannonade recommenced along their whole line, to which our guns replied




96           STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
warmly, though overmatched in metal and numbers. The Russians were computed to have sixty pieces, of which many were
guns of position; while we had six 9-pounder batteries of six
guns each; but our gunners continued the fire with admirable
steadiness.
Soon after the Guards came up on the right, the three guns
first sent there had been withdrawn for fresh ammunition, having
fired away all in the limbers, and being separated from their
waggons. I had then gone to the ridge where the road crossed
it. The duel of artillery was at its height-there was not a
moment when shot were not rushing or shells exploding among
the guns, men and horses going down before them. Grapeshot,
too, occasionally showered past, from which it would appear
that the Russians had brought some iron guns into position, as
grape fired from brass pieces would destroy the bore from
the softness of the metal. The ships in the harbor, and the
battery at the Round Tower, also threw shot and shell on to
the slope.
This cannonade was the preface to another infantry attack,
which now again threatened our right, and a battery was ordered
to that flank. While I was delivering the order, a round-shot
passed through my horse close' to the saddle and rolled us over.
He had shortly before been struck by a musket-ball in the
haunch, which did not disable him; and had been wounded by
a cannon-ball at the Alma, being one of the few horses that ever
survived such an event. This was the poor fellow's last field;
while on the ground another cannon-shot passed through him.
A sergeant of artillery-a very fine young fellow, named
M'Keown-ran to extricate me; he had just lifted me from
under the horse, and I was in the act of steadying myself on his
shoulder, when a shot carried off his thigh, and he fell back on
me, uttering cries as if of amazement at the suddenness of his




BATTLE OF INKERMANN.                    97
misfortune. I laid him gently down, resting on a bush, and
looked at the wound; the leg was smashed, and almost severed.
Calling two men to carry him to the rear, I hastened to the
right after the battery.
Advancing in the thick bushes beyond the spot where the
battery had come into action, I turned about and saw it retiring.
It was already at some distance,.and the movement was explained by the appearance of a line of Russian infantry suddenly
extending along the upper edge of the slope, between me and
our alignment, and at about forty yards' distance. On my left,
lower down the slope, as I turned toward our position, men of
different regiments, principally guardsmen, were retreating from
the two-gun battery. The Duke of Cambridge galloped past
me, calling to the men to fire, and ran the guantlet of the whole
Russian line, escaping with a bullet through his sleeve. Being
lame from a recent injury, I considered myself lost-the bullets
cut the branches and leaves on every side, and all attempts to
rally our men were met by the unanswerable reply that their
ammunition was spent. At that moment the right of the position
was absolutely without defense, and the enemy by advancing
resolutely must have turned it. But, from panic or some other
cause, they fortunately retired instead of advancing, a friendly
dip in the ground afforded shelter firom their last shots, and the
men who had retreated rallied and laid down under the low intrenchment already spoken of, while their officers distributed
fresh packets of ball-cartridge. On this intrenchment a heavy
fire of artillery was directed, which continued for nearly an hour.
An officer whom  I met here, to whom I was lamenting the
death of my horse, told me he had placed his in a hollow close
at hand, where he was quite secure-but going to visit him
presently afterward, he found that a shell had penetrated
this admirable retreat, and blown him to pieces. I saw a mag



98           STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
nificent team of chestnut gun-horses prostrated here by a single
destructive shell, and five of the six did not rise again.
Many of the men of the fourth division had but just returned
from the trenches when the attack of the Russians commenced.
They, as well as those who had not been on duty during the
night, were at once marched to the scene of action a mile and a
half distant. Arriving at the tents of the second division, they
received contradictory orders, and the regiments were separated.
Part of the 20th and 68th, and two companies of the 46th, passing
to the right of the position, were ordered to support the remnant
of the defenders of the two-gun battery. These fresh troops at
once charged the enemy, routed them, and pursued them to the
verge of the heights, when, returning victorious, they found the
battery, as they repassed it, again occupied by Russians, a fresh
force of whom had mounted the cliff from the valley. It was
while collecting his men to meet this new and unexpected foe
that Sir George Cathcart, who had advanced with this part of
his division, was shot dead.
At this juncture the remainder of Bosquet's division (except
his reserve) came up on the right, and, passing at once over the
crest, threw themselves into the combat, and, fighting side by
side with our regiments, pressed the Russians back. A porte
drapeau (ensign bearing the colors) of a French battalion, displayed great gallantry in this advance, leaping on the battery
and waving the colors, amid a shower of bullets, from which he
escaped unhurt. Some French cavalry were moved up at this
time; but the ground was unfit for this arm, and they were
withdrawn, having lost some men and horses.  Shortly after
the French regiments came to support ours, we received other
efficient aid.
Seeing that our field-artillery was unequally matched with the
Russian guns of position, Lord Raglan had dispatched an order




BATTLE OF INKERMANN.                    99
to the depot of the siege train, distant about half a mile, for two
iron 18-pounders, the only English guns of position landed from
the ships which were not already placed in the defensive works
at Balaklava and elsewhere. These were at once brought up by
Lieut.-Colonel Gambier, the commander of the siege train, who,
as he ascended the hill, was wounded by a grape-shot, which contused his chest, and obliged him to leave the field. The gunr
were thw brought up and placed in position among our fieldbatteries by Lieut.-Colonel Dickson, who directed their fire with
admirable coolness and judgment, which he continued to display
till the close of the battle, under a cannonade which, at these
two guns alone, killed or wounded seventeen men. In a short
time the Russian field-pieces, many of them disabled, were compelled to withdraw; and a French field-battery coming up shortly after the 18-pounders opened their fire, posted itself on the
right, and did excellent service, though exposed, like our own
guns, to a tremendous cannonade, which killed many of their men
and horses, and blew up an ammunition-wagon.
Between these two opposing fires of artillery a fierce desultory
combat of skirmishers went on in the coppice. Regiments and
divisions, French and English, were here mixed; and fought
hand to hand with the common enemy, who never again succeeded in advancing, nor in obtaining, in any part of the field,
even a partial success.
About noon the fire of the Russian guns slackened, as was
surmised, from want of ammunition.  After a time they reopened, though not with their former fierceness. Their intended
surprise, supported by the attack of their full force, had utterly
failed; their loss had been enormous, and the Allies had been
reinforced. The battle was prolonged only by the efforts of their
artillery to cover the retreat of the foiled and broken battalions.
During the battle Sir De Lacy Evans, who had been sick on




100         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
board ship at Balaklava, rode up to the field with his aide-decamp, Boyle, and, calling me by name, began to question me
about the battle. He looked extremely ill, but was as cool and
intrepid as he always is in action. While I was speaking to him,
a shell, crashing through some obstacle close by, rose from the
ground, passed a foot or two above our heads, and dropping
amid a group a few yards behind us, exploded there, wounding
some of them —but Sir De Lacy did not turn his head:
Officers and men fought the battle fasting. About two o'clock
a group of us being near General Pennefather's tent, he told his
servant to bring out wine and biscuits, which were never more
welcome. A shell bursting over the hill sent its freight of bullets through and through the group without touching any body.
At three o'clock the French and English generals with their
staffs passed along the crest of the disputed hill. The enemy's
guns, replying to ours, still sent a good many shot over the
ridge, but this survey of the field showed it free from the presence of the enemy, whose infantry had withdrawn behind the
opposite hill. At half-past three their guns also withdrew, and
the whole force of the enemy retired across the Tchernaya, pursued by the fire of a French battery supported by two battalions,
which, being pushed forward to a slope of the heights commanding the causeway across the marsh, converted their retreat
into a flight.
At the commencement of the battle, Liprandi's force had
moved forward, threatening two distant points of our line-while
a sally was made in force on the French trenches, which was repulsed with a loss to the enemy of one thousand men, the French
pursuing them within their works.
Until the arrival of the fourth division and the French, the
ground was held by about five thousand of our troops. In all,
eight thousand English and six thousand French were engaged.




BATTLE OF INKERMANN.                     101
The Russian force was estimated by Lord Raglan at sixty thousand.
Few great battles require less military knowledge to render
them intelligible than this. The plan of the enemy was, after
having succeeded in placing their guns unopposed in the required
position, to pour on one particular point of our line which they
knew to be inadequately guarded, a fire which should at once
throw the troops assembling for its defense into disorder, and
then to press on at the same point with overwhelming masses
of infantry. Our position once penetrated, the plains afforded
ample space for the deployment of the columns, which might
then attack in succession the different corps of the allied army
scattered on the plateau at intervals too wide for mutual and concerted defense.
The Russians succeeded in posting their artillery, in. sweeping
the field selected with a tremendous fire, and in bringing an
enormously superior force to a vigorous and close attack. According to all calculation, they were justified in considering the
day their own. But the extraordinary valor of the defenders of
the position set calculation at defiance. At every point alike the
assailants found scanty numbers, but impenetrable ranks. Before them every where was but a thin and scattered line opposed
to their solid masses and numerous skirmishers, yet beyond it
they could not pass. No doubt, to their leaders it must long
have appeared incredible they could fail. Again bravely led,
they came bravely to the assault, and with the same result; and,
unwillingly, they at length perceived that, if the allied troops
could resist successfully when surprised, no hope remained of
defeating them, now that they were reenforced, and on their
guard.
On our part it was a confused and desperate struggle.  Colonels of regiments led on small parties, and fought like subalterns,




102          STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
captains like privates. Once engaged, every man was his own
general. The enemy was in front, advancing, and must be beaten
back. The tide of battle ebbed and flowed, not in wide waves,
but in broken tumultuous billows. At one point the enemy
might be repulsed, while, at a little distance, they were making
their most determined rush. To stand on the crest and breathe
awhile, was to our men no rest, but far more trying than the
close combat of infantry, where there were human foes with
whom to match, and prove strength, skill, and courage, and to
call forth the impulses which blind the soldier to death or peril.
But over that crest poured incessantly the resistless cannon-shot,
in whose rush there seems something vindictive, as if each were
bestridden by some angry demon; crashing through the bodies
of men and horses, and darting from the ground on a second
course of mischief. The musket-ball, though more deadly, and
directed to an individual mark, bears nothing appalling in its
sound, and does not mutilate or disfigure where it strikes. But,
fronting uncovered and inactive a range of guns which hurl incessantly those iron masses over and around you, while on all
sides are seen their terrible traces, it is difficult to stave off the
thought that, in the next instant, your arm or leg may be dangling from your body a crushed and bloody mass, or your spirit
driven rudely through a hideous wound across the margin of the
undiscovered country.
Rarely has such an artillery fire been so concentrated, and for
so long, on an equally confined space. The whole front of the
battle-field, from the ravine on the left to the two-gun battery on
the right, was about three quarters of a mile. Nine hours of
such close fighting, with such intervals of cessation, left the victors in no mood for rejoicing. When the enemy finally retired,
there was no exultation, as when the field of the Alma was won;
it was a gloomy though a glorious triumph.




BATTLE OF INKERMANN.                   103
Neither our loss nor that of the enemy was fully known that
day; but a glance at any part of the ground showed the
slaughter to be immense. A few of the enemy were dead within
our lines; along the whole front of the position they lay thick
in the coppice. Every bush hid a dead man, and in some
places small groups lay heaped. In a spot which might have
been covered by a common bell-tent, I saw lying four Englishmen and seven Russians. All the field was strewn; but the
space in front of the two-gun battery, where the Guards fought,
bore terrible preeminence in slaughter. The sides of the hill,
up to and round the battery, were literally heaped with bodies.
It was painful to see the noble Guardsmen, with their large
forms and fine faces, lying amid the dogged, low-browed Russians. One Guardsman lay in advance of the battery on his
back, with his arms raised in the very act of thrusting with the
bayonet; he had been killed by a bullet entering through his
right eye. His coat was open, and I read his name on the
Guernsey frock underneath-an odd name-" Mustow."  While
I was wondering why his arms had not obeyed the laws of
gravity, and fallen by his side when he fell dead, a Guardsman
came up and told me he had seen AMustow rush out of the battery and charge with the bayonet, with which he was thrusting
at two or three of the enemy when he was shot. In their last
charges, the Russians must have trodden at every step on the
bodies of their comrades. In the bushes all around wounded
men were groaning in such numbers, that some lay two days
before their turn came to be carried away. I passed a Russian
with a broken leg, whom some scoundrel had stripped to his shirt,
and calling a soldier who was passing, desired him to take a
coat from a dead man, and put it on the unfortunate creature,
at the same time directing the attention of a party of men collecting the wounded, to the place where he lay. Passing the




104          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
same spot next day, the Russian, still stripped to his shirt, lay motionless, with his eyes closed. I told a French soldier, who was
near, to see if he was dead; the Frenchman, strolling up with
his hands in his pockets, pushed his foot against the Russian's
head; the stiffened body moved altogether like a piece of wood,
and the soldier, with a shrug, and one word, " mort," passed on.
Large trenches were dug on the ground for the dead; the Russians lay apart; the French and English were ranged side by
side. Few sights can be imagined more strange and sad in
their ghastliness than that of dead men lying in ranks, shoulder
to shoulder, with upturned faces, and limbs composed, except
where some stiffened arm and hand remained pointing upward.
The faces and hands of the slain assume, immediately after
death, the appearance of wax or clay; the lips parting show the
teeth, the hair and mustache become frowzy, and the body of
him who, half an hour before, was a smart soldier, wears a soiled
and faded aspect.
Down the ravine along which the Woronzoff road runs to the
valley, the dead horses were dragged and lay in rows; the
English artillery alone lost eighty. The ravine, like all those
channeling the plains, is wild and barren; the sides having been
cut down steeply for the sake of the limestone, which lies close
to the surface, in beds of remarkable thickness. A lime-kiln,
about ten feet square, built into the side of the hill, afforded a
ready-made sepulcher for the enemy left on this part of the field,
and was filled with bodies to the top, on which a layer of earth
was then thrown.
While I was on the ground, a day or two after the battle,
several shells were thrown from the ships in the harbor, some of
which pitched among the parties collecting the wounded.
General Pennefather, finding I was going to head-quarters, desired me to deliver a message stating the fact. Next day a flag




BATTLE OF INKERMANN.                   105
of truce was sent into the town to complain of this, and further,
to say that, both in this battle and the action of Balaklava,
Russian soldiers had been seen killing our wounded on the
field; demanding if the war was to be carried on in this manner.
The answer of Prince Menschikoff was, that the shells had been
directed, not at the parties engaged in clearing the field, but at
those intrenching the position; and that, if any of the wounded
had been put to death, it could have been only in a few particular instances; in excuse of which he remarked, that the
Russian soldiers were much exasperated in consequence of the
fire from the French trenches having destroyed one of the
churches of Sebastopol.
5*




CHAPTER XIV.
WINTER ON THE PLAINS.
CHANGE OF WEATHER-A HURRICANE-TENTS PROSTRATED-PURSUIT OF
FLYING PROPERTY-CHEERLESS CONDITION OF THE CAMP —THE STORM
AT SEA-LOSS OF VESSELS-DESTRUCTION OF THE STEAMER "PRINCE"THE PLAINS A QUAGMIRE-SCOTS GRAYS-DEAD AND DYING HORSESDOGS-FROM BALAKLAVA TO THE CAMP-LACK OF FUEL-HUTS-THE
AUTHOR'S EXPERIENCE-DRAGGING ON OF THE SIEGE-CLEARING THE
RIFLE-PITS-NEW  INTRENCHMENTS OPPOSITE INKERMANN-LIPRANDI
RETIRES INTO SEBASTOPOL-ATTACK BY THE FRENCH ON THE RUSSIANSCAPTURE OF KAMARA-CLOSE OF 1854.
EARLY in November the, weather, hitherto mild and sunny
as the Indian summer of Canada, began to grow foggy, moist,
and raw. The horizon of the Black Sea was blotted with mists,
and its surface changed from blue to cold gray, while the sky
was either leaden or black with clouds.
About day-break on the 14th, a strong wind from the south
drove before it a flood of rain; the tents, swelling inward beneath the blast, left no slant sufficient to repel the water, which
was caught in the hollows, and filtered through. I was awoke
by it dripping on my face, which I covered with my cloak, and
slept again. Again I was awoke, and this time more rudely.
The wind had increased to a hurricane, in which the canvas
flapped and fluttered, and the tent-pole quivered like a vibrating
harp-string. At the opening of the tent my servant appeared
uttering some words, which were blown away, and never reached




WINTER  ON THE PLAINS.                 107
me till, putting his head within, he told me I must get up —adding, that the tents were nearly all blown away. As he spoke,
the pegs that held mine to the ground parted-the canvas was
driven against the pole, and the whole structure fell with a
crash across my bed.
Sitting up, and grasping my fluttering blankets, I beheld such
of my effects as had not weight enough to keep them stationary,
dispersed in the air, and borne on the wings of the wind into a
distant valley.  Half-written letters clung for a moment, in
places, to the muddy ground, before pursuing their airy flight,
and garments of every description strewed the plain. My servant
was in full pursuit of a cocked hat, which was whirled onward
at a tremendous pace, till its course was arrested by a low wall;
and on the muddy wheel of a cart hung a scarlet waistcoat
grievously bemired. All round me were figures -like my own,
of half-clad men sitting amid the ruins of their beds, and watching, with intense interest, the dispersion of their property; while
those tents which had continued to resist the gale, fell over, one
after the other, like inverted parachutes. Horses, turning their
scattered tails to the blast, leaned against it with slanting legs,
blinded by their clothing, which, retained by their surcingles,
was blown over their heads; and all around were seen men
struggling up, with frequent loss of ground, each holding some
recovered article. Whatever could be collected in this way,
was placed beneath the fallen tents, the edges of which were
then loaded with heavy stones. In the distance other encampments were seen in similar plight, and every where the rows of
tents which had dotted the plain had disappeared.
Hard as it seemed to be stripped of shelter by the storm, those
who had passed the night in the trenches had still greater reason
to complain. There they had consoled themselves during the
watches of the wet, gusty night, by the promise of warmth and




108          STORY  OF THE  CAMPAIGN.
rest in the morning; and hastening, chilled and weary, to their
camp, for their comforting hot coffee, and pleasant well-earned
sleep, officers and men found their temporary homes level
as a row of Persians worshiping the rising sun, and the space
they had kept dry, in the midst of mire, become a puddle. No
fires could be lit, no breakfast warmed, for the blast extinguished
the flame, and scattered the fuel; and all that could be done
was, to gather the blankets out of the mud, and to try to raise
again the fallen tents.
But these were by no means the greatest sufferers. The hospital tents, higher than the rest, were blown down, leaving the
patients exposed, almost naked, to the bitter wind and driving
rain; and the first efforts of the men in camp were directed to
obtain some shelter for these unfortunates. The wooden building already described as so comfortably housing the wounded
French, fell over, fortunately without seriously adding to the injuries of the occupants; but I heard that a Russian prisoner,
who lay Wounded in another hospital, was killed by its fall.
Toward noon the storm began to abate, though it still blew
violently till next morning, when the extent of damage sustained
by the ships, toward which many an anxious thought had been
cast, was known. Our hardships on shore were as nothing compared with the state of those at sea, who saw instant destruction
in the gale-which bore toward them, on the one side the most
terrific billows, while on the other was a wall of perpendicular
rocky cliff.
On the 15th the narrow harbor of Balaklava was strewed
with floating timbers and trusses of hay so thickly, that boats
were with difficulty forced through the masses; while numbers
of the drowned were washed about the bases of the cliffs at the
entrance. The ships inside, ranged in line close together as in a
dock, had been driven toward the head of the harbor, and,




WINTER  ON THE PLAINS.                 109
pressing in a mass upon the Sanspareil, carried her a hundred
yards from her moorings, where she grounded by the stern.
One or two vessels went down close to others, who could aid
only by saving the crews. Seven English transports were lost at
Balaklava, and thirteen at the Katcha. The Resistdnce, a magazine-ship cast away at the former place, contained large quantities of ammunition both for siege-guns and infantry; and the
Prince, a very large and magnificent steamer, had just arrived
from England with a great supply of warm clothing for the
army, all of which went down in her. She had also brought
out an apparatus to be employed in our operations against Sebastopol; and Lieutenant Inglis, an engineer who had gone on
board the night before to superintend the disembarkation of the
machine, was lost along with the ship and crew. One of our
line-of-battle ships was dismasted, and another injured; and the
French 80-gun ship, Henri IV., the most beautiful vessel in
their navy, went aground in eight feet of water; and it being
impossible to float her, she was used as a battery against the
shore. The Retribution, an English war-steamer, having the
Duke of Cambridge on board, escaped with difficulty, casting
her guns overboard.
The army soon felt severely the loss it had sustained when
the Prince went down. For the remainder of November, it
rained almost without cessation, and the plains became one vast
quagmire. The soil is remarkably tenacious, and the feet both
of men and horses were encumbered at every step with a load
of clay. Not only all the interior of the camps was deep in
mire, but the floors of the tents themselves grew muddy. It is
difficult to imagine a more cheerless scene than that presented
wherever you traversed the plains-the landscape, all lead-colored above, was all mud-colored below; the tents themselves,
wet and stained with mud, had become dreary spots on a dreary




110         STORY OF THE CAMP-AIGN.
background. Sometimes low walls of stone or mud were thrown
up round them, and in part succeeded in keeping out the keen
raw gusts. About the tents waded a few shivering men in
great-coats; trying to light fires behind small screens of mud or
stones, or digging up the roots of the bushes where the coppice
had vanished from the surface. Rows of gaunt, rough horses,
up to their fetlocks in the soft, drab-colored soil, stood with
drooping heads at their picket-ropes, sheltered from wind and
rain each by a dirty ragged blanket-in which it would have
been difficult for the keenest connoisseur in horse-flesh to recognize the glossy, spirited, splendid teams that had drawn the artillery along the plains of Scutari.
When the Scots Grays, after landing at the Katcha, marched
through the camp on the Balbek, the whole army admired their
magnificent appearance-the horses, unsurpassed in any cavalry
in the world for shape, size, spirit, and condition, contrasted
strongly with those which had been through the campaign, and
which, even then, except the strongest and soundest, had begun
to look travel-stained and battered. When the winter began,
the survivors of the Grays, long-haired, bony, spiritless, and
soiled with mire, preserved no trace of their former beauty.
Perhaps the most painful feature in the dreary scene was the
number of dead and dying horses scattered, not only round the
cavalry and artillery camps, but along the various roads which
traversed the position. Some had fallen and died from fatigue,
some perished from cold, some from starvation. Once down, a
horse seldom rose again. After a few faint attempts he lay still,
except for a feeble nibbling at the bare ground; then he would
fall over on his side, and, stretching out his legs, would so end
his career, leaving a smooth space in the mud, where his head
and neck had moved slowly to and fro, or where his hind leg
had scratched convulsively before he died. Sometimes an own



WINTER  ON THE PLAINS.                 111
erless horse, probably too lame and unserviceable to be worth
inquiring after, would linger about the neighborhood of an encampment. Day after day he would be there, waiting patiently,
wondering, perhaps, why no hay nor corn came, getting thinner
and thinner; nobody could relieve him without robbing his own
horse, on whose strength of condition his own efficiency depended-until, after wandering to and fro over the,barren spot, if
no friendly hand could be found to send a bullet through his
head, he would drop, and die there a lingering death. It was
impossible to traverse the position in any direction without seeing many carcasses-some swollen anti bloated, some mere
skeletons. Here and there would be seen the curious spectacle
of a horse's bones covered only with his loose, collapsed hide,
all the flesh, muscles, and even ribs, having disappeared-which
would be explained presently, when, on passing the next carcass,
a gorged dog would put his head out from the hollow arch of
the ribs, and, after looking lazily at the comer, return to his
horrible feast.  These spectacles never ceased to be painful,
though custom diminished their effect; for, a few months before,
the sight of a dying horse would have haunted me for days.
The dogs had originally been inhabitants of the farm-houses
and villas of the plateau. Driven from their ruined homes, they
collected in packs on the untenanted portions of the plain, and
fed by night on the dead horses. At first they were, in consideration of their services as scavengers, and their inoffensiveness,
left unmolested; but, latterly, I was sorry to see that the French
soldiers began to shoot them for the sake of their skins. But
very little native animal life was seen after the cold drove the
numerous lizards under ground. A hare would sometimes start
from a bush-a few crows, magpies, and ravens occasionally
held council over some dead horse lying remote from the
camp-and, once or twice, I saw large flocks of magnificent




112          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
eagles swooping so near, that their stern, searching eyes were
visible.
On the setting in of rain, the road from Balaklava to the
camp at once became almost impassable.  Man and beast
plunged along knee-deep, through thick sticky mud in some
parts, while in others the mire was sloppy, with slippery stones
beneath. Near Balaklava great pools were collected in the low
ground; the gardens and vineyards had become swamps, and
not a trace of cultivation remained in the desolate and melancholy valley. In a pool, between the posts of the gateway of a
field near the town, a camel lay for days, which had fallen from
weakness, and was unable to rise-its huge structure of ribs,
bald and bare of flesh, was painfully visible-till, dying, it soon
almost disappeared in the surrounding filth. Files of cavalry
horses, carrying provisions and forage, might be met at all parts
of the road, as well as artillery wagons, laden with hay and
corn, instead of ammunition, all toiling slowly and painfully
through the slough. The road along the margin of the harbor,
more filthy and boggy than the rest, was thronged with arabas
drawn by mules, bullocks, and camels, waiting for stores and
provisions. These, in their journey to the camp, frequently
broke down, or stuck too fast to be extricated-and, once abandoned, a carriage, no matter how serviceable or important, might
be considered lost, for during the night it was sure to be broken
in pieces and carried off for fire-wood.
Perhaps of all the privations of the army, the want of wood
was the severest. Until a supply of charcoal and patent fuel was
brought in ships, the necessary quantity for cooking the ration
of meat was only procured with much difficulty and labor by
those divisions posted on the center of the plains. About the
monastery of St. George there was a good deal of thick coppice
extending toward Balaklava, and the brushwood was interspers



WINTER  ON THE PLAINS.                  113
ed with oak-trees from three to six inches in diameter. These
were, for the most part, used for poles by the Turks, who, as soon
as the wet set in, quitted their tents and retired under ground.
Digging a trench about twelve feet long, eight wide, and four
deep, they set up along the middle of its length a row of forked
poles, and laid ridge-poles across the forks which supported rafters
from the bank on each side. These latter were covered thickly
with branches, and mud was then plastered over the whole, excluding the air, while the slope of the roof enabled it to resist
several hours rain. A sloping path led down to the door-no
provision was made for admitting light-the smoke escaped
through a hole; and when the walls had dried it was much
warmer than a tent, which, as may be supposed, is, in wet and
windy weather, the dreariest abode in the world.
Now it happened that, in December, some staff-officers, who
had built, near the small encampmentof which my tent formed
an item, a row of huts of the kind just described, only more
elaborately finished, were ordered to Balaklava, and three of us,
purchasing the fee-simple of the property, entered into possession.
The main building, forty feet long by twelve or fourteen wide,
was divided in half by a partition wall. The solid roof, perfectly air-tight, was supported by substantial props. To light each
apartment there was a square hole in the roof, screened from the
rain by a small roof of its own, like a garret window. The fireplace of the outer chamber had a chimney in the partition-that
of the inner in the end wall. Near this was another hut, half
the size, for a kitchen, and a trench had been already dug and
poles erected for a stable, where, with the somewhat desultory
and dawdling assistance of a party of Turks, we succeeded in
warmly housing all our steeds. About the middle of December
we entered our new abode, and were for the next week the envy
of all our acquaintance still under canivas. After that it began




114         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
to rain, and continued to do so for four-and-twenty hours, at the
end of which time, the habitation being still dry, we felt more
pity than ever for the dwellers in tents, and retired to rest in a
mood at once compassionate and grateful.
While it was yet dark, I was awoke by my companion in this
dormitory calling out to ask if I was wet through yet? and on
opening my mouth to make reply, some wet mud dropped from the
roof nearly into it. Sluices were established at numerous weak
points of the roof, and the murmur of many waters was heard
around. In some places the thin cascade poured tinkling into a
rill on the floor, while at other points the dull noise of its fall
showed some article of wearing apparel to be underneath. My
pillow was drenched, my cloak thoroughly soaked, but as yet the
water had not penetrated to the blankets; and after sounding
with my hand the puddle on the floor, and satisfying myself that
my coat, trowsers, and boots could not possibly be any wetter, I
became convinced that I might as well for the present lie still,
and, drawing the end of my cloak over my head, slept till morning. At daylight, we, the late exulting possessors of the coveted
huts, sought shelter in the neighboring tents. But, having been
thus shown the weak point of our position, we took effectual
measures to strengthen it; and procuring from Balaklava enough
tarpaulin to cover our roofs, we drained our abode, lit fires on
the floor to dry it, and again became its tenants; andf except
when the cold wind forced us to keep the door shut, darkening
the place so that we were obliged to breakfast sometimes by
candle-light, we really lived in great comparative luxury.
A plan for warming the tents, originating, I think, with the
engineers, was very commonly resorted to. The water supply,
which the aqueduct passing in front of our camps afforded to
Sebastopol, had been cut off, and the pipes conducting it laid
bare. One of these, of solid iron, seven or eight feet long, made




WINTER  ON THE PLAINS.                 115
an excellent chimney, and was enclosed in a trench dug across
the floor of the tent, and covered in, except near the door, when
the fire was lit in it. The pipe, while conducting the smoke to
the open air, became heated, and diffused through the interior a
comfortable glow. But the French adopted the most luxurious
plan-they elevated their tents on an oval stone wall about four
feet high, having a chimney at the back, and opposite a wooden
door framed in the opening of the tent: spaces were cut in the
canvas, where squares of glass in wooden frames were let in;
and with a good fire blazing in the chimney, the interior was, in
the gloomiest day, light, warm, and cheerful.
The soldiers who, poor fellows, could adopt none of these inventions, had only the shelter of the tents, and such articles of
clothing as were issued from time to time, to trust to for necessary warmth. Their misery was great, but they met it in an excellent spirit. Crime was rare-insubordination rarer —there were
few murmurs-and they were as ready as ever to meet the enemy.
From the battle of Inkermann till the end of December but
few events occurred to break the monotony of the siege. Day
after day, the gunners at intervals exchanged shots with the enemy, and the French and English sharp-shooters in the advanced
trenches fired from their sand-bag loop-holes at the Russian riflemen hid in pits or behind screens of stone, without other result
than the loss of a few men on either side. Sometimes, shortly
after dark, the Russians would commence a sharp cannonade,
chiefly directed on the French; every instant the sky would be
reddened by the flashes, visible even in the tents, and the rattle
of musketry would be added to the roll of the artillery. Then
the turmoil would subside, and the darkness and stillness would
remain unbroken, except for the flash and boom of an occasional
gun. Very little damage was done on these occasions by the
enemy's fire.




116         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
Beyond the advanced trench in front of our left attack, the
Russians had made some pits, which, screened by small stonewalls, were occupied each by a rifleman, and from whence they
caused great annoyance to our people in the trench, and to the
French across the ravine, whose advanced works they in part
saw into. On the night of the 20th of November, a party of our
rifles was ordered to clear the pits, the men in which were supported from another row of pits behind. Sallying from the right
extremity of the trench, they drove the Russians off, after a sharp
struggle; and a working party immediately threw up on the
spot cover enough to render the ground tenable. Lieutenant
Tryon, who led the attack, was killed by a shot from the pits,
and we lost about fifteen men killed and wounded. During the
battle of Inkermann, Tryon fought all day armed with a rifle,
and, being a good shot, killed an almost fabulous number of the
enemy. The service of driving the enemy from the pits was SQ
highly appreciated by the French, that General Canrobert passed
a warm encomium on it in general orders; and the enemy's estimate of the advantage they had lost was shown by fierce attacks
made to regain the ground, on the two following nights, without
success.
We had begun, immediately after the battle of Inkermann, to
intrench the front of the second division. The ditch and parapet already there were enlarged, completed, rendered continuous,
and armed with batteries. Three redoubts, two French and one
English, were constructed on commanding points, ours being on
the ridge occupied by the Russian guns of position in the battle.
In advance of these, other works and batteries were extended to
the verge of the heights looking on the head of the harbor, on
the causeway across the marsh, and on the last windings of the
Tchernaya. To oppose them the enemy threw up batteries on
the heights on their side of the valley, and opened fire from the




WINTER  ON THE PLAINS.                   117
nearest of them; while further back, long lines of intrenchment
extended across the hills.
On the 6th of December, Liprandi, after setting fire to his
huts, quitted his position in front of Balaklava, and retired into
Sebastopol, leaving a force of cavalry and infantry, with some
guns, in the villages of Kamara and Tcherzuna, and some fieldworks to guard the bridge over the Tchernaya. The French
reconnoitered the ground in force on the 30th of December. Ten
battalions of infantry, and six squadrons of horse, with twelve
guns, under General D'Espinasse, descended into the plain, and,
throwing out skirmishers, supported by a troop of cavalry, advanced toward the hills taken from the Turks on the 25th of October. As they went on, the single Cossack sentry always posted
on the hill nearest the middle of the plains was joined by a detachment of about a liundred and fifty Russian lancers. These
retired in good order, by alternate sections, as the French skirmishers ascended the slope, one section halting as the others
went back, and then retiring in its turn while another faced
about.
The troop of French cavalry supporting the skirmishers,
arriving at the summit, charged the section of lancers showing
front, and drove it back upon the others; and the French supports appearing, the Russians retired in good order down the
defile, across the bridge of the Tchernaya, and into the village
on the other bank, leaving about a dozen troopers unhorsed or
prisoners. A French officer received a wound from a lance in
this affair, of which he died the next day. The whole of the
French then advanced toward the river, and followed the bank
on their own side till opposite the village, into which they threw
some shells, setting fire to some of the houses, and dislodging
the cavalry, which retired, covered by eight guns that the enemy
withdrew from a field-work on the left bank when the French




118        STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
advanced. In the mean time, Sir Colin Campbell had ordered
the 42d to move out of the intrenched hills to the right of Kadukoi, along the face of the mountain to Kamara, of which village they obtained possession without any opposition. Then the
French, holding the defile near the bridge, detached two batallions up a mountain path to their right rear to a village in the
hills beyond Kamara, where they knew three hundred Cossacks to
be posted, and whom they nearly succeeded in surprising, the Cossacks having barely time to escape before the French entered
the village; the latter, having destroyed the enemy's huts, and
burnt a quantity of forage, rejoined the main body, driving off
with them some cattle and sheep; and the whole of the reconnoitering force, having accomplished their object, which was
limited to ascertaining the enemy's actual force and position, returned to the heights.
So ended the year 1854-to nine-tenths of the army beyond
measure the most eventful of their lives, and which, in retrospect,
wore the air of romance. There were unfolded the departure
with tearful friends on the one side, glorious uncertainty on the
other-the scenes of the Turkish capital-the pestilence-haunted
camps of Bulgaria, whose dreary sites are marked by so many
of our comrades' graves-the march across the green sunny
plains of the Crimea-our first passage of arms at the Almathe sight of the prize we aimed at-the bright new-looking city,
with its background of blue water-the bombardment-the minor actions of the 25th and 26th of October-and the gloomy
struggle of Inkermann, leaving us undisturbed possessors of the
barren plains, where we had now spent three long months, feeling winter's grasp tightening day by day. Yet that grasp evenhanded to both parties, was not altogether unfriendly to us.
Fine weather and good roads would have brought upon us legions of enemies-day after day we must have renewed, for our




WINTER ON THE PLAINS.                  119
bare footing, a struggle against odds sufficient to render it ever
doubtful.
But now, while the accessions to the Russian force must, of necessity, be few and scanty, England and Fiance were to us,
prodigal of aid. Our numbers had been inadequate to the task
before us, but reinforcements had come, and more were on their
way. We had been thinly clad, but comfortable garments were
at hand. The state of the roads rendered the necessary transport of stores a work of extreme difficulty, but a railway had
arrived, with men to lay it. Tents had for long. almost ceased
to be a shelter against the wind and driving rain-but now,
wooden-houses for the army, proposed, as it seemed to us, only
the other day, and but half believed in, were actually in the harbor, and, when put together on the heights, would at once place
the troops in comparative comfort, and check the progress of
disease. Austria was said to have at length joined us in earnest,
though the terms of the treaty concluded with her were as yet
unannounced. Best of all, we felt how we were thought of and
cared for at home, and knew that, for us tattered, bedraggled
mortals, shivering on these muddy plains, a regard more anxious,
deep, and generous than is often shown, except by the truest and
warmest of friends, now formed the one absorbing impulse of the
nation.




CHAPTER XV.
CIRC UMSPECTIVE.
PRESENT SITUATION-SUFFERINGS OF THE TROOPS-NUMBER DISABLEDDIFFICULTY OF TRANSPORTING PROVISIONS-SYMPATHY IN ENGLANDCAUSES OF TIIE DISASTERS-IMPATIENCE OF THE ENGLISH PUBLIQLACK OF WARM CLOTHING-INADEQUACY OF THE EXPEDITION-M3EANS
OF TRANSPORT DEFICIENT-DEFICIENCY OF TROOPS —WEAKNESS IN CAVALRY AND ARTILLERY-THE BEST DONE UNDER THE CIRCUMSTANCES.
DURING the lull in the operations, a glance at our present situation, and the successive stages which led to it, may not be out
of place. We find ourselves, after two great battles and some
minor actions, in possession of a position which, in itself of great
natural strength, has been so fortified as to be almost impregnable,
if held by an army sufficiently strong to occupy it throughout
its extent. The allied works are pushed close to those protecting
the town, and reonforcements reach us constantly; while the garrison of Sebastopol and the Russian army outside must be suffering great privations, and their expenditure of men and material
can not be replaced. So far the advantage would seem to be
with us.
But the sufferings of our troops, exposed to the rigor of winter,
without clothing or shelter sufficient to resist it, had, when published from a hundred sources, excited universal sympathy. As
soon as the change of temperature checked the ravages of cholera, the wet set in, bringing a new train of diseases. Horrible




CIRCUMSPECTIVE.                    121
cramps resembling those of the epidemic, but accompanied by
different symptoms and excited by other causes, seized numbers
of those exposed, sometimes for nights in succession, to the duty
of guarding the trenches. In their ragged garments, and with
feet almost bare, they paced the wet mud, or, wrapt in a single
blanket, lay in holes which they dug in the reverse of the batteries and lines, shivering the live-long night. When relieved,
they crept back, rigid with cold, to the bleak shelter of the tents.
On the troops newly arrived from England these unaccustomed
hardships fell with double severity, and they died in appalling
numbers, while the endurance of those seasoned by the previous
campaign was now tried to the uttermost. In the months of
December and January the sick in the English camp alone varied
from two thousand to three thousand nine hundred; and including those at Balaklava and Scutari, or invalided to England, the
sick returns showed the astounding number of fourteen thousand
men ineffective in the British army.
The force thus weakened was by no means replenished by the
reinforcements which arrived from England and the Mediterranean garrisons, and, in consequence, the duties of those who
remained effective were increased in severity.  The trenches
must be held at any price, and the same guards sometimes
manned them for three successive nights.
To feed the army, it was necessary to bring provisions daily
from Balaklava; the labor of the siege had been such that up to
the end of December our means of transport had never permitted us to accumulate one day's provisions in advance. Day after
day accordingly saw men and horses, enfeebled by hardship,
traversing the roads, clogged by mire and snow, to and from
Balaklava. Strings of soldiers might be met carrying pieces of
raw pork, and often these provision-carriers, until late in the afternoon, did not break their fast. The cavalry brought up their




122          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
forage on their horses, the artillery theirs on stripped ammunition
wagons and Flanders wagons. A horse carried a truss of hay
weighing from 180 lb. to 200 lb.; or a sack of corn-a wagon
took five or six trusses, and required ten horses to draw it thus
loaded, and these, starting from the camp soon after daylight, seldom returned till late in the afternoon. Rows of wagons and of
cavalry-horses waited (men and animals up to their knees in
mud) till their turn for loading came-the rule being that only
one boat-load of forage should be disembarked at a time, as very
few commissariat clerks could be spared to superintend the issue.
It occasionally happened that the men of some of the divisions
were for a day, sometimes two, without the ration of meat and
rum, having only biscuit and unroasted coffee, while half allowance was by no means uncommon. Now, if the reader will visit,
in the coldest days of English winter, the poorest family in his
neighborhood, whose food is just sufficient to sustain existence;
who, never getting coals except in charity, search the neighboring commons and hedges for furze and sticks wherewith to cook
their meager meals; who lie down hungry and cold at night on
a miserable pallet, to shiver till cheerless morning-and will then
remember that to all these privations were added want of shelter
from drenching rain, and sleet, and frost, he will be able to realize the condition of the troops in front of Sebastopol after the
end of October.
These facts, once known in England, excited sympathy entirely
unbounded, and, with the supplies sent to our relief, the public
poured forth indignant questions as to how our straits had arisen?
Why had the expedition been delayed till so late in the season?
When so long delayed, why was it attempted? Why had provision not been made for a winter campaign? Why was our
force not more commensurate with the difficulty of the proposed
achievement?




CI RC UMSPE CTIVE.                   123
It is evident that so long as Silistria was likely to fall-that
is, till July-the most important object was to check the progress of the hitherto successful invader toward the Turkish capital. Soon after the Russians had retired across the Danube, and
before the preparations necessary for assuming the offensive in
this new aspect of affairs could possible be completed, the cholera broke out.
But the English public, through the press, were clamorous for
immediate action. Taunts on the inactivity of the forces, pictures of the success which awaited bold and sudden measures,
invidious comparisons between such generals as were supposed
to be in favor of delay and those eager for enterprise, depreciating
estimates of the enemy's resources, and exaggerated statements
of our own-these formed the staple of the articles of the public
journals, and to these were added frequent false reports that the
enterprise so insisted on was already commenced. Seldom has
the British public been more clamorous for any one thing than
for the expedition to the Crimea.
Thus urged, the allied army, enfeebled by sickness which continued to pursue it, completed in all haste the most necessary
preparations, and sailed. to invade a country concerning which,
for all purposes of war, a remarkable degree of ignorance prevailed. Travelers who had hastily traversed these regions suddenly found the notes and observations made for their own amusement or profit become information of the first importance. A
reconnoissance of the coast had enabled us to select a suitable
spot for the landing, but had left us as completely in the dark
as to the obstacles interposed between us and our object as were
Jason and his companions when they sailed in search of the
Golden Fleece. The maps showed us three rivers between the
point selected for landing and the city aimed at, any or all of
which might be strongly guarded; the numbers and resources




124          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
of the defenders of the soil could be only guessed at; and the
city was surrounded by fortifications, of the nature and strength
of which no certain intelligence existed.
Landing unopposed, we overthrew the enemy at the Alma,
when such a shout of triumph arose in France and England that
the mere reverberations were mistaken for fresh pleans of victory, and on the 18th of October the men in front of Sebastopol
read what seemed to them the bitter mockery of its reported
fall. It is not easy to suppose that the confident anticipations,
thus rife at home, of the speedy accomplishment of the enterprise, should have been without effect on the efforts made to provide for the contingency of a protracted siege. Nevertheless,
before the middle of November, a supply of warm clothing arrived, which unfortunately was lost with the steamer Prince.
Other supplies following were landed and distributed as soon as
possible to the troops, the greater part of whom, however, remained without drawers, flannel shirts, or new clothes till January,
when these articles began to arrive in a profusion quite beyond
our means of transport, which, at first inadequate to the wants
of the army, had diminished every day.
Offering the foregoing remarks as in some degree explanatory
of why the enterprise had been delayed, why it had taken place,
and why better provision was not made for a winter campaign,
I now come to the other question, as to the inadequacy of the
expedition to accomplish its ends.
Experience daily strengthened the conviction, that the radical
deficiency to be lamented in the British army was in the means
of transport. It was in vain that supplies were landed at Balaklava, while no medium of conveyance existed from thence to
the already overtaxed troops in camp.  The baggage animals originally left behind at Varna had been brought to Balaklava, but the losses among them were so numerous and constant,




CIRCUMSPECTIVE.                    125
that sufficient horses, ponies, and mules did not remain to bring
up the necessary provisions and supplies of ammunition. Thus
it happened that we had the mortification of seeing ships lying
in the harbor at Balaklava, containing clothing to warm, and
huts to shelter the suffering troops, yet of no more avail, for
want of means to transport them, than if they had been a thousand miles off. It is an old complaint that British troops in the
field, in Europe, have been always deficient in means of transport, and never was the fault more apparent, or more severely
felt, than in the campaign in the Crimea. Light capacious carriages, drawn by strong well-fed animals, and driven by persons
in whom there was no necessity for demanding the same physical requisites as in soldiers, would have been invaluable. The
troops would have been regularly supplied, clothed, and housed,
and a great number set free to lighten the military labors of the
siege; guns would have replaced those disabled in the batteries,
and ammunition would have been accumulated in sufficient
quantity for a sustained attack.
The efforts male to supply the constant drain of the English
army left Gibraltar, Malta, Corfu, and the British Isles denuded of troops. As efficient soldiers can not be raised at short
notice, it seems that the want of men now felt was altogether
owing to the small number of troops which the national jealousy
of a military force allowed to be kept on a peace establishment.
The army, in all its branches of cavalry, infantry, artillery, and
medical staff, being systematically kept down to the very lowest
point consistent with affording the appearance of garrisons to
our colonies and fortified places at home and abroad, while baggage and hospital trains are absolutely unknown, must of course
be always found insufficient, and its arrangements defective, in a
first campaign against a powerful enemy. Doubtless, to the
British people, proud of the achievements, and deeply moved by




126         STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
the privations of their army, it appeared impossible that they
were themselves the authors of the disasters they deplored. Yet
how long is it since oracles who proclaimed the impossibility of
future European wars, and denounced our army as an useless
and expensive incumbrance, commanded attention and applause?
How long is it since the officers, now held up to the world as
heroes, were considered fair targets for daily slanders and abuse,
while the public looked on, applauding and amused? And
when did any minister, charged with the office of seeing that
the nation got present substantial returns for its expenditure,
venture to propose an augmentation of the forces now proved to
be inadequate in all except what the public can not bestow, to
maintain those interests which have so long engrossed the energies of our thriving people?
The naval portion of our armament was splendid. Our shipsof-war, our fleets of powerful steamers and huge transports, commanded the admiration and respect of the French. No signs of
national frugality or shortcoming were visible there. But a very
cursory glance at the condition of our military force, when the
war began, will show its utter inadequacy to our rank and pretensions in the scale of nations. In all our garrisons at home and
abroad, the troops were barely sufficient to supply the necessary
guards. At Gibraltar we had eight hundred guns, and five hundred artillerymen to work them. At Chobham we thought we
had done great things when we assembled ten thousand men to
play at soldiers, while foreign potentates laughed in their sleeves
at the display. Our cavalry force was absolutely ridiculous in
its weakness, fitter numerically for some petty principality than
for a mighty monarchy. Regiments appeared in Turkey, admirably equipped, but inferior in numbers to a respectable
squadron. The artillery, that complex arm, involving duties so
various, and which demand so much time in acquiring, has been




CIRCUM SPE CTIVE.                  127
always kept at a strength below its due proportion in an army
such as is now in the field. Batteries at Woolwich for years
consisted of four guns and four wagons, each drawn by four
horses, with gunners and drivers in proportion; whereas, in the
field, each battery has six guns, drawn each by eight horses, and
seventeen wagons of various kinds, ammunition, store and forge
wagons, with three times the number of horses considered necessary on the peace footing. The horses, both of artillery and
cavalry, always accustomed to be separated by stalls, at the beginning of the campaign perpetually kicked each other as they
stood at their picket-ropes, and numbers of them  were thus
crippled for weeks, and some permanently injured. The train
of carriages with the supply of small-arm ammunition for the
infantry, was devised at Woolwich when the war broke out, and
the vehicles were constructed in such a fashion, that the animals of the country we were employed in could not draw them,
and they were left useless at Varna; which could not have happened had our field equipments been systematically kept as
efficient as those of Continental armies. And, in mentioning
Continental armies, I do not mean to draw any comparison unfavorable to our own troops and our own system, so far as they
go. We have little to learn in war from any nation, and the
superiority in the internal management of the French army is
principally due, in my judgment, wherever it really exists, to the
ample supplies of men and material which, maintained and practiced in time of peace, respond with ease and efficiency to the
requirements of war.
Probably all this will now be remedied. Soldiers will be enlisted, transport procured, surgeons commissioned, and the glory
of England maintained in a fashion worthy of her unrivaled resources-and then will come peace. And with peace will return our habit of considering that alone valuable, the value of




128         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
which can be measured by the commercial standard; the army
will shrivel to a skeleton-its members will be again the object
of jealousy and taunts-until, in a new war, we shall again learn
our deficiencies from. our misfortunes. In our first campaigns,
our victories will remain unimproved for want of cavalry; our
supplies of all kinds will fail for want of transport; and our
troops, suddenly transformed from popinjays to heroes, will be
called on to make good with blood and sweat the parsimony of
the repentant nation.
Lastly, to consider what course of action, having for its object
the capture of Sebastopol, would have been preferable to that
we had adopted, or rather, into which we had been urged.
If, landing in July, we had been conducted by the same sequence of events to our present position, where should we have
been in September? The garrison would still have fortified the
south side as fast as we could erect batteries to assail it. Our
reenforcements could arrive no more quickly in summer than in
winter-the command of the sea made the seasons equally available to us.  But with the enemy the case was different.
Myriads of troops, marching from the interior, would have
thronged the roads of the Crimea. Supplies, not merely sufficient for the present, but for any future emergency, would have
been accumulated in Sebastopol and the neighboring towns.
The garrison, secure of help, would have been encouraged to
double efforts-and when that help arrived, it would have been
so effectual as, eventually, no matter how gallant and desperate
our resistance, to penetrate by force of numbers our position, and
drive us into the sea.
If the enterprise had been delayed till the spring of 1855,
it is quite possible that our landing would have been no longer
unopposed or cheaply effected.  The Russians, alive to the
danger, would have intrenched their coast line, reenforced the




CIRCUMSPECTIVE.                      129
garrison, and augmented their forces in the Crimea.  It may be
said that we, too, would have been better prepared to sustain the
enterprise.  It might have been so-but, to learn wisdom  oi
precaution in the conduct of a war, from any thing but disaster,
would have been contrary to our national custom. It is more
likely that the army, inactive for a year in Turkey, would have
been the fertile theme of leading articles, sarcastic, indignant, or
abusive —that public zeal, exhausting itself in invective, would
have left us little better provided for the enterprise in 1855 than
in 1854-and that, if not baffled by the obstacles interposed by
the forewarned enemy, our successes would have been purchased
at a loss of life still greater than that we deplore. Therefore it
seemed to some that, though our losses and sufferings had been
great, we had not paid too dearly for our foothold on the
enemy's soil, if the capture of Sebastopol should produce effects
permanently crippling to Russian power.  Those losses and
those sufferings were due to the time-honored policy of our nation. Our troops were paying the drawback on the pride of
being Englishmen. They were brave and indomitable, therefore
victorious; but few, and ill provided for war, therefore sorely
distressed. But the nation was aroused, and relief was, it was
trusted, at hand. A little more endurance, a little more misery
borne with cheerfulness, and we should see the prize in our
grasp-while the Czar, impotent to succor, would witness, with
fruitless rage, the fall of the illustrious city.
6*




CHAPTER XVI
THE HOSPITALS ON THE BOSPHORUS.
CONDITION OF A SICK SOLDIER-HOW REMOVED TO HIOSPITAL —AMBULANCES-THE AUTHOR DISPATCHED TO CONSTANTINOPLE-THE CITY IN
SUMMER AND IN WINTER —NATIONALITIES ILLUSTRATED —MILITARY
COMPANY AT THE HOTELS-SHIPS OF THE ALLIES UNDERGOING REPAIR-ENGLISH HOSPITALS AT SCUTARI-THE AUTHOR'S SICK-ROO3THE SICK-THE NURSES-MISS NIGHTINGALE-FOOD-ENGLISH BURYING-GROUND-MODE OF BURYING-FRENCH HOSPITAL AT PERA-HOSPITAL STAFF-THE COMMISSARI.AT.
THE sick forming so large a portion of the army, as stated in
the last chapter, it becomes a matter of interest to see how they
were disposed of.
A soldier seized with illness generally lay a short time in the
hospital tents, large and lofty marquees, round the sides of
which the patients were ranged on wooden stretchers; while
sick officers remained in their own tents, which were in nowise
superior, except in privacy, to those tenanted by the men.
Nothing could well be more desolate than the interior of the
tent of an officer who had landed with the army, and whose
baggage might be on board a transport not yet arrived in Balaklava. A pallet of cloaks and blankets in one corner-a couple
of bullock-frunks or portmanteaus serving as tables on which to
arrange the tin-platter and cup which constituted a Crimean service of plate-or two huge bags of Russian leather, purchased
in the bazaar of Constantinople, as more portable and more




HOSPITALS ON THE BOSPHORUS.                 131
easily packed than trunks-these formed the only spots of furniture on the grassy or mud-spread floor. Those officers who
joined subsequently from England were better provided, bringing portable beds and chairs, and other conveniences of camplife, as well as plenty of warm clothing. The men of the companies of artillery which arrived from England in December
had strong serviceable long boots, and warm great-coats and under-clothing, which rendered them the envy of their half-clad
comrades.
But the generality of tents, both of officers and men, were
very comfortless, and afforded little chance of recovery to the
sick, who were therefore sent, the slighter cases to Balaklava,
where they were placed under roofs, or on shipboard-the mlore
serious to the great hospitals at Scutari, where they remained
till either fit to return to the camp, or invalided to England.
The ambulance wagons, long omnibus-shaped vehicles, containing brackets on which those unable to sit up could be laid,
stretchers and all, as on shelves, and seats dos-a-dos with supports for the arms and feet, the whole eased by high springs,
were much more comfortable and better adapted for invalids
than the French ambulance mules, with a seat for a man on
each side, but were far too few to accommodate the host of sufferers daily requiring removal. Most of them were accordingly
sent down, mounted on cavalry horses (another heavy, though
most necessary, tax on our feeble means of transport), and few
sights can be imagined more melancholy than that of a troop
of cadaverous, feeble, suffering beings, wrapped up in their
blankets, swaying to and fro on the saddle, or crouching on the
necks of the horses which bore them slowly toward the longedfor haven, where they might hope for some remission of their
misery. Too often it happened that, on reaching the beach, no
sufficient measures had been taken for conveying them on




132         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
board, or accommodating them in the ships. Many died before
being laid in the boats, and many more on their passage to Scutari; while a voyage across the stormy Euxine must, to a great
number, have been more terrible torture than all they had previously undergone.
In the middle of January I was dispatched to Constantinople
in the Sphinx, a war-steamerf to send up a number of transport
animals, equipped with wagons, clothing, and drivers, for the
service of the army. Riding down to Kamiesch in a thick
blinding snow-storm, through which the track was hardly discernible, I embarked; the -ship started at once, as she waited
only for the dispatches which I had charge of, to deliver to the
Queen's messenger at Constantinople, and, after a stormy passage with a head wind, we reached the mouth of the Bosphorus
in thirty hours. The next morning saw us anchored off the
Tophana.
I had last seen the city and the banks of the sea-river clad in
all the warmth and brilliancy of summer. The white walls
would then have been too dazzling in the hot sunlight, but for
the lavish relief of trees, whose cool foliage or gay blossoms
every where spotted the glare; while the light blue water, unrippled as a lake, was so transparent that the caiques hung as if
balanced in air on their own reflections, "floating, a double
light, in air and wave." On each side jutted, farther and farther off, and still becoming more fairy-like in their indistinctness,
the green and flowery banks of the Bosphorus, till a low line,
purpled by distance, closed the view; and every where the
white birds, the white sails, or the white tunics of the boatmen,
specked brightly the blue or the green.
Going on deck on a bitter cold morning (the 15th of January), I saw close before me the city, dream-like as ever, but of a
character altogether changed. Every dome and roof was cov



HOSPITALS ON THE BOSPHORUS.                  133
ered with snow, the gray shadows melting into the gray background of sky. An icy purity had taken the place of the brilliant glow-the minaret points sparkled with a cold glitter, the
mosques rose like huge twelfth-cakes, frosted and fretted, above
the snow-clad roofs; and the buildings on the Stamboul side of
the Golden Horn looked faint and sketchy against the sky. Keen
squalls whistled down the Bosphorus, casting shadows like stains
on the slaty water, and making the caiques reel and dance,
while the whitened waves marked the hasty footsteps of the
blast. Upward and downward, cold shores stretched whitely
and mistily out between the dull sky and dark water, the black
stripes of cypresses giving solidity to the else vapory landscape.
The boatmen had exchanged their white tunics for warm brown
jackets, and had wound shawls round their skull-caps; the
caiques, faded and dim in color, seemed to think it no longer
worth while to look at themselves in the water, and floated
shadowless.
Going on shore, the change from poetry to prose was sudden
as ever. Constantinople is like the well-painted drop-scene of a
theatre. Beautiful and imposing at the right distance, a closer
view reveals the coarse texture of the canvas, and the rudeness
of the daubing which has produced so excellent an effect. The
sun, struggling forth at noon-day, sent the dissolving snow in
floods from the spouts of the houses, which, mingling with that
already blackened by the tread of the passing throng, poured
down the steeper streets and settled in pools along the level
ones; and every projecting stone that offered a friendly means
of transit was disputed by elbowing Turks, Greeks, Armenians,
Jews, and English and French soldiers and sailors. These latter
had become somewhat noisy and troublesome in their visits
ashore, and some frays had ensued, in which lives were lost, between them and the inhabitants. I saw a drunken English mer



134         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
chant seaman persist in an attempt to fight a French officer, because the latter had declined to join him in singing "Cheer,
boys, cheer." The Frenchman showed much dignified goodnature, and the rascal was dragged away by his comrades. The
same day I saw a French soldier, very drunk, holding in his left
hand a drawn sword, which he flourished in the faces of the
passengers, proclaiming vociferously his devoted friendship for
the English and his disapprobation of the Russians. This respectable ally also was disarmed and quieted by his comrades.
The hotels were filled, for the most part, with military men,
some come down sick from the Crimea, some arriving from
England and France on their way to the war, some amateurs
of the English or Anglo-Indian army, desirous to see the nature
of the service which afforded a theme of interest for all Europe.
The conversation at the table-d'hote consisted entirely of criticisms on the conduct of the war, anecdotes from the camp, and
debates on the chances of peace; and, occasionally, some of us
had the advantage of hearing portions of the actions we had
been engaged in, or the maneuvers we had witnessed, placed in
an entirely novel light, by critics who had been distant some
thousand miles from the scene of action.
The Golden Horn contained almost a fleet of French and English men-of-war undergoing repair, and was thronged with transports lying off the arsenal, or between the bridges which connect
Pera with Stamboul. Whenever a ship moved out, a portion
of the bridge was swung back to leave the passage open, and
the tide of passengers pressing across suddenly found a yawning
gulf between them and their goal. The operation of opening
and reclosing the bridge being conducted with all the deliberation which characterizes Turkish proceedings, the throng of passengers on foot, on horseback, and in carriages, sometimes increased till it filled the bridge and threatened to overflow into




HOSPITALS  ON THE BOSPHORUS.                135
the space between, where caiques were hovering to convey across
the more impatient. The bridge itself, flooded in the level portion with some inches of water, and having holes broken through
at the sides in many places, through which the unwary might
well slip, reminded me of that which Mirza saw in his vision in
Addison's tale.
The first day I tried to cross the strait to Scutari, it blew so
hard that the caYque was obliged to put back; but on the following day the water was comparatively calm. The barrack occupied by the English in the spring-a large, quadrangular,
white building, with a tower at each corner, standing on the
edge of the bank was now the principal English hospital. A
boat was alongside the wooden pier, with sick and wounded men
just landing from a ship, the Shooting Star, which had been detained by some accident from rough weather in the Black Sea
for a great many days. These men, laid on stretchers, each borne
by four Turks, were carried up the steep hill to the hospital,
moaning as they went, and received within the portal where rest
and comfort awaited them.
There are several stories in this huge building; and on the
inside, looking into the square, a corridor opening from the
rooms, paved with stone, and four or five yards wide, goes quite
round the whole extent. All the corridors, as well as the rooms,
were filled with patients, and the visitor walked between a double
row of beds. At the points where the stairs connected the different flights, wooden partitions were erected to repel the cuttingy draughts, and stoves kept the temperature pleasant; and
thus the corridors were as habitable as the wards.
There was one room  in which I took peculiar interest-for,
having my leg broken in June by the kick of a horse, I lay there,
fixed to one particular spot, for six long weeks before I rejoined
the army at Varna-'and this was the first I visited. It was oc



136          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
cupied by three officers, all strangers to me, and I therefore took
but a hasty glance-but that included each well-remembered
crack and crevice in the wall and nail in the wood-work, and the
large cupboard-door which, laid on two arm-chests to raise me
to the level of the window, had, with a mattress on it, served me
as a bed. On the level of that window, just opposite, at a hundred yards' distance, rose a tall white minaret, with a low arch
opening into its balcony, from which I had seen the muezzin
emerge at regular intervals each day to call aloud to the faithful,
till I was intimately acquainted with his appearance and the inflections of his voice, in the sweet, sad tones of which he used,
after nightfall, to chant a monotonous prayer. While I had
lain there, the army was in Bulgaria, preparing, as was supposed,
for an active campaign on the Danube, and each friend who bid
me good-by expressed by looks, if not by words, that he thought
me shut out from all chance of participating in the adventurous
future opening for him. Some of those who went forth so buoyantly are now laid forever beneath the soil of the Crimea, in
spots where the hopes of others, as well as their own, are buried.
Many such recollections arose during that hasty glance round
the well-known chamber. These revisitings of a marked spot
sometimes round off and include a phase of existence. I had
seen much of stirring life since I quitted that room on crutches.
Entering any of the corridors or wards, the same scene presented itself. The occupants of some of the beds sat strongly
up, eating heartily their soup and meat-others, emaciated to
skeletons, more like corpses than living beings, except for the
large, hollow, anxious eyes, lay back on their pillows, or tried
with difficulty to swallow the spoonfuls of arrow-root or sago
offered to them by the attendants. There seemed no doubtful
class-all were broadly marked either for life or death.. The
patients appeared comfortable-had good beds and plenty of




HOSPITALS ON THE BOSPHORUS.                   137
bed-clothes-and the temperature of the chambers was, as before
said, regulated to a very pleasant warmth. At some beds, a
woman, the wife of the patient, sat chatting with him; beside
others stood the somewhat ghostly appearance of a Catholic sister of charity, upright, rigid, vailed, and draped in black; the
vail projecting far beyond her face, threw it, as well as the white
linen folded across her bosom, into deep shadow. The thinness
of some of the forms propped up against their pillows, their
chests exposed by the open shirts, was absolutely frightful; the
bony hands wandered vaguely about the hair and sunken temples, and the eyes were fixed on vacancy. Some lay already in
the shadow of death, their eyes reverted, showing only the whites
beneath the drooping lids; and others had passed this last stage,
and waited only for the grave.
At the end of a corridor in a tower are quarters once held by
General Sir George Brown, but now occupied by gentler tenants.
There dwelt the sisterhood that had come from England to tend
the sick-the Rebeccas to the Ivanhoes of the Crimea. That
quarter of the building threw a softening and romantic tinge
over the rest; in its neighborhood pain and misery seemed less
forlorn. The corridor opened on a kitchen where some good
sisters were preparing soup, sago and wine, and other comforting
compounds. Doorways opening from the kitchen were screened
by long folds of black cloth or tapestry, behind which dwelt the
lady sisters; and high up the wall of the kitchen were windows,
across which flitted nun-like forms, heard presently to descend
the stair to our level. It was while one of two or three who accompanied me, a man of sedate and respectable aspect, such as
might without presumption engage the attention of a sister of
charity, extracted from a motherly benevolent lady some statistical details of the sisterhood, that the chief of them herself, Miss
Nightingale, lifting the piece of tapestry before her door for a




138          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
parting visitor, stood for a moment revealed. During that short
interval the statistics of the motherly lady were unheeded-we
steadily regarded the chief as she bade her visitor adieu-then
the tapestry fell and she vanished.
There were eight Protestant ladies, and a rather larger number of Catholic sisters: in all, with their attendants who officiated
as nurses, there were about forty in the sisterhood.
In the great kitchen, close by their quarter, rice-pudding,
manufactured on a grand scale, was transferred, smoking, by an
enormous ladle to the destined platters; beef-tea and muttonbroth were being cooked in huge caldrons, such as the witches
danced around; and flocks of poultry were simmering into boiled
fowls or chicken-broth.
There are three English hospitals besides this. One at a little
distance, a large red-brick building, was originally built and used
for the purpose by the Turks; it is the most comfortable and best
suited to its object of all. Another is known as the Kiosk, or
Palace Hospital; and the third is at Coolali, a place some miles
up the Bosphorus, on the Scutari side, where there is a large
barrack which was occupied by the English cavalry and artillery
before the army left for Varna. All these buildings were clean,
cheerful, airy, and comfortable. They contained in all, at the
time of my first visit, four thousand seven huiidred sick, increased
to five thousand at the end of January; and from first to last ten
thousand men had passed through-some back to the Crimea,
where in many cases they had relapsed into sickness and diedsome to England-and some to their final resting-place.
On the edge of the bank of the Sea of Marmora, a few hundred yards to the left of the mouth of the Bosphorus, is a level
space of green-sward, used by the English, from the time of
their arrival in Turkey, as a burying-ground. The placid sea,
the distant isles, the Cape of Broussa on the left, and Seraglio




HOSPITALS ON THE BOSPHORUS.                 139
Point on the right, make up a lovely view from the melancholy
spot.  At the southern extremity of the ground are single
graves, neatly defined and turfed, where those who died while
the army halted here in the spring are laid. But the press of
mortality no longer admitted of such decent burial. To those
accustomed to see the departed treated with reverence, and attended solemnly to their last habitation, there was something
horribly repulsive in a wholesale interment, where the dead far
outnumbered those who stood round the grave. A pit, about
ten feet deep and fourteen square, received every afternoon those
who had died during the last twenty-four hours. A rickety
araba, or country cart, drawn by two oxen, was the hearse
which conveyed them from the neighboring hospital to the
place of sepulture. In the yard of the hospital is a small dismal house, without windows; for its tenants no longer need the
light. Thither those who have died in this and the neighboring
hospitals are brought on stretchers, and packed like sacks in a
granary, till the araba comes for them.  Sewed, each in a
blanl-et, with sufficient tightness to leave a caricature, mummylike resemblance of humanity, a score of bodies are laid on the
vehicle, and travel slowly, dangling and jostling, as they go to
the mouth of the yawning pit, where the party who dug it
await the coming of the cart. There is no time for ceremony;
each poor corpse is hastily lifted off, and, doubled-up limply in
cases of recent death, or stiff and stake-like where it has been
longer cold, is handed down, nameless, unknown, and void of all
the dignity of death, to its appointed station in the crowd. One
row being laid, the next covers it, and the feet of those who deposit them necessarily trample on the forms below, leaving
muddy foot-prints on the blanket-shrouds. Sixty-one (about the
daily average number at the time) were buried together on the
day I visited the spot. Noticing one corpse in which the lower




140          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
part of the outline seemed unusually thin, I remarked to the
corporal in charge that the deceased must have been long ill, to
be so wasted; but he pointed out to me that one limb had been
amputated. A clergyman waited till all were deposited to read
the funeral service; close by, another pit was being dug for the
requirements of next day, and we had seen in the hospital many
of those unmistakably destined to fill it. Altogether the scene
reminded one of D)efoe's account of the burials about London in
the time of the great Plague.
I have mentioned elsewhere the trenches dug on a battle-field
to contain rows of dead. But there they lie like soldiers, with
an awe and glory on their blood-stained uniforms and upturned
faces, which no pall nor coffin could bestow. In the pits of
Scutari; Death is deprived of his sanctity, majesty, and mystery,
and retains only those elements which constitute the grotesque.
Officers are buried singly in graves close to the edge of the
bank, where cross-headed slips of wood, like those which mark
the plants in a greenhouse, and not much larger, are labeled,
sometimes with the name of the occupant below, sometimes
less specifically-as, " A Woman," " A Russian Officer."
Wishing to see the French hospital in Pera, I applied to M.
Levy, the Inspector-General, who very kindly gave me a note to
M. Morgue, the principal medical officer, in which he prayed
him  to receive some other Englishmen and myself "avec la
courtoisie que meritent si bien nos dignes alli6s."
The building, standing on a high point of ground above the
new palace of the Sultan, and conspicuous from the Bosphorus,
was originally intended as a school of medicine. It is very
large, newer and fresher, and the wards and departments loftier,
than those of our hospitals. At the door was a covered cart,
with a cross in front, filled with coffins, and drawn by oxen.
In the first room we entered, besides some French officers, there




HOSPITALS ON THE BOSPHORUS.                 141
were a Russian captain and two subalterns, wounded at Inkermann, playing at some game like draughts. In the next room, a
very spacious one, with a painted ceiling, and windows opening
to the floor, looking on the Bosphorus, were five or six French
officers, apparently very comfortable. The corridors, like those
of our hospitals, were filled with patients; in the wards, the
beds on each side were raised on a platform  above the floorthere was a very thick paillasse under each man; across the
rail at the head of the bed was a shelf with his medicine-bottles;
and on a card at the foot was a description of his case. The
surgeon who accompanied us round, pointed out a remarkable
case, that of a man who had received a bullet in the head, which
entering on one side had gone out near the opposite ear, passing
close to the lobe of the brain; he was sensible, apparently suffering but little pain, and would, the surgeon thought, live. Opposite him was another with his skull fractured by a saber-cut fi'om
a Russian officer; the surgeon, removing the dressing with
tweezers, tapped them audibly, without paining the man, on the
bare skull-bone, which was cleft for about an inch, and surrounded by a gaping wound in the scalp. The poor fellow whined
dolefully as the instrument-case was unifolded; but the surgeon
reassured him, saying he was only going to move the dressing;
he told us afterward, he thought it would be necessary to trepan
him. Sisters of Charity, with the freshest of complexions and the
snowiest of caps, moved to and fro among the beds; one of them
was an Irish woman from Meath, who had left Ireland, as she
told us, five years before to join the sisterhood. One corridor
was filled with convalescent Russians in their uniforms of gray
or blue, surmounted, in many instances, by a French cap; they
stood up respectfully and grinned approval when the good doctor
patronized them by a tap on the back or a pull of the ear. The
chief distinction between this hospital and ours, seemed to be




142         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
that here the patients were classified according to the nature of
their ailments; one ward was filled with cases of frost-bites,
another of wounds, another of fever-a plan tried at first in our
hospitals, but broken in upon by the throng of sick arriving. It
is probable that the worst cases are kept apart in the French
hospitals, as none of the men we saw seemed in extremity; and
it is certain that nos dignes allies like to exhibit, on all occasions,
the best side of their management. The doctor said the deaths
averaged seven or eight a day out of fourteen hundred-about
half the proportion of those in our hospitals; a variation somewhat puzzling, since there seems nothing in the difference of
accommodation, care, nourishment, or treatment sufficient to
account for it.
Our hospitals, with their staff and orderlies, are under the
commandant of Scutari, Brigadier-General Lord W. Poulet. The
duties of the staff are extremely, almost hopelessly perplexing,
from the confusion of the accounts of pay, necessaries, stoppages,
&c., of such a number of men of different regiments. To the
commandant, all officers halting on their way to and from the
Crimea report themselves, and he applies for a passage for them,
and also for the patients rejoining the army, or invalided to England, to the admiral, who has control over all the transports and
men-of-war. These two form, with the chief commissary, a trio
supposed to work in unity-as Mrs. Malaprop says, " like Cerberus, three gentlemen in one." It is most necessary they should
act in concert, for many services to be performed here demand a
combined exertion of the authority of the three, as absolutely as
a bill requires the consent of the Three Estates to become law.
The dealings of the commissariat are very various and extensive, comprising contracts for all the supplies of provisions, clothing, and forage for the army, besides what comes firom England.
The constantly-varying rate of exchange must greatly increase




HOSPITALS ON THE BOSPHORUS.                   143
the complication of their duties.  Several large steamers are appropriated exclusively to the commissariat as cattle-ships, which,
at certain points of the coast, embark bullocks, already collected
by their agents in the surrounding district, and convey them
straight to Balaklava.




CHAPTER XVII.
EXCULPATORY.
INFLUENCE OF PUBLIC OPINION ON THE WAR —LETTERS FROM CAMIPROEBUCK'S COMMITTEE-GROUND OF CENSURE NOT APPARENT-WHY A
ROAD HAD NOT BEEN IMADE —ALL WELL UP TO THE END OF OCTOBER
-NO.FORCE TO SPARE FROM THE TRENCHES FOR ROAD-MAKING' —
SUPERIOR CONDITION OF THE FRENCH ARMY QUESTIONED-GOVERNMENT
TO BLAME-BRICKS WITHOUT STRAW —IM3POLICY OF INSISTING ON
ENGLISH INFERIORITY.
IN the earlier chapters I have rather avoided comment, confining myself to a plain narrative of the course of events as they
flowed one into another. The public had been more than content with the campaign, and demanded only an intelligible and
detailed account of the occurrences which had led to such pleasing results. But opinion had begun to exercise so large an
influence on the war, that a record of its progress would be defective in which this new element should be left unrecognized.
The dull expanse of the siege, unrelieved, after Inkermann, by
any bright red spots of victory in the foreground, was kept incessantly before the eyes of the public in its most dismal and
lurid colors. Inflamed by the letters from the camp, and leading articles, with which every newspaper teemed, descriptive of
the sufferings and losses of the army, and charging the authorities, military and ministerial, as the chief sources of disaster, the
nation joined in one indignant outcry against the Government




EXCULPAT 0 RY.                  145
and the General.  The plaudits of anticipated victory were
changed to threats, forebodings, and despondency. Where a
speedy triumph had been expected, there had been comparative
failure-where national glory was to have been cheaply obtained, there had been losses and misery amounting to national
disaster: therefore there must be blame. Such was the process
of reasoning conducting to a conclusion almost unanimously
assented to; the clamor swelled daily; Mr. Roebuck gave notice
of his motion of inquiry into the conduct of the war; Lord John
Russell suddenly quitted the Government; and the Ministry, defeated on Roebuck's motion by a majority of two to one, went
out amid such a clamor as greets the last moments of a criminal on the scaffold.
Amid the din of invective, those who read the parliamentary
debates and leading articles of the time, will be puzzled to detect
the true ground of censure. They will see that the nation was
dissatisfied, and with whom, but will have some difficulty in
knowing why. Every body has been ready to indicate the culprits, but none to specify the crime, except in the general terms
of neglect, ignorance, and apathy. But though the accusers
were confessedly in want of specific charges, yet the causes of
our failure, in those points where we had failed, having been
divined, or imagined to be divined, it was easy to ask why those
causes had been allowed to exist.
For instance, it was known that the severest hardships of the
army had arisen from the want of a communication between
Balaklava and the camp; and it was asked why a road had not
been made? It should have been made, it was urged, at the
commencement of the siege, and should have been the first thing
thought of.
Now, at the commencement of the siege, and for six weeks
afterward, the roads were hard and good. Before us was a
7




146         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
place which we hoped to take after a short cannonade, and, notwithstanding that all the men available were employed in the
trenches and batteries, and transporting armament and material
for the works, the delay still seemed very tedious to the impatient troops. The trenches, once constructed, must be manned;
and, thinned as the army was by sickness, to do this adequately
absorbed all our available men. To make a road seven miles
long was no light task, even if men and time could have been
spared for it.
After a time, it began to be seen and admitted by the press,
that the army once landed in the Crimea, the events, up to the
end of October, followed in a sequence easily accounted for, without fixing culpability on the chief actors. It was seen that to
have occupied the first period of the investment in making a
road, would have called forth deservedly a charge of deferring
the completion of the enterprise, in order to carry on an extensive work which might never be wanted. As the season wore
on, the days between us and winter, like the Sibylline books,
grew in value with each diminution of their number and not one
could be spared from-the business of the siege. The enemy
were seen throwing up their defensive works, and unless we kept
pace with them, we must expect to break ground under an overwhelming fire. On the other hand, to have pushed the enterprise to a rash termination, by assaulting the town without
waiting for the battering-train to do its work, would have entailed, even with success, the yet more serious charge of incurring
an unnecessary waste of life, when a little patience and trouble
spent in availing ourselves of the means we possessed, might secure a comparatively bloodless victory-a charge which all but
men of surpassing self-reliance would shrink from the risk of.
Viewed in retrospect, it is easy to detect our errors, and to point
to a better course of action; and the least sagacious and resolute




EXCULPATORY.                      147
general of the allied army would, if the problem were again set
before him, apply the lesson of experience in the alternative of a
speedy assault or deliberate provision for wintering on the heights.
It is a cheap sagacity, and pleasant to exercise, which points out
the faults of the past. In fighting our battles o'er again, mediocrity becomes infallible, and doubt and difficulty are no longer
elements of warfare.
If, then, it is granted that, up to the end of October, things
had gone as well with us as could fairly be expected, let us take
that as the starting-point of imputed error. It is said that, it
being then clear that no prospect remained of a speedy capture
of the place, measures should at once have been taken to provide
against winter. A road should have been made, provisions stored,
and huts and stables constructed-all very desirable measures,
but unfortunately not practicable. As already mentioned, the
duty of the trenches exceeded our means, when guards, pickets,
and the covering force were provided for, and our men were
already dying of fatigue. Therefore, in order to begin other
works, men must be taken from the trenches. But to guard the
trenches insufficiently would be worse than not to guard them at
all: it would be adding the slaughter of men, to the loss of guns,
therefore they must be abandoned; and to withdraw the guns
and ammunition, and dismantle the batteries, would have been
of itself a considerable labor. But our lines once abandoned, the
French could no longer hold theirs, as they would have been
liable at any time to be taken in reverse; therefore the whole
siege-works must have been given up, to be reconstructed at a
more convenient season, while the Russians augmented their defenses without interruption. Would this have suited either army
or either nation? Or would it have been considered preferable
to the severe losses we have suffered? Besides, our attention
was no longer confined to the siege. The army in the field




148          STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
against us was daily increasing, and had already attacked our
position twice. Such were the circumstances under which it is
said roads ought to have been made, provisions stored, and the
troops sheltered.
The asserted superiority in the condition of the French army
was cited as proof that we were in much worse state than we
need be. It is by no means certain that our allies were much
better provided than ourselves; at the same time, it is difficult
to compare with accuracy the condition of the two armies, because the French systematically represent their own affairs in the
most favorable light. And without presuming to doubt the advantages of a free discussion by the public press, of our military
system and operations, yet we must admit it to be, if a weakness,
yet a natural one, on the part of our allies, to vail their own
proceedings as much as possible from an equally severe scrutiny.
Assuming, tlferefore, that inquiries made from the French as to
tlhe progress, reinforcements, and general state of their army, did
not always elicit unadulterated facts, we may still find indulgence
for the motives which tinged those facts with a roseate hue. To
hear that its army was disorganized, famished, and dying of
disease, and to be held up to the world as an example of disastrous military policy, might, however interesting to the public,
be somewhat obnoxious to the vanity of a warlike nation, proud
of its achievements, and fond to excess of glory.
There is no doubt that, during the early part of the campaign,
the French suffered more from disease than we did. If, during
the winter, the case was reversed, the change is easily accounted
for. Large and constant reinforcements from France lightened
the labors of the siege, and left plenty of men for the construction of the road from Kamiesch to their camp. While our men,
from the fewness of their numbers, were often two, even three,
nights in succession in the trenches, the French spent four nights




EXCULPATORY.                     149
out of five in their tents. Six days enabled them to communicate with Marseilles, and six or eight more to procure from thence
any supplies which might be suddenly found needful.
It was said we ought to have insisted on the labors of the
siege being proportioned to the strength of the two armies
respectively. But, at the commencement of the siege we rather
outnumbered the French, who offered us our choice of the right
of the attack; with Balaklava as a port, or the left, with Kamiesch. We chose the right, principally for the sake of holding
Balaklava, which was altogether in our hands, and its harbor
filled with our vessels. When reinforcements arrived to the
French, they had a greater extent of trenches to occupy than we,
owing to the nature of the ground in their front permitting a
nearer approach to the place. The whole of the French troops,
with the exception of Bosquet's division, which was posted near
the Woronzoff road, encamped in rear of their own lines, where,
however convenient for the relief of their trenches, and for supplies from Kamiesch, they were at a great distance from any
point of the position liable to be attacked. It would certainly
appear to have been more desirable that they should have contributed a larger proportion to the covering force; and, after the
battle of Inkermann, they sent troops of all arms to reinforce our
first and second divisions, and placed a brigade of infantry in the
lines of Balaklava. At the beginning of February, the French,
numbering more than seventy thousand, which was five times
our effective force, took the whole of the lines and field-works on
the hills around Inkermann, while we armed the batteries with
guns, and furnished artillery-men to work them. Had the army
been all French or all English, of course every reinforcement
would have lightened the burdens of the whole; but, in the
absence of any express stipulation for such a contingency, it was
natural that the French should avail themselves of their superior




150          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
numbers to relieve our men and forward our works only so far
as was feasible without detriment to their own.
The commissariat of our army has received a good deal of
censure. The only school in which its officers can learn any
part of their duties is in our foreign garrisons and colonies,
where their business is to issue pay to the troops, to make contracts for provisions, and to see that these are of good quality.
This is obviously a somewhat slender preparation for the duty of
supplying an army in the field-and many among the juniors
had not even this advantage. Those members of the service
with whom I am personally acquainted, certainly can not be
charged either with indolence or incapacity.
In offering the foregoing remarks, I by no means intend to say
that every possible measure was taken to alleviate the distresses
of our troops. Better order might probably have been established, and the insufficient means at their disposal turned to better account. But I do intend to say, that, in the absence of
large reserves of good troops, and an efficient transport corps, no
sagacity or foresight could have obviated, to any extent, the evils
which have befallen us. The Government may, or may not, have
exerted itself to the utmost in carrying on the war; if it possessed the means of remedying the deficiencies I speak of, it
ought to have been called to account long ago for neglecting to
do so. But let the condemnation be on just grounds; the protraction of the siege amid suffering and loss is, in itself, no fair
proof of incompetence. The British people, hardest of taskmasters, demanding bricks where they have denied straw, look only
to results; and the ministry and the general who commence a
war must always, unless aided by fortune to an extraordinary extent, incur the national displeasure at the first arduous undertaking of the campaign; and it will be well for the country if it
posseses men capable of efficiently replacing them. Such has




EXCULPATORY.                      151
been the fortune of the first actors on the present stage: censure
has been loud and general, and the difficulties encountered never
fairly taken into account. In front, a city of great and dailyincreasing strength, with a numerous garrison, and offering unusual natural obstacles to a regular attack-an army in the
field threatening us-our forces thinned by sickness, and clad in
worn-out summer uniforms, while winter was pressing so close
that we felt his breath on our cheeks-supplies daily less attainable, men and horses daily dying-and no retreat. What a
problem to set before a General, an army, and a Government,
trained amid the experiences of a forty years' peace! The genius
of Napoleon, combined with that of Chatham, might have gained
luster by a triumphant solution. It will be said that the conditions enumerated ought never to have been allowed to exist; but
I have in some measure anticipated the objection in a former
chapter (XV.)
It is very natural that those who saw our gallant army quit
England, splendidly equipped, elate, and eager for battle, should
feel sorrow and indignation at the miserable end which so many
of these noble troops have met. It is natural that when men of
talent, have exerted all their descriptive power to set the sufferings of the army in the strongest possible light, their readers
should be excited to a pitch of sympathy even beyond that which
an actual sight of the horrors so vividly depicted would produce.
With advancing civilization, human life has risen in value and
consideration to an unprecedented extent-our soldiers, no longer
accounted as food for powder, are thought of as equal in all respects, superior in some, to those citizens of ancient states who
have made famous the names of Thermopylve, Platia, and Marathon; and those who would scruple to deprive the worst criminal of existence, can not hear of so many brave men perishing
without horror. The expression of these feelings, under the cir



152         STORY OF THE  CAMPAIGN.
cumstances, is natural and inevitable. Not so the contrast so
frequently drawn and so strongly dwelt on, between our army
and that of the French, and which, coming from ourselves, can
not have failed to efface some of the respect which the sight of.the battery at the Alma, where three Russians lay dead for every
Englishman-of the charge at Balaklava, where our heavy brigade of cavalry met and put to flight three times their number of
horsemen-and of the bloody resistance at Inkermann, so signal
ly produced. Is it politic to insist so strongly on our inferiority?
or, if politic, is it just? I have heard of letters from Paris alluding to others received from the French camp, in which the
French army is described as being entirely occupied with taking
care of the English. The Continental states, taking us at our
word, begin to affect compassion for the military system of the
nation which is stronger in resources now than when it saved
Europe. Can not necessary reforms be effected without such depreciatory outcry? Might not the comparisons I speak of be
drawn with greater fairness  -Legions of fresh troops were always ready to cover, and more than cover, the losses of the
French. England and France are friends-long may they continue so-nor should any subject be hinted at which is likely to
excite jealousy between them-but let us be just to ourselves.
Nothing has yet occurred to prove that our ancient reputation in
arms is endangered.




CHAPTER XVIII.
PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE.
IMPROVEMENT IN THE IOSPITALS —AUTHOR'S RETURN TO THE CRIMEAPLEASURES LEFT BEHIND —ASPECT OF THINGS AT BALAKLAVA-MONOTONY OF THE SIEGE UNBROKEN —FAILURE OF A FRENCH EXPEDITION
INTO THE VALLEY OF THE TCHERNAYA-ATTACK ON EUPATORIA-HILL
SEIZED BY THE RUSSIANS-NEW WORK CONSTRUCTED ON IT-ASSAULTED
BY THE FRENCH-THEIR REPULSE-ATTACK ON THE RUSSIAN RIFLEPITS-CONSTRUCTION OF NEW BATTERIES-A RUSSIAN STEAMER SILENCED
-NEWS OF THE DEATH OF NICHOLAS-SEIZURE OF THE MAMMELON HILL
BY THE RUSSIANS-DEATH OF CAPTAIN CRAIGIE-FRENCH AND ENGLISH
LINES CONNECTED —RENEWED ATTACK ON THE RIFLE-PITS-DEATH OF
ADMIRAL ISTAMIN-SIR JOHN BURGOYNE AND GENERAL JONES.
BEFORE leaving Constantinople, when the object of my mission was accomplished, I visited again the hospitals at Scutari,
and noticed a remarkable improvement in the appearance of the
patients. Formerly a large portion were evidently past recovery;
but now, although the hospital was fuller than ever, the facies
Hippocratica lent its ghastliness to a far less number of pillows.
The most appalling cases were those of frost-bite, and I saw one
dreadful instance where the bones of the toes stuck out white
and naked from the black and swollen feet.
On the 17th of February I sailed for the Crimea, and thus terminated the cheerful glimpse of civilized life which I had enjoyed
doubly from contrast with the stern scenes which bordered it.
7*




154         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
From a smoky hut in a quagmire, to a pleasant room looking
on the Bosphorus-from the Barber of Seville at the opera of
Pera, to the grim drama of the siege with the snowy waste for a
drop-scene-the change was indeed "from  grave to gay, from
lively to severe." The ship had been ordered to start a day before her time, and I had hurried down to the Golden Horn, followed by a porter bearing a huge pie, made under the special
directions of my hostess, and so stuffed with every available bird
of the air as to be a sort of aviary in paste. Woodcock, red-leg,
pheasant, and the domestic fowl, nestled in harmonious and sweet
companionship on layers of veal and ham, their union being cemented by truffles. It was smoking hot, being drawn from the
oven barely in time for my departure. Placing it carefully in a
caique, I seated myself therein, and directed the boatman to row
to the vessel, which was hissing with steam as if about to start.
On reaching the accommodation-ladder my first care was for the
pie, which I well knew would be warmly welcomed "before Sebastopol;" and, lifting it from the caYque, I placed it on the step
of the ladder, and was about to follow when the boatman let the
caique fall off from the ship's side, and I was obliged to quit my
hold of the ladder. The pie, left unsupported, was too broad for
the step, and toppled over. For one agonizing moment it seemed
about to fall into the water; it remained resting on its side, and
forth gushed a flood of gravy, filling the air with such odors as
saluted the nose of Sancho when he lifted the lids of the fleshpots in Camacho's kitchen; or Mr. Codlin's, when the host of
the Jolly Sandboys took the cover off the stew. Attracted by
the steam of rich distilled perfumes which rose upward, about
four hundred Croats, who were shipped on board for the Crimea
for the purpose of making roads, flocked to the side of the vessel,
and the pie was conveyed across the deck through a crowd of
picturesque savages, who hovered fondly around it, snuffing up




PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE.                   155
the fragrance, and who could with difficulty prevail on themselves
to quit its neighborhood. However, it turned out eventually but
little the worse, and had, moreover, the advantage of being discussed in a most uncritical spirit.
The harbor of Balaklava was so thronged that the steamer
could not enter, and I went in a boat. The place was greatly
improved since I had last seen it. The streets were cleaner, the
frost had dried the roads, and there were more conveniences for
landing. The railway ran from the heart of the town, through
the meadows which last autumn teemed with vegetables, fruit,
and vines, to the side of the hill beyond Kadukoi at the head
of the valley; and huge fat dray-horses, suggestive of ale and
stout, stalked ponderously by. Ascending the heights to the
plateau, too, circumstances were changed greatly for the better.
Many huts had been brought up, forming in some spots small
villages. The dead horses had been buried, and the live ones
sheltered, either in stables of plank, or in trenches covered in
with boards or tarpaulin; while the troops had been for some
weeks enjoying the comfort of plenty of warm clothing, and wore
the appearance of health.
So many stories of desperate sorties, threatened attacks by the
Russians on Balaklava, and combats more or less disastrous to
the Allies, were always floating about the table-d'hote at Pera,
generally supported by plausible authority, that I hastened to
inquire into the truth of some which had appeared better authenticated than the rest. With the exception of one or two
sorties, however, nothing had occurred to break the monotony
of the siege. But the night of the 19th of February (the day I
landed) had been fixed on for an expedition into the valley of
the Tchernaya, to surprise the Russian force there, and to effect
a reconnoissance of the surrounding country. General Bosquet
was to command a considerable French force; and the High



156         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
land brigade, with two batteries of artillery, and about three hundred cavalry, was to cooperate with him.
Though the day had been fine, a bitter north wind, with snow,
blew all night, and the cold was so intense that the order for
Bosquet's division to march was countermanded.  The staffofficer, who was sent to apprise Sir C. Campbell of the postponement of the enterprise, lost his way in the snow-storm, and at
two in the morning the English force marched out of Kadukoi,
proceeding across the plain toward Tchergoum, where, according to the original plan, they were to have engaged the attention of the Russian force, while the French, crossing the bridge,
turned their flank. There seems good reason to believe that,
had the design been carried out, it would have been attended
with success; the Russians had neglected their outposts, and
nothing occurred to interrupt the march. Daylight showed the
Russian force across the Tchernaya, two miles off, ill prepared
for an attack, and it was nearly half an hour before they got under arms. When it was seen from the plateau that the English
had advanced, a body of French was dispatched to support
them-and nearly at the same time came the order countermanding the enterprise. In marching back, the ammunitionmules were separated from the troops, and, a body of Cossacks
appearing behind a neighboring hill, two of them, with leveled
lances, galloped down to intercept the rearmost animal; but a
sergeant and private of the infantry escort, running out, fired at
them, and then turned and retreated, while a detachment of our
cavalry came back to protect the ammunition. Some of our rmen
were frost-bitten-and another misfortune arising from the abortive attempt was, that the enemy were thus placed on their
guard against a repetition of the enterprise.
Before this, intelligence had arrived of an attack made on Eupatoria by the Russians, who had been observed on the 15th




PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE.                  157
to receive large convoys and reinforcements from the eastward.
At daylight on the 17th they came on in numbers estimated
at forty thousand of all arms, with from sixty to one hundred
guns, and opened with their artillery on the intrenchments surrounding the town. Skirmishers covered the guns, the battalions
were in the rear, and the cavalry on the flanks; subsequently the
guns advanced, and under cover of their fire the infantry, forming behind a wall six hundred yards distant from the right of
the town, made their attack, and were repulsed-at other points
also they were driven back-and at ten in the morning they retired, covered by the artillery and cavalry. Liprandi's division
(the 12th), formerly posted in front of Balaklava, was present in
this action.
A battery of Turkish artillery was disabled in the attack,
every gun being struck, and a third of the horses killed, with
nineteen gunners. There were ninety-seven Turks killed, and
two hundred and seventy-seven wounded in all; a French detachment acting with them lost four killed and nine wounded;
and of the Tartar population thirteen were killed and eleven
wounded. Selim Pasha, an Egyptian, commanding a brigade,
was among the slain. The Russians left four hundred and sixty
dead-and, if the snow-storm on the night of the 19th found
them on the march, or unsheltered, they must have suffered severe loss.
For some time a cordon of Russian cavalry had surrounded
Eupatoria. A depot of provisions and military stores had been
collected there, and a garrison from the Turkish army on the
Danube under Omer Pasha; but their great deficiency was in
cavalry, the scanty number of which barely enabled them to
furnish the necessary videttes. While in Constantinople, I was
glad to hear that four thousand cavalry were soon to be dis



158         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
patched to Eupatoria; in an action taking place on the plains
between that town and Sebastopol, victory would almost certainly remain with the side which was strongest in that arm.
During the early part of the siege the garrison of Sebastopol
had never displayed any great degree of enterprise, though they
had stood well to their guns, and worked diligently at their defenses. But on the night of the 22d of February they seized on
a hill about four hundred yards from the advanced trench held
by the French in front of Inkermann, and began to construct a
battery there. All the redoubts now erected on the battle field
of the 5th of November were garrisoned by the French, who had
also constructed some very well-finished lines extending from the
batteries opposite the Inkermann Lights, around the face of the
slopes looking toward the Round Tower, in which direction approaches had been pushed to the advanced trench in question,
which was at a considerable distance from the redoubts.
Being in the trenches of our right attack on the 23d, I had a
good view of this new Russian work. A row of gabions had
been filled, and a second placed on the top of a small hill between
the Round Tower and the French trenches before Inkermann;
and a few men were employed in working behind the hill, which
hid them from the French. It was evident that the latter could
not permit the work to proceed unmolested, and an attack was
ordered for the same night.
At an hour after midnight, two thousand five hundred French
infantry, consisting of a battalion of Zouaves, and one each of the
line and of marines, sallied from the trenches; and the two latter
remaining in support, the Zouaves advanced without firing, to
the foot of the eminence on which the battery was posted. The
Russians were prepared, and received them with a volley from
the work in front, and from a line of infantry extended on each
side to flank the approach. The Zouaves returned the fire, and




PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE.                  159
pressed on, and a combat of musketry and bayonets ensued,
which lasted for an hour. During this time the Russian batteries
opened against the hill, firing shot, shell, and rockets, without
intermission. The French succeeded at one time in entering
the work, and driving out its defenders, but were checked by the
Russian supports, which were posted behind the hill in great
strength, evidently in expectation of an attack; and the Zouaves,
after suffering severely, retreated, bringing with them General
Monet desperately wounded. They had fifteen officers killed and
wounded, out of the nineteen lost in all by the French, whose
loss in men was variously stated at from three to five hundred.
It was rumored and expected for some days afterward, that
the French would make another effort to take the hill. The
Russians placed riflemen behind the work they had thrown up,
and in a small inclosure of loose stones near it, who exchanged
a brisk fire with the French tirailleurs in the advanced trench,
but without much damage to either side. The attack was not
renewed by the French, and the enemy proceeded to complete
the work unmolested. The French, however, sallied from their
lines on two or three successive nights upon the rifle-pits occupied by the Russian toward Inkermann, and on one occasion
drove out the occupants of the pits and repulsed the troops supporting them; but neglecting to destroy or occupy the pits themselves, the Russians returned to them when the French withdrew.
At the beginning of March, the winter seemed to have departed, leaving only a few cold days lingering in scattering order, in
its rear. The health of the troops was steadily improving; they
were in comparative comfort, and their labors were lightened.
New batteries, admirably constructed, were in course of completion, far in advance of those used in the first attack, and connected with them by long lines of trenches. Guns for arming
them were in our siege depots, those damaged by the long-con



160         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
tinued fire were replaced by others, and we had lent a number
to the French. Inkermann was not only defended against a
second assault like that of the 5th of November, but was now
the most strongly intrenched point of our position. Finally, the
supply of ammunition necessary for reopening a general and sustained cannonade was being fast accumulated, while the fire of
the enemy, who but lately had returned ten shots for one, was
materially slackened.
A Russian steamer, armed with two heavy guns, had for a long
time been anchored near the head of the harbor, at a point from
whence she could fire toward Inkermann, and had frequently
annoyed our working parties there. On the night of the 6th,
the embrasures of three guns in our battery facing the Inkermann
Lights, eighteen hundred yards from the ship, were unmasked,
and shot heated. At daybreak the guns opened; the first shot
passed over the vessel, and did not attract the notice of the sentry who was pacing the deck-the second struck the water near,
when he jumped on the paddle-box and alarmed the crew. Seven
or eight shot struck her, and damaged her machinery so much
that, though the steam was got up, the paddles did not revolve,
and she was warped round into the shelter of a neighboring
point. Her crew immediately left her, and she was careened
over for repair. A deserter told us that three men were killed
and three wounded on board.
On the 9th, a telegraphic dispatch was received at the British
head-quarters, stating that the Emperor of Russia had died on
the 2d, with the words appended, "This may be relied on as
authentic." The news spread rapidly through the camp, and,
notwithstanding its surprising nature, it was at once believed.
Next day the French General received a dispatch to the same
effect from a different source.
By the construction of the lines and batteries at Inkermann,




PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE.                  161
the Allies had to a great extent effected the object of inclosing
the defensive works south of the Great Harbor.  In firont of
the Round Tower (called by the Russians Malakoff), and to the
right of our right attack, was a hill of the form of a truncated
cone, nearly as elevated as that on which the Round Tower
stands, known by us as Gordon's Hill, and by the French as the
Mammelon. It had been intended that the French should obtain
possession of this hill under cover of a cross-fire, from our right
attack and the left Inkermann batteries, upon the ground behind
it; and that works should be constructed on it, which, at about
five hundred yards, would bear on the works of Malakoff and the
Redan. This design was anticipated by the enemy, who, on the
morning of the 11th, were found to have seized on the hill during the night, and commenced a battery there. A fire of shells
from our right attack drove their working parties out, and prevented them from making much progress by day; but though
the fire was continued at night, its effect was too uncertain to
prevent the enemy from working there during the darkness.
At seven o'clock on the evening of the 14th, Captain Craigie,
R.E., was returning up a ravine from the trenches, with a party
of sappers, and was already at a great distance, when a stray
missile came through the air toward them.  He remarked,
"here comes a shell," and at the moment it burst above them.
All put up their arms to shield their heads from falling splinters;
when they looked round, Craigie was lying dead —a piece of the
shell had gone through his side into his heart. The sappers bore
him to his tent, many of them strongly affected, for he was a
great favorite with his men.
In the middle of March the French connected their lines at
Inkermann with those of our right attack by parallels, the advanced one passing in front of the Mammelon at lest than five
hundred yards from it; thus rendering the line of intrenchment




162         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
continuous (except where the great ravine interrupted it) from the
battery opposite the Inkermann Lights, on our extreme right, to
the French works on the left, which inclose the salients defending the town. Facing the advanced parallel between it and the
AMammelon was a row of Russian rifle-pits, distant from the French
less than a hundred yards, which caused great annoyance to the
guards of the trench. At the request of our allies, a 24-pounder
in our right attack was directed on the pits, and the second shot
piercing a small work erected to shelter several riflemen, called
by the French a gabionade, its occupants, to the number of
eight, ran away, escaping uninjured through the fire of musketry
poured on them from the French parallel; but they came back
in the night. Next day I was in a new mortar-battery we had
erected in front of the light division, watching the practice from
our right attack against the Mammelon, when the colonel of the
5th regiment of French infantry, leaving his horse in the battery,
walked down to the trenches, not by the ordinary path of the
ravine, which affords shelter all the way, but over the hill; as he
approached the lines he was shot dead by a rifleman from the
pits. On the night of the 17th, about nine o'clock, it being very
dark, a furious fire of musketry was opened from the French
lines, and for upward of an hour incessant volleys showed several thousand men to be engaged. The whole camp was on the
alert, and the staff-officers dispatched from the French and
English head-quarters to ascertain the cause, brought word that
it was a renewed attack by the French on the Russian rifle-pits;
and in the morning we heard that the French had taken them —
nevertheless, at daylight the Russian sharp-shooters were at their
old post. The French were said to have lost upward of a
hundred men, and next night they bombarded the town from
eight o'clock till midnight, inflicting great loss on the garrison,
according to the report of a deserter.




PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE.                  163
On the 19th, a deserter brought intelligence that Menschikoff
was dead. Next day another corroborated the intelligence, and
added that Admiral Istamin had been killed in the Mammelon
by a shell. He also told us that the Russian batteries had been
forbidden to fire, and, in fact, they did not fire for two days.
On the 20th, Sir John Burgoyne, who had hitherto been
charged with the chief conduct of the siege-works, left the army,
for the purpose of resuming his duties in England as Inspectorgeneral of Fortifications. His successor, General Jones, had
arrived some time before. On this day we received the English
papers up to the 5th, containing the original dispatches announcing the Czar's death, the remarks thereon in Parliament, and the
leading articles speculating on the new aspect which the war and
the pending negotiations might assume when so important an
actor had been suddenly removed.




CHAPTER XIX.
THE BURIAL TRUCE.
RUSSIAN NIGHT-ATTACK OF MARCH 22D-BLOODY CONFLICT BETWEEN
FRENCH AND RUSSIANS-THE BURIAL TRUCE-STRANGE SPECTACLETHE ALBANIAN LEADER-DESCRIPTION OF THE RIFLE-PITS-RUSSIAN
OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS DESCRIBED-NEAR VIEW OF SEBASTOPOLHOSTILITIES RESUMED-THE RAILWAY-AN ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH ESTABLISHED-RECAPITULATION-THE GREAT IF-DISHEARTENING PROSPECTS OF THE RUSSIANS-EFFECTS OF THE CZAR'S DEATH.
THE advanced trenches of our right attack met the advanced
parallel of the French in front of the Mammelon in the ravine,
which at this point is broken by the numerous small quarries, or
rather commencements of quarries.  The ravine, passing on
through the intrenchment, sweeps round to the left between our
attacks and Malakoff, and runs into the great ravine of Sebastopol.
A night-attack in great force was made by the Russians on
the 22d, caused, as was afterward reported, by the return of the
Grand Duke Michael to the fortress. The principal body of the
assailants advanced up the ravine aforesaid, and along the ground
in front of the Mammelon, occupied during the day by their
riflemen, while others, crossing the ravine, entered the advanced
trenches of our right and left attacks. An Albanian, who had
frequently headed sorties from the garrison, led the enemy assailing our right. The night was extremely dark, with a strong
southerly wind blowing toward the enemy, and assisting to con



THE BURIAL TRUCE.                   165
ceal their approach. Leaping into the trench, they were at first
taken for Frenchmen, and greeted as such; but the nearest man
of ours being bayoneted, the working party occupying the trench
perceived their error, and, seizing their arms, at once met the
assailants. The Greek leader of the Russians shot Captain
Browne, of the 7th Fusileers, with his pistol, and was immediately killed himself. Captain Vicars, 97th, forming his men, called
on them to charge, and they leaped over the parapet, drove back
the enemy, and pursued them down the slope, where Vicars fell
mortally wounded. The Russians took with them our men's
intrenching tools and fifteen prisoners, among whom were
Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, 34th, and Captain Montague, R.E.
The latter was captured on our left attack, where also the enemy
was repelled at once.  Major Gordon, R.E., who had been
charged throughout the siege with the conduct of the right
attack, and who was always conspicuously careless in exposing
himself to fire, received, while standing on the outside of the
trench, two bullets, one in his hand, the other in his arm.
Meantime the attack on the French had been, after an obstinate resistance from a party of Zouaves, partially successful, and
the guards of the trenches were driven out of the advanced parallels into one of the boyaux communicating with it, while the
enemy occupied, and began to destroy, an advanced boyau which
the French were pushing toward the most troublesome rifle-pits,
as well as a part of the parapet of the parallel. The struggle, in
which several thousand men were engaged on each side, was
very close and desperate. Eventually the Russians retired, leaving a great number of dead, and having inflicted severe loss on
their opponents, whose killed and wounded were reported to
amount to four hundred and fifty.
A truce was agreed on for the purpose of burying the dead, to
commence at half an hour after noon on the 24th. At that time




166         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
a number of officers had collected at different points commanding
a view of the Russian works, awaiting the concerted signal of the
pause in hostilities. At noon the firing had almost ceased, and,
at the appointed hour, a white flag was elevated over the Mammelon, while one appeared simultaneously in each of the French
and English works, when those who had been watching for it at
once streamed down the hill to the scene of contest. The spectacle that followed was one of the strangest that had occurred
during the campaign.
While we went down the slope to the ravine, the French
burial-parties advanced from their trenches, and hundreds of
Russians came out from behind the Mammelon, and approached
our works, some of them bearing stretchers. Passing through
the interval in our rearmost intrenchment where it crosses the
ravine, we first saw a small heap of bodies, six Russians and two
Frenchmen, lying on the side of the hill, having probably fallen
within the French lines, and been collected there during the preceding night. At the point where the advanced trench meets
ours, the ravine is, as I have before said, very rugged and broken,
and those who had ridden down left their horses there. The
first object I saw there was the body of the Albanian leader, who
had fallen in our trenches, borne by four of our men on a stretcher
to the outside of the parapet, where it was received by Russian
soldiers. It had been partially stripped, and covered again with
his white kilt and other drapery, leaving his feet bare, as also his
breast, on which, as on Count Lara's, appeared the scars of several old wounds. In a deep gully, below the verge of our slope
of the hill, lay a Russian on his back. He had been wounded in
the neck, and had lain there since the night before last, suffering
and alone, on a bed of loose stones, with his head, which he had
pillowed on his forage-cap, lower than his body. Judging from
his aspect, his case was by no means desperate. His comrades,




THE BURIAL TRUCE.                     1.67
at the call of our men, who discovered him, flocked round and
carried him  off.  I crossed the broken ground, which was
sprinkled with dead, to the opposite side of the ravine, in front
of the French parallel, where a crowd of Russian and French
officers and soldiers were intermixed, with a good many English
officers as spectators. The French had drawn all the Russian
bodies outside their lines, where they were collected in one heap,
in a spot between the French trenches and the Russian rifle-pits.
Some of these latter were semicircular trenches, five or six yards
in extent, with the earth thrown up in front, surmounted by a
row of sand-bags, and capable of holding nine or ten men; some
of them small screens of stone, or of a couple of gabions filled
with earth, behind which a single rifleman was hid. The nearest French and Russian sharp-shooters were about seventy yards
asunder. The French seemed to think it necessary to guard
against surprise or breach of faith on the part of the Russians,
and kept their trenches strongly manned, while armed parties
were drawn up outside.
The Russian officers not employed in the burial duty, mixed
with the French, chatting, and exchanging cigars. The soldiers
of the enemy looked dirty and shabby, but healthy and well fed.
Most of them were of larger frame than the French, while the
English surpassed both in. size and stature; the countenances of
the Russians, short and broad, with thick projecting lips, pugnose, and small eyes, betokened a low order of intellect, cunning
and obstinate. Many, both officers and men, wore orders and
medals. Between these groups passed and repassed the burialparties, lifting each grim gory figure from its face or back, placing it on a stretcher, and bearing it, with the dead legs swinging
and dragging, and the arms vibrating stiffly to the steps of the
bearers, to be added to the dreadful assembly. Not one of those
looking on could feel secure that in the next twenty-four hours




168         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
he would not be as one of these. About half-way between the
Mainmelon and the French lines was a large rifle-pit like a small
field work, and near this lay another heap of bodies, probably
collected by the Russians during the night. Behind, at four
hundred and fifty yards distant from us, rose the Mammelon, its
battery surmounted by the white flag, and the parapet lined with
spectators. Next, on the left, as we looked, separated by a level
space of five hundred yards across, stood the Malakoff hill, with
its ruined tower, surrounded by earthen batteries; and to our left
of that, between it and the Redan, appeared the best built portion of the city, jutting out into the harbor. These were seen
so close that the main features of the streets and buildings were
distinguishable-large barracks and other public buildings, with
their long regular rows of windows, arched or square; the green
cupola of a large church; and, on a high point, amid well-built
houses, a handsome edifice surrounded by a colonnade like a
Greek temple. In front of the large barrack was a dark line,
seen through a glass to be a body of troops, and the telescope
also revealed people walking about the streets, the arrangement
of the gardens, and the effect of our fire upon the town, the roofs
of the houses being broken through, and the walls thickly dotted
with marks of shot. The masts of the inner line of ships sunk
across the large harbor were plainly visible-one or two small
boats were sailing about inside the obstacle.
Crossing the ravine to the front of our right attack, I found
the Russian dead, to the number (as one of the men employed in
conveying them told me) of about forty, already removed. Altogether, judging from those who had fallen in our lines, and the
bodies I had seen in front of the French, the Russians must have
had four hundred killed in this attack. As soon as the bodies
were all conveyed within the Russian line of rifle-pits, cordons
of sentries were drawn across the space between; nevertheless




THE BURIAL TRUCI.                   169
several Russian soldiers remained for some time among our
men, who seemed to regard them with a sort of good-humored
patron'age, calling them "Rooskies," and presenting them with
pipes and tobacco. One of them, who, besides tobacco, got a
brass tobacco-box, absolutely grinned with delight. From this
point of view (the ground in front of the advanced batteries of
our right attack) the whole plain undulated in every direction
into bluffs and knolls; every where it was bare and covered with
short grass, plentifully dotted with gray stones. In front was the
Redan, and nearer to us a line of screens, of gray stone, like rude
sentry-boxes, each holding a rifleman.
According to arrangement, the white flag was to be kept flying in our batteries till that in the Mammelon was lowered. At
a quarter past three, the bodies being all removed, and the Russians having withdrawn within their defenses, it disappeared, and
presently the puffs from the Russian rifle-pits and French lines
showed that the ground lately crowded with soldiers of both
armies working in unison was again the scene of strife. A gun
and mortar from Gordon's battery threw shells into the work on
the Mammelon; the nearest French battery at Inkermann did
the same; the guns on the Mammelon, opposed to the latter,
replied; the Malakoff guns fired on the French lines and on our
right battery; and two 9-pounders in our right advanced work
sent their shot bounding among the Russian rifle-pits.
In the night the Russians connected the pits by a trench,
which they extended to the verge of the ravine. Thus an intrenched line was formed and occupied within eighty yards of
the French, supported by, while it covered, the Mammelon.
During March, the railway advanced steadily toward the
heights. Since Admiral Boxer had taken charge of the port of
Balaklava, convenient wharves had been built an both sides of
the harbor. On the side opposite the town, at the Diamond
8




170         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
Wharf, great quantities of stores were landed; a branch of the
railway ran to the wharf on each side, where an artillery officer
superintended the transmission of the guns and ammunition toward the camp. About the middle of the month the railway
had advanced three-quarters of a mile up the hill beyond Kadukoi, where an engine was set up, and trains began to run; and
a week later all the powder landed at Balaklava was conveyed to
a depot still nearer the camp. At the end of the month the
rails reached the top of the plateau, and conveyed seventy tons
of stores per day. An electric telegraph was also established at
head-quarters, communicating with Balaklava, with different
parts of the camp, and with the right and left attacks.
We had now been half a year before Sebastopol. Coming in
the middle of autumn, we had seen the season fade while we expected to enter the city. At that time there had been no thought
of wintering on the heights; our speculations were directed to
the chances of occupying the place, or returning to Constantinople, and to our own possessions in the Mediterranean, to await
the next campaign. Rumor had already named the divisions
which were respectively to occupy Scutari, Corfu, and Malta.
Then, unawares, came the dreary winter, and the daily struggle
to maintain ourselves, amid snow, choked roads, filth, and death.
The warm days of March had begun to dissipate the impressions
of that time of misery, and it was now looked back on as a dismal dream filled with gloom, carcasses, and a nameless horror.
Our present prospects, though much brighter, were no less dubious. Negotiations for peace were pending, while we were preparing for another attack with increased means, but with confidence diminished by former disappointment. A few days would
see commenced, either the armistice as the preliminary of peace,
or a bloody struggle with doubt beyond. Before our eyes was
the great If, Sebastopol-that once taken, we could venture to




THE BURIAL TRUCE.                    171
look forward either to a glorious return, or to a brilliant campaign.
Though the English public, and many in the army, were inclined to take a gloomy view of affairs, yet to the Russians they
must have worn a far less promising aspect than to us. The
great provoker and conductor of the war was gone-he who
alone knew the intricacies of Russian policy, and could set
in motion the cumbrous machinery of his monarchy. There
was no great name now for the Russian soldiers to invoke, no
great reputation to look to for shelter. The garrison of Sebastopol had resisted thus far successfully, it is true, though their
constancy had never been proved by an assault, and the north
side was still open. But the force at Eupatoria was now increased to forty-five thousand, with five thousand cavalry, and
might soon threaten their communications with Simferopol. Day
and night our guns broke the silence, and our shot whistled
among them; in the Malakoff and Mammelon alone they were
said to lose a hundred men a day. Each day saw our works advancing, and they knew that we were accumulating the means
for a second attack, which, successful or not, must cause them
terrible loss. A great part of their large fleet had been sunk; a
war steamer, French or English, watched the harbor incessantly;
and our vessels passed to and fro, at all hours, in full view of the
place, bringing supplies, troops, and regular intelligence from
England and France.
The remarkable event of the month was the death of the Czar.
Happening, as it did, beyond all calculation, it seemed at first to
cut the Gordian knot which complicated the affairs of Europe.
Every where it was felt that a great constraining power had
ceased; but the relief thus brought left something for the imagination to regret. In a dearth of great men he had risen tall
and massive above the northern horizon, while in the cabinets of




172         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
Europe his subtlety and force were felt and acknowledged; in
his own vast dominions he commanded not merely unquestioning
obedience, but universal veneration. With far more truth than
the Grand Monarque he might have said, " L'etat c'est imoi;" he
was indeed embodied Russia. The enormous power wielded by
a single man was heightened by the mystery which surrounded
it, and in the dissolution of the cloud-capped fabric, this everyday world lost something of romance.




CHAPTER XX.
VIEW OF THE WORKS.
POSITION OF THE SPECTATORS-SEBASTOPOL —TE BARRACKS-FORT NICHOLAS-FORT CONSTANTINE-THE LEFT SUBURBS-CHAPMAN'S BATTERYGORDON'S BATTERY-THE REDAN-FORT PAUL —THE MALAKOFF HILL
AND TOWER-THE MAMMELON-FIRING THE MORTARS-VICTORIA REDOUBT-NORTH SIDE OF THE HARBOR-SIEVERNAIA-VAST BURYINGGROUND-WITHIN THE WORKS —THE TRENCHES-THE BATTERIES-MODE
OF AIMING A MORTAR-BURSTING OF A SHELL —BOYAUX OR ZIGZAGSTHE FLAG-STAFF BATTERY —BRITISH ADVANCED BATTERY-VALLEY OF THE
SHADOW OF DEATH-RUINED HOUSE-FRENCH PARALLEL —RUSSIAN CEMETERY-SHARP-SHOOTERS-A GRAVE JOKE —FRENCH MINE —MAISON DE
CLOCHETON.
THE works of the besiegers, though extraordinarily diffuse and
extensive, had now assumed the appearance of regular scientific
attacks. The batteries, no longer isolated, nor confined to one
line, were connected by parallels; and those in advance were
approached by regularly-constructed boyaux, or zigzag trenches.
If the reader will accompany me to a commanding point, I will
endeavor to set before him a view of the siege operations.
In front of the light division camp, near the Woronzoff road,
is a building marked on the plans as the picket-house. Down
the slope beyond, and a little to the right of it, is a mortar battery, and a hundred yards beyond the battery is a small breastwork of stone, covered with earth from a ditch in front, and of
sufficient thickness to resist a shot. A few spectators with tele



174          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
scopes were generally stationed here, watching the desultory fire
of the opposing batteries; and from here a more compendious
view of the siege could be obtained than any other point.
The town of Sebastopol is naturally the first object that attracts attention, in the view of which it occupies the left center.
First, in a basin of the slopes below you, appear three long white
lines of building, nearly two miles and a half distant, dotted with
numerous windows regularly placed. The two nearest are a
great barrack and dockyard, both on our side of the inner harbor, the third, separated from them by the inner harbor, the entrance of which is just visible, contains arched windows, and terminates in Fort Nicholas, a low, solid-looking round tower. The
outer harbor rises blue and clear above the third line of building
to where the low north shore juts out, terminating in Fort Constantine, a round tower of much larger circumference than Fort
Nicholas. The horizon of the now blue and bright-looking Euxine rises high into the picture above the landscape. To return
to the town. Behind the great barrack rises a tall building with
a turret surmounted by a lead-roofed dome and spire, and close
by it a short column like a piece of the monument, with a balcony round the top. Beyond, near the sea, in a garden, is another low white column. To the left is the town, built on'a
rounded eminence, half-way up the slope of which is a wall fencing a road which passes above the inner harbor. A large solid
building faces the road; to the left of it are large gardens and
well-built streets and houses. Conspicuous among the latter is
a white building covered with sharp white pinnacles. All the
roofs and walls are clearly relieved against the sea. Again, as
you turn to the left, separated by a dip in the ground, is another
eminence, with houses of a meaner and more suburban description. To the left, again, are earthen batteries surrounding the
town, and parallel to these run the French lines, furrowing yel



VIEW  OF THE  WORKS.                    175
lowly a greenish barren-looking plain, which, in the distance,
seems more level than it is. In the light-blue water rising beyond are a few line-of-battle ships. In the middle distance, on
our left, the first parallel, of our left attack runs toward the
French lines, from which it is separated by the great ravine. In
the continuation of the parallel the right extremity of Chapman's
Battery is visible descending the side of a knoll, with its men,
guns, and embrasures dotting darkly the earth-colored space of
the interior. Behind the guns-tile ground for a short distance
renders the enemy's practice against it more uncertain and difficult-and a little in rear, a green mound rises, which partially
protects from the Russian fire those entering the battery from
the camp. This may close the left of the picture, the foreground
of which consists altogether of green descending slopes sprinkled
with stones.
Next, in the middle distance toward the right, is our right attack (right and left attack are the names given to our two sets
of batteries and trenches divided by the ravine, the one superintended by Major Gordon, the other by Major Chapman), where
Gordon's battery is seen traversing the crest of a green knoll,
and terminating in a long trench descending out of sight into a
ravine in the middle of the picture, where it joins the French
lines. The suburban portion of Sebastopol forms the background
to our right attack. To the right of it, having the best built
portion of the city for a background, is seen a long line of embrasures in an earthen parapet, seemingly forming part of our
own advanced works, but in reality separated from them  by a
hollow five hundred yards across. This is the Redan, one of the
formidable Russian outworks. Then, on the right comes the
green basin through which the harbor and the three long lines
of buildings are visible. To the right of those buildings, and in
tersected half way by the rise of the ground, is the square tower




1 76         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
called Fort Paul, terminating the mole which juts out on the
side of the inner harbor opposite Fort Nicholas. A low battery
follows the ascent of the slope which forms one side of the Mala.
koff hill-a prominent object, constituting, with.the Mammelon
on its right, the center of the view. The ruined tower of the
Malakoff; half of which is pulled down, contains two large apertures; around stretches an earthen parapet pierced with embrasures, and surrounded on the slope outside with a dark line of
abattis, or obstacles made of felled trees and pointed stakes. Between the spectator and the Malakoff can be traced the winding
course of the ravine, which, after separating our lines from those
of the French in front of the Mammelon, turns to the left toward
the inner harbor. In the dip between the Malakoff and Mammelon the masts of two large ships, lying in the great harbor, are
seen, The Mammelon is a low hill flattened at the top, crowned,
like the Malakoff, with batteries, but having the embrasures
wider apart. Its slopes, sweeping toward the spectator, are dotted with the screens of stone behind which the Russian riflemen
are posted, and are crossed by the advanced French parallel,
lined with tirailleurs. The puffs of smoke between the antagonists are frequent. To the right of the Mammelon, the ground
falls, disclosing a peep of the upper end of the harbor, then it
rises again to two consecutive hills a mile from the spectator,
each crowned with a yellow line of earth forming a battery;
that on the right is the hill where the struggle took place between the French and Russians on the 22d of February. Again,
to the right, is the top of a French battery in front of Inkermann. It is somewhat indistinct, as a descending green slope
intervenes, but the smoke of a gun reveals it, and the shell bursts
over the Mammelon, while the rush of its course is still reaching
the ear. The Mammelon replies; a gun and mortar in our right
attack drop their shells into tile work; the Malakoff supports its




VIEW  OF THE WORKS.                   177
companion by a couple of shells, which graze the crest of our
parapet, and knocking up little clouds of dust as they go, burst
far up the hill-side. A mortar near the Malakoff pitches a shell
into the parapet of our advanced parallel; it rolls over and explodes; a commotion is visible through the glass, and presently
two wounded men are borne past to the camp-one struck in the
cheek, the other having his leg shattered. Presently a tremendous
explosion close behind makes an unprepared spectator start; another follows-the two 13-inch mortars have been fired. With
a rush like a whirlwind the two great shells are hurled up into
the sky, growing small as cricket-balls and audible when no
longer seen. As the sound ceases, two clouds of dust rise in the
Malakoff-the shells have stopped there: another moment, and
two columns of smoke rise and are slowly dispersed-both shells
have burst in the work.
Turning to the right, so as to complete the half circle; you see
on the next hill the Victoria Redoubt, made and held by the
French, with an indented line of trench in front of it.
Up to the right center of the view the sea forms the horizon,
but between the Mammelon and the new Russian battery on the
hill, the country north of the Balbek and Katcha rivers, jutting
into capes, takes up the line of the horizon, and continues it
nearly on the sea-level.
The land north of the harbor, forming the distance of two
thirds of the picture, is intersected in every direction by roads.
To reveal the details the aid of a telescope is required. Beginning at Fort Constantine, the line of the land is broken for some
distance by earthen forts, which are marked on the plains, Sievernaia being the most extensive. In the dip between the Malakoff and the Mammelon appears a low hill over the harbor, surmounted by a field-work encompassed by roads. Not far from
this is a vast burying-ground, containing apparently thousands
8*




178         STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
of graves. To the right of the Mammelon, on the cliff above the
harbor, are rows of buildings like barracks, with a camp for six
battalions behind. Inland, the plains and hills grow bare and
wild, and are traversed by the Simferopol road, along which may
be seen advancing to the town a large convoy of wagons escorted
by troops. All along the edge of the cliff which borders the
harbor, and the marsh at the head of it, parties of Russians may
be seen working at batteries and intrenchments.
Having thus taken a general view, let us enter the works
themselves. The ravine on the right of the mortar-battery is
close, though unseen, and a few minutes' walk conducts to it.
Here, on both sides, are rows of graves, on one of which two or
three men are now employed with pickax and shovel. Passing
these, the ravine (the same in which Captain Craigie was killed)
winds, deepening as it goes, between its green banks sprinkled
with fragments of gray rock. Presently you meet a party of
Frenchmen bearing a covered form on a stretcher. You stop
one to ask if it is a wounded man? " Monsieur, il est mort"he has been killed by a splinter in the parallel. The next turn
shows the right bank of the ravine ahead, covered with the recumbent forms of French soldiers, forming a strong picket, ready,
if necessary, to reenforce those in the trenches. Near these the
end of our first parallel meets the ravine, and you enter it, casting first a glance to the right, where, high above, a glimpse of
the Malakoff, with its guns, a mile off, is disclosed.
All the trenches are nearly of the same description-two or
three yards wide and two or three feet deep, with the earth
thrown up to form a parapet toward the enemy. Sometimes the
soil is clayey, but oftener bedded with stone, through which the
workmen have painfully scooped a cover. After walking some
hundred yards, you find two guns stationed on their platforms in
the trench which, widened here, and its parapet heightened and




VIEW  OF THE WORKS.                   179
strengthened with gabions and sand-bags, becomes a battery.
Piles of shot are close to the guns, and a thick mass of earth
crossing the trench contains the magazine. Through the embrasures or openings in the parapet, which the guns fire from,
the Mammelon is visible, and these are the guns which you just
now saw firing on it. Next, you come to a mortar-battery, where
the parapet is very solid, and so high that the enemy's work is
not visible to those working the pieces, which are directed by
two iron rods, called pickets, stuck upright in the parapet, in
front of the mortar. These being placed one before the other so
that they form but one object when the eye is directed from behind them on the work, they are so left; a white line is made
down the exact middle of the mortar, by a chalked cord stretched and rapped along it; and an artilleryman standing behind the
mortar, holding before his eye a string with a plummet attached,
causes the mortar to be shifted till the string coincides with both
pickets, and with the white line on the mortar, which is then
correctly aimed without the necessity of seeing the object.
Then come more guns, separated by traverses or masses of
earth faced with gabions or sand-bags: the presence of these
generally shows that the battery or trench containing them is in
the path of the enemy's shot, to the course of which they form
obstacles. The embrasures here look on the Malakoff. As you
regard it, a cloud of smoke is puffed from one of its embrasures
-the report is followed by a rushing noise, and a shell, dashing
over the parapet near you, buries itself in the ground a few yards
behind the battery. All in its neighborhood stoop to avoid the
splinters; after a moment it bursts in a cloud of earth and smoke,
and the splinters whirr and jar around. Plenty of pieces of shells
-some new, some rusted-are lying about, and the ground is
channeled with the graze of shot. Here and there you see
one of our own guns half buried in the soil-it has either




180          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
burst, or been struck by the enemy's shot, and rendered unserviceable.
A trench, branching from the first parallel, leans toward the
second. This approach, or rather series of approaches, is of zigzag form, the branches in one direction having the parapet on
the right, the others on the left. Traverses are frequent here,
and the necessity for them is shown by the occasional singing
of a bullet, and the marks where round shot have grazed parallel
to the trench, and close to it, There are no batteries in these
trenches, as they look obliquely on the enemy's works; but in a
trench thrown out from one of them a mortar-battery is placed.
Further on are the two field-guns looking on the rifle-pits in front
of the Mammelon.
Turning to the left, up a steep trench where the parapet is
higher, you have to walk circumspectly to avoid treading on the
sleeping soldiers who guard the work, their arms loaded and with
bayonets fixed, leaning against the parapet. This is the point
where the Russians penetrated on the night of the 22d of March;
and on the left of it is the magazine into which the Albanian
leader of the sortie discharged his pistol in a desperate attempt
to blow it up the moment before he was killed. Close to this is
the battery, and the parallel beyond it is lined with soldiers, some
of whom are pointing their rifles through sand-bag loop-holes at
the enemy's riflemen, whom, through these loop-holes, you may
discern behind their screens of stone; beyond them, five hundred
yards off, rises the Redan, a dark line of earth broken by embrasures, where the guns are visible. The complaining sound of the
bullets is frequent here, and follows you at intervals along the
zigzags by which you return to the first parallel of the right
attack, which terminates in the ravine where the Woronzoff road
lies.
Crossing this ravine, you gain the parallel of the left attack,




VIEW  OF THE WORKS.                  181
which leads into Chapman's Battery. This is similar to the
other, but more substantial, owing to the soil being easier to
work in. From its embrasures you see the Redan, and a range
of batteries extending from it, near which are numbers of small
white hovels. Lower down the slope is the Russian Barrack
Battery, some of whose guns bear on us, some on the French
across the ravine. The buildings of the city are seen to great
advantage from here. On the opposite side of the ravine stands
the Flag-staff Battery, or Bastion du Mat, protecting the town —
and, close in front of it, the advanced French parallel. At intervals, lower down toward the water, are posted other batteries,
the chief being that known as the Garden Battery-part of
which, as well as some guns of the Flag-staff, look on our left
attack.
The first parallel of the left attack terminates on the great
ravine, and advancing along the rocky ledge of it for two hundred
yards, you reach another parallel, from which branch off approaches leading to the advanced works. Passing along these,
you frequently see yourself under the guns of the Flag-staff
Battery, but it is not worth its while to fire at individuals. At
length our most advanced work is reached-a battery solid and
compact, whose embrasures are as yet unopened. In the trenches
to the right and left the parapets are lined with our sharp-shooters
watching their opportunity from  the loop-holes.  Looking
through one of these, you find yourself just above the end of the
inner harbor. Across the ravine below the Flag-staff Battery are
riflemen, who fire, some on these trenches, and some on the advanced lines of the French.
Returning to the end of the second parallel, you descend the
high rocky precipice to the great ravine, which is here divided
into two; the left, and shortest, would conduct you to our engineers' camp near the third division; the windings of the other




182          STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN.
and more considerable, lead to a distant point on the plateau.
Both lie deep and gloomy between their rocky sides, where layers of gray stone, hollowed by fissures and caves, support a grassy
plain, whose green border peers over the verge. The bottom of
the ravine, which resembles the dry bed of a river, is threaded
by a broken pathway, where shot and shells, fired from the Russian batteries on each side, lie in extraordinary quantities, causing
the smaller ravine, which forms the ordinary approach to our
works, to be called the Valley of the Shadow of Death.
At the point of junction in the full width of the valley stand
the ruins of a white house on a knoll. This was once a pleasant
spot surrounded with vineyards and gardens: a remarkably fine
willow, shading a well close by, was uprooted in the storm of the
14th of November. Crossing by this house, you see at the top
of the further precipice an English battery of three guns, climbing to which you find yourself looking down on the head of the
inner harbor, where the Russian batteries are posted to defend
the approach. Going along the ledge of rock, you enter the
French parallel which conducts to trenches and batteries, at first
much like ours, but, as they approach the place, of more solid
and elaborate construction. The rearmost trenches, like our own,
are unguarded and solitary; but the more advanced are full of
soldiers, smoking, sleeping, or playing at cards, and pitch-andtoss. In an advanced battery are several French officers on duty
with their men, and one or two of them offer to accompany you.
Going to the end of the parallel, you find yourself on the verge
of the ravine looking down on the inner harbor; the bridge of
boats is at no great distance, with planks laid from one to the
other by which the Russians are crossing; in the yard of the
arsenal close to the water are piles of cannon-shot. Just underneath, in the bed of the ravine, is a Russian cemetery full of
white and black crosses, and riflemen are posted in it behind




VIEW  OF THE WORKS.                    183
stones. One of the French officers, in his anxiety to point out
all that may be seen, gets out of the trench and stands behind it,
looking over the parapet, till a friendly corporal tells him that a
bullet from the cemetery has shortly before struck just where he
stands, when he gets down again into the trench, very deliberately, however, lest the credit of the grande nation should be impaired in the eyes of their allies. The bullets which pass over
here come from the sharp-shooters already seen from the advance
of our left attack. In the third, or most advanced French parallel,
the parapet is very high and solid, being overlooked by the
Bastion du Mat, which stands on a high hill opposite, distant less
than one hundred and fifty yards, as you may see by looking
through one of the loop-holes; taking care, however, not to look
too long, as one of the riflemen opposite would think it no great
feat to send, from his ambuscade eighty yards off, a bullet into
the three inches square of space between the sand-bags. The
riflemen here were a short time ago in the habit of diverting
themselves by sticking up bottles on the parapet for their opponents to fire at. Our commanding engineer, looking through a
loop-hole here one day, to survey the place, found a great number of bullets striking near him, and, hearing a suppressed
chuckle from our worthy allies behind, he looked up, and found
they had silently placed a bottle on the parapet over his head.
This they considered a very capital joke indeed, and wanting
nothing except a bullet through the general's head to render it
quite successful.
In the parapet of a trench near is a portal six feet square,
opening on a steep path descending into the earth. An officer
outside tells you it is forbidden to enter here, but the sergeant
who accompanies you obtains the permission of the engineer
officer, and, descending, beckons you on. The passage narrows
to little more than a yard square, along which you crawl for a




184         STORY  OF THE CAMPAIGN.
considerable distance. A few men are squatting in the gallery,
which is lit at intervals by candles. The heat grows stifling as
you advance, and the roof seems ready to close on you. The
rifle-shots, French and Russians, are now crossing each other unheard above you; and, a few yards farther on, you are actually
beneath the enemy's ramparts. The sappers working here can
never be sure that in the next minute the Russians, delving " a
yard below their mine," will not "blow them to the moon," as
Hamlet says-or pour upon them, through a sudden aperture,
sulphurous vapors-or drown them with torrents of water. You
breathe more freely after emerging fiom the narrow gallery of
the French mine.
The batteries in the parallel are beautifully finished, high,
solid, and carefully riveted. The guns have been removed from
the opposing Russian battery, having been rendered unavailable
by the proximity of the French marksmen.
A long walk through the trenches conducts you back to the
first parallel, which you can quit near an inclosed field, in which
stands a small house with a bell on the top, known as the Maison
de Clocheton, where a French guard is posted. A road from
hence traverses the French camps.
Perusing the foregoing chapter with the aid of a plan, the
reader may perhaps form some idea of the aspect of the ground
before and around Sebastopol.
TIE  END.




WORKS JUST ISSUED.
VISITS TO EUROPEAN CELEBRITIES. By' WILLIAM B. SPRAGUE, D. D.
12mo. Cloth. $1.00. Second Edition.
THE first edition of this work was exhausted within a short time after its publication. It consists of a series of Personal Sketches, drawn from life, of many of the
most distinguished men and women of Europe, with whom the author became
acquainted in the course of several European tours: Edward Irving, Rowland Hill,
Wilberforce, Jay, Robert Hall, John Foster, Hannah More, Guizot, Louis Philippe,
Sismondi, Tholuck, Gesenius, Neander, Humboldt, Encke, Rogers, Campbell, Joanna
Baillie, John Pye Smith, Amelia Opie, Dr. Pusey, Mrs. Sherwood, Maria Edgeworth,
John Galt, Dr. Wardlaw, Dr. Chalmers, Sir David Brewster, Lord Jeffrey, Professor
Wilson, (Kit North,) Southey, and others, are here portrayed as the author saw them
in their own homes, and under the most advantageous circumstances. Accompanying the Sketches are the AUTOGRAPHS of each of the personages described. This
unique feature of the work adds in no small decree to its attractions. For the social
circle, for the traveller by railroad and steamboat, for all who desire to be refreshed
and not weared by reading, the book will prove to be a most agreeable companion.
The public press of all shades of opinion, North and South, have given it a most flattering reception.
THE STORY OF THE CAMPAIGN. A Complete Narrative of the War in
Southern Russia. Written in a Tent in the Crimea. By Major E. BRUCE
HAMLEY, Author of "Lady Lee's Widowhood."  12mo. Thick. Printed
Paper Covers. 374 Cents.
Contents. -The Rendezvous -The Movement to the Crimea - First Operations in
the Crimea - Battle of the Alma -The Battle-field -The Katcha and the Balbek -
The Flank March —Occupation of Balaklava —The Position before Sebastopol —
Commencement of the Siege - Attack on Balaklava- First Action of Inkermann -
Battle of Inkermann- Winter on the Plains - Circumspective -The Hospitals on
the Bosphorus - Exculpatory - Progress of the Siege — The Burial Truce - View of
the Works.
THIS was first published in Blackwood's Magazine, in which form it has attracted
general attention. It is the only connected and continuous narrative of the War in
Europe that has yet appeared. The author is an officer of rank in the British army,
and has borne an active part in the campaign; he has also won a brilliant reputation
as the author of the fascinating story of " Lady Lee's Widowhood." By his profession of arms, by his actual participation in the conflict, and by his literary abilities,
he is qualified in a rare degree, for the task he has undertaken. The expectations
thus raised will not be disappointed. To those who have been dependent on the
brief, fragmentary, interrupted, and irresponsible newspaper notices of the war, this
book will furnish a full, complete, graphic, and perfectly reliable account from the
beginning. Should the author's life be spared, his history of future operations will
follow, and will be issued by the publishers uniform with the present volume.
ROGET'S THESAURUS  OF ENGLISH  WORDS. A New and Improved
Edition. 12mo. Cloth. $1.50.
THais edition is based on the last London edition (just issued.) The first
American edition having been prepared by Dr. Sears, for strictly educational purposes, those words and phrases, properly termed " vulgar," incorporated into the
original work, were omitted. Regret having been expressed by critics and scholars,
whose opinions are entitled to respect, at this omission, in the present new
edition the expurgated portions have been restored, but by such an arrangement of
matter as not to interfere with the educational purpose of the American editor.
Besides this, there will be important additions of words and phrases not in the English edition, making this, therefore, in all respects, more full and plrflet than the
author's edition.                                                    (m)




CHAMBERS'S WORKS.
CHIAMBERS'S HOME BOOK AND POCKET MISCELLANY. Contalinin  a Choice Selection of Interesting and Instructive Reading for the Old and the
Young. Six vols.  16ino, cloth, 3,00.
This work is considered fully equal, if not superior, to either of the Chambers's other works in interest, and. like them, contains a vast fund of valuable information. Following somewhat the plan
of the " Miscellany,' it is admirably adapted to the school or the family library, furnishing ample variety for every class of readers, both old and young.'We do not know how it is possible to publish so much good reading matter at such a low price.
W'e speak a good word for the literary excellence of the stories in this work; we hope our people will
introduce it into all their families in order to drive away the miserable flashy-trashy stuff so often
found in the hands of our young people of both sexes. - Scientific Anelescan.
Both an entertaining and instructive work, as it is certainly a very cheap one. - Puritan Recorder.
It cannot but have an extensive circulation. - Albany Express.
Excellent stories from one of the best sources in the world. Of all the series of cheap books, this
promises to be the best. -Bangor 2Mercury.
If any person wishes to read for amusement or profit, to kill time or improve it, get " Chambers's
Home Book." — Chicago Times.
ThesChambers are confessedly the best caterers for popular and useful reading in the world. -
lfillis's 1iosie Journal.
A very entertaining, instructive, and popular work. -2Y. Y. Commercial.
The articles are of that attractive sort which suits us in moods of indolence, when we would linger
half' way between wakefulness and sleep. They require just thought and activity enough to keep our
feet fromn the land of Nod, witnout forcing us to run, walk, or even stand. -Eclectic, Posrtlanzd.
The reading contained in these books is of a miscellaneous character, calculated to have the very
best efftct upon the minds of young readers. While the contents are very far from being puerile, they
are not too heavy, but most admirably calculated for the object intended. - Evening Gazette.
Coming from the source they do, we need not say that the articles are of the highest literary excellence. Wv e predict for the work a large sale and a host of admirers. - East Boston Ledger.
It is just the thing to amuse a leisure hour, and at the same time combines Instruction with amusemcnt. - Dover Isquirer.
Messrs. Chambers, of Edinburgh, have become famous wherever the English language is spoken
and read, for their interesting and instructive publications. We have never yet met with any thing
which bore tile sanction of their names, whose moral tendency was in the least degree questionable.
They combine instrvuction with amuscinent, and throughout they breathe a spirit of the purest morality. - Chicago Tribune.
CHAMSBERS'S REPOSITORY OF INSTRUCTIVE AND AMUSING
PAPERS. Willth Illustrations. An entirely New Series, and containing Original Articles. 1aino, cloth, per vol. 59 cents.
The 3Messrs. Chambers have recently commenced the publication of this work, under the title of
"'CHA.IBERS'S REPOSITORY OF INSTRUCTIVE AND AMUSIX-  TRACTS," in the form of penny
weekly sheets, similar In style, literary character, &c., to the " Miscellany," which has maintained an
enormous circulation of more than eighty thousand copies in England, and has already reached nearly
the same sale in this country.
Arrangements have been made by the American publishers, by which they will issue the work
simultaneously with the English edition, in two monthly, handsomely bound, 16mo. volumes, of 260
pages each, to continue until the whole series is completed. Each volume complete in itself, and will
be sold ill sets or single volumes.
a- Commendatory Letters, Reviews, Notices, &c., of each of Chambers's works, sufficient to make
a good sized duodecimo volume, have been received by the publishers, but room here will only allow
giving a specimen of the vast multitude at hand. They are all popular. and contain valuable instructive and entertaining reading - such as should be found in every family, school, and college library.
F




HUGH MILLER'S WORKS.
MY FIRST IMPRESSIONS
OF ENGLAND AND ITS PEOPLE.
BY  IIUGHI  MILLER, author of "Old Red  Sandstone," " Footprints of the
Creator;" etc., with a fine likeness of the author. 12mo, cloth, 1,00.
Let not the careless reader imagine, from the title of this book, that it is a common book of travels,
an the contrary, it is a very remarkable one, both in design, spirit, and execution. The facts recorded,
and the views advanced in this book, are so fresh, vivid, and natural, that we cannot but commend it
ab a treasure, both of information and entertainment. It will greatly enhance the author's reputation
in this country as it already has in England. - Willis's liome Journal.
This is a noble book, worthy of the author of the Footprints of the Creator and the Old Red Sandstone, because it is seasoned with the same power of vivid description, the same minuteness of observation, and soundness of criticism, and the same genial piety. We have read it with deep interest,
and with ardent admiration of the author's temper and genius. It is almost impossible to lay the book
down, even to attend to more pressing matters. It is, without compliment or hyperbole, a most delightful volume. - N. Y. Commercial.
It abounds with graphic sketches of scenery and character, ls full of genius, eloquence, and observation, and is well calculated to arrest the attention of the thoughtful and inquiring. - Phil. Inquirer.
This is a most amusing and instructive book, by a master hand. - Democratic Review.
The author of this work proved himself, in the Footprints of the Creator, one of the most original
thinkers and powerful writers of the age. In the volume before us he adds new laurels to his reputation. Whoever wishes to understand the character of the present race of Englishmen, as contradistinguished from past generations; to comprehend the workings of political, social, and religious agitation
in the minds, not of the nobility or gentry, but of thepeople, will discover that, in this volume, he has
found a treasure. - Peterson's Mlagazine.
His eyes were open to see, and his ears to hear, every thing; and, as the result of what he saw and
heard in *' merrie " England, he has made one of the most spirited and attractive volumes of travels
and observations that we have met with these many days. - Traveller.
It is with the feeling with which one grasps the hand of an old friend that we greet to our home and
heart the author of the Old Red Sandstone and Footprints of the Creator. Hugh Miller is one of the
most agreeable. entertaining, and instructive writers of the age; and, having been so delighted with
him before, we open the First Imprezsions, and enter upon its perusal with a keen intellectual appetite. We know of no work in England so full of adaptedness to the age as this. It opens up clearly to
view the condition of its various classes, sheds new light into its social, moral, and religious history,
not forgetting its geological peculiarities, and draws conclusions of great value. - Atlbany Spectator.
We commend the volume to our readers as one of more than ordinary value and interest, from the
pen of a writer who thinks for himself, and looks at mankind and at nature through his own spectacles.- Transcript.
The author, one of the most remarkable men of the age, arranged for this journey into England,
expecting to "lodge in humble cottages, and wear a humble dress. and see what was to be seen by
humble men only,- society without its mask." Such an observer might be expected to bring to view
a thousand things unknown, or partially known before; and abundantly does he fulfil this expectation. It is one of the most absorbing books of the time. — Portland Ch. Mirror.
NE.W WORK.
MY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS;
OR THE STORY OF 31MY EDUCATION.
BY   HUGH  MILLER  author of "Footprints of the Creator,"  " Old Red
Sandstone," " First Impressions of England," etc. 12mno, cloth
This is a personal narrative of a deeply interesting and instructive character, concerning one of the
most remarkable men of the age. No one who purchases this book will have occasion to regret it, our
word for it! I                                                                    I




A PILGRIMAGE TO EGYPT;
EMBRACING A DIARY OF EXPLORATIONS ON THE NILE,
WITH   OBSERVATIONS             S,  illustrative  of the Manners. Customs, and
Institutions of the People, and of the present condition of the Antiquities and Ruins. By
J. V. C. SMiITH, I. D., Editor of tile Boston Medical and Surgical Journial.  Wltl numserous elegant Engravings.  Third edition. 1,25.
There is a lifelike interest in the narratives and descriptions of Dr. Smith's pen, which takes you
directly along with the traveller, so that when he closes a chapter you feel that you have reached
an inn, iwhere you will rest for a while; and then, with a refreshed mind. you will be ready to snove
on again, in ajourney full of fresh and instructive incidents and explorations. -- Ch.  stulless.
Every page of the volume is entertaining and instructive, and even those who are well read in
Egyptian mannlers, custons, and scenery, cannot fail to find somlething new and novel upon those
somewhat hackneyed topics. - Mercantile Joernal.
One of the most agreeable books of travel which have been published for a long time. - Daily Adv.
It is readable, attractive, and interesting, because fanmiliar and companionable. You seem to be
travellislg with him, and seeing the things which he sees. - Bunker  ill Alurora.
The author is a keen observer, and describes what he observes with a graphic pen. The volume
abounds in vivid descriptions of the manners, customls, and institutions of the people visited, tha
present condition of the ancient ruins, accompanied by a large number of illustrations. - Courier.
We see what Egypt was; we see what Egypt is; and with prophetic endowment we see what it is
yet to be. It is a charn-ing book, not written for antiquarians ald the learned, but for the raillioe, and
by the million it will be read. - Conyregationalist.
The reader may be sure of entertainment in such a land, under the guidance of such an observer as
Dr. Smith, and will be surprised, when he has accompanied him through the tour, at the vivid impression which he retains of persons,and places, and incidents. The illustlrations are capitally drawn,
and add greatly to the value of the book, which is a handsome volume in every respect, as are all
the works which issue from the house of Gould and Lincoln. - Salems Gazette.
This is really onle of the most entertaining books upon Egypt that we have met with. it is an easy
and simple narration of all sorts of strange matters and things, as they came under the eye of an attentive and intelligent observer. -. Albany  eryus.
MIr. Smith is one of the sprightliest authors in America, and this work is worthy of his pen. He is
particularly happy in presenting the comical and grotesque side of objects. — Collnaonwealth.
The sketches of people and manners are marvellously lifelike, and if the book is not a little gossipy,
it is not by any means wanting in substantial information and patient research. - Chi. Inquirer.
One of the most complete and perfect books of the kind ever published, introducing entire new
places and scenes, that have been overlooked by other writers. The style is admirable and attractive,
and abundantly interesting to insure it a general circulation. - Diadenm.
Reader, take this book and go with him; it is like making the voyage yourself. Dr. Smith writes in
a very pleasing style. No one will fall to sleep over the book. We admire the man's wit; it breaks
out occasionally like flashes of lightning on a dark sky, and makes every thing look pleasantly. Of
all the books we have read on Egypt, we prefer this. It goes ahead of Stephens's. Reader, obtain a
copy for yourself. - Trumpet.
This volume is neither a re-hash of guide books, nor a condensed mensuration of heights and distances from works on Egyptian antiquities. It contains the daily observations of a most intelligent
traveller, whose descriptions bring to the reader's eye the scenes he witnessed. We have read many
books on Egypt, some of them full of science and learning, and some of wit and frolic, but none which
furnioishecd so clear an idea of Egyplt us it is, - of its ruins as they now are, and of its people as they
now live and move. The style, always dignified, is not unfrequently playful, and the reader is borne
along from page to page, with the feeling that he is in good company. -- Watchman andl Jeflector.
Its geological remarks upon the Nile and its valley, its information upon agriculture and the mechanic arts, amnuselnents, education, domestic life and economy, and especially upon the diseases of
the country, are new and important. - Congregationalist.
SCRIPTURE NATURAL HISTORY; containing a descriptive account
of Quadrulpeds, Birds, Fishes, Insects, Reptiles, Serpents, Plants, Trees, Minerals, Gems,
and Precious Stones, mnentionied in the Bible. By WILLIAM  CARPENTER, London;
with Improvements, by REV. GORHAM D. ABBOTT. Illustrated by numerous Engraw
ings.  Also, Sketches of Palestine. 12mO, cloth, 1,00.                          T




THE CRUISE OF THE NORTH STAR:
A NARRATIVE OF THE EXCURSION MADE BY MR. VANDERBILT'S
PARTY, IN  THE  STEAM  YACHT, in her Voyage to England, Russia,
Denmark, France, Spain, Italy, Malta, Turkey, Madeira, etc.  By Rev. JOHN
OVERTON CHOULES, D. D.  With elegant Illustrations, and fine Likenesses
of Commodore Vanderbilt and Capt. Eldridge. 12mo, cloth, gilt backs and
sides. $1.50.
The cruise of the North Star was an event of almost national concern, and was watched with
universal Interest. This volume is as different from ordinary books of travel as the cruise of
the North Star was different from an ordinary trip to Europe. We need not bespeak for it
many readers. - Providence Journal.
The American people ought to be proud of, and grateful to, Cornelius Vanderbilt. This man
has done more than a dozen presidents to give America a respected name in Europe. At first
a poor boy, he has shown by his history what faculties American institutions have to bring out
individual enterprise. Having, by his masterly enterprise, acquired a princely fortune, Mr.
Vanderbilt, the past year, in a yacht of his own, built expressly for the purpose, took a family
trip to the several European cities' Such an idea never before occurred to mortal man. Everywhere he went, his yacht enterprise was the theme of general comment. Everywhere the
enterprise bears a national character. In the person of Cornelius Vanderbilt, American enterprise told the people of Europe what it could do. The desire to get this curious narrative was
so great that the whole of the first edition went off in two days! - Star of the West.
Those who remember to have met with a very interesting work, published some two years
ago, entitled "Young Americans Abroad," will be glad to learn that here is another book of
travels from the same source. Do you say your shelves are all full of books of travel?- we reply,
with Leigh Hunt, - then put in another shelf, and place this one on it. - Methodist Protestant.
The work is one of the most entertaining, and, in its way, vivid, portraitures of scenes in the
Old World, that we have ever seen. - Boston Transcript.
This is a fitting memorial of the most remarkable trip of its kind ever taken, and which excited great interest both in this country and Europe. The book is in many respects as novel
as the occasion which produced it was unique and memorable. Both the accomplished author
and the publishers deserve the best thanks for so tasteful a record of a performance which has
reflected so much credit abroad upon American enterprise. - New York Courier & Enquirer.
This work is interesting, not only as a memorial of the North Star, and her trip to Europe, -
an enterprise which, of a private nature in its undertaking, was almost national in its anticipations and in its proud results, - but also as a record of European travel, narrated in a lively
manner, by a gentleman whose taste and attainments eminently qualify him for the task. -
Yew York Times.
Never before did a private individual make so magnificent an excursion as Mr. Vanderbilt.
In a steam yacht of unsurpassed splendor, accompanied by a few select friends, whom he entertained, during the voyage, in the most luxurious manner, he crossed over to the Old World;
viewed the curiosities of parts of three continents; steamed from port to port, and then returned, having spent four months in this most delightful manner. Dr. Choules, who was one
of his guests, has given to the world a charming account of this unique voyage, in a beautifully
printed and illustrated volume. We commend it to our readers as a very entertaining, wellwritten book. - Zion's Herald.
The whole world has heard of Mr. Vanderbilt and his matchless yacht, -his pleasure excursion to Europe, —its princely cost, and safe and happy execution. * * * The book will be
eagerly perused, as a record of one of the unique occurrences of the age; is written with a kind
of drawing-room, etiquette-like style, is mellow in sentiment, and is wholly destitute of that
straining after the sublime, and stranding in the " high-falutin," that characterize the effusions
of the tourist generally. - Chicago Advertiser.
This exceedingly clever volume is the result and the record of one of the most stupendous
and magnificent water excursions that ever was made. -Norfolk Co. Democrat.
This beautiful volume describes, in a chaste and readable manner, the fortunes of the widelyknown excursion of the princely New York merchant and his family and guests. From the
eclat of the voyage itself, and the pleasant way of Dr. Choules' account of it, we think the book
is destined to have - what it deserves - a very large sale. - Congregationalist.  (f)




THE PREACHER AND THE KING;
OR, BOURDALOUE IN THE COURT OF LOUIS XIV.
Being an Account of that distinguished Era.  Translated from  the French
of L. BUNGENER. Paris, fourteenth edition. With an Introduction, by the REV.
GEORGE POTTS, DD., New York.  12mo, cloth, 1,25.
It combines substantial history with the highest charm of romance; the most rigid philosophical critIcism with a thorough analysis of' human character and faithful representation of the spirit and manners of the age to which it relates. W~e regard the book as a valuable contribution to the cause not
merely of general literature, but especially of pulpit eloquence. Its attractions are so various that
it can hardly fail to find readers of almost every description. - Puritan Recorder.
A very delightful book. It is full of interest, and equally replete with sound thought and profitable
sentiment. - N. Y. Commercial.
It is a volume at once curious, instructive, and fascinating. The interviews of Bourdaloue, and
Claude, and those of Bossuet, Fenelon, and others, are remarkably attractive, and of finished taste.
Other high personages of France are brought in to figure in the narrative, while rhetorical rules are
exemplified in a manner altogether new. Its extensive sale in France is evidence enough of its extraordinary merit and its peculiarly attractive qualities. - Ch. Advocate.
It is full of life and animation, and conveys a graphic idea of the state of morals and religion in the
Augustan age of French literature. -- 1V. Y. Recorder.
This book will attract by its novelty, and prove particularly engaging to those interested in the pulpit eloquence of an age characterized by the flagrant wickedness of Louis XIV. The author has exhibited singular skill in weaving into his narrative sketches of the remarkable men who flourished at
that period, with original and striking remarks on the subject of preaching. - Presbyterian.
Its historical and biographical portions are valuable; its comments excellent, and its effect pure and
benignant. A work which we recommend to all, as possessing rare interest. - Buffalo Morn. Exp.
A book of rare interest, not only for the singular ability with which it is written, but for the graphic
account which it gives of the state of pulpit eloquence during the celebrated era of which it treats.
It is perhaps the best biography extant of the distinguished and eloquent preacher, who above all others most pleased the king; while it also furnishes many interesting particulars in the lives of his professional contemporaries. We content ourself with warmly commending it. - Savannah Journal.
The author is a minister of the Reformed Church. in the forms of narrative and conversations, he
portrays the features and character of that remarkable age, and illustrates the claims and duties of the
sacred office, and the important ends to be secured by the eloquence of the pulpit. - Phil. Ch. Obs.
A book which unfolds to us the private conversation, the interior life and habits of study of such
men as Claude, Bossuet, Bourdaloue. Mas'sillon, and Bridaine, cannot but be a precious gift to the
American church and ministers. It is a book full of historical facts of great value, sparkling with gems
of thought, polished scholarship, and genuine piety. - Cin. Ch. Advocate.
This volume presents a phase of French life with which we have never met in any other work. The
author is a minister of the Reformed Church in Paris, where his work has been received with unexampled popularity, having already gone through fourteen editions. The writer has studied not only
the divinity and general literature of' the age of Louis XIV., but also the memories of that period, until
he is able to reproduce a life-like picture of society at the Court of the Grand Monarch. - Alb. Trans.
A work which we recommend to all, as possessing rare interest. - Buffalo Ev. Express.
In form it is descriptive and dramatic, presenting the reader with animated conversations between
some of the most famous preachers and philosophers of the Augustan age of France. The work will
be read with interest by all intelligent men; but it will be of especial service to the ministry, who cannot afford to be ignorant of the facts and suggestions of this instructive volume. — X. Y. Ch. Intel.
The work is very fascinating, and the lesson under its spangled robe is of the gravest moment to
every pulpit and every age. - Ch. Intelligencer.
TIHE PRIEST AND THE HUGUENOT; or Persecution in the Age
of Louis XV. Part I., A Sermon at Court; Part II., A Sermon in the-City; Part It.,
A Sermon in the Desert. Translated from  the French of L. BUNGENER, author of
"The Preacher and the King."  2 vols. 12mo, cloth. 0{   A new WTork.
ar- This is truly a masterly production, full of interest, and may be set down as one of the greatest
Protestant works of the age.                                                      Ff




IMPORTANT NEW WORKS.
THE CHRISTIAN LIFE: Social and Individual. By PE;TER BAYNE, A. M.
12mo. Cloth. $1.25.
Contents. —PART I. STATEMENT. I. The Individual Life. II. The Social Life.
PART II. EXPOSITION AND ILLUSTRATION. Book I. Christianity the Basis of
Social Life. I. First Principles. II. Howard; and the rise of Philanthropy. III.
Wilberforce; and the development of Philanthropy. IV. Budgett; the Christian
Freeman. V. The social problem of the age, and one or two hints towards its solution.
Book II. Christianity the Basis of Individual Character. I. Introductory: a few
Words on Modern Doubt. II. John Foster. III. Thomas Arnold. IV. Thomas
Chalmers. PART III. OUTLOOK. I. The Positive Philosophy. II. Pantheistic
Spiritualism. III. General Conclusion.
PARTICULAR attention is invited to this work. In Scotland, its publication, during
the last winter, produced a great sensation. Hugh Miller made it the subject of an
elaborate review in his paper, the Edinburgh Witness, and gave his readers to understand that it was an extraordinary work. The "News of the Churches," the monthly
organ of the Scottish Free Church, was equally emphatic in its praise, pronouncing
it " the religious book of the season." Strikingly original in plan and brilliant in
execution, itfar surpasses themexpectations raised by the somewhat familiar title. It
is, in truth, a bold onslaught (and the first of the kind) upon the Pantheism of Carlyle,
Fichte, etc., by an ardent admirer of Carlyle i and at the same time an exhibition of
the Christian Life, in its inner principle, and as illustrated in the lives of Howard,
Wilberforce, Budgett, Foster, Chalmers, etc. The brilliancy and vigor of the author's
style are remarkable.
PATRIARCHY; or, the Family, its Constitution and Probation. By JOHN
HARRIS, D. D., President of "New College," London, and author of "The
Great Teacher," "Mammon," "Pre-Adamite Earth," "M an Primeval," etc.
12mo. Cloth. $1.25.
THIS is the third and last of a series, by the same author, entitled c" Contributions
to Theological Science." The plan of this series is highly original, and thus far has
been most successfully executed. Of the first two in the series, " Pre-Adamite Earth,"
and " Man Primeval," we have already issued four and five editions, and the demand
still continues. The immense sale of all Dr. Harris's works attest their intrinsic
popularity. The present work has long been expected, but was delayed owing to the
author's illness, and the pressure of his duties as President of New College, St. John's
Wood. We shall issue it from advanced sheets (a large portion of which have already
been received) simultaneously with its publication in England.
GOD REVEALED IN NATURE AND IN CHRIST: Including a Refutation
of the Development Theory contained in the " Vestiges of the Natural History
of Creation."  By the Author of " THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE PLAN OF SAI.
VATION."  12mo. Cloth. $1.25.
THE author of that remarkable book, " The Philosophy of the Plan of Salvation,"
has devoted several years of incessant labor to the preparation of this work. Without
being specifically controversial, its aim is to overthrow several of the popular errors
of the day, by establishing the antagonist truth upon an impregnable basis of reason
and logic. In opposition to the doctrine of a mere subjective revelation, now so
plausibly inculcated by certain eminent writers, it demonstrates the necessity of an
external, objective revelation. Especially, it furnishes a new, and as it is conceived.
a conclusive argument against the " development theory " so ingeniously maintained
in the " Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation." As this author does not publish except when he has something to say, there is good reason to anticipate that the
work will be one of unusual interest and value. His former book has met with the
most signal success in both hemispheres, having passed through numerous editions
in England and Scotland, and been translated into four of the European languages
besides. It is also about to be translated into the Hi ndoostanee tongue.  (ni)




RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
HISTORY OF CHURCH MUSIC IN AMERICA. Treating of its pecull
arities at different periods; its legitimate use and its abuse; with Criticisms,
Cursory Remarks, and Notices relating to Composers, Teachers, Schools,
Choirs, Societies, Conventions, Books, etc. By NATHANIEL D. GOULD, Author
of " Social Harmony," " Church Harmony," " Sacred Minstrel," etc.  12mo,
cloth. 75 cents.
p,- To all interested in church music (and who is not interested) this work will be found to
zontain a vast fund of information, with much that is novel, amusing and instructive. In giving
a minute history of Church Music for the past eighty years, there is interspersed throughout the
o70lmune many interesting incidents, and numerous anecdotes concerning Ministers, Compo
sers, Teachers, Performers and Performances, Societies, Choirs, &c.
COMPLETE POETICAL WORKS OF WILLIAM COWPER; with a Life
and Critical Notices of his Writings. On clear type, with new and elegant
Illustrations on steel. 16mo, cloth, $1.00; fine cloth, gilt, $1.25.
POFTICAL WORKS OF SIR WALTER SCOTT. With Life and elegant
Illustrations on steel.  16mo, cloth, $1.00; fine cloth, gilt, $1.25.
MIITON'S  POETICAL  WORKS.   With Life and elegant Illustrations.
16mo, cloth, $1.00; fine cloth, gilt, $1.25. In press.
4P The above poetical works, by standard authors, are all of uniform size and style, printed
on fine paper, from clear, distinct type, with new and elegant illustrations, richly bound in full
gilt, and plain; which, with the exceedingly low price at which they are offered, render them
the most desirable of any of the numerous editions of these authors' works now in the market.
United States Exploring Expedition, under command of Charles Wilkes, U. S. N.
VOLUME XII.
AMOLLUSCA AND SHELLS.  By AUGUSTUS A. GOULD, M. D.  One elegant
quarto volume, cloth. $6.00.
THE TWO RECORDS; the Mosaic and the Geological. A'Lecture delivered
before the Young Men's Christian Association, in Exeter Hall, London.
By HUGH MILLER. 16mo, cloth. 25 cents.
v   No work by Hugh Miller needs commendation to insure purchasers.
NOAH  AND HIS TIMES; embracing the consideration of various inquiries
relative to the Ante-diluvian and earlier Post-diluvian Periods, with Discussi.,ns of several of the leading questions of the present time. By Rev. J.
MUNSON OLMSTEAD, A. M.  12mo, cloth. $1.25.
)- This is not only a popular, but a very valuable, work for all Bible students.
A PARISIAN PASTOR'S GLANCE AT AMERICA. By T. H. GRAND
PIERRE, D. D., Pastor of the Reformed Church, and Director of the Missionary Institution in Paris. 1Gmo, cloth. 50 cts.
The author of this volume is one of the most eminent ministers now living of the Reformed
Church of France. He is distinguished as a preacher and a writer; as a mall of large and liberal views, of earnest piety, of untiring industry, and of commanding influence. His statements are characterised by great correctness as well as great candor. - Puritan Recorder.
JULIAN; or, the End of an Era. By L. BUNGENER. With a Sketch of the
Author's Life, and an elegant Portrait. 2 vols., 12mo, cloth. In press.
VOLTAIRE AND HIS TIMES.  By L. BUNGENER.  12mo, cloth. In press
HIPPOLYITUS, and the Christian Church of the Third Century; with a copious analysis of the newly-discovered MSS., and a translation from the original Greek. By W. ELFE TAYLOR. 16mo, cloth. In press.
(i)