1'HE OF T HE REV. ROBERT HALL, A.M. WITH A MEMOIR OF HIS LIFE, BY DR. GREGORY; REMINISCENCES, BY JOIIN GREENE, ESQ.; AND HIS CHARACTER AS A PREACHER, BY THE REV. JOHN FOSTER. PUBLISHED UNDER THE S.UPERINTENDENCE OF OLINTIHUS GREGORY, LL.D., F.R.A.S., PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS IN THE ROYAL MILITARY ACALEMY' AND JOSEPH BELCHE R, D.D IN FO J R VOLUME S VOL. II. NEW YORK: HAR PER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS 329 & 33t PEARL STREET, F'RANKLIN SQUARE 1858. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, by HARPER & BROTHERS, In the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the Southern District of New York. ADVERTISEM ENT IN this Volume, Mr. Hall's Political Tracts are arranged in the order of their publication. To them succeeds various Tracts, which, though not strictly political, bear an obvious relation to the subjects of politics and political economy; employing the latter term, not in its restricted sense, which regards merely the wealth of nations, but in the more extended acceptation, which embraces the momentous topics of general security, freedom, comfort, and happiness. Some of these pieces, though very extensively circulated to promote the purposes for which they were respectively written, were never issued by sale, and it is now exceedingly difficult to procure a single copy of them. Others, which were regularly published, have been long out of print. The origin of the Fragments on Village Preaching and general Toleration I have briefly described in a prefatory note,'p. 171. The Summary of the arguments on Christian Communion could not be included in the first volume without unduly augmenting its bulk; it is, therefore, inserted in this. The Miscellaneous Pieces appeared originally in Felix Farley's Bristol Journal, and have not since been published with their author's permission. They serve, however, to show with what taste and elegance he could, in early life, indulge in the lighter species of composition; and what eminence he might have attained in that department of literature, had not his inclinations as well as his profession led himn to devote his rich endowments to infinitely higher purposes. OLINTHUS GREGORY. CONTENTS OF VOL. II. TRACTS, POLITICAL AND MISCELLANEOUS. Page CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH A LOVE OF FREEDOM.. 9 Preface.. 11 Note by the Editor....... 12 SECTION I. On the Duty of common Christians in relation to Civil Polity................ 14 SECTION II. On the Duty of Ministers in respect to Civil Polity... 19 SECTION III. On the Pretences Mr. - advances in favour of his Principles............... 26 SECTION IV. On the Test Act.. 32 AN APOLOGY FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. 39 Advertisement to the Third Edition........ 41 Original Preface............ 43 Advertisement to the New edition. 49 SECTION I. On the Right of Public Discussion. 51 SECTION II. On Associations........ 56 SECTION III. On a Reform of Parliament....... 61 SECTION IV. On Theories and the Rights of Man..... vi CONTENTS. SECTION V. Page On Dissenters...... 76 SECTION VI. On the Causes of the Present Discontents...... 84 REVIEW OF THE APOLOGY FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 93 MR. HALL'S REPLY............... 98 Note by the Editor............. 106 ON THE RENEWAL OF THE CHARTER OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY................. 107 AN APPEAL TO THE PUBLIC, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE FRAMEWORK KNITTERS' FUND......... 121 Advertiselent............... 123 A REPLY TO THE PRINCIPAL OBJECTIONS ADVANCED BY COBBETT AND OTHERS AGAINST THE FRAMEWORK KNITTERS' FR1ENDLY RELIEF SOCIETY......... 135 AN ADDRESS ON THE STATE OF SLAVERY IN THE WEST INDIA ISLANDS............. 155 FRAGMENTS... 169 Note by the Editor......... 171 Defence of Village Preaching.......... 173 The Impolicy of Intolerance.......... 184 On Toleration............... 185 On the Right of Worship........... 196 A SHORT STATEMENT OF THE REASONS FOR CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO PARTY COMMUNION........ 207 Preface... 209 ARTICLES FROM THE ECLECTIC REVIEW. Foster's Essays............... 233 Custance on the Constitution.......... 249 Zeal without Innovation...... 254 Gisborne's Sermons.. 290 Gregory's Letters............... 298 Belsham's Memoirs of Lindsey.... 318 Birt on Popery............. 335 CONTENTS. n MISCELLANEOUS PIECES. Pagv Character of Cleander...... 341 A Revery.................. 34C Essay on Poetry and Philosophy.......... 354 Fragment on Popery......... 35P Character of the Rev. R. Ilall, of Arnsby. 36 Funeral Oration delivered at the Interment of the Rev. H. Crabb 372 Sketch of the Character of Mrs. M. Carryer...... 378 Character of the late Rev. T. Robinson, Vicar of St. Mary's, Leicester..... 380 Fragment.-Character of the Rev. John Sutcliff..... 388 Memoir of the Rev. Thomas Toller.. 390 Preface to the Memoirs of the Rev. Joseph Freeston 410 Extract from Mr. Hall's rough Notes of the Funeral Sermon for Dr. Ryland........... 416 Address circulated at the Formation of the Leicester Auxiliary Bible Society.............. 418 Speech delivered at the Second Anniversary of ditto. 421 Speech delivered at the Seventh Anniversary of ditto.... 428 Fragment.-Speech delivered at a Meeting of ditto. 436 Address in Behalf of the Stepney Baptist Academy. 440 Letter to the Committee of the Baptist Missionary Society.. 444 Preface to Hall's Help to Zion's Travellers....... 447 Preface to Janeway's Life............ 454 Recommendatory Preface to Beddome's Hymns..... 456 Preface to Chase's 1" Antinomianism Unmasked"..... 458 Letter to the Rev. W. Bennett............ 465 Extract from Dr. Johnson's Preface to Cowper's Correspondence 467 Spiritual Condition and Prospects of the Jews.. 468 Substance of a Charge delivered at the Ordination of the Rev. J. K. Hall, at Kettering....... 475 Fragment.-On the Art of Healing....... 484 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH A LOVE OF FREEDOM k BEING AN ANSWER TO A SERMON, LATELY PUBLISHED, BY THE REV. [PUBLISHED IN 1791.1 PREFACE. IT may be proper just to remark, that the animadversions I have made on Mr. -—'s sermon did not arise from my conviction of there being any thing even of plausibility in his reasonings, but from an apprehension that certain accidental and occasional prejudices might give some degree of weight to one of the weakest defences of a bad cause that was ever undertaken. I have taken up more time in showing that there is no proper connexion between the Unitarian doctrine and the principles of liberty than the subject may seem to require; but this will not be thought superfluous by those who recollect that that idea seems to be the great hinge of Mr.'s discourse, and that it appears among the orthodox part of the dissenters to have been productive already of unhappy effects. I shall only add, that these remarks would have appeared much sooner but for severe indisposition, and that I was induced to write them chiefly from a persuasion that they might perhaps, in the present instance, have somewhat of additiona weight as coming from one who is not a Unitarian.,AMlBRIDGE, &SeOt. 17, 1791. NOTE BY THE EDITOR. Go CHRISTIANITY consistent with a Love of Freedom," was written when Mr. Hall was twenty-seven years of age: and he never would consent to its republication. He continued to think the main principles correct and important; but he regarded the tone of animadversion as severe, sarcastic, and unbecoming. Two or three editions have, how ever, been printed surreptitiously; and one of them, which now lies before me, is so complete an imitation of the original edition of 1791 as usually to escape detection. It is printed with an old-fashioned type and on dingy-coloured paper, to suit its assumed age. But on comparing it closely with the genuine edition, I find that three of the capital letters, on different pages, have too modern and broad a face; and on holding up the paper on which it is printed to a strong light, I perceive a water-mark which gives the date 1818 to the paper of a pamphlet which purports to be printed in 1791! If the lower class of booksellers will have recourse to such contemptible forgeries as this, an author is evidently no longer master of his intellectual property, nor can he when he pleases withdraw it from the public eye. This, though one of the earliest productions laid by Mr. Hall before the public, is, with the exception already adverted to, by no means calculated to deteriorate his reputation. It contains some splendid passages, and the concluding four or five pages exhibit a fine specimen of that union of severe taste, and lofty genius, and nobl sentiment, which is evinced, I think, more frequently in his compositions than in those of any other modern author. I have no fear of incurring blame for having cancelled throughout the name of the individual against whom Mr. Hall's strictures were levelled. Venerable for his age, and esteemed for his piety, who would now voluntarily cause him, or those who love him. a pang? ROYAL MILITARY ACADEMY, June 1, 1831. CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH A LOVE OF FREEDOM, &c. THis is a period distinguished for extraordinary occurrences, whether ~ve contemplate the world under its larger divisions, or in respect to those smaller communities and parties into which it is broken and divided. We have lately witnessed with astonishment and regret the attempts of a celebrated orator to overthrow the principles of freedom, which he had rendered himself illustrious by defending; as well as to cover with reproach the characters of those by whom, in the earlier part of life, he was most caressed and distinguished. The success of these efforts is pretty generally known, and is such as it might have been expected would have been sufficient to deter from similar attempts. But we now behold a dissenting minister coming forth to the public under the character of a flatterer of power and an accuser of his brethren. If the splendid eloquence that adorns every part of Mr. BURKE'S celebrated book cannot shelter the author from confutation, and his system from contempt, Mr. --, with talents far inferior, has but little to expect in the same cause. It is not easy to conceive the motives which could impel him to publish his sermon. From his own account it should seem he was anxious to disabuse the legislature, and to convince them there are many among the dissenters who highly disapprove the sentiments and conduct of the more patriotic part of their brethren. How far he may be qualified from his talents or connexions, as a mouth, to declare the sentiments of any considerable portion of the dissenters I shall not pretend to decide, but shall candidly confess, there are not wanting among us persons who are ready upon all occasions to oppose those principles on which the very existence of our dissent is founded. Every party will have its apostates of this kind; it is our consolation, however, that their numbers are comparatively small, that they are generally considered as our reproach, and that their conduct is in a great measure the effect of necessity, as they consist almost entirely of persons who can only make themselves heard by confusion and discord. If our author wishes to persuade the legislature the friends of arbitrary power are conspicuous for their number or their rank in the dissenting interest, he has most effectually defeated his own intentions, as scarce any thing could give them a meaner opinion of that party, in both these respects, than this publica I CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITh tion of its champion. The sermon he has obtruded upon the public is filled with paradoxes of so singular a complexion, and so feebly supported, that I find it difficult to lay hold of any thing in'the form of argument with sufficient steadiness for the purpose of discussion. I shall endeavour, however, with as much distinctness as I am able, to select the fundamental principles on which the discourse rests, and shall attempt, as I proceed, to demonstrate their falsehood and danger. Our author's favourite maxim is the inconsistency of the Christian profession with political science, and the certain injury its spirit and temper must sustain from every kind of interference with the affairs of government. Political subjects he considers as falling within the peculiar province of the irreligious; ministers in particular, he maintains, should ever observe, amid the concussions of party, all entire neutrality; or if at any time they depart from their natural line of conduct, it should only be in defence of the measures of government, in allaying dissensions, and in convincing the people they are incompetent judges of their rights. These are the servile maxims that run through the whole of this extraordinary discourse; and that I may give a kind of method to the following observations upon them, I shall show, in the first place, the relation Christianity bears to civil government, and its consistency with political discussion, as conducted either by ordinary* Christians or ministers; in the next place, I shall examine some of the pretences on which the author founds his principles. SECTION I. On the Duty of common Christians in Relation to Civil Polity. THF, momentous errors Mr. has committed appear to me to have arisen from an inattention to the proper design of Christianity, and the place and station it was intended to occupy. On this subject I beg the reader's attention to the following remarks:1st. Christianity was subsequent to the existence and creation of man. It is an institution intended to improve and ennoble our nature, not by subverting its constitution or its powers, but by giving us a more enlarged view of the designs of Providence, and opening a prospect into eternity. As the existence of man is not to be dated from the publication of Christianity, so neither is that order of things that flows from his relation to the present world altered or impaired by that divine system of religion. Man under the Christian dispensation is not a new structure erected on the ruin of the former; he may rather be compared to an ancient fabric restored, when it had fallen into decay, and beautified afresh by the hand of its original founder. Since Christianity has made its appearance in the world, he has continued the same kind of being he was before, fills the same scale in the order of existence, and is distinguished by the same propensities and powers. In short, Christianity is not a reorganization of the principles of man, but an institution for his improvement. Hence it follows, that wLac. A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 5 ever rights are founded on the constitution of human nature cannot be diminished or impaired by the introduction of revealed religion, which occupies itself entirely on the interests of a future world, and takes no share in the concerns of the present in any other light than as it is a state of preparation and trial. Christianity is a discovery of *a future life, and acquaints us with the means by which its happiness may be secured; civil government is altogether an affair of the present state, and is no more than a provision of human skill, designed to ensure freedom and tranquillity during our continuance on this temporary stage of existence. Between institutions so different in their nature and their object it is plain no real opposition can subsist; and if ever they are represented in this light, or held inconsistent with each other, it must proceed from an ignorance of their respective genius and functions. Our relation to this world demands the existence of civil government; our relation to a future renders us dependent on the aid of the Christian institution; so that in reality there is no kind of contrariety between them, but each may continue without interference in its full operation. Mr. -, however, in support of his absurd and pernicious tenets, always takes care to place civil government and Christianity in opposition, while he represents the former as carrying in it somewhat antichristian and profane. Thus he informs us, that civil government is a stage erected on which man acts out his character, and shows great depravity of heart. All interference in political parties he styles an alliance with the world, a neglecting to maintain our separation, and to stand upon our own hallowed ground. There is one way, says he, by which he means to insinuate there is only one, in which you may all interfere in the government of your country, and that is by prayer to God, by whom kings reign. These passages imply that the principles of civil polity and religion must be at perpetual variance, as without this supposition, unsupported as it is in fact, they can have no force or meaning. 2d. Mr. misleads his reader by not distinguishing the inno~. cent entertainments or social duties of our nature from those acts of piety which fall within the immediate province of Christianity. The employments of our particular calling, the social ties and endearments of life, the improvement of the mind by liberal inquiry, and the cultivation of science and of art, form, it is true, no part of the Christian system, for they flourished before it was known; but they are intimately connected with the happiness and dignity of the human race. A Christian should act ever consistent with his profession, but he need not always be attending to the peculiar duties of it. The profession of religion does not oblige us to relinquish any undertaking on account of its being worldly, for we must then go out of the world; it is sufficient that every thing in which we engage is of such a nature as will not violate the principles of virtue, or occupy so much of our time or attention as may interfere with more sacred and important duties. Mr. --- observes, Jesus Christ uniformly waived interesting himself in temporal affairs, especially in the concerns of the then existing 16 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH government; and hence he draws a precedent to regulate the conduct of his followers. That our Saviour did not intermeddle with the policy of nations I am as willing as our author to admit; for the improvement of this, any more than any other science which might be ex tremely short and defective, formed no part of his mission, and was besides rendered quite unnecessary, by that energy of mind which, prompted by curiosity, by our passions and our wants, will ever be abundantly sufficient to perpetuate and refine every civil or human institution He never intended that his followers, on becoming Christians, should forget they were men, or consider themselves as idle or uninterested spectators on the great theatre of life. The author's selection of proofs is almost always unhappy, but in no instance more than the present, when he attempts to establish his doctrine of the unlawfulness of a Christian interfering in the administration of govern. ment on our Saviour's silencfe respecting it,-a circumstance of itself sufficient to support a quite contrary conclusion; for if it had been his Intention to discountenance the study of political subjects, he would have furnished us without doubt with some general regulations, some stated form of policy, which should for ever preclude the necessity of such discussion; or, if that were impracticable, have let us into the great secret of living without government; or, lastly, have supplied its place by. a theocracy similar to that of the Jews. Nothing of this has he accomplished, and we may therefore rest assured the political affairs of nations are suffered to remain in their ancient channels, and to be conducted as occasions may arise by Christians or by others, without distinction. 3d. The principles of freedom ought, in a more peculiar manner, to be cherished by Christians, because they alone can secure that liberty of conscience and freedom of inquiry which is essential to the proper discharge of the duties of their profession. A full toleration of religious opinions, and the protection of all parties in their respective modes of worship, are the natural operations of a free government; and every thing that tends to check or restrain them materially affects the interests of religion. Aware of the force of religious belief over the mind of man, of the generous independence it inspires, and of the eagerness with which it is cherished and maintained, it is towards this quarter the arm of despotism first directs its attacks, while through every period the imaginary right of ruling the conscience has been the earliest assumed, and the latest relinquished. Under this conviction, an enlightened Christian, when he turns his attention to political occurrences, will rejoice in beholding every adance towards freedom in the government of nations, as it forms, not only a barrier to the encroachments of tyranny, but a security, to the diffusion and establishment of truth. A considerable portion of personal freedom may be enjoyed, it is true, under a despotic government, or, in other words, a great part of human actions may be left uncon trolled; but with this an enlightened mind will never rest satisfied, because it is at best but an indulgence flowing from motives of policy, or the lenity of the prince, which may be at any time withdraw-' A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 17 the hand that bestowed it. Upon the same principles, religious toleration may have an accidental and precarious existence, in states whose policy is the most arbitrary; but, in such a situation, it seldom lasts long, and can never rest upon a secure and permanent basis, disappearing for the most part along with those temporary views of interest or policy on which it was founded. The history of every age will attest the truth of this observation. Mr. -, in order to prepare us to digest his principles, tells us, in the first page of his discourse, that the gospel dispensation is spiritual, the worship it enjoins simple and easy, and if liberty of conscience be granted, all its exterior order may be regarded under every kind of human government. This is very true, but it is saying no more than that the Christian worship may be always carried on if it is not interrupted, a point, I presume, no one will contend with him. The question is, can every form of government furnish a security for liberty of conscience; or, which is the same thing, can the rights of private judgment be safe under a government whose professed principle is, that the subject has no rights at all, but is a vassal dependent upon his superior lord? Nor is this a futile or chimerical question; it is founded upon fact. The state to which it alludes is the condition at present of more than half the nations of Europe; and if there were no better patriots than this author, it would soon be the condition of them all The blessings which we estimate highly we are naturally eager to perpetuate, and whoever is acquainted with the value of religious freedom will not be content to suspend it on the clemency of a prince, the indulgence of ministers, or the liberality of bishops, if ever such a thing existed; he will never think it secure, till it has a constitutional basis; nor even then, till by the general spread of its principles every individual becomes its guarantee, and every arm ready to be lifted up.n its defence. Forms of policy may change, or they may survive the spirit that produced them; but when the seeds of knowledge have been once sown, and have taken root in the human mind, they will advance with a steady growth, and even flourish in those alarming scenes of anarchy and confusion in which the settled order and regular machinery of government are wrecked and disappear. Christianity, we see then, instead of weakening our attachment to the principles of freedom, or withdrawing them from our attention, renders them doubly dear to us, by giving us an interest in them, proportioned to the value of those religious privileges they secure and protect. Our author endeavours to cast reproach on the advocates for liberty by attempting to discredit their piety, for which purpose he assures us, to be active in this cause is disreputable, and brings the reality of our religion into just suspicion. " Who are the persons," he asks, 1" that embark? Are they the spiritual, humble, and useful teachers, who travel in birth, till Christ be formed in the hearts of their hearers? No. They are philosophical opposers of the grand peculiarities of Christianity." It is of little consequence of what descriptions of persons the friends of freedom consist, provided their principles are just, and their arguments well founded; but here, as in other places, the author VOL. II. -B Is UICHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH displays an utter ignorance of facts. Men who know no age but their own must draw their precedents from it; or, if M/Ir. -- had glanced only towards the history of England, he must have remembered, that in the reigns of Charles the First and Second, the chief friends of freedom were the puritans, of whom many were republicans, and the remainder zealously attached to a limited monarchy. It is to the distinguished exertions of this party we are in a great measure indebted for the preservation of our free and happy constitution. In those distracted and turbulent times which preceded the restoration of Charles the Second, the puritans, who to a devotion the most fervent united an eager attachment to the doctrines of grace, as they are commonly called, displayed on every occasion a love of freedom, pushed almost to excess; while the cavaliers, their opponents, who ridiculed all that was serious, and, if they had any religion at all, held sentiments directly repugnant to the tenets of Calvin, were the firm supporters of arbitrary power. If the Unitarians then are at present distinguished for their zeal in the cause of freedom, it cannot be imputed to any alliance between their religious and political opinions, but to the conduct natural to a minority, who, attempting bold innovations, and maintaining sentiments very different from those which are generally held, are sensible they can only shelter themselves from persecution and reproach, and gain an impartial hearing from the public, by throwing down the barriers of prejudice, and claiming an unlimited freedom of thought. 4th. Though Christianity does not assume any immediate direction in the affairs of government, it inculcates those duties and recommends that spirit which will ever prompt us to cherish the principles of freedom. It teaches us to check every selfish passion, to consider ourselves as parts of a great community, and to abound in all the fruits of an active benevolence. The particular operation of this principle will be regulated by circumstances as they arise, but our obligation to cultivate it is clear and indubitable. As this author does not pretend that the nature of a government has no connexion with the felicity of those who are the subjects of it, he cannot without the utmost incon. sistency deny, that to watch over the interests of our fellow-creatures in this respect is a branch of the great duty of social benevolence. If we are bound to protect a neighbour, or even an enemy, from violence, to give him raiment when he is naked, or food when he is hungry, much more ought we to do our part towards the preservation of a free government; the only basis on which the enjoyment of these blessings can securely rest. He who breaks the fetters of slavery, and delivers a nation from thraldom, forms, in my opinion, the noblest comment on the great law of love, while he distributes the greatest blessing which man can receive from man; but next to that is the' merit of him who, in times like the present, watches over the edifice of public liberty, repairs its foundations, and strengthens its cement, when he beholds it hastening to decay. It is not in the power of every one, it is true, to benefit his age or country in this d"stinguished manner, and accordingly it is nowhere A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 19 expressly commanded; but where this ability exists it is not dimin ished by our embracing Christianity, which consecrates every talent to the public good. On whomsoever distinguished endowments are bestowed, as Christians we ought to rejoice when, instead of being wasted in vain or frivolous pursuits, we behold them employed on objects of the greatest general concern; among which those principles of freedom will ever be reckoned which determine the destiny of nations and the collective felicity of the human race. 5th. Our author expresses an ardent desire for the approach of that period when all men will be Christians. I have no doubt that this event will take place, and rejoice in the prospect of it; but whenever it arrives it will be fatal to Mr. -'s favourite principles; for the professors of Christianity must then become politicians, as the wicked, on whom he at present very politely devolves the business of government, will be no more: or perhaps he indulges a hope that even then there will be a sufficient number of sinners left to conduct political affairs, especially as wars will then cease, and social life be less frequently disturbed by rapine and injustice. It will still, however, be a great hardship that a handful of the wicked should rule innumerable multitudes of the just, and cannot fail, according to our present conceptions, to operate as a kind of check on piety and virtue. How Mr. will settle this point I cannot pretend to say, except he imagines men will be able to subsist without any laws or civil regulations, or intends to revive the long-exploded tradition of Papias, respecting the personal reign. Had Christianity been intended only for the benefit of a few, or as the distinction of a small fraternity, there might have been some pretence for setting its profession in opposition to human policy, since it might then have been conducted without their interference; but a religion which is formed for the whole world, and will finally be embraced by all its inhabitants, can never be clogged with any such impediment as would render it repugnant to the social existence of mankind. SECTION II. On the Duty of Ministers in Respect to Civil Polity. MR. is extremely severe upon those of his brethren who, forsaking the quiet duties of their profession, as he styles them, have dared to interfere in public affairs. This he considers a most flagrant offence, an alarming departure from their proper province; and in the fulness of his rage, he heaps upon them every epithet which contempt or indignation can suggest; calls them meddling, convivial, political ministers, devoid of all seriousness and dignity. It is rather extraordinajxy this severe correction should be administered by a man who is at that moment guilty of the offence he is chastising; reproaches political preachers in a political sermon; ridicules theories of government, and at the same time advances one of his own, a most wretched one B2 20 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH indeed, but delivered in a tone the most arrogant and decisive. It is not political discussion then, it seems, that has ruffled the gentle serenity of our author's temper; f6r lie too, we see, can bend, when it pleases him, from his spiritual elevation, and let fall his oracular responses on the duty of subjects and of kings. But the persons on whom he denounces his anathemas have presumed to adopt a system of politics inconsistent with his own, and it is less his piety than his pride that is shocked and offended. Instead of submitting to be moulded by any adept in cringes and posture-master of servility, they have dared to assume the bold and natural port of freemen. It will be unnecessary to say much on the duty of ministers in respect to political affairs, as many of the renections which this sub ject would suggest have been already advanced under a former head. A few considerations, however, present themselves here, to which I shall beg the reader's attention. The duties of the ministerial character, it will on all hands be con fessed, are of a nature the most sacred and important.'Yo them should be directed the first and chief attention of every person who sustains it, and whatever is found to interfere with these momentous engagements should be relinquished as criminal and imptvper. But there is no profession which occupies the mind so tufly as not to leave many intervals of leisure, in which objects that lie out of its immediate province will have a share of our attention; and I see not why these periods of recess may not be employed with as much dignity and advantage in acquiring an acquaintance with the principle of government, as wasted in frivolous amusements or an inactive indolence. Mr., with his usual confidence, lays it down as a maxim, that the science of politics cannot be cultivated without a neglect of ministerial duties; and one would almost be tempted to suppose he had published his sermon as a confirmation of this remark, as a more striking example of political ignorance in a teacher of religion has scarcely ever been exhibited. As far, therefore, as the preacher himself is concerned, the observation will be admitted in its full force; but he has surely no right to make his own weakness the standard of another's strength. Political science, as far as it falls under our present contemplation, may be considered in two points of view. It may either intend a discussion of the great objects for which governments are formed, or it may intend a consideration of the means which may be employed, and the particular contrivances that may be fallen upon to accomplish those objects. For example, in vindicating the revolution in France, two distinct methods may be pursued with equal propriety and success It may be defended upon its principles against the friends of arbitrary power, by displaying the value of freedom, the equal rights of mankind, the folly and injustice of those regal or aristocratic pretensions by which those rights were invaded; accordingly, in this light it has been justified with the utmost success. Or it may be defended upon its expedients, by exhibiting the elements of government which it has composed, the laws it has enacted, and the tendency of both to extend and per A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 21 petuate that liberty which is its ultimate object. But thoaigh each of these modes of discussion falls within the province of politics, it is obvious the degree of inquiry, of knowledge, and of labour they require differs widely. The first is a path which has been often and successfully trod, turns upon principles which are common to all times and places, and which demand little else to enforce conviction than calm and dispassionate attention. The latter method, involving a question of expediency, not of right, would lead into a vast field of detail, would require a thorough acquaintance with the situation of persons and of' things, as well as long and intimate acquaintance with human affairs. There are but few ministers who have capacity or leisure to become great practical politicians. To explore the intricacies of commercial science, to penetrate the refinements of negotiation, to determine with certainty and precision the balance of power, are undertakings, it will be confessed, which lie very remote from the ministerial department; but the principles of government, as it is a contrivance for securing the freedom and happiness of men, may be acquired with great ease. These principles our ancestors understood well, and it would be no small shame if, in an age which boasts so much light and improvement as the present, they were less familiar to us. There is no class of men to whom this species of knowledge is so requisite, on several accounts, as dissenting ministers. The jealous policy of the establishment forbids our youth admission into the celebrated seats of learning; our own seminaries, at least till lately, were almost entirely confined to candidates for the ministry; and as on both these accounts, among us the intellectual improvement of our religious teachers rises superior to that of private Christians, in a greater degree than in the national church, the influence of their opinions is wider in proportion. Disclaiming, as they do, all pretensions to dominion, their public character, their professional leisure, the habits of study and composition which they acquire, concur to point them out as the natural guardians, in some measure, of our liberties and rights. Besides, as they are appointed to teach the whole compass of social duty, the mutual obligations of rulers and subjects will of necessity fall under their notice, and they cannot explain or enforce the reasons of submission without displaying the proper end of government and the expectations we may naturally form from it; which, when accurately done, will lead into the very depths of political science. There is another reason, however, distinct from any I have yet mentioned, flowing from the nature of an established religion, why dissenting ministers, above all men, should be well skilled in the principles of freedom. Wherever, as in England, religion is established by law, with splendid emoluments and dignities annexed to its profession, the clergy, who are candidates for these distinctions, will ever be prone to exalt the prerogative, not only in order to strengthen the arm on which they lean, but that they may the more successfully ingratiate themselves in the favour of the prince, by flattering those R.mbitious views and passions whic;h are too readily entertained by 22S CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH persons possessed of supreme power. The boasted alliance between church and state, on which so many encomiums have been lavished, seems to have been little more than a compact between the priest and the magistrate to betray the liberties of mankind, both civil and religious. To this the clergy on their part at least have continued steady, shunning inquiry, fearful of change, blind to the corruptions of government, skilful to discern the signs of the times, and eager to improve every opportunity, and to employ all their art and eloquence to extend the prerogative and smooth the approaches of arbitrary power. Individuals are illustrious exceptions to this censure; it however applies to the body, to none more than to those whose exalted rank and extensive influence determine its complexion and spirit. In this situation, the leaders of that church, in their fatal attempt to recommend and embellish a slavish system of principles, will, I trust, be ever carefully watched and opposed by those who hold a similar station among the dissenters; that at all events there may remain one asylum to which insulted freedom may retire unmolested. These considerations are sufficient to justify every dissenting minister in well-timed exertions for the public cause, and from them we may learn what opinion to entertain of Mr. -'s weak and malignant invectives. From the general strain of his discourse, it would be natural to conclude he was an enemy to every interference of ministers on political occasions; but this is not the case. Ministers, says he, may interfere as peace-makers, and by proper methods should counteract the spirit of faction raised by persons who seem born to vex the state. After having taught them to remain in a quiet neutrality, he invests them all at once with the high character of arbiters between the contending parties, without considering that an office of so much delicacy would demand a most intimate acquaintance with the pretensions of both. Ministers, it should seem, instead of declining political interference, are to become such adepts in the science of government, as to distinguish with precision the complaints of an oppressed party from the clamours of a faction, to hold the balance between the ruler and the subject with a steady hand, and to point out, on every occasion, and counteract the persons who are born to vex the state. If any should demand by what means they are to furnish themselves for such extraordinary undertakings, he will learn it is not by political investigation or inquiry this profound skill is to be attained, but by a studied inattention and neglect, of which this author, it must be confessed, has given his disciples a most edifying example in his first essay. There is something mi. raculous in these endowments. This battle is not to the strong, nor these riches to men of understanding. Our author goes a step further, for when he is in the humour for concessions no man can be more liberal. So far as resolutions, says he, are parts of God's plan of' government, a Christian is not to hinder such changes in states as promise an increase of happiness to mankind. But nowhere in the New Testament can a Christian find countenance in becoming a forward active man in regeneratizg Io/e civil constitutions of nations. A Christian is A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 23 not to oppose revolutions, as far as they are parts of God's plan of government. The direction which oracles afford has ever been complained of for its obscurity; and this of Mr., though no doubt it is fraught with the profoundest wisdom, would have been more useful had it furnished some criterion to distinguish those transactions which are parts of God's plan of government. We have hitherto imagined the elements of nature and the whole agency of man are comprehended within the system of Divine Providence; but as in this sense every thing becomes a part of the divine plan, it cannot be his meaning. Perhaps he means to confine the phrase of God's plan of government to that portion of human agency which is consistent with the divine will and promises, as he says, an increase of happiness to mankind. If this should be his intention, the sentiment is just, but utterly subversive of the purpose for which it is introduced, as it concurs with the principle of all reformers in leaving us no other direction in these cases than reason and experience, determined in their exertions by a regard to the general happiness of mankind. On this basis the wildest projectors profess to erect their improvements. On this principle too do the dissenters proceed, when they call for a repeal of the Test Act, when they lament the unequal representation of parliament, when they wish to see a period to ministerial corruption, and to the encroachments of a hierarchy equally servile and oppressive; and thus by one unlucky concession this author has admitted the groundwork of reform in its fullest extent, and has demolished the whole fabric he was so eager to rear. He must not be offended if principles thus corrupt and thus feebly supported should meet with the contempt they deserve, but must seek his consolation in his own adage, as the correction of folly is certainly a part of God's plan of government. The reader can be at no loss to determine whom the author intends by a busy active man in regenerating the civil constitutions of nations. The occasion of the sermon and complexion of its sentiments concur in directing us to Dr. Priestley,-a person whom the author seems to regard with a more than odium theologicum, with a rancour exceeding the measure even of his profession. The religious tenets of Dr. Priestley appear to me erroneous in the extreme; but I should be sorry to suffer any difference of sentiment to diminish my sensibility to virtue or my admiration of genius. From him the poisoned arrow will fall pointless. His enlightened and active mind, his unwearied assiduity, the extent of his researches, the light he has poured into almost every department of science, will be the admiration of that period when the greater part of those who have favoured, or those who have opposed him, will be alike forgotten. Distinguished merit will ever rise superior to oppression, and will draw lustre from reproach. The vapours which gather round the rising sun, and follow it in its course, seldom fail at the close of it to form a magnificent theatre for its reception, and to invest with variegated tints, and with a softened effulgence, the luminary which they cannot hide.* * Whether or not the beautiful passage in the text was suggested by a floating vague recollection of the fbliox\ ill: liiie of P)PE, or were an avowed imitation of them, ces.not now be determined. BrI 24 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH It is a pity, however, our author in reproaching characters so illustrious was not a little more attentive to facts; for unfortunately for him Dr. Priestley has not in any instance displayed that disaffection to government with which he has been charged so wantonly. In his Lectures on History and his Essay on Civil Government, which of all his publications fall most properly within the sphere of politics, he has delineated the British constitution with great accuracy, and has expressed his warm admiration of it as the best system of policy the sagacity of man has been able to contrive. In his Familiar Letters to the Inhabitants of Birmingham, a much later work, where the seeds of that implacable dislike were scattered which produced the late riots, he has renewed that declaration, and has informed us that he has been pleasantly ridiculed by his friends as being a unitarian in religion and a trinitarian in politics. He has lamented, indeed, in common with every enlightened citizen, the existence of certain corruptions, which, being gradually introduced into the constitution, have greatly impaired its vigour; but in this he has had the honour of being followed by the prime minister himself, who began his career by proposing a reform in parliament-merely to court popularity it is true, at a time when it would not have been so safe for him to insult the friends of freedom after having betrayed their interest, as he has since found it. Dr. Priestley has, moreover, defended with great ability and success the principles of our dissent, exposing, as the very nature of the undertaking demands, the folly and injustice of all clerical usurpations; and on this account, if on no other, he is entitled to the gratitude of his brethren. In addition to this catalogue of crimes, he has ventured to express his satisfaction on the liberation of France; an event which, promising a firmer establishment to liberty than any recorded in the annals of the world, is contemplated by the friends of arbitrary power throughout every kingdom of Europe with the utmost concern. These are the demerits of Dr. Priestley, for which this political astrologist and sacred calculator of nativities pronounces upon him that he is born to vex the state. The best apology candour call suggest will be to hope Mr. has never read Dr. Priestley's political works; a conjecture somewhat confirmed from his disclaiming all attention to political theories, and from the extreme ignorance he displays through the whole of his discourse on political topics. Still it is to be wished he would have condescended to understand what he means to confute, if it had been only to save himself the trouble and disgrace of this publication. be this as it may, I think it will be readily admitted, that the rhythm and harmony of the passage in prose are decidedly superior to those in the lines of the poet:"Envy will merit, as its shade, pursue, But, like a shadow, prove the substance true: For envied wit, like Sol eclips'd, makes known Th' opposing body's grossness, not its own. When first that sun too powerful beams displays, It draws up vapoturs which obscure its rays; But e'en those clouds at last adorn its way, Reflect new glories and augment the day."'-ED A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 25 The manner in which he speaks of the Birmingham riots, and the cause to which he traces them, are too remarkable to pass unnoticed. When led, says he, speaking of the sufferers, by officious zeal, from the quiet duties of their profession into the senator's province: unhallowed boisterous passions in others; like their own, God may permit to chastise them. For my own part I was some time before I could develop this extraordinary passage; but I now find the darkness in which it is veiled is no more than that mystic sublimity which has always tinctured the language of those who are appointed to interpret the counsels of Heaven. I would not have Mr. - deal too freely in these visions, lest the fire and illumination of the prophet should put out the reason of the man; a caution the more necessary in the present instance, as it glimmers so feebly already in several parts of his discourse that its extinction would not be at all extraordinary. We are, no doubt, much obliged to him for letting us into a secret we could never have learned any other way. We thank him heartily for informing us that the Birmingham riots were a judgment, and as we would wish to be grateful for such an important communication, we would whisper in his ear in return, that he should be particularly careful not to suffer this itch of prophesying to grow upon him, men being extremely apt in this degenerate age to mistake a prophet for a madman, and to lodge them in the same place of confinement. The best use he could make of his mantle would be to bequeath it to the use of posterity, as for the want of it I am afraid they will be in danger of falling into some very unhappy mistakes. To their unenlightened eyes it will appear a reproach, that in the eighteenth century, an age that boasts its science and improvement, the first philosopher in Europe, of a character unblemished, and of manners the most mild and gentle, should be torn from his family, and obliged to flee an outcast and a fugitive from the murderous hands of a frantic rabble; but when they learn that there were not wanting teachers of religion who secretly triumphed in these barbarities, they will pause for a moment, and imagine they are reading the history of Goths or of Vandals. Erroneous as such a judgment must appear in the eyes of Mr. -, nothing but a ray of his supernatural light could enable us to form a juster decision. Dr. Priestley and his friends are not the first that have suffered in a public cause; and when we recollect that those who have sustained similar disasters have been generally conspicuous for a superior sanctity of character, what but an acquaintance with the counsels of Heaven can enable us to distinguish between these two classes of sufferers, and while one are the favourites of God, to discern in the other the objects of his vengeance. When we contemplate this extraordinary endowment, we are no longer surprised at the superiority he assumes through the whole of his discourse, nor at that air of confusion and disorder which appears in it, both of which we impute to his dwelling so much in the.nlsufferable light, and amid the coruscations and flashes of the divine 2'd6 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH glory; a sublime but perilous situation, described with gteat force and beauty by Mr. Gray:"He passed the flaming bounds of place and tine, The living throne, the sapphire blaze, Where angels tremble while they gaze, He saw; but blasted with excess of light, Closed his eyes in endless night.' SECTION III. On the Pretences Mr. ~ advances in Favour of his Principles. HAVING endeavoured to justify the well-timed exertions of Christians and of ministers in the cause of freedom, it may not be improper to examine a little more particularly under what pretences Mr. presumes to condemn this conduct. 1st. The first that naturally presents itself is drawn from those passages of Scripture, in which the design of civil government is explained, and the duty of submission to civil authority is enforced. That on which the greatest stress is laid is found in the thirteenth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. "d Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God: the powers which be are ordained of God. Whoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive unto themselves damnation. The ruler is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou doest that which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain. Wherefore ye must be subject, not only for wrath, but conscience' sake." This passage, which, from the time of Sir Robert Filmer to the present day, has been the stronghold of the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, will admit of an easy solution, by attending to the nature of Christianity, and the circumstances of its professors during the period it was written. The extraordinary privileges and dignity conferred by the gospel on believers, must have affected the minds of the first Christians, just emerging from the shades of ignorance, and awakened to new hopes, with singular force. Feeling an elevation to which they were strangers before, and looking down upon the world around them as the vassals of sin and Satan, they might be easily tempted to imagine the restraint of laws could not extend to persons so highly privileged, and that it was ignominious in the free men of Jesus Christ to submit to the yoke of idolatrous rulers. Natural to their situation as these sentiments might be, none could be conceived of more detrimental to the credit and propagation of a rising religion, or more likely to draw down upon its professors the whole weight of the Roman Empire, with which they were in no condition to contend. In this situation, it was proper for the apostle to remind Christians their religion did not interfere with the rights of princes, or diminish their obligation to attend to those salutary regulations which are established for the protection of inno-,ence and the punishment of the guilty. That this only was the A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 27 intention of the writer may be inferred from the considerations he adduces to strengthen his advice. He does not draw his arguments for submission from any thing peculiar to the Christian system, as he must have done had he intended to oppose that religion to the natural rights of mankind, but from the utility and necessity of civil restraints. " The ruler is the minister of God to thee for good," is the reason he urges for submission. Civil government, as if he had said, is a salutary institution, appointed to restrain and punish outrage and injustice, but exhibiting to the quiet and inoffensive nothing of which they need to be afraid. " If thou doest that which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain." He is an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Christians were not to consider themselves privileged above their fellow-citizens, as their religion conferred upon them no -livil immunities, but left them subject to all the ties and restraints, whatever they were, which could be justly imposed by the civil power on any other part of mankind. The limits of every duty must be determined by its reasons, and the only ones assigned here, or that can be assigned for submission to civil authority, are its tendency to do good; wherever, therefore, this shall cease to be the case, submission becomes absurd, having no longer any rational view. But at what time this evil shall be judged to have arrived, or what remedy it may be proper to apply, Christianity does not decide, but leaves to be determined by an appeal to natural reason and right. By one of the strongest misconceptions in the world, when we are taught that Christianity does not bestow upon us any new rights, it has been thought to strip us of our old; which is just the same as i.t would be to conclude, because it did not first furnish us with hands or feet, it obliges us to cut them off. Under every form of government, that civil order which affords protection to property and tranquillity to individuals must be obeyed; and I have no doubt that before the revolution in France, they who are now its warmest admirers, had they lived there, would have yielded a quiet submission to its laws, as being conscious the social compact can only be considered as dissolved by an expression of the general will. In the mean time, they would have continued firm in avowing the principles of freedom, and by the spread of political knowledge have endeavoured to train and prepare the minds of their fellow-citizens for accomplishing a change so desirable. It is not necessary to enter into a particular examination of the other texts adduced by Mr. in support of his sentiments, as this in Romans is by much the most to his purpose, and the remarks that have been made upon it may, with very little alteration, be applied to the rest. He refers us to the second chapter of the first Epistle of Peter. 1" Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake; whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well." Here it is sufficient to remark, all that can be inferred from this passage is, that Christians are not to hold themselves exempt from the obligation of obedience on account of their '28 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH religion, but are to respect legislation as far as it is found productive of benefit in social life. With still less propriety he urges the first of Timothy, "where in the second chapter we are exhorted to supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks for all men, for kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty." I am unacquainted with any who refilse a compliance with this apostolical admonition, except the nonjurors may be reckoned of this class, whose political sentiments are of a piece with our author's. While he pleads with so much eagerness for the duty of passive obedience, we are not, however, to suppose he wishes to extend it to all mankind. He admits, " that society, under the wisest regulations, will degenerate, and there will be periods when associated bodies must be resolved again into its first principles." All resistance to authority, every revolution, is not in his own opinion criminal; it is Christians only who are never to have a share in these transactions, never to assert their rights. With what different sentiments did the'apostle of the gentiles contemplate his character, when disdaining to accept a clandestine dismission from an unjust imprisonment, he felt a glow of indignant pride burn upon his cheek, and exclaimed, with a Roman energy, "I was free born!" 2d. Another reason which this author assigns for a blind deference to civil authority is, that Christianity is " distinct from, and independent of human legislation." This principle no Protestant Dissenter will be inclined to question, but instead of lending any support to the system of passive obedience, it will overturn it from its foundation; for if religion be really distinct from and independent of human legislation, it cannot afford any standard to ascertain its limits; as the moment it is applied to this purpose it ceases to be a thing distinct and independent. For example, it is not doubted that a Christian may lawfully engage in trade or commerce; but if it be asked why his profession does not interfere with such an undertaking, the proper reply will be, religion is a thing distinct and independent. Should it be again inquired, why a Christian may become a trader, yet must not commit a theft, we should answer, that this latter action is not a thing distinct, or independent of religion, but falls immediately under its cognizance, as a violation of its laws. Thus it appears, that whatever portion of human conduct is really independent of religion is lawful for that very reason, and can then only become criminal or improper, when it is suffered to intrench upon more sacred or important duties. The truth is, between two institutions, such as civil government and religion, which have a separate origin and end, no opposition can subsist but in the brain of a distempered enthusiast. The author's text confutes his doctrine, for had our Saviour annihi lated our rights, he would have become a judge and divider over us, in the worst sense, if that could be said to be divided which is taken away. When any two institutions are affirmed to be distinct and independent, it can only mean they do not interfere; but that must be.) A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 29 genius of no common size who can infer from religion not interfering with the rights of mankind, that they cease to be, or that the patrimony over which our Lord declined to exercise any authority he has scattered and destroyed. 3d. Similar to the last I have considered is that pretense for excluding Christians from any concern in political affairs, taken from the conduct of our Saviour. Mr. tells us, that Christ uniformly waived interesting himself in the concerns of the then existing government; and to the same purpose he afterward remarks, he always declined the functions of a civil magistrate. The most careless reader will remark, the whole weight of this argument rests upon a supposition that it is unlawful for a Christian to sustain any other character in civil life than that in which our Saviour literally appeared; a notion as extravagant as was ever nourished in the brain of the wildest fanatic. Upon this principle he must have gone through such a succession of offices, and engaged in such an endless variety of undertakings, that in place of thirty-three years, he needed to have lived thirty-three centuries. On this ground the profession of physic is unlawful for a Christian, because our Lord never set up a dispensary; and that of law, because he never pleaded at the bar. Next to the weakness of advancing such absurdity is that of confuting it. 4th. The author, in proof of his political tenets, appeals to the devotional feelings of his hearers. " I ask you," says he, " who make conscience of entering into your closets, and shutting your doors, and praying to your Father which seeth in secret; what subjects interest you most then? Are not factious passions hushed; the undue heat you felt in political disputation remembered with sorrow?" He must be at a great loss for argument who will have recourse to such loose and flimsy declamation. When engaged in devout admiration of the Supreme Being, every other object will be lost in the comparison; but this, though the noblest employment of the mind, was never intended to shut out all other concerns. The affections which unite us to the world have a large demand upon us, and must succeed in their turn. If every thing is to be deemed criminal that does not interest the attention in the very moment of worship, political concerns are not the only ones to be abandoned, but every undertaking of a temporal nature, all labour and ingenuity must cease. Science herself must shroud her light. These are notions rather to be laughed at than confuted, for their extravagance will correct itself. Every attempt that has been made to rear religion on the ruins of nature, or to render it subversive of the economy of life, has hitherto proved unsuccessful, while the institutions that have flowed from it are now scarcely regarded in any other light than as humiliating monuments of human weakness and folly. The natural vigour of the mind, when it has once been opened by. knowledge, and turned towards great and interesting objects, will always overpower the illusions of fanaticism; or, could Mr.'s principles be carried into effect, we should soon behold men returning again to the state of a savage, and a imore than monkish barbarity and 30 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH ignorance would overspread the earth. That abstraction from the world it is his purpose to recommend is in truth as inconsistent with the nature of religion as with the state and condition of man; for Christianity does not propose to take us out of the world, but to preserve us from the pollutions which are in it. It is easy to brand a passion for liberty with the odious epithet of faction; no two thing~, however, can be more opposite. Faction is a combination of a few to oppress the liberties of many; the love of free.dom is the impulse of an enlightened and presiding spirit, ever intent upon the welfare of the community or body to which it belongs, and ready to give the alarm when it beholds any unlawful conspiracy formed, whether it be of rulers or of subjects, with a design to oppress it. Every tory upholds a faction; every whig, as far as he is sincere and well-informed, is a friend to the equal liberties of mankind. Absurd as the preacher's appeal must appear on such an occasion to the devout feelings of tis hearers, we have no need to decline it. In those solemn moments factious passions cannot indeed be too much hushed, but that warmth which animates the patriot, which glowed in the breast of a iSlcney or a Hampden, was never chilled or diminished, we may venture to affirm, in its nearest approaches to the uncreated splendour; and if it mingled with their devotion at all, could not fail to infuse into tL a fresh force and vigour by drawing them into a closer assimilation zo that great Being who appears under the character of the avenger of bhe oppressed and the friend and protector of the human race. 5th. Lastly, the author endeavours to discredit the principles of creedom by holding them up as intimately connected with the Unitarian heresy. "; We are not to be surprised," he says, " if men who vacate the rule of faith in Jesus Christ should be defective in deference and in obedient regards to men who are raised to offices of superior influence for the purposes of civil order and public good." The persons he has in view are the Unitarians, and that my reader may be in full possession of this most curious argument, it may be proper to inform him that a Unitarian is a person who believes Jesus Christ had no existence till he appeared on our earth, while a trinitarian maintains that he existed with the Father from all eternity. What possible connexion can he discern between these opinions and the subject of government? In order to determine whether the supreme power should be vested in king, lords, and commons as in England, in an assembly of nobles as in Venice, or in a house of representatives as in America or France, must we first decide upon the person of Christ? I should imagine we might as well apply to astronomy first, to learn whether the earth flat tens at the poles. Hie explains what he means by vacating the rule of faith in Christ when he charges the Unitarians with a partial denial at least of the inspiration of the Scripture, particularly the epistles of St. Paul. But, however clear the inspiration of the Scriptures may be, as no one pleads for the inspiration of civil governors, the deference which is due to the first, as coming from God, can be no reason for an unlimited submission to the latter. Yet this is Mr. -~'s argument, A LOVE OF FREEDOM). 31 and it runs thus: Every opposition to Scripture is criminal, because it is inspired, and therefore every resistance to temporal rulers is criminal, though they are not inspired. The number of passages in Paul's epistles which treat of civil government is small, the principal of them have been examined, and whether they are inspired or not has not the remotest relation to the question before us. The inspiration of an author adds weight to his sentiments, but makes no alteration in his meaning, and unless Mr, can show that Paul inculcates unlimited submission, the belief of his inspiration can yield no advantage to his cause. Among those parties of Christians who have maintained the inspiration of the Scriptures in its utmost extent, the number of such as have inferred from them the doctrine of passive obedience has been extremely small; it is therefore ridiculous to impute the rejection of this tenet by Unitarians to a disbelief of plenary inspiration. It behooves Mr. to point out, if he is able, any one of the Unitarians who ever imagined that Paul means to recommend unlimited obedience; for till that is the case it is plain their political opinions cannot have arisen from any contempt of that apostle's authority. As there is no foundation in the nature of things for imagining any alliance between heretical tenets and the principles of freedom, this notion is equally void of support from fact or history. Were the socinian sentiments, in particular, productive of any peculiar impatience under the restraints of government, this effect could not fail of having made its appearance on their first rise in Poland, while their influence was fresh and vigorous; but nothing of this nature occurred, nor was any such reproach cast upon them. That sect in England which has been always most conspicuous for the love of freedom have for the most part held sentiments at the greatest remove from socinianism that can be imagined. The seeds of those political principles which broke out with such vigour in the reign of Charles the First, and have since given rise to the denomination of whigs, were sown in the latter end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth by the hand of the puritans, among whom the unitarian doctrine was then utterly unknown. The dissenters, descended from those illustrious ancestors, and inheriting their spirit, have been foremost in defence of liberty, not only or chiefly of late, since the spread of the socinian doctrine, but before that system had gained any footing among us. The knowledge and study of the Scriptures, far from favouring the pretensions of despotism, have almost ever diminished it, and been attended with a proportional increase of freedom. The union of Prot. estant princes preserved the liberties of the Germanic body, when they were in danger of being overwhelmed by the victorious arm of Charles the Fifth; yet a veneration for the Scriptures, at a time when they had almost fallen into oblivion, and an appeal to their decisions in all points, was the grand characteristic of the new religion. If we look into Turkey we shall find the least of that impatience under restraints which Mr. laments of any place in the world, though Paul arid his epistles are not much studied there. 32 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH There are not wanting reasons which at first view might induLce us to conclude unitarianism was less favourable to the love of freedom than almost any other system of religious belief. If any party of Christians were ever free from the least tincture of enthusiasm, it is the Unitarian: yet that passion has by every philosopher been judged friendly to liberty; and to its influence, though perhaps improperly, some of its most distinguished exertions have been ascribed. Hume and Bolingbroke, who were atheists, leaned towards arbitrary power. Owen, Howe, Milton, Baxter, some of the most devout and venerable characters that ever appeared, were warmly attached to liberty, and held sentiments on the subject of government as free and unfettered as Dr. Priestley. Thus every pretence for confounding the attachment to freedom with the sentiments of a religious party is most abundantly confuted both from reason and from fact. The zeal Unitarians have displayed in defence of civil andreligious liberty is the spirit natural to a minority who are well aware they are viewed by the ecclesiastical powers with an unparalleled malignity and rancour. Let the dissenters at large remember they too are a minority, a great minority, and that they must look for their security from the same quarter, not from the compliments of bishops or presents from maids of honour.* To abandon principles which the best and most enlightened men have in all ages held sacred, which the dissenters in particular have rendered themselves illustrious by defending, which have been sealed and consecrated by the blood of our ancestors, for no other reason than that the Unitarians chance to maintain them, would be a weakness of which a child might be ashamed! Whoever may think fit to take up the gauntlet in the socinian controversy will have my warmest good wishes; but let us not employ those arms against each other which were given us for our common defence. SECTION IV. On the Test Act. AMID all the wild eccentricities which, abounding in every part ol this extraordinary publication, naturally diminish our wonder at any thing such a writer may advance, I confess I am surprised at his declaring his wish for the continuance of the Test Act. This law, enacted in the latter end of the reign of Charles the Second to secure the nation from popery when it stood upon the brink of that precipice, is continued, now that the danger no longer exists which first occasioned it, for the express purpose of preserving the church from the inroads of dissenters. That church, it must be remembered, existed for ages before it received any such protection; yet it is now the vogue to mag* Some of my readers perhaps need to be informed that I here allude to Mr. Martin, who, for similar services to those Mr. is now performing, has been considerably caressed by certain bishops, who have condescended to notice and to visit him. I thtnk we do not read that Judas had any acquaintance with the high-priests till he came to transact business with them. A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 33 nify its importance to that degree that one would imagine it was its sole prop, whose removal would draw the whole fabric after it, or at least make it totter to its base. Whether these apprehensions were really entertained by the clergy who gave the signal for the commence. ment of hostilities on a late occasion, or whether they were only im pelled by that illiberal tincture and fixed antipathy to all who differ from them which hath ever marked their character, may be doubted; but to behold a dissenting minister joining with them in an unnatural warfare against his brethren is a phenomenon so curious that it prompts us to inquire into its cause. Let us hear his reasons. He and many others were convinced, he tells us, "that some of the persons who applied for the repeal were influenced by enmity against the doctrinal articles of the established church, and they could not sacrifice their pious regard to truth, though in a church they had separated from, to the policy of men who with respect to God our Saviour only consult how they may cast him down from his excellency." When we hear the clergy exclaim that their church is in danger, we pretty well understand what they mean; they speak broad, as Mr. Burke says, and intend no more than that its emoluments are endangered; but when a serious dissenter expresses his pious regard to the doctrines of the church, it is the truth of those articles he must be supposed to have in view. Let us consider for a moment what advantage the Test Act is capable of yielding them. All those who qualify for civil offices by a submission to this law consist of two classes of people: they are either persons who are attached to the articles of the church, from whom therefore no danger could accrue, or they are persons who have signified their assent to doctrines which they inwardly disapprove, and who have qualified themselves for trust by a solemn act of religious deception. It is this latter class alone, it should be remembered, whom the Test Act can at all influence, and thus the only security this celebrated law can afford the articles of the church is founded in a flagrant viola tion of truth in the persons who become their guarantees. Every attempt that has been made to uphold religion by the civil arm has reflected disgrace upon its authors; but of all that are recorded in the history of the world, perhaps this is the most absurd in its principle and the least effectual in its operation. For the truth of sacred mysteries in religion, it appeals to the corruptest principles of the human heart, and to those only; for no one can be tempted by the Test Act to profess an attachment to the doctrines of the church till he has been already allured by the dignity or emolument of a civil office. By compelling all who exercise any function in the state, from the person who aspires to its highest distinctions to those who fill the meanest offices in it, to profess that concurrence in religious opinions which is known never to exist, it is adapted beyond any other human invention to spread among all orders of men a contempt for sacred institutions, to enthrone hypocrisy, and reduce deception to a system! The truth of any set of opinions can only be perceived by evidence; but what evidence can any one derive from the mere mechanical action of receiving cread and wine at the hands of a parish priest? He who believes them VoL. II.-C 34 CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH already needs not to be initiated by any such ceremony; and by what magic touch those simple elements are to convert the unbeliever, our author, who is master of so many secrets, has not condescended to explain. He will not pretend to impute the first spread of these doctrines in the infancy of the Christian religion or their revival at the Reformation to any such means, since he imagines he can trace them in the New Testament. It is strange if that evidence which was powerful enough to introduce them where they were unknown is not sufficient to uphold them where they are already professed and believed. At least, the Test Act, it must be confessed, has yielded them no advantage, for they have been controverted with more acrimony and admitted by a smaller number of persons since that law was enacted, than in any period preceding. Were the removal of this test to overthrow the establishment itself, a consequence at the same time in the highest degree improbable, the articles of the church, if they are true, would remain unendangered, their evidence would continue unimpaired, an appeal to the inspired writings from which they profess to be derived would be open, the liberty of discussion would be admitted in as great an extent as at present; this difference only would occur, that an attachment to them would no longer be suspected of flowing from corrupt and sinister motives. They would cease to be with the clergy the ladder of promotion, the cant of the pulpit, the ridicule of the schools. The futility of this or any other law, as a security to religious doctrines, may be discerned from this single reflection, that in the national church its own articles have, for a length of time, been either treated with contempt, or maintained with little sincerity and no zeal; while among the dissenters, where they have had no such aids, they have found a congenial soil, and continue to flourish with vigour. On the political complexion of this test, as it does not fall so properly within my present view, I shall content myself with remarking, that harmless as it may appear at first sight, it carries in it the 3eeds of all the persecutions and calamities which have ever been susained on a religious account. It proscribes, not an individual who has been convicted of a crime, but a whole party, as unfit to be trusted by the community to which they belong; and if this stigma can be justly fixed on any set of men, it ought not to stop here, or anywhere, short of the actual excision of those who are thus considered as rotten and incurable members of the political body. In annexing to religious speculation the idea of political default, the principle of this law would justify every excess of severity and rigour. If we are the persons ii supposes, its indulgence is weak and contemptible; if we are of a different description, the nature of its pretensions is so extraordinary as to occasion serious alarm, and call aloud for its repeal. Mr., indeed, calls this and similar laws a restraint very prudently imposed upon those who dissent from the established religion.* This restraint, however, is no less than a political annihilation, de. barring them, though their talents were ever so splendid, from mingling * Page 6 A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 35 in the counsels, or possessing any share in the administration of their country. With that natural relish for absurdity which characterizes this author, he imagines they have justly incurred this evil for dissenting from an erroneous religion. He tells us in the course of his sermon,* that the grand " principle of separation from the church lies in the unworldly nature of our Saviour's kingdom." This reason for separation implies, that any attempt to blend worldly interests or policy with the constitution of a church is improper; but how could this be done more effectually than by rendering the profession of its articles a preliminary step to every kind of civil pre-eminence? Yet this abuse, which in his own estimation is so enormous as to form the great basis of separation, he wishes to perpetuate; and, all things considered, hopes "that which is at rest will not be disturbed." In another part of his discourse,t he asks what temporalities has the church of Christ to expect? It is the mother of harlots which says, " I sit a queen, and shall see no sorrow." Would any one imagine this was the language of a man who, in pleading for a Test Act, has rested the support of his creed on those very temporalities he affects so much to disdain, and has committed his religion to the arms of that mother of harlots to be reared and nourished! When speaking of the Test Act in the seventh page of his discourse, he thus expresses himself: 6" Surely the cross of Christ ought not to be insulted by persons eager to press into the temple of Mammon." WXho could treat it with more poignant severity than is couched in this declaration? yet this is the language of a person who desires its continuance. In truth, his representations on this subject are pregnant with such contradictions, and rise above each other in so singular a gradation of absurdity, as will not be easily conceived, and perhaps hath scarce ever been equalled. At the very outset of his sermon he declares, 6" Whenever the gospel is secularized it is debased anid misrepresented, and in proportion to the quantity of foreign infusions is the efficacy of this saving health diminished." But human ingenuity would be at a loss to contrive a method of secularizing the gospel more completely than by rendering it the common passport of all who aspire to civil distinctions. I am really weary of exposing the wild and extravagant incoherence of such a reasoner. From a man who, professing to be the apologist of his party, betrays its interests, and exhibits its most illustrious members to reproach; who, himself a dissenter, applauds the penalties which the hierarchy has inflicted a "'prudent restraint;" who with the utmost poignance censures a law which he solemnly invokes the legislature to perpetuate; mnd proposes to secure the truths of religion by the " profanation of its sacraments,"t by 1" debasing the gospel," and " insulting the cross;" any thing may be expected but consistence and decency. When such an author assures us he was not impelled by vanity to publish,~ we may easily give him credit; but he should remember, though it may be a virtue to subdue vanity, it is base to extinguish shame. The tear which he tells us started from the eyes of his audience, we will * Page 35. t Page 26. + Page 8. Q Page 6. C2 36 t_,HRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH hope, for their honour, was an effusion of regret natural to his friends on hearing him deliver sentiments which they considered as a disgrace to himself, and a calumny on his brethren. His affecting to pour contempt upon Dr. Price, whose talents and character were revered by all parties, and to hold him up as the -corrupter of the dissenters, will not fail to awaken the indignation of every generous mind. Whether they'were greater friends to their country whose pride and oppression scattered the flames of discord across the Atlantic, poured desolation into the colonies, dismembered the empire, and involved us in millions of debt, or the man who with a warning voice endeavoured to avert those calamities, posterity will decide. He gives us a pompous enumeration* of the piety, learning, and talents of a large body of his brethren who concur with him in a disapprobation of the theological and political tenets of the Unitarians. The weakness of mingling them together has been shown already; but if these great and eminent men, whom the world never heard of before, possess that zeal for their religion they pretend, let them meet,heir opponents on the open field of controversy, where they may display their talents and prowess to somewhat more advantage than in'kulking behind a consecrated altar. There are many particulars in the address and sermon of an extraordinary complexion which I have not noticed at all, as it was not my intention to follow the author step by step, but rather to collect his scattered representations into some leading points of view. For the same reason I make no remarks on his barbarous imagery or his style, everywhere incoherent and incorrect, sometimes indecent, which cannot fail of disgusting every reader of taste. In a rude daubing peculiar to himself, where in ridicule of Dr. Priestley he has grouped together a foreigner, a ship, and cargo of drugs, he has unfortunately sketched his own likeness, except in the circumstance of the ship, with tolerable tecuracy; for, without the apology of having been shipped into England, he is certainly a foreigner in his native tongue, and his publication will be allowed to be a drug. Had he known to apply the remark with which his address commences, on the utility of accommodating instruction to the exigence of times, he would have been aware that this is not a season for drawing off the eyes of mankind from political objects. They were in fact never turned towards them with equal ardour, and we may venture to affirm they will long continue to take that direction. An attention to the political aspect of the world is not now the fruit of an idle curiosity, or the amusement of a dissipated and frivolous mind, but is awakened and kept alive by occurrences as various as they are extraordinary. There are times when the moral world seems to stand still; there are others when it seems impelled towards its goal with an accelerated force. The present is a period more interesting perhaps than any which has been known in the whole flight of time. The scenes ofProvidence thick6n upon us. so fast, and are shifted with so stralnge rapidity, as if the great drama of the world were drawing to a Page 6. A LOVE OF FREEDOM. 37 close.* Events have taken place of late, and revolutions have been effected, which, had they been foretold a very few years ago, would have been viewed as visionary and extravagant; and their influence is yet far trom being spent. Europe never presented such a spectacle before, and it is worthy of being contemplated with the profoundest attention by all its inhabitants. The empire of darkness and of despotism has been smitten with a stroke which has sounded through the universe. When we see whole kingdoms, after reposing for centuries on the lap of their rulers, start from their slumber, the dignity of man rising up from depression, and tyrants trembling on their thrones, who can remain entirely indifferent, or fail to turn his eye towards a theatre so august and extraordinary! These are a kind of throes and struggles of nature to which it would be a sullenness to refuse our sympathy. Old foundations are breaking up; new edifices are rearing. Institutions which have been long held in veneration as the most sublime refinements of human wisdom and policy, which age hath cemented and confirmed, which power hath supported, which eloquence hath conspired to embellish and opulence to enrich, are falling fast into decay. New prospects are opening on every side, of such amazing variety and extent as to stretch farther than the eye of the most enlightened observer can reach. Some beneficial effects appear to have taken place already, sufficient to nourish our most sanguine hope of benefits much more extensive. The mischief and folly of wars begin to be understood, and that mild and liberal system of policy adopted which has ever indeed been the object of prayer to the humane and the devout, but has hitherto remained utterly unknown in the cabinets of princes. As the mind naturally yields to the impression of objects which it contemplates often, we need not wonder if, amid events so extraordinary, the human character itself should appear to be altering and improving apace. That ibnd attachment to ancient institutions, and blind submission to opinions already received, which has ever checked the growth of improvement, and drawn on the greatest benefactors of mankind danger or neglect, is giving way to a spirit of bold and fearless investigation. AMan seems to be becoming more erect and independent. He leans more on himself, less on his fellow-creatures. He begins to feel a consciousness in a higher degree of personal dignity, and is less enamoured of artificial distinctions. There is some hope of our beholding that simplicity and energy of character which marks his natural state, blended with the humanity; the elegance, and improvement of polished society. The events which have already taken place, and the further changes they forbode, will open to the contemplative of every character innumerable sources of reflection. To the philosopher they present many new and extraordinary facts, where his penetration will find ample scope in attempting to discover their cause, and to predict their effects. Thnis glowing picture, as accurately descriptive of recent events as of those it was intended to. portray, might tempt us almost to fancy that, after the revolution of a cycle of forty years, time had brought us back to the same state of thingu.-ED. 3S CHRISTIANITY CONSISTENT WITH FREEDOM. IIe will have an opportunity of viewing mankind in an interesting situation, and of tracing the progress of opinion through channels it has rarely flowed in before. The politician will feel his attention powerfully awakened, oil seeing new maxims of policy introduced, new institutions established, and such a total alteration in the ideas of a great part of the world, as will oblige him to study the art of government, as it were, afresh. The devout mind will behold in these momentous changes the finger of God, and discerning in them the dawn of that glorious period in which wars will cease and antichristian tyranny shall fall, will adore that unerring wisdom whose secret operation never fails to conduct all human affairs to their proper issue, and impels the great actors on that troubled theatre to fulfil, when they least intend it, the counsels of Heaven, and the predictions of its prophets. AN APOLOGY FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS, AND FOR GENERAL LIBERTY: TO WHICH ARE PREFIXED, REMARKS ON BISHOP HORSLEY'S SERMON, Preached on the 30th January, 1793. [PIBLISHED IN 1793.1 ADVERTISEMENT TO THE THIRD EDITION. SINCE this pamphlet was first published, the principles it aims te support have received confirmation from such a train of disastrout events, that it might have been hoped we should have learned those lessons from misfortunes which reason had failed to impress. Uninstructed by our calamities, we still persist in an impious attack on the liberties of France, and are eager to take our part in the great drama of crimes which is acting on the continent of Europe. Meantime the violence and injustice of the internal administration keeps pace with our iniquities abroad. Liberty and truth are silenced. An unrelenting system of prosecution prevails. The cruel and humiliating sentence passed upon Mr. Muir and Mr. Palmer, men of unblemished morals and of the purest patriotism, the outrages committed on Dr. Priestley, and his intended removal to America, are events which will mark the latter end of the eighteenth century with indelible reproach. But what has liberty to expect from a minister who has the audacity to assert the king's right to land as many foreign troops as he pleases without the previous consent of parliament? If this doctrine be true, the boasted equilibrium of the constitution, all the barriers which the wisdom of our ancestors have opposed to the encroachments of arbitrary power, are idle, ineffectual precautions. For we have only to suppose for a moment an inclination in the royal breast to overturn our liberties, and of what avail is the nicest internal arrangement against a foreign force? Our constitution, on this principle, is the absurdest system that was ever conceived; pretending liberty for its object, yet providing no security against the great antagonist and destroyer of liberty,-the employment of military power by the chief magistrate. Let a foreign army be introduced into this or any other country, and quartered upon the subject without his consent, and what is there wanting, if such were the design of the prince, to complete the subjection of that country? Will armed foreigners be overawed by written laws or unwritten customs, by the legal limitations of power, the paper lines of demarkation? But Mr. Pitt contends, that though the sovereign may land foreign troops at his pleasure, he cannot subsist them without the aid of parliament. He may overrun his dominions with a mercenary army, it seems, but after he has subdued his subjects, he is compelled to have recourse to them for supplies. What a happy contrivance! Unfortunately, however, it is found that princes with the unlimited command of armies. have hit upon a nearer and more eificacious 42 APOLOGY FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. method of raising supplies than by an act of parliament. But it is needless any further to expose the effrontery, or detect the sophistry of this shameless apostate. The character of Pitt is written in sunbeams. A veteran in frauds while in the bloom of youth, betraying first, and then persecuting his earliest friends and connexions, falsifying every promise, and violating every political engagement, ever making the fairest professions a prelude to the darkest actions, punishing with the utmost rigour the publisher of the identical paper he himself had circulated,* are traits in the conduct of Pitt which entitle him to a fatal pre-eminence in guilt. The qualities of this man balance in an extraordinary manner, and sustain each other: the influence of his station, the extent of his enormities, invest him with a kind of splendour, and the contempt we feel for his meanness and duplicity is lost in the dread of his machinations, and the abhorrence of his crimes. Too long has he insulted the patience of his countrymen; nor ought we, when we observe the indifference with which the iniquities of Pitt's administration are viewed, to reproach the Romans for tamely submitting to the tyranny of Caligula or Domitian. We had fondly hoped a mild philosophy was about to diffuse over the globe the triumph of liberty and peace. But alas! these hopes are fled. The continent presents little but one wide picture of desolation, misery, and crimes: on the earth distress of nations and perplexity, men's hearts failing them for fear, andfor looking after those things which are coming on the earth. That the seeds of public convulsions are sown in every country of Europe (our own not excepted) it were vain to deny, seeds which, without the wisest precautions and the most conciliating councils, will break out, it is to be feared, in the overthrow of all governments. How this catastrophe may be averted, or how, should that be impossible, its evils may be mitigated and diminished, demands the deepest consideration of every European statesman. The ordinary routine of ministerial chicanery is quite unequal to the task. A philosophic comprehension of mind, which, leaving the beaten road of politics, shall adapt itself to new situations and profit by the vicissitudes of opinion, equally removed from an attachment to antiquated forms and useless innovations, capable of rising above the emergency of the moment to the most remote consequences of a transaction; combining the past, the present, and the future, and knowing how to defend with firmness, or concede with dignity; these are the qualities which the situation of Europe renders indispensable. It would be a mockery of our present ministry to ask whether they possess those qualities. With respect to the following Apology for the Freedom of the Press, the author begs leave to claim the reader's indulgence to its numerous imperfections, and hopes he will recollect, as an excuse for the warmth of his expressions, it is an eulogium on a dead friend. * Mr. Holt, a printer, at Newark, is now imprisoned in Newgate for two years, for reprinting verbatim, An Address to the People on Reform, which was sanctioned for certain, and probably written, by the Duke of Richmond and Mr. Pi&. ORIGINAL PREFACE. TnE accidental detention of the following pamphlet in the press Longer than was expected gave me an opportunity before it was pub. ilshed of seeing Bishop Horsley's Sermon, preached before the House of Lords, on the 30th of January; and as its contents are relevant to my subject, a few remarks upon it may not be improper. His lordship sets out with a severe censure of that "freedom of dispute" on matters of " such high importance as the origin of government, and the authority of sovereigns," in which he laments it has been the "folly of this country for several years past" to indulge. If his lordship has not inquired into those subjects himself, he can with little propriety pretend to decide in so imperious and peremptory a manner; unless it be a privilege of his office to dogmatize without examination, or he has discovered some nearer road to truth than that of reasoning and argument. It seems a favourite point with a certain description of men to stop the progress of inquiry, and throw mankind back into the darkness of the middle ages, from a persuasion that ignorance will augment their power, as objects look largest in a mist. There is in reality no other foundation for that alarm which the bishop expresses. Whatever is not comprehended under revelation falls under the inspection of reason; and since from the whole course of Providence, it is evident that all political events and all the revolutions of government are effected by the instrumentality of men, there is no room for supposing them too sacred to be submitted to the human faculties. The more minds there are employed in tracing their principles and effects, the greater probability will there be of the science of civil policy, as well as every other, attaining to perfection. Bishop Horsley, determined to preserve the character of an original, presents us with a new set of political principles, and endeavours to place the exploded doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance upon a new foundation. By a curious distinction between the ground of authority and of obedience, he rests the former on human compact. the latter on divine obligation. " It is easy to understand," he says, " that the principle of the private citizen's submission must be quite a distinct thing from the principle of the sovereign's public title. And for this plain reason: The principle of submission to bind the conscience of every individual must be something universally known." He then proceeds to inform us, that the kingly title in England is founded on the act of settlement; but that as thousands and tens of thousands 44 APOLOGY FOR of the people have never heard of that act, the principle which compels their allegiance must be something distinct from it, with which they may all be acquainted. In this reasoning, he evidently confounds the obligation of an individual to submit to the existing authority with that of the community collectively considered. For any particular number of persons to set themselves by force to oppose the established practice of a state is a plain violation offhe laws of morality, as it would be productive of the utmost disorder; and no government could stand were it permitted to individuals to counteract the general will, of which, in ordinary cases, legal usages are the interpreter. In the worst state of political society, if a people have not sufficient wisdom or courage to correct its evils and assert their liberty, the attempt of individuals to force improvements upon them is a presumption which merits the severest punishment. Social order would be inevitably dissolved, if every man declined a practical acquiescence in that political regulation which he did not personally approve. The duty of submission is, in this light, founded on principles which hold under every government, and are plain and obvious. But the principle which attaches a people to their allegiance, collectively considered, must exactly coincide with the title to authority; as must be evident from the very meaning of the term authority, which, as distinguished from force, signifies a right to demand obedience. Authority and obedience are correlative terms, and consequently in all respects correspond, and are commensurate with each other. " The divine right," his lordship says, "of the first magistrate in every polity to the citizen's obedience is not of that sort which it were high-treason to claim for the sovereign of this country. It is a right which in no country can be denied, without the highest of all treasons. The denial of it were treason against the paramount authority of God." To invest any human power with these high epithets is ridiculous at least, if not impious. The right of a prince to the obedience of his subjects, wherever it exists, may be called divine, because we know the Divine Being is the patron of justice and order; but in that sense, the authority of a petty constable is equally divine; nor can the term be applied with any greater propriety to supreme than to subordinate magistrates. As to "submission being among the general rules which proceed from the will of God, and have been impressed upon the conscience of every man by the original constitution of the world," nothing more is comprehended under this pomp of words than that submission is, for the most part, a duty-a sublime and interesting discovery! The minds of princes are seldom of the firmest texture; and they who f11 their heads with the magnificent chimera of divine right prepare a;ictim, where they intend a god. Some species of government is essential to the well-being of mankind; submission to some species of government is consequently a duty; but what kind of government shall be appointed, and to what limits submission shall extend, are mere human questions, to be adjusted by mere human reason and contrivance. As the natural consequence of divine right, his lordship proceeds to miculcate the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, in the THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. 45 Inost unqualified terms; assuming it as a principle to be acted upon under governments the most oppressive, in which lie endeavours to shelter himself under the authority of Paul. The apostolic exhortation, as addressed to a few individuals, and adapted to the local circumstances of Christians at that period, admits an easy solution; but to imagine it prescribes the duty of the Roman Empire, and is intended to subject millions to the capricious tyranny of one man, is a reflection as well on the character of Paul as on Christianity itself. On principles of reason, the only way to determine the agreement of any thing with the will of God is to consider its influence on the happiness of society; so that in this view, the question of passive obedience is reduced to a simple issue: Is it best for the human race that every tyrant and usurper be submitted to without check or control? It ought likewise to be remembered, that if the doctrine of passive obedience be true, princes should be taught it, and instructed, that to whatever excesses of cruelty and caprice they proceed, they may expect no resistance on the part of the people. If this maxim appear to be conducive to general good, we may fairly presume it concurs with the will of the Deity; but if it appear pregnant with the most mischievous consequences, it must disclaim such support. From the known perfection of God, we conclude he wills the happiness of mankind; and that though he condescends not to interpose miraculously, that kind of civil polity is most pleasing in his eye which is produce tive of the greatest felicity. On a comparison of free with arbitrary governments, we perceive the former are distinguished from the latter by imparting a much greater share of happiness to those who live under them; and this in a manner too uniform to be imputed to chance or secret causes. He who wills the end must will the means which ascertain it. His lordship endeavours to diminish the dread of despotic government, by observing, that in its worst state it is attended with more good than ill, and that the " end of government under all its abuses is generally answered by it." Admitting this to be true, it is at best but a consolation proper to be applied where there is no remedy, and affords no reason why we should not mitigate political as well as other evils, when it lies in our power. We endeavour to correct the diseases of the eye, or of any other organ, though the malady be not such as renders it useless. The doctrine of passive obedience is so repugnant to the genuine feelings of human nature, that it can never be completely acted on; a secret dread that popular vengeance will awake, and nature assert her rights, imposes a restraint which the most determined despotism is not able to shake off. The rude reason of the multitude may be perplexed, but the sentiments of the heart are not easily perverted. In adjusting the different parts of his theory, the learned bishop appears a good deal embarrassed. "It will be readily admitted," he says (p. 9), " that of all sovereigns, none reign by so fair and just a title as those who derive their claim from some such public act (as the act f settlement) of the nation which they govern." That there are 146 APOLOGY FOR different degrees in justice, and even in divine right (which his lordship declares all sovereigns possess), is a very singular idea. Common minds would be ready to imagine, however various the modes of injustice may be, justice were a thing absolute and invariable, nor would they conceive how " a divine right, a right the denial of which is high-treason against the authority of God," can be increased by the act of a nation. But this is not all. It is no just inference (he tells us) that the obligation upon the private citizen to submit himself to the authority thus raised arises wholly from the act of the people conferring it, or from their compact with the person on whom it is conferred. But if the sovereign derives his claim from this act of the nation, how comes it that the obligation of the people to submit to his claim does not spring from the same act? Because " in all these cases," he affirms, " the act of the people is only the means which Providence employs to advance the new sovereign to his.station." In the hand of the Supreme Being, the whole agency of men may be considered as an instrument; but to make it appear that the right of dominion is independent of the people, men must be shown to be instruments in political affairs in a more absolute sense than ordinary. A divine interposition of a more immediate kind must be shown, or the mere consideration of God's being the original source of all power will be a weak reason for absolute submission. Anarchy may have power as well as despotism, and is equally a link in the great chain of causes and effects. It is not a little extraordinary that Bishop Horsley, the apologist of tyranny, the patron of passive obedience, should affect to admire the British constitution, whose freedom was attained by a palpable violation of the principles for which he contends. He will not say the barons at Runnemede acted on his maxims in extorting the Magna Charta from King John, or in demanding its confirmation from Henry the Third. If he approves of their conduct he gives up his cause, and is compelled at least to confess the principles of passive obedience were not true at that time; if he disapproves of their conduct, he must, to be consistent, reprobate the restraints which it imposed on kingly power. The limitations of monarchy, which his lordship pretends to applaud, were effected by resistance; the freedom of the British constitution flowed fromn a departure from passive obedience, and was therefore stained with high-treason " against the authority of God." To these conclusions he must inevitably come, unless he can point out something peculiar to the spot of Runnemede or to the reign of King John, which confines the exception to the general doctrine of submission to that particular time and place. With whatever colours the advocates of passive obedieynce may varnish their theories, they must of necessity be enemies to the British constitution. Its spirit they detest; its corruptions they cherish; and if at present they affect a zeal for its preservation, it is only because they despair of any form of government being erected in its stead which will give equal permanence to abuses. Afraid to destroy it at once, they take a malignant pleasure in seeing it waste by degrees under the pressure of internal malady. Whatever bears the semblance of reasoning in Bishop Horsley's THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. 47 discoulse will be found, I trust, to have received a satisfactory answer; but to animadvert with a becoming severity on the temper it displays is a less easy task. To render him the justice he deserves in that respect would demand all the fierceness of his character. We owe him an acknowledgment for the frankness with which he avows his decided preference of the clergy of France to dissenters in England,-a sentiment we have often suspected, but have seldom had the satisfaction of seeing openly professed before. " None," he asserts, " at this season, are more entitled to our oIces of love than those with whom the difference is wide in points of doctrine, discipline, and external rites; those venerable exiles, the prelates and clergy of the fallen church of France. Far be it from me to intercept the compassion of the humane from the unhappy of any nation, tongue, or people; but the extreme tenderness he professes for the fallen church of France is well contrasted by his malignity towards dissenters. Bishop Horsley is a man of sense: and though doctrine, discipline, and external rites comprehend the whole of Christianity, his tender, sympathetic heart is superior to prejudice, and never fails to recognise in a persecutor a friend and a brother. Admirable consistency in a Protestant bishop, to lament over the fall of that antichrist whose overthrow is represented by unerring inspiration as an event the most splendid and happy! It is a shrewd presumption against the utility of religious establishments that they too often become seats of intolerance, instigators to persecution, nurseries of Bonners and of Horsieys. His lordship closes his invective against dissenters, and Dr. Priest-ley in particular, by presenting a prayer in the spirit of an indictment. We are happy to hear of his lordship's prayers, and are obliged to him for remembering us in them; but should be more sanguine in our expeetation of benefit ii ive were not informed the prayers of the rig/ites'us only avail much. "fifiserable men," he tells us, we -" are in the.rat of bitterness, and in the bond of iniquity." With respect to the hrst, we must have plenty of that article, since he has distilled his own; and if the bonds of iniquity are not added, it is only because they are not within the reach of his mighty malice. It is time to turn from this disgusting picture of sanctimonious hypocrisy and priestly insolence to address a word to the reader on the following pamphlet. The political sentiments of Dr. Horsley are in truth of too little consequence in themselves to engage a moment's curiosity, and deserve attention only as they indicate the spirit of the times. The freedom with which I have pointed out the abuses of government will be little relished by the pusillanimous and the interested, but is, I am certain, of that nature which it is the duty of the people of England never to relinquish, or suffer to be impaired by any human force or contrivance. In the present crisis of things, the danger to liberty is extreme, and it is requisite to address a warning, voice to the nation, that may disturb its slumbers, if it cannot heal its lethargy. When we look at the distraction and misery of a neighbouring country, we behold a scene that is enough to make the most hardy republican tremble at the idea of a revolution. Nothing but an obstinate adhe. 48 APOLOGY FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. rence to abuses can ever push the people of England to that fatal extremity. But if the state of things continues to grow worse and worse, if the friends of reform, the true friends of their country, continue to be overwhelmed by calumny and persecution, the confusion will probably be dreadful, the misery extreme, and the calamities that await us too great for human calculation. What must be the guilt of those men who can calmly contemplate the approach of anarchy or despotism, and rather choose to uehold the ruin of their country than resign the smallest pittance of private emolument and advantage? To reconcile the disaffected, to remove discontents, to allay animosities, and open a prospect of increasing happiness and freedom, is yet in our power. But if a contrary course be taken, the sun of Great Britain is set for ever, her glory departed, and her history added to the catalogue of the mighty empires which exhibit the instability of all human grandeur, of empires which, after they rose by virtue to be the admiration of the world, sunk by corruption into obscurity and contempt. If any thing shall then remain of her boasted constitution, it will display magnificence in disorder, majestic desolation, Babylon in ruins, where, in the midst of broken archtes,and ta:len columns, )posterity will trace the monuments only of our Inc ent freedom! ADV iRTIESR M.IiE.'NT TO THE NEW EDITION lt, the following pamphlet has been long out of print, the reader will rnaturally expect some reason should be assigned for its republication. I might satisfy myself with safely affirming that I have no alternative left but either to publish it myself, or to permit it to be done by others, since the copyright has long since transpired; and I have been under the necessity of claiming as a favour what I could not insist upon as a right. In addition to this, a most erroneous in erence has been drawn from my suffering it to fall into neglect. It has been often insinuated that my political principles have undergone a revolution, and that I have renounced the opinions which it was the object of this pamphlet to establish. I must beg leave, however, to assert, that fashionable as such changes have been, and sanctioned by many conspicuous examples, I am not ambitious of the honour attached to this species of conversion, from a conviction that he who has once been the advocate of freedom and of reform, will find it much easier to change his conduct than his principles-to worship the golden image than to believe in the divinity of the idol. A. reluctance to appear as a political writer, an opinion, whether well or ill founded, that the Christian ministry is in danger of losing something of its energy and sanctity by embarking on the stormy element of political debate, were the motives that determined me, and which, had I not already engaged, would probably have effectually deterred me from writing upon politics These scruples have given way to feelings still stronger, to my extreme aversion to be classed with political apostates, and to the suspicion of being deterred from the honest avowal of my sentiments on subjects of great moment by hopes and fears to which, through every period of my life, i have been a total stranger. The effect of increasing years has been to augment, if possible, my attachment to the principles of civil and religious liberty, and to the cause of reform as inseparably combined with their preservation; and few things would give me more uneasiness than to have it supposed I could ever become hostile or indifferent to these objects. The alterations in the pres.nt edition are nearly all of minor importance; they chiefly consist of slight literary corrections, which very rarely affect the sense. I. was not my wish or intention to impair the identity of the performance. There is in several parts an acrimony and vehemence in the language, which the candid reader will put to VAoL. II.-D 60 APOLOGY FOR THE FREEDOM OF THIE tt:IR.4-. the account of juvenile ardour, and which, should it be deemed exe.s, sive, he will perceive could not be corrected without producing a new composition. One passage in the preface, delineating the character of the late Bishop Horsley, is omitted. On mature reflection, it appeared to the writer not quite consistent either with the spirit of Christianity or with the reverence due to denarted genius. For the severity with which he has treated the political character of Mr. Pitt he is not disposed to apologize, because he feels the fullest conviction that the policy, foreign and domestic, of that celebrated statesman, has inflicted a more incurable wound on the constitution, and entailed more permanent and irreparable calamities on the nation, than that of any other minister in the annals of British history. A simple reflection will be sufficient to evince the unparalleled magnitude of his apostacy, which is, that the memory of the son of Lord Chatham, the vehement opposer of the American war, the champion of reform, and the idol of the people, has become the rallying point of toryism, the type and symbol of whatever is most illiberal in principle and intolerant in practice. 1821 AN APOLOGY. SECTION I. On the Right of Public Discussion. biw -., tnm celebrated legislator of Athens, we are told, enacted a law fix the capital punishment of every citizen who should continue neuter when parties ran high in that republic. He considered, it should seem, the declining to take a decided part on great and critical occasions an indication of such a culpable indifference to the interests of the commonwealth as could be expiated only by death. While we blame the rigour of this law, we must confess the principle on which it was founded is just and solid. In a political contest relating to particular men or measures, a well-wisher to his country may be permitted to remain silent; but when the great interests of a nation are at stake, it becomes every man to act with firmness and vigour. 1 consider the present as a season of this nature, and shall therefore make. no apology for laying before the public the reflections it has suggested. The most capital advantage an enlightened people can enjoy is the liberty of discussing every subject which can fall within the compass of the human mind: while this remains, freedom will flourish; but should it be lost or impaired, its principles will neither be well understood nor long retained. To render the magistrate a judge of truth, and engage his authority in the suppression of opinions, shows an inattention to the nature and design of political society. When a nation forms a government, it is not wisdom but power which they place in the hand of the magistrate; from whence it follows, his concern is only with those objects which power can operate upon. On this account the administration of justice, the protection of property, and the defence of every member of the community from violence and outrage fall natuIally within the provioece of the civil ruler, for these may all be accomplished by power; but an attempt to distinguish truth from error, and to countenance one s.-. of opinions to the prejudice of another, is to apply power in a manner mischievous and absurd. To comprehend the reasons on which the right of public discussion is founded, it is ec:insite to remark the difference between sentiment and conduct. The behi?viour of men in society will be influenced by motives drawn from lie rospect of good and evil: here then is the proper department of D2 52 ON THE RIGHT OF government, as it is capable of' applying that good and evil by which actions are determined. Truth, on the contrary, is quite of a different nature, being supported only by evidence, and as when this is represented we cannot withhold our assent, so where this is wanting no power or authority can command it. However some may affect to dread contreversy, it can never be of ultimate disadvantage to the interests of truth or the happiness of mankind. Where it is indulged in its full extent, a multitude of ridiculous opinions will no doubt be obtruded upon the public; but any ill influence they may produce cannot continue long, as they are sure to be opposed with at least equal ability and that superior advantage which is ever attendant on truth. The colours with which wit or eloquence may have adorned a false system will gradually die away, sophistry be detected, and every thing estimated at length according to its true value. Publications, besides, like every thing else that is human, are of a mixed nature, where truth is often blended with falsehood, and important hints suggested in the midst of much impertinent or pernicious matter; nor is there any way of separating the precious from the vile but by tolerating the whole. Where the right of unlimited inquiry is exerted, the human faculties will be upon the advance; where it is relinquished, they will be of necessity at a stand, and will probably decline. If we have recourse to experience, that kind of enlarged experience in particular which history furnishes, we shall not be apt to entertain any violent alarm at the greatest liberty of discussion: we shall there see that to this we are indebted for those improvements in arts and sciences which have meliorated in so great a degree the condition of mankind. The middle ages, as they are called, the darkest period of which we have any particular accounts, were remarkable for two things,-the extreme ignorance that prevailed, and an excessive veneration for received opinions; circumstances which, having been always united, operate on each other, it is plain, as cause and effect. The whole compass of science was in those times subject to restraint; every new opinion was looked upon as dangerous. To affirm the globe we inhabit to be round was deemed heresy, and for asserting its motion the immortal Galileo was confined in the prisons of the inquisition. Yet it is remarkable, so little are the human faculties fitted for restraint, that its utmost rigour was never able to effect a thorough unanimity, or to preclude the most alarming discussions and contro versies. For no sooner was one point settled than another was started; and as the articles on which men professed to differ were always extremely few and subtle, they came the more easily into contact, and their animosities were the more violent and concentrated. The shape of the tonsure, or manner in which a monk should shave his head, would then throw a whole kingdom into convulsions. In proportion as the world has become more enlightened, this unnatural policy of restraint has retired, the sciences it has entirely abandoned, and has taken its last stand on religion and politics. The first of these was long con idered of a nature so peculiarly sacred, that every attempt to alter it, PUJBLIC DISCUSSION. 53 or to impair the reverence for its received institutions, was regarded under the name of heresy as a crime of the first magnitude. Yet dangerous as free inquiry may have been looked upon when extended to the principles of religion, there is no department where it was more necessary, or its interference more decidedly beneficial. By nobly daring to exert it when all the powers on earth were combined in its suppression, (lid Luther accomplish that reformation which drew forth primitive Christianity, long hidden and concealed under a load of' abuses, to the view of an awakened'and astonished world. So great is the force of truth when it has once gained the attention, that all the arts and policy of the court of Rome, aided throughout every part of Europe by a veneration for antiquity, the prejudices of the vulgar, and the cruelty of despots, were fairly baffled and confounded by the op.. position of a solitary monk. And had this principle of free inquiry been permitted in succeeding times to have full scope, Christianity would at this period have been much better understood, and the animosity of sects considerably abated. Religious toleration has never been complete even in England; but having prevailed more here than perhaps in any other country, there is no place where the doctrines of religion have been set in so clear a light or its truth so ably defended. The writings of Deists have contributed much to this end. Whoever will compare the late defences of Christianity by Locke, Butler, or Clark with those of the ancient apologists, will discern in the former far more precision and an abler method of reasoning than in the latter; which must be attributed chiefly to the superior spirit of inquiry by which modern times are distinguished. Whatever alarm then may have been taken at the liberty of discussion, religion it is plain hath been a gainer by it; its abuses corrected, and its divine authority set:tied on a firmer basis than ever. Though I have taken the liberty of making these preliminary remarks on the influence of free inquiry in general, what I have more i-nmedliately in view is to defend its exercise in relation to government.'T'his being an institution purely human, one would imagine it were the proper province for freedom of discussion in its utmost extent. It is surely just that every one should have a right to examine those measures by which the happiness of all may be affected. The control of the public mind over the conduct of ministers, exerted through the medium of the press, has been regarded by the best writers both in our country and on the continent as the main support of our liberties. While this remains we cannot be enslaved; when it is impaired or diminished we shall soon cease to be fiee. Under pretence of its being seditious to express any disapprobation of the form of our government, the most alarming attempts are made to wrest the liberty of the press out of our hands. It is far from being my intention to set up a defence of republican principles, as I am persuaded whatever imperfections may attend the British constitution, it is competent to all the ends of government, and the best adapted of any to the actual situation of this kingdom. Yet I am convinced there is no crime in bein.g a republicans and that while he obeys the lawr 54 ON THE RIGHT OF every man has a right to entertain what sentiments he pleases on our form of government, and to discuss this with the same freedom as any other topic. In proof of this I shall beg the reader's attention to the following arguments. 1. We may apply to this point in particular the observation that has oeen made on the influence of free inquiry in general, that it will issue in the firmer establishment of truth and the overthrow of error. Every thing that is really excellent will bear examination, it will even invite it; and the more narrowly it is surveyed, to the more advantage it will appear. Is our constitution a good one? it will gain in our esteem by the severest inquiry. Is it bad? then its imperfections should be laid open and exposed. Is it, as is generally confessed, of a mixed nature, excellent in theory, but defective in its practice? freedom of discussion will be still requisite to point out the nature and source of its corruptions, and apply suitable remedies. If our constitution be that perfect model of excellence it is represented, it may boldly appeal to the reason of an enlightened age, and need not rest on the support of an implicit faith. 2. Government is the creature of the people, and that which they have created they surely have a right to examine. The great Author of nature, having placed the right of dominion in no particular hands, hath left every point relating to it to be settled by the consent and approbation of mankind. In spite of the attempts of sophistry to conceal the origin of political right, it must inevitably rest at length on the acquiescence of the people. In the case of individuals it is extremely plain. If one man should overwhelm another with superior force, and after completely subduing him under the name of government, transmit him in this condition to his heirs, every one would exclaim against such an act of injustice. But whether the object of his oppression be one or a million can make no difference in its nature, the idea of equity hlaving no relation to that of numbers. Mr. Burke, with some other authors, are aware that an original right of dominion can only be explained by resolving it into the will of the people, yet contend that it becomes inalienable and independent by length of time and prescrip tion. T his fatal mistake appears to me to have arisen from confound ing the right of dominion with that of private property. Possession for a certain time, it is true, vests in the latter a complete right, or there wollid be no end to vexatious claims; not to mention that it is of no consequence to society where property lies, provided its regulations be clear and its possession undisturbed. FIor the same reason it is of the essence of private property to be held for the sole use of the owner, with liberty to employ it in what way he pleases consistent with the safety of the community. But the right of dominion has none of the qualities that distinguish private possession. It is never indifferent to the community in whose hands it is lodged, nor is it intended in any degree for the benefit of those who conduct it. Being derived from the will of the people, explicit or implied, and existing solely for their use, it can no more become independent of that will than water can rise above its source. BRt if we allow the people are the true origin of political power, it is absurd to require them to resign the right of discussing PUBLIC DISCUSSION. 55 any question that can arise either upon its form or its measures. as this would put it for ever out of their power to revoke the trust which they have placed in the hands of their rulers. 3. If it be a crime for a subject of Great Britain to express his disapprobation of that form of government under which he lives, the same conduct must be condemned in the inhabitant of any other country. Perhaps it will be said a distinction ought to be made on account of the superior excellence of the British constitution. This superiority I am not disposed to contest, yet cannot allow it to be a proper reply, as it takes for granted that which is supposed to be a matter of debate and inquiry. Let a government be ever so despotic, it is a chance if those who share in the administration are not loud in proclaiming its excellence. Go into Turkey, and the pachas of the provinces will probably tell you that the Turkish government is the most perfect in the world. If the excellence of a constitution, then, is assigned as the reason that none should be permitted to censure it, who, I ask, is to determine on this its excellence? If you reply, every man's own reason will determine, you concede the very point I am endeavouring to establish, the liberty of free inquiry: if you reply, our rulers, you admit a principle that equally applies to every government in the world, and will lend no more support to the British constitution than to that of Turkey or Algiers. 4. An inquiry respecting the comparative excellence of civil con3titutions can be forbidden on no other pretence than that of its tending to sedition and anarchy. This plea, however, will have little weight with those who reflect to how many ill purposes it has been already applied; and that when the example has been once introduced of suppressing opinions on account of their imagined ill tendency, it has seldom been confined within any safe or reasonable bounds. The doctrine of tendencies is extremely subtle and complicated. Whatever would diminish our veneration for the Christian religion, or shake our belief in the being of a God, will be allowed to be of a very evil tendency; yet few, I imagine, who are acquainted with history, would wish to see the writings of skeptics or Deists suppressed by law; being persuaded it would be lodging a very dangerous power in the hands of the magistrate, and that truth is best supported by its own evidence. This dread of certain opinions on account of their tendency has been the copious spring of all those religious wars and persecutions which are the disgrace and calamity of modern times. Whatever danger may result from the freedom of political debate in some countries, no apprehension from that quarter need be entertained in our own. Free inquiry will never endanger the existence of a good government; scarcely will it be able to work the overthrow of a bad one. So uncertain is the issue of all revolutions, so turbu lent and bloody the scenes that too often usher them in, the prejudice on the side of an ancient establishment so great, and the interests involved in its support so powerful, that while it provides in any tolerable measure for the happiness of the people, it may defy all the efforts of its enemies. 56 ON ASSOCIATIONS. The real danger to every free government is less from its enemies than from itself. Should it resist the most temperate reforms, and maintain its abuses with obstinacy, imputing complaint to faction, calumniating its friends, and smiling only on its flatterers; should it encourage informers and hold out rewards to treachery, turning every man into a spy, and every neighbourhood into the seat of an inquisition, let it not hope it can long conceal its tyranny under the mask of freedom. These are the avenues through which despotism must enter; these are the arts at which integrity sickens, and freedom turns pale. SECTION II. On Associations. I'HE associations that have been formed in various parts of the kingdom appear to me to have trodden very nearly in the steps I have been describing. Nothing could have justified this extraordinary mode of combination but the actual existence of those insurrections and plots, of which no traces have appeared, except in a speech from the throne. They merit a patent for insurrections who have discovered the art of conducting them with so much silence and secrecy, that in the very places where they are affirmed to have happened they have been heard of only by rebound from the cabinet. Happy had it been for the repose of unoffending multitudes if the associators had been able to put their mobs in possession of this important discovery before they set them in motion. No sooner had the ministry spread an alarm through the kingdom against republicans and levellers, than an assembly of court-sycophants, with a placeman at their head, entered into what they termed an association at the Crown and Anchor tavern, whence they issued accounts of their proceedings. This was the primitive, the metropolitan association, which, with few exceptions, gave the tone to the suceeeding, who did little more than copy its language and its spirit. As the popular ferment has, it may be hoped, by this time in some measure subsided, it may not be improper to endeavour to estimate the utility and develop the principles of these societies. 1. The first particular that engages the attention is their singular and unprecedented nature. The object is altogether new. The political societies that have been hitherto formed never thought of interfering with the operations of law, but were content with giving, by their union, greater force and publicity to their sentiments. The diffusion of principles was their object, not the suppression; and, con fiding in the justness of their cause, they challenged their enemies into the field of controversy. These societies, on the other hand, are combined with an express view to extinguish opinions, and to overwhllelm freedom of inquiry by the terrors of criminal prosecution. T"hey pretend not to enlighten the people by the spread of political ON ASSOCIATIONS. 57 knowledge, or to confute the errors of the system they wish to discountenance: they breathe only the language of menace; their element is indictment and prosecution, and their criminal justice formed on the model of Rhadamanthus, the poetic judge of Hell. Castigatque, auditque, dolos subigitque fateri. 2. They are not only new in their nature and complexion, but are unsupported by any just pretence of expedience or necessity. The British constitution hath provided ample securities for its stability and permanence. The prerogatives of the crown in all matters touching its dignity are of a nature so high and weighty as may rather occa sion alarm than need corroboration. The office of attorney-general is created for the very purpose of prosecuting sedition; and he has the peculiar privilege of filing a bill against offenders in the king's name, without the intervention of a grand jury. If the public tranquillity be threatened, the king can imbody the militia as well as station the military in the suspected places; and when to this is added the immense patronage and influence which flows from the disposal of seventeen millions a year, it must be evident the stability of the British government can never be shaken by the efforts of any minority whatever. It comprehends within itself all the resources of defence which the best civil polity ought to possess. The permanence of every government must depend, however, after all, upon opinion, a general persuasion of its excellence, which can never be increased by its assuming a vindictive and sanguinary aspect. While it is the object of the people's approbation it will be continued, and to support it much beyond that period by mere force and terror would be impossible were it just, and unjust were it possible. The law hath amply provided against overt acts of sedition and disorder, and to suppress mere opinions by any other method than reason and argument is the height of tyranny. Freedom of thought, being intimately connected with the happiness and dignity of man in every stage of his being, is of so much more importance than the preservation of any constitution, that to infringe the former under pretence of supporting the latter is to sacrifice the means to the end. 3. In attempting to define the boundary which separates the liberty of the press from its licentiousness, these societies have undertaken a task which they are utterly unable to execute. The line that divides them is too nice and delicate to be perceived by every eye, or to be drawn by every rude and unskilful hand.,When a public outrage against the laws is committed, the criir- is felt in a moment; but to ascertain the qualities which compose a libel, and to apply with exactness the general idea to every instance and example which may occur, demand an effort of thought and reflection little likely to be exerted by the great mass of mankind. Bewildered in a pursuit which they are incapable of conducting with propriety, taught to suspect treason and sedition in every page they read and in every conversation they hear, the necessary effect of such an employment must be to perplex the understanding and degrade the heart. An admirable nON ASSOCIATIONS. expedient for transforming a great and gene-ous pet pie into a con temptible race of spies and informers! For private individuals to combine together at all with a view to quicken the vigour of criminal prosecution is suspicious at least, if not illegal; in a case wh.ere the liberty of the press is concerned, all such combinations are utterly improper. The faults and the excellences of a book are often so blended, the motives of a writer so difficult to ascertain, and the mischiefs of servile restraint so alarming, that the criminality of a book should always be left to be determined by the particular circumstances of the case. As one would rather see many criminals escape than the punishment of one innocent person, so it is nfinitely better a multitude of errors should be propagated than one ruth be suppressed. If the suppression of Mr. Paine's pamphlet be the object of these societies, they are ridiculous in the extreme; for the circulation of his works ceased the moment they were declared a libel: if any other publication be intended, they are premature and impertinent, in pre. suming to anticipate the decision of the courts. 4. Admitting, however, the principle on which they are founded to be ever so just and proper, they are highly impolitic. All violence exerted towards opinions which falls short of extermination serves no other purpose than to render them more known, and ultimately to increase the zeal and number of their abetters. Opinions that are false may be dissipated by the force of argument; when they are true their punishment draws towards them infallibly more of the public attention, and enables them to dwell with more lasting weight and pressure on the mind. The progress of reason is aided, in this case, by the passions, and finds in curiosity, compassion, and resentment powerful auxiliaries. When public discontents are allowed to vent themselves in reasoning and discourse, they subside into a calm; but their confinement in the bosom is apt to give them a fierce and deadly tincture. The reason of this is obvious: as men are seldom disposed to complain till they at least imagine themselves injured, so there is no injury which they will remember so long, or resent so deeply, as that of being threatened into silence. This seems like adding triumph to oppression, and insult to injury.'he apparent tranquillity which may ensue is delusive and ominous; it is that awful stillness which nature feels while she is awaiting the discharge of the gathered tempest. The professed object of these associations is to strengthen the hands of government: but there is one way in which it may strengthen its own hands most effectually; recommended by a very venerable authority, though one from which it hath taken but few lessons. "He that hath clean hands," saith a sace adviser, " shall grow stronger and stronger." If the government wishes to become more vigorous, let it first become more pure, lest an addition to its strength should only increase its capacity for mischief. There is a characteristic feature attending these associations, which is sufficient to acquaint us with their real origin and spirit, that is the ON ASSOCIATIONS. 59 silence, almost total, which they maintain respecting political abuses. Had they been intended, as their title imports, merely to furnish an antidote to the spread of republican schemes and doctrines, they would have loudly asserted the necessity of reform, as a conciliatory princi. ple, a centre of union, in which the virtuous of all descriptions might have concurred. But this, however conducive to the good of the people, would have defeated their whole project, which consisted in availing themselves of an alarm which they had artfully prepared, in order to withdraw the public attention from real grievances to imaginary dangers The Hercules of reform had penetrated the Augean stable of abuses; the fabric of corruption, hitherto deemed sacred, began to totter, and its upholders were apprehensive their iniquity was almost full..In this perplexity they embraced an occasion afforded them by the spread of certain bold speculations (speculations which owed their success to the corruptions of government) to diffuse a panic, and to drown the justest complaints in unmeaning clamour. The plan of associating, thus commencing in corruption, and propagated by imitation and by fear, had for its pretext the fear of republicanism; for its object the perpetuity of abuses. Associations in this light may be considered as mirrors placed to advantage for reflecting the finesses and tricks of the ministry. At present they are playing into each other's hands, and no doubt find great entertainment in deceiving the nation. But let them be aware lest it should be found, after all, none are so much duped as themselves. Wisdom and truth, the offspring of the sky, are immortal; but cunning and deception, the meteors of the earth, after glittering for a moment, must pass away.'The candour and sincerity of these associators is of a piece with their other virtues: for while they profess to be combined in order to prevent riots and insurrections, attempted to be raised by republicans and levellers, they can neither point out the persons to whom that description applies, nor mention a single riot that was not fomented by their principles, and engaged on their side. There have been three riots in England of late on a political account; one at Birmingham, one at Manchester, and one at Cambridge; each of which has beeD levelled against dissenters and friends of reform.* The Crown and Anchor association, as it was first in order of time, seems also determined, by pushing to a greater length the maxims of arbitrary power, to maintain its pre-eminence in every other respect. The divine right of monarchy, the sacred anointing of kings, passive obedience and non-resistance, are the hemlock and night shade which these physicians have prescribed for the health of the nation; and are yet but a specimen of a more fertile crop which they have promised out of the hotbed of their depravity. The opinions which they have * The conduct of an honourable member of the House of Commons, respecting the last of these, was extremely illiberal. lie informed the house, that the riot at Cambridge was nothing more than that the mob compelled Mr. Musgrave, one of his constituents, who had been heard to speak seditious words, to sing God save the King —a statement in which he was utterly rnistakrn. Mr. Musgrave, wvith whom I have the pleasure of being well acquainted, was neither guilty of uttering seditious discourse, nor did he, I am certain, comply with the requisition His whole c atlte consists in the love of his country, and a zeal for parliamentary reform It would be happy for this nation, if a portion only of the integrity and disinterested virtue which adorn his character could be infused' unto our great men. 60 ON ASSOCIATIONS associated to suppress are contained, they tell us, in the terms liberty and equality; after which they proceed to a dull harangue on the mischiefs that must flow from equalizing property. All mankind, they gravely tell us, are not equal in virtue, as if that were not sufficiently evident from the existence of their society.'rhe notion of equality in property was never seriously cherished in the mind of any man, unless for the purpose of calumny: and the term transplanted from a neighbouring country never intended there any thing more than equality of rights - as opposed to feudial oppression and hereditary distinctions. An equallt~ of'ghts may consist with the greatest inequality between the thing to which those rights extend. It belongs to the very nature of property for the owner to have a full and complete right to that which he possesses, and consequently for all properties to have equal rights; but who is so ridiculous as to infer from thence that the possessions themselves are equal? A more alarming idea cannot be spread among the people, than that there is a large party ready to abet them iii any enterprise of depredation and plunder. As all men do not know that the element of the associators is calumny, they are really in danger for a while of being believed, and must thank themselves if they should realize the plan of equality their own malice has invented. I am happy to find that Mr. Law, a very respectable gentleman, who had joined the Crown and Anchor society, has publicly withdrawn his name, disgusted with their conduct; by whom we are informed they receive anonymous letters, vilifying the characters of persons of the first eminence, and that they are in avowed alliance with the ministry for prosecutions, whom they entreat to order the solicitorgeneral to proceed on their suggestions. When such a society declares "itself to be unconnected with any political party," our respect for human nature impels us to believe it, and to hope their appearance may be considered as an era in the annals of corruption which will transmit their names to posterity with thie encomiums they deserve. WVith sycophants so base and venal, no argument or remonstrance can be expected to have any success. It is in vain to apply to reason when.t is perverted and abused, to shame when it iv extinguished, to a conscience which has ceased to admonish: I si t'l therefore leave them in the undisturbed possession of that true philosophical indifference which steels them against the reproaches of their own hearts and the contempt of all honest men. All the associations, it is true, do not breathe the spirit which disgraces that of the Crown and Anchor. But they al concur in establishing a political test, on the first appearance of which the friends of liberty should make a stand. The opinions proposed may be innocent; but the precedent is fatal, and the moment subscription becomes the price of security, the Rubicon is passed. Emboldened by the success of this expedient, its authors will venture on more vigorous measures; test will steal upon test, and the bounds of tolerated opinion will be continually narrowed, till we awake under the fangs of a relentless despotism. (N A REFORM OF PARLIAMENT. 61 SECTION III. On a Reform of Parliament. WHA'rEVER difference of opinion may take place in points of less Importance, there is one in which the friends of freedom are entirely agreed, that is, the necessity of reform in the representation. The theory of the English constitution presents three independent powers: the king, as executive head, with a negative in the legislature, an hereditary House of Peers, and an assembly of Commons, who are appointed to represent the nation at large. From this enumeration it is plain that the people of England can have no liberty, that is, no share in forming the la-ws but what they exert through the medium of the last of those bodies; nor then, but in proportion to its independence of the other. The independence, therefore, of the House of Commons is the column on which the whole fabric of our liberty rests. RIepresentation may be considered as complete when it collects to a sufficient extent and transmits with perfect fidelity the real sentiments of the people; but this it may fail of accomplishing through various causes. If its electors are but a handful of people, and of a peculiar order and description; if its duration is sufficient to enable it to imbibe the spirit of a corporation; if its integrity be corrupted by treasury influence, or warped by the prospect of places and pensions; it may by these'means not only fail of the end of its appointment, but fall into such an entire dependence on the executive branch as to become a most dangerous instrument of arbitrary power. The usurpation of the emperors at Rome would not have been safe unless it had concealed itself behind the formalities of a senate. The confused and inadequate state of our representation at present is too obvious to escape the attention of the most careless observer. While, through the fluctuation of human affairs, many towns of ancient note have fallen into decay, and the increase of commerce has raised obscure hamlets to splendour and distinction, the state of representation standing still amid these vast changes, points back to an order of things which no longer subsists. The opulent towns of Birmingham, Manchester, and Leeds send no members to parliament; the decayed boroughs of Cornwall appoint a multitude of representatives. Old Sarum sends two members, though there are not more than one or two families that reside in it. The disproportion between those who vote for representatives and the people at large is so great, that the majority of our House of Commons is chosen by less than eight thousand in a kingdom consisting of as many millions. Mr. Burgh, in his excellent political disquisitions, has made a very laborious calculation on this head, from which it appears that the affairs of this great empire are decided by the suffrages of between five and six thousand electors; so that our representation, instead of being co-extended with the people,'ails of this in a proportion that is truly enormous. The qualifications, 52 ON A REFORM moreover, that confer the right of election are capricious and irregular. [n some places it belongs to the corporation, or to those whom they think proper to make free; in some to every housekeeper; in others it is attached to a particular estate, whose proprietor is absolute lord of the borough, of which he makes his advantage by representing it himself or disposing of it to the best bidder. In counties the right of election is annexed only to one kind of property, that of freehold; the proprietor of copyhold land being entirely deprived of it, though his political situation is precisely the same. The consequence of this perplexity in the qualifications of electors is often a tedious scrutiny and examination before a committee of the House of Commons, prolonged to such a length that there is no time when there are not some boroughs entirely unrepresented. These gross defects in our representation have struck all sensible men very forcibly; even Mr. Paley, a courtly writer in the main, declares the bulk of the inhabitants of this country have little more concern in the appointment of parliament than the subjects of the grand seignior. at Constantinople. On the propriety of the several plans which have been proposed to remedy these evils it is not for me to decide; I shall choose rather to point out two general principles which ought, in my opinion, to pervade every plan of parliamentary reform; the first of which respects the mode of election, the second the independence of the elected. In order to give the people a true representation, let its basis be enlarged and the duration of parliaments shortened. The first of these improvements would diminish bribery and corruption, lessen the violence and tumult of elections, and secure to the people a real and unequivocal organ for the expression of their sentiments. Were every householder in town and country permitted to vote, the number of electors would be so great, that as no art or industry would be able to bias their minds, so no sums of money would be sufficient to win their suffrages. The plan which the Duke of Richmond recommended was, if I mistake not, still more comprehensive, including all that were of age, except menial servants. By this means, the different passions and prejudices of men would check each other, the predominance of any particular or local interest be kept down, and from the whole there would result that general impression, which would convey with precision the unbiassed sense of the people. But besides this, another great improvement, in my opinion, would be, to shorten the duration of parliament, by bringing it back to one year. The Michel Gemote, or great council of the kingdom, was appointed to meet under Alfred twice a year, and by divers ancient statutes after the conquest, the king was bound to summon a parliament ev 3ry year or oftener, if need be; when, to remedy the looseness of this latter phrase, by the 16th of Charles the Second it was enacted, the holding of parliaments should not be intermitted above three years at most; and in the 1st of King William, it is declared as one of the rights of the people, that for redress of all grievances, and preserving the laws, parliaments ought to be held frequently; which was again OF PARLIAMENT. 63 reduced a certainty by another statute, which enacts that a new parliame;t shall be called within three years after the termination of he formi:-. To this term did they continue limited till the reign of George tl.e First; when, after the rebellion of 1715, the septennial act was passed, under the pretence of diminishing the expense of elections, and preserving the kingdom against the designs of the pretender. A. noble lord' observed, on that occasion, he was at an utter loss to describe the nature of this prolonged parliament, unless he were allowed to borrow a phrase from the Athanasian Creed; for it was, "neither created, nor begotten, but proceeding." Without disputing the upright intentions of the authors of this act, it is plain they might on the same principle have voted themselves perpetual, and their conduct will ever remain a monument of that short-sightedness in politics which in providing for the pressure of the moment puts to hazard the liberty and happiness of future times. It is intolerable, that in so large a spatd, of a man's life as seven years he should never be able to correct the error he may have committed in the choice of a representative, but be compelled to see him every year dipping deeper into corruption; a helpless spectator of the contempt of his interests and the ruin of his country. During the present period of parliaments a nation may sustain the greatest possible changes; may descend by a succession of ill counsels from the highest pinnacle of its fortunes to the lowest point of depression; its treasure exhausted, its -credit sunk, and its weight almost completely annihilated in the scale of empire. Ruin and felicity are seldom dispensed by the same hand, nor is it likely any succour in calamity should flow from the wisdom and virtue of those by whose folly and wickedness it was inflicted. The union between a representative and his constituents ought to be strict and entire; but the septennial act has rendered it little more than nominal. The duration of parliament sets its members at a distance from the people, begets a notion of independence, and gives the minister so much leisure to insinuate himself into their graces, that before the period is expired they become very mild and complying. Sir Robert Walpole used to say, that " every man had his price:" a maxim on which he relied with so much security, that he declared he seldom troubled himself with the election of members, but rather chose to stay and buy them up when they came to market. A very interesting work, lately published, entitled, " Anecdotes of Lord Chatham," unfolds some parts of this mystery of iniquity, which the reader will probably think equally new and surprising, There is a regular office, it seems, —that of manager of the House of Commons,which generally devolves on one of the secretaries of state, and consists in securing, at all events, a majority in parliament by a judicious application of promises and bribes. The sums disbursed by this honomr7able:ffice are involved under the head of Secret Service Money; and se deli:.ate is this employment of manager of the House of Common4 glnl vored, that we have an account in the above-mentioned * The Earl of Peterborough. 84 ON A REFORM treatise of a new arrangement of ministry, wnich failed for no other reason than that the different parties could not agree on the proper person to fill it.' This secret influence which prevails must be allowed to be extremely disgraceful; nor can it ever be effectually remedied but by contracting the duration of parliaments. If it be objected to annual parliaments that by this means the tumult and riot attendant on elections will be oftener repeated, it ought to be remembered that their duration is the chief source of these disorders. Render a seat in the House of Commons of less value, and you diminish at once the violence of the struggle. In America, the election of representatives takes place throughout that vast continent in one day, with the greatest tranquillity. In a mixed constitution like ours it is impossible to estimate the importance of an independent parliament; for as it is here our freedom consists, if this barrier to the encroachments of arbitrary power once fails, we can oppose no other. Should the king attempt to govern without a parliament, or should the upper house pretend to legislate independently of the lower, we should immediately take the alarm, but if the House of Commons falls insensibly under the control of the other two branches of the legislature, our danger is greater, because our apprehensions are less. The forms of a free constitution surviving when its spirit is e'xtinct would perpetuate slavery by rendering it more concealed and secure. On this account, I apprehend, did Montesquieu predict the loss of our ifreedom, from the legislative power becoming more corrupt than the executive; a crisis to which, if it has not arrived already, it is hastening apace. The immortal Locke, far from looking with the indifference too common on the abuses in our representation, considered all improper influence exerted in that quarter as threatening the very dissolution of government. " Thus," says he, " to regulate candidates and electors, aynd new-model the ways of election, what is it but to cut up the government by the roots, and poison the very fountain of public security?" No enormity can subsist long without meeting with advocates; on which account we need not wonder that the corruption of parliament has been justified under the mild denomination of influence, though it must pain every virtuous mind to see the enlightened Paley engaged in its defence. If a member votes consistently with his convictions, his conduct in that instance has not been determined by influence; but if he votes otherwise, give it what gentle name you please, he forfeits his integrity; nor is it possible to mark the boundaries which should limit his compliance; for if he may deviate a little to attain * As I have taken my information on this head entirely on the authority of the work called " Anecdotes of Lord Chatham," the reader may not be displeased with the following extract. vol. ii. page 121:-"The nanagement of the House of Commons, as it is called, is a confidential departrent unknown to the constitution. In the public accounts it is immersed under the head of Secret Service Moncy. It is usually given to the secretary of state when that post is filled by a commoner. The business of the department is to distribute with art and policy among the members who have no ostensible places sums of money for their support during the session; besides contracts, -.tcerv-tickets, and other douceurs. It is no uncommon circumstance, at the end of a session, for a g.y at its outset, are so mainy and formidable, that unless we are deeply iztcrcsted as well as convinced, perseverance is impractiCable. ein that victory over the world which is promised to faith, it is necessary to oppose feeling to feeling, and pleasure to pleasure. The intenerate e attaclmthrent to sensual pleasure must be subdued by the fear of lniishmlielt; the vain and extravagant hopes which present scenes insoire must be effaced by hopes more solid and more animating'; r:rl d to wea.n us frlom the breasts of earthly, we must be led to tnh breasts of spiritual consolation. ihe,orld iru1ses, enchants, transports us; how shall religion teacush ous tO tliumph over it, if it present nothing but speculative conclusions, a;nd if the views of a rational self-interest which it displays were not intimately associated with objects adapted to engage and fill the heart? VWould the primitive Christians have taken joyflly the spoiling of their goods, because they had in heaven a more enduring substance? Wotuld they not only have felt calm and resolute, but accounted 6t it all joy when they suffered divers persecutions," if the objects of eternity had not occupied a large share of their affections. A-he familiar acknowledgment, -Video meliorac, probogzle deteriora SeUqor, —-t.e friequency with which men act contrary to the nmost mature FRAGMENT OIN THE RIGHT OF WORSHIIP~ 203 ren.victions of reason and conseience, shows how inefficacious is a nilcre speculative conviction when opposed to inveterate habits and passions. Whati; is the defect here experienced, but a want of the correspondent feelings and impressions from which that state of desire results which impels to virtuous action? As the objects of religion. are infinite and eternal, if the mind is duly affected by them at all, they have a tendency to enlarge and propagate their correspondent affections more and more; and will probably tend ultimately to absorb and extinguish all other hopes and fears. Thouhll good men are continually approaching nearer and nearer to this state, it is neither possible nor desirable they should reach it in this life. The multitude of pains, difficulties, and perplexities with which they have to encounter are continually drawing their attention to present objects; and the duties of the present state could not be performed in that exalted state of spirituality. Aln eminent degree and vigour of the religious affections, then, ought not to be denominated fanaticismn unless they arise from wrong views of religion, or are so much indulged as to disqualify for the duties of societyc Within these limits, the nore elevated devotional sentiments are, the more perfect is the character, and the more suited to the destination of a being, who has, indeed, an important part to act here, but who stands on the confines of eternity~ He may justly be styled a fanatic, wvlO, under a pretenese of spirituality, neglects the proper business of life, or who, from mistaken views of religion, elevates himself to an imaginary superiority to the rules of virtue and morality. Whatever other kind of fanatic.im, real or pretended, [exists,] seems not to fall, in the Emsallest deoree, under the conduct of the civil magistrate; nor is there an;y danoger of immorality being inculcated'under any corruption of the Christian doctrine. AM any religious systems, considered in their theory, rmay seem to tend to the encouragement of vice; they may, in their speculative consequences, set aside the obligations of virtue but the uncorrupted dictates of conscience, the general sentiments of mankind respecting right and wrong, and the close alliance between de-votion and virtu-e Nwill always counteract this tendency, so far that the same persons uwill'be more moral with very erroneous religious opinions than without religion. A practical disregard to piety is the prolific source of vice. We shall find the minds of every sect of Christians who are zealous in religion superior to those who are careless and profane~ Whatever tends to draw the attention to God and eternity tends to destroy the dominion of sin. Under the varied forms of religious belief which have prevailed aniong the different parties of Christians, little variation has taken place iia the rule of life. In the first age of Christianity, the church was accused, by the mlalice of its enemllies, of the most shameful and unnatural practices; wvhich it disclaimned, but, at the same time, very injudiciously insinus ated that the Gnostics -were guilty of the crimes which were alleged: but the result of the more calm and dispassionate investigation of latei times has been a growing conviction that these surmises lad nu 204 FilA.GMENT ON THE RIGHT OF WORS1HIP. foundation in faect The doctrines of our holy religion lmay be wofully eurt'ailed and corrupted, and its profession sink into formality; but its moral precepts are so plain and striking, and guarded by such clear and awuful sanctions, as to render it impossible it can ever be converted into aln active instrument of vice. Let the appeal be made to facts. Look through all the clifferent sects and parties into which professed Christians are unhappily divided. WNhere is there one to be found who has innovated in the rule of life, by substituting vice in place of virtue? The fears entertained from this quarter must be considered as chimerical and unfounded, until they are confirmed by the evidence of facts. In those districts in which the dissenters and bMethodists have been most zealous and successfiul in village preaching, are the morals of the people nmore corrupted than in other places?.Are they distinguished by a greater degree of profligacy, intemperance, and debauclhery than tihe inhabitants of other parts of the country? The advocates of rigorous mneasures will scarcely have the temerity to put the questioMn upon this issue; and until they do, all their pretended dread of the growth of licentiousness from village preacnhing will be considered as nothing but artifice. T'o contend for the legal monopoly of religious instruction, under pretence of securing the morals of the people, is a similar kind of policy with that of the papists, who withhold the lcriptures from the common people lest they should be betrayed into heresy. We all perceive, the design of the papist in this restriction is to prevent the diffusion of knowledge, which would be fatal to ghostly dominion. Is it not equally evident that the prohibition to instruct the populace in the principles of Christianity originates in this jealousy of power? 5W~e must at least be permitted to express our surprise at the profound sagacity of those wvho can discover a design to destroy nmorality by inculcating religion, and a purlpose of making men vicious by making themn serious. Plain men must be excused if they are startled by such refined and intricate paradoxes. It highly becomes those who are the advocates for the interference of government to restrain the efforts of Methodists and dissenters to diffuse the principles of knowledge and piety, to advert to the consequences vwhich must result. Those who are conscientious will feel it their duty, in opposition to the mandates of authority, to proceed patiently, enduring whatever punishment the legislature may think proper to inflict~ The government, irritated at their supposed criminal obstinacy, will be tempted to enact severer laws accompanied -with severer penalties, which the truly conscientious will still think it their duty to brave, imitating the example of the primitive teachers of' Christianity, who departed from the presence of the council " rejoicing that they wIere thought worthy to suffer for the name of Christ." Thus will commence a struggle between the ruling powers and the most upright part of the subjects, which shall first wvear each other out,-the one by infliction, the other by endurance; prisons will be crowded, cruel punishments will become familiar, and blood probably will be spiltL The nation will be afflicted FRAGMENT ON THE RIGHT OF WORSHIP. 20b with the frightful spectacle of innocent and exemplary characters suffering the utmost vengeance of the law for crimes which the sufferers glory in having committed. It is an inherent and inseparable inconvenience in persecution that it knows not where to stop. It only aims at first to crush the obnoxious sect; it meets with a sturdy resistance; it then punishes the supposed crime of obstinacy, till at length the original magnitude of the error is little thought of in the solicitude to maintain the rights of authority. This is illustrated in the letter of Pliny to Trajan,* treating of the persecution of Christians. Their obstinacy in refusing to comply with the mandates of supreme authority [constituted the crime.] In other penal laws a proportion is usually observed between the crime and the punishment, the evil and the remedy; but here the pride of dictating and imposing mingles itself and draws [reasons] for severity even from the insignificance of the error and of the persecuted sect, which should be its protection. As the power of the community is delegated to the magistrate to enable him to punish such delinquencies and to avenge such injuries as it would be unsafe to leave to the resentment of the individual to punish, the voice of law should ever be in harmony with the voice of conscience and of reason. It should punish only those actions which are previously condemned in the tribunal of every man's own breast. The majesty of law, considered as an authoritative rule of action, can only be maintained by its agreement with the simple and unsophisticated decisions of the mind respecting right and wrong. On these principles law is entitled to profound veneration as a sort of secondary morality, or an application of the principles of virtue and social order to the real situation and actual circumstances of mankind. As the civil magistrate is invested with a portion of divine authority for the government of men, so wise legislation is a reservoir of moral regulation and principles, drawn from the springs and fountains of eternal justice. When government is thus conducted it leagues all the virtues on its side; whatever is venerable, whatever is good rallies round the standard of authority; and to support the dignity of the laws is to support virtue itself. In persecution it is directly the opposite. When innocent persons [suffer] for a resolute adherence to the dictates of conscience, the sentiments of moral approbation are necessarily disjoined from the operation of the laws. The fear of civil punishment is a motive which the wisdom of mankind has superadded to the other motives which operate to restrain men from criminal conduct. The contempt and hatred of our fellowcreatures and the dread of punishment from an invisible Judge are not always found in fact to be of sufficient force to control the unruly passions of bad men. In addition to this, men have contrived so to organize society that the disturbers of other men's peace and the invaders of their rights shall have to dread an adequate punishment from the arm of a public person who represents the community. As * Lib. x. Epis. 97 -ED 206 FRAGMENT ON THE RIGHT OF WORSHIP. the fears with which human laws inspire offenders are superadded motives, they presuppose the existence of an original one. They are a superstructure which can only stand on the foundation of those distinctions of right and wrong which the simplest dictates of the understanding recognise. To disjoin the fear of human [laws] from its natural associates, the forfeiture of public esteem and the dread of Divine wrath, is a solecism of the most glaring nature. Again, the terror of punishment is designed to operate on the community at large, not on a small number of people of a peculiar manner of thinking. But the great body of a people are affected only by what is palpable; they are unable to comprehend subtle and refined reasoning. It is only what is plain and evident that is tangible by their gross conceptions. Admitting, therefore, that the criminality of persisting to follow the dictates of conscience in matters of religion were capable of demonstration, it would remain a very improper object of punishment, because the evidence of its criminality could never be generally understood. The guilt of the sufferer would always be considered as very equivocal, and the sentiments of the community [divided] between the condemnation of the persecuted party and the government. From this will naturally follow two parties in the state, influenced with the most vehement mutual resentment and antipathy, and all the combustible materials already collected are liable to be kindled by the sparks of religious contention. Have not religious persecutions been almost invariably the harbinger of civil wars, alarming commotions, and awful calamities? Persecution in matters of religion raises up the very hydra it is meant to destroy. The only plausible ground on which it can be defended is the danger to the state accruing from a diversity of opinion on matters of the first importance, and the necessity, in order to secure public tranquillity,'to establish uniformity of opinion But when persecutions are adopted, the lawfulness of those very measures becomes a subject of contention as interesting as the dissensions it is designed to terminate. The question of the claim to liberty of conscience is surely a ques. tion of this kind. *fi k *k * k *k * O o SHORT STATEMENT OF THE R E A EASONS FOR CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO PARTY COMMUNIOI. [PUBLISHED IN 1826.] PREFACE. AFTER having discussed so largely in some former publications the question of strict communion, that is, the prevailing practice in the Baptist denomination of confining their fellowship to members of their own community, it was not my intention to trouble the public with the subject any further, not having the least ambition for the last word in controversy. But it has been suggested to me that it would not be difficult to condense the substance of the argument within a smaller compass, so as to render it accessible to such as have neither the leisure nor the inclination to peruse a large performance. It has been my endeavour to cut off every thing superfluous, and without doing injury to the merits of the cause, to present the reasoning which sustains it in a concise and popular form: how far I have succeeded must be left to the judgment of the reader. I would only remark here, that all I have seen and heard concurs to convince me that the practice of strict communion rests almost entirely on authority, and that were the influence of a few great names withdrawn it would sink under its own weight. Among those of recent date none has been more regarded than that of the late venerable Fuller; and as he left a manuscript on this subject to be published after his death, he is considered as having deposed his dying testimony in its favour. That he felt some predilection to a practice to which he had been so long accustomed, and whose propriety was very rarely questioned in his early days, is freely admitted; but that he all along felt some hesitation on the subject, and that his mind was not completely made up, I am induced to believe from several circumstances. First, from the fact of his proposing himself to commune at Cambridge with the full knowledge of there being Pedobaptists present. Secondly, from a conversation which passed many years ago between him and the writer of these lines. In reply to his observation, that we act precisely on the same principle with our Pedobaptist brethren, since they also insist on baptism as an essential prerequisite to communion, it was remarked that this was a mere argumentum ad hominem, it might serve to silence the clamours of those Pedobaptists who while they adhered to that principle charged us with bigotry; but that still it did not touch the merits of the question, since a previous inquiry occurs, whether any thing more is requisite to communion on scriptural grounds tha;l a vital union with Christ; his answer was, When mixed VOL. IS.-O 210 REASONS FOR CHRISTIAN COMMUNION. communion is placed on that footing, I never yet ventured to attack it. Hence I am compelled to consider his posthumous tract rather as a trial of what might be adduced on that side of the controversy with a view to provoke further inquiry, than the result of deliberate and settled conviction. Be this as it may, great as his merits were, he was but a man, and as such liable to err even on subjects of much greater importance. All I wish is, that without regard to human names or authorities, the matter in debate may be entirely determined by an unprejudiced appeal to reason and Scripture. The prevalence of this disposition to bow to authority and to receive opinions upon trust is strikingly illustrated by the following anecdote. A highly respected friend of mine, on asking one of his deacons, a man of primitive piety and integrity, what objections he had to mixed communion, he replied with great simplicity that he had two-in the first place, Mr. Fuller did not approve of it; and in the next, the Scripture declares that "he who pulls down a hedge a serpent shall bite him." The good man very properly placed that reason first which carried the greatest weight with it. In short, there is a certain false refinement and subtlety in the argument for strict communion which would never occur to a plain man who was left solely to the guidance of Scripture. In common with almost every other error, it derived its origin from the public teachers of religion, and with a change of sentiment in them it will gradually disappear; nor will it be long ere our churches will be surprised that they suffered themselves to be betrayed by specious but hollow sophistry into a practice so repulsive and so impolitic. Amicus Plato, amicus Socrates, sed magis amica veritas. OCTOBER 7 1826. , SHORT STATEMENtTo IT is admitted by all denominations of Christians, with the exception of' one, that the sacrament of the Lord's Supper is of perpetual obligation, and that it was designed by its Founder for one of the principai indications and expressions of that fraternal affection which ought to distinguish his followers. Though the communion of saints is of largel extent, comprehending all those sentiments and actions by which Chris. tians are especially united, the joint participation of this right is universally acknowledged to constitute an important branch of that communion., So important a part has it been considered, that it has usurped the nacme of the whole; and when any dispute arises respecting the terms of cornmunion, it is generally understood to relate to the terms of admission to the Lord's table. VlWhether all real Christians are entitled to share in this privilegge, whether it forms a part of tllat spiritual provision which belongs to the whole family of' the faithfitl, or whether it is the exclusive patrimony of a sect, w7ho: (on the ground of their supposed imperfection) ae authorized to repel the rest, is the question which it is my purpose i the following pages briefly and calmly to discuss. The first conclusion to which we should naturally arrive woud probably favour the more liberal system; we should be ready to suppose that he vho is accepted of Christ ought also to be accepted of his brethren, and that he whose right to the thing signified was not ques-. tioned possessed an undoubted right to the outward sign. There a:e some truths which are so self-evident that a formal attempt to prove them lhas the appearance of trifling, where the premises and the coa-n clusion so nearly coincide that it is not easy to point out the intermediate linls that at once separate and connect them. Whether the assertion that all sincere Christians are entitled to a place at the Lord1"s table is of that description will more clearly appear as -we advance:, but I must be permnitted to say, that a feeling of the kind just men.. tioned has occasioned the greatest difficulty I have experienced in this discussion. It is well known that a diversity of sentiment has long subsisted in this country in relation to the proper subjects of baptism, together wi'h the mode of administering that rite. While the great body of the Christian world administer baptism to infants, and adopt the practice of sprinkling or pouring the sacramental water, there are some who contend that baptismn should be confined to those who are capable of 02 CHRISTIAN IT OPPOSITION TO understandinog the articles of the Christian religion, or, in other wo7-.,,to adults, and that the proper mocde is the immersion of the whole body. T'hey who maintain the last of these opinions were formally designated by the appellation of Anabacltists; but as that term implied that they assumled a riglht of re2peatingo baptism, when in reality their only reason for baptizinll such as had been sprinkled in their infancy was, that they looked upon the baptism of infants as a mere human invention, the can-, dour of mnodern times has changed the invidious appellation of Anabaptist to the more simple one of Baptist. it is not mny intention to attempt the defence of that class of Christians, though their views are entirely in accordance with -my own; one consequence, however, necessarily results. We are compelled by virtue of them to lool upon the great mass of our fellow-christians as vunlbcptized. On no other grountd can we nmaintain our principles or justify o-ur conduct. Hence it has been inferred, too hastily in myopinion, that Awe are bound to abstain from their communion, whatever judgment we may form of their sincerity and piety. Baptism, it is alleged, is, under all possible circumstances, an indispensable term of communi on; and how ever hiohly we may esteem many of our Pedobtptist brethren, yet, as we cannot but deem them iinbaptized, we mnust of necessity consider them as disqualified for an approach to the Lord's table. It is evident that this reasoning rests entirely on the assumption ihat baptism is invariably a necessary condition of comnmunion-an opinion'which it is not surprising the Baptists should have embraced, since it -lhas lonlg passed current in the Christian Aworld, and been receivedl by nearly all denonminations of Christians. The truth is, it eIi"s never till of late become a practical question, nor cbuld it while all pairties acklnowledged each other's baptism. It was only when a religious den-omination arose whose principles compelled them to deny the valid(ity of any other baptism besides that which they themselves practisec, that the question respecting the relation which that ordinance bears to the Lord's Supper could have any influence on practice. But a doctrine which can have no possible influence on practice is received w-ith little or no examination; and to this must be imputed the facility uwith w hich it has been so generally admitted that baptism must nececs'sIrily and i-variably precede an admission to the Lord's table. The w i ie ircul-ltion, however, of this doctrine ought undoubtedly to have t}le effect of softening the severity of censure on that conduct (however singohlar it. may appear) w;hich is its necessary result: such is that of the great maljoritv of the Baptists in confinig their communion to those wI hom they deemll baptized; wherein they act precisely on the same principle wvith all other Christians, who assume it for granted that baptism is an essential preliminary to the reception of the sacramento _~ he point on which they difelr is the nature of that institution, which we pllace in ilnmersion, and of' which we suppose rational and accountt able agoents the only fit subjects; this opinion, combined with the other generally received one. that none are entitled to receive the Eucharist but such as have been baptized, leads inevitably to the practice which s-;eemls so singular and gives so much offence —the restricting of com PARTY COMMUNION. 213 miunion to our own denomination. Let it be admitted that baptism is under all circumstances a necessary condition of church-fellowship, and it is impossible for the Baptists to act otherwise. That their practice in this particular is harsh and illiberal is freely admitted, but it is the infallible consequence of the opinion generally entertained respecting communion, conjoined with their peculiar views of the baptismal rite. The recollection of this may suffice to rebut the ridicule and silence the clamour of those who loudly condemn the Baptists for a proceeding which, were they but to change their opinion on the subject of baptism, their own principles would compel them to adopt. They both concur in a common principle, from which the practice deemed so offensive is the necessary result. Considered as an argumentum ad hominem, or an appeal to the avowed principles of our opponents, this reasoning may be sufficient to shield us from that severity of reproach to which we are often exposed, nor ought we to be censured for acting upon a system which is sanctioned by our accusers. Still it leaves the real merits of the question untouched; for the inquiry remains open, whether baptism is an indispensable prerequisite to communion; in other words, whether they stand in such a relation to each other that the involuntary neglect of the first incurs a forfeiture of the title to the last.'The chief, I might say the only, argument for the restricted plan of communion is derived from the example of the apostles and the practice of the primitive church. It is alleged, with some appearance of plausibility, that the first duty enjoined on the primitive converts to Christianity was to be baptized, that no repeal of the law has taken place since, that the apostles uniformly baptized their converts before they admitted them to the Sacrament, and that during the first and purest ages the church knew of no members who had not submitted tc that rite; and that consequently in declining a union with those who, however estimable in other respects, we are obliged to consider as unbaptized, we are following the highest precedents, and treading in the hallowed steps of the inspired teachers of religion. Such in a few words is the sum and silbstance of their reasoning who are the advocates of strict cormlm'tion; and as it approaches with a lofty and imposing air, and ha- prevailed with'thousands to embrace what appears to me a most serious error, we must bespeak the reader's patience while we endeavour to silt it to the bottom, in order to expose its fallacy. Precedent derived from the practice of inspired men is entitled to be regarded as law in exact proportion as the spirit of it is copied and the principle on which it proceeds is actaed upon. If, neglectful of these, we attend to the letter c:-,ly, v'e sA:.ul bIe -,trayed into the most serious mistakes, since there are a thousand actions recorded of the apostles in the government of the church which it would be the height of folly and presumption to imitate. Above all things, it is necessary before we proceed to found a rule of action on precedent, carefully to investigate the circumstances under which it occurred and the reasons on which it was founded. The apostles, it is acknowledged, admitted 214 CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO none to the Lord's Supper but such as were previously baptized; but under what circumstances did they maintain this course? It was at a time when a mistake respecting the will of the Supreme Legislator on the subject of baptism was impossible; it was while a diversity of opinion relating to it could not possibly subsist, because inspired men were at hand, ready to remove every doubt and satisfy the mind of every honest inquirer. It was under circumstances that must have convicted him who declined compliance with that ordinance of wilful prevarication, and stubborn resistance to the delegates and representatives of Christ, who commissioned them to promulgate his laws, with an express assurance that " whoever rejected them rejected him, and whoever received them received him," and that to refuse to obey their word exposed the offender to a severer doom than was allotted to Sodom arid Gomorrah.* Their instructions were too plain to be mistaken, their authority too sacred to be contemned by a professor of Christianity without being guilty of daring impiety. In such a state of things, it may be asked, How could they have acted differently from what they did? To have received into the church men who disputed their inspiration and despised their injunctions would have been to betray their trust, and to renounce their pretensions as the living depositaries of the mind of Christ: to have admitted those who, believing their inspiration, yet refused a compliance with their orders, would have let into the church the most unheard-of licentiousness, and polluted it by incorporating with its members the worst of men. Neither of these could be thought of, and no other alternative remained but to insist as a test of sincerity on a punctual compliance with what was known and acknowledged as the apostolic doctrine. "We are of God," says St. John: "he that knoweth God heareth us; he that is not of God heareth not us; hereby we know the spirit of truth and the spirit of error."t In short, the apostles refused to impart the external privileges of the church to such as impugned their authority or contemned their injunctions, which whoever persisted in' the neglect of baptism at that time and in those circumstances must necessarily have done. But in declining the communion of modern Pedobaptists, however eminent their piety, there is really nothing analogous to their method of proceeding. The resemblance fails in its most essential features. In repelling an unbaptized person from their communion, supposing such a one to have presented himself, they would have rejected the violator of a known precept; he whom we refuse is at most chargeable only with mistaking it. The former must either have neglected an acknowledged precept, and thus evinced a mind destitute of principle, or he must have set the authority of the apostles at defiance, and thus have classed with parties of the worst description. Our Pedobaptist brethren are exposed to neither of these charges: convince them that it is their duty to be baptized in the method which we approve, and they stand ready, many of them at least we cannot doubt stand ready, to perform it; convince them that it is a necessary inference from the correc' * Matt. x. 14, 15 t 1 John iv. 6. PAR'TY COMMUNION. 215 interpretation of the apostolic commission, and they will without hesitation bow to that authority. The most rigid Baptist will probably admit, that however clear and irresistible the evidence of his sentiments may appear to himself, there are those whom it fails to convince, and some of them at least illustrious examples of piety; men who would tremble at the thought of deliberately violating the least of the commands of Christ or of his apostles; men whose character and principles consequently form a striking contrast with those of the persons whom it is allowed the apostles would have repelled. But to separate ourselves from the best of men because the apostles would have withdrawn from the worst, to confound the broadest moral distinctions by awarding the same treatment to involuntary and conscientious error which they were prepared to inflict on stubborn and wilful disobedience, is certainly a very curious method of following apostolic precedent. "The letter killeth," says St. Paul, "the spirit maketh alive." Whether the contrariety of these was ever more strongly marked than by such a method of imitating the apostles, let the reader judge. For the clearer illustration of this point let us suppose a case. A person proposes himself as a candidate for admission to a Baptist church. The minister inquires into his views of the ordinance of baptism, and respectfully asks whether he is convinced of the divine authority of the rite which was administered to him in his infancy. He confesses he is not; that on mature deliberation and inquiry he considers it as a human invention. On his thus avowing his conviction, he is urged to confess Christ before men, by a prompt compliance with what he is satisfied is a part of his revealed will: he hesitates, he refuses, alleging that it is not essential to salvation, that it is a mere external rite, and that some of the holiest of men have died in the neglect of it. Here is a parallel case to that of a person who should have declined the ordinance of baptism in primitive times; and in entire consistence with the principles which we are maintaining, we have no hesitation in affirming that the individual in question is disqualified for Christian communion. To receive him under such circumstances would be sanctioning the want of principle, and pouring contempt on the Christian precepts. Yet the conduct we have now supposed would be less criminal than to have shrunk from baptism in the apostolic age, because the evidence by which our views are supported, though sufficient for every practical purpose, is decidedly inferior to that which accompanied their first promulgation: the utmost that we can pretend is a very high probability; the primitive converts possessed an absolute certainty. Now since we are prepared to visit an inferior degrec of delinquency to that which would have ensured the rejection of a candidate by the apostles with the same severity, how preposterous is it to charge us with departing from apostolical precedent! In the same circumstances, or in circumstances nearly the same, we are ready instantly to act the same part: let the circumstances be essentially varied, and our proceeding is proportionably different. The apostles refused the communion of such, and such only, as were insincere, " who 216 CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO held the truth in unrighteousness," avowing their conviction of one system and acting upon another: and wherever similar indications display themselves we do precisely the same. They admitted the weak and erroneous, providing their errors were not of a nature subversive of Christianity; and so do we. They tolerated men whose sentiments differed from their own, providing they did not rear the standard of revolt by a deliberate resistance to the only infallible authority; and such precisely is the course we pursue. We bear with those who mistake the dictates of inspiration in points which are not essential; but with none who wilfully contradict or neglect them. In the government of the church, as far as our means of information reach, the immediate ambassadors of Christ appear to have set us an example of much gentleness and mildness, to have exercised a tender consideration of human imperfection, and to have reserved all their severity for a contumacious rejection of their guidance and disdain of their instructions. And wherever these features appear, we humbly tread in their steps; being as little disposed as they to countenance or receive those who impugn their inspiration or censure their decisions. They were certainly strangers to that scheme of ecclesiastical polity which proposes to divide the mystical body of Christ into two parts" one consisting of such as enjoy communion with him, the other of such as are entitled to commune with each other. In no part of their writings is the faintest vestige to be discerned of that state of things of which our opponents are enamoured, where a vast majority of sincere Christians are deemed disqualified for Christian fellowship, and while their pretensions to acceptance with God and a title to eternal life are undisputed, are yet to be kept in a state of seclusion from the visible church. Had they in any part of their epistles appeared to broach such a doctrine,-had they lavished high encomiums on the faith and piety of those with whom they refused to associate at the Lord's Supper, our astonishment at sentiments so singular and so eccentric would have been such, that scarcely any conceivable uniformity of manuscripts or of versions could have accredited the passages that contained them. That the primitive church was composed of professed believers, and none debarred from its privileges but such whose faith was essentially 3rroneous or their character doubtful, is a matter of fact which appears on the very surface of the inspired records, and was probably never called in question, in any age or country, until an opposite principle was avowed and acted upon by the modern Baptists, who appropriate its title and its immunities to themselves, while with strange inconsistency they proclaim their conviction that the persons whom they exclude are indisputably in possession of its interior and spiritual privileges. For this portentous separation of the internal from the outward and visible privileges of Christianity,-for confining the latter to a mere handful of such as have "obtained like precious faith with themselves," in vain will they seek for support in the example of the apostles. They repeatedly and earnestly warn us against resting in external advantages, and of the danger of substituting the outward sign for the inward and spiritual grace: but never give the slightest PARTY COMMUNION. 217 intimation of the possibility of possessing the first, without being entitled to the last. The assertion of such an opinion, and the practice founded upon it, the reader will at once perceive, is a departure from the precedent and example of the earliest age which it would be difficult to parallel. In opposition, however, to all that has been urged to show the obvious disparity between the two cases, our opponents still reiterate the cry, The apostles did not tolerate the omission of baptism, and therefore we are not justified in tolerating it! But is the omission of a duty to be judged of in relation to its moral quality, without any regard to circumstances, without any consideration whether it be voluntary or involuntary, whether it proceed from perversity of will or error of judgment, from an erroneous interpretation of our Lord's precepts or a contempt of his injunctions; and supposing our Pedobaptist brethren to be sincere and conscientious, is there any resemblance between them and those whom the apostles, it is allowed, would have repelled, except in the mere circumstance of their being both unbaptized, the one because they despised the apostolic injunctions, the other because they mistake them? The former (supposing them to have existed at all) must have been men over whose conscience the word of God had no power; the latter tremble at his word, and are restrained from following our example by deference to his will. If such opposite characters are the natural objects of a contrary state of feeling, they must be equally so of a contrary treatment; nor can any thing be more preposterous than to confound them together, under the pretence of a regard to apostolic precedent. Our treatment of mankind should undoubtedly be the expression of our feelings, and regulated by our estimate of their character. Strict communion prescribes the contrary; it sets the conduct and the feelings at variance, and erects into a duty the mortification of our best and holiest propensities. The discipline of the church, as prescribed by Christ and his apostles, is founded on principles applicable to every age and to every combination of events to which it is liable, in a world replete with change, where new forms of error, new modes of aberration from the paths of rectitude and truth, are destined to follow in rapid and unceasing succession. Among these we are compelled to enumerate the prevailing notions of the Christian world on the subject of baptism-an error which, it is obvious, could have no subsistence during the age of the -postles. Here then arises a new case, and it becomes a matter of serious inquiry how it is to be treated. It plainly cannot be decided by a reference to apostolic precedent, because nothing of this kind then existed, or could exist. The precept which enjoined the baptism of new converts might be resisted, but it could not be mistaken, and therefore no inference can be drawn from the treatment which it is admitted the apostles would have assigned to wilfill disobedience, that is applicable to the case of involuntary error. The only method of arriving at a satisfactory conclusion is, to consider how they conducted themselves towards sincere though erring Christians, together with the temper they recommend us to cultivate towards such as labour 218 CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO under mistakes and misconceptions not inconsistent with piety. Without expecting a specific direction for the regulation of our conduct in this identical particular, which would be to suppose the error in question not new, it is quite sufficient if the general principle of toleration which the New Testament enjoins is found to comprehend the present instance. If action be founded on conviction, as it undoubtedly is in all wellregulated minds, we are as much obliged to mould our sentiments into an agreement with those of the apostles as our conduct: inspired precedents of thought are as authoritative as those of action. The advocates of strict communion are clamorous in their demand that, in relation to church-fellowship, we should treat all Pedobaptists exactly in the same manner as the apostles would have treated unbaptized persons in their day. But must we not for the same reason think the same of them? This, however, they disclaim as much as we do: they are perfectly sensible, nor have they the hardihood to deny, that the difference is immense between a conscientious mistake of the mind of Christ on a particular subject, and a deliberate contempt or neglect of it. Who can doubt that the apostles would be the first to feel this distinction; and as they would undoubtedly, in common with all conscientious persons, regulate their conduct by their sentiments, that, could they be personally consulted, they would recommend a correspondent difference of treatment? To sum up the argument in a few words: Nothing can be more hollow and fallacious than the pretension of our opponents that they are guided by inspired precedent, for we have no precedent in the case; in other words, we have no example of the manner in which they conducted themselves towards such as fell into an error on the subject of baptism; the Scriptures make no allusion to such an error which attaches at present to many most tenacious of its authority, humbly submissive to its dictates, and deeply imbued with its spirit; to men, in a word, of the most opposite character to those who may be supposed, in consequence of setting light by the authority of inspired teachers, to have neglected baptism in the first ages. Thus much may suffice for apostolic precedent. There is still one more view of the subject to which the attention of the reader is requested for a moment. It remains to be considered whether there is any peculiar connexion between the two ordinances of baptism and the lord's Supper, either in the nature of things or by divine appointment, so as to render it improper to administer the one without the other. That there is no natural connexion is obvious. They were instituted at different times and for different purposes; baptism is a mode of professing our faith in the blessed Trinity, the Lord's Supper as a commemoration of the dying love of the Redeemer: the former is the act of an individual, the latter of a society. The words which contain our warrant for the celebration of the Eucharist convey no allusion to baptism whatever: those which prescribe baptism carry no anticipative reference to the Eucharist. And as it is demonstrable thlat John's baptism was a separate institution from that which was PARTY COMMUNION. 219 enacted after our Lord's resurrection, the Lord's Supper is evidently anterior to baptism, and the original communicants consisted entirely of such as had not received that ordinance. To all appearance, the rites in question rest on independent grounds. But perhaps there is a special connexion between the two, arising from divine appointment. If this be the case, it will be easy to point it out. Rarely, if ever, are they mentioned together, and on no occasion is it asserted, or insinuated, that the validity of the sacrament depends on the previous observation of the baptismal ceremony. That there was such a connexion between circumcision and the passover we learn from the explicit declaration of Moses, who asserts that " no uncircumcised person shall eat thereof." Let a similar prohibition be produced in the present instance, and the controversy is at an end. The late excellent Mr. Fuller, in a posthumous pamphlet on this subject, laboured hard to prove an instituted connexion between the two ordinances; but his conclusion from the premises is so feeble and precarious, that we strongly suspect his own mind was not fully made up on the subject. His reasoning is certainly very little adapted to satisfy an impartial inquirer. The whole performance appears more like an experiment of what might be advanced in favour of a prevailing hypothesis, than the result of deep and deliberate conviction. On this point our opponents are at variance with each other; Mr. Kinghorn roundly asserts that baptism has no more connexion with the Lord's Supper than with every other part of Christianity. Thus what Mr. Fuller attempts to demonstrate as the main pillar of his cause, Mr. Kinghorn abandons without scruple. What a fortunate position is that to which men may arrive who proceed in the most opposite directions-a sort of mental antipodes, which you will reach with equal certainty whether you advance by the east or by the west. From the title of Mr. Kinghorn's book, which is, " Baptism a Term of Communion," we should be led to expect that it was his principal object to trace some specific relation which these rites bear to each other. No such thing: he denies there is any such relation: baptism, he declares, is no otherwise connected with the Lord's Supper than it is with every other part of Christianity. But on his hypothesis it is essential to the Eucharist, and consequently it is essential to every part of Christianity; so that the omission of it, from whatever cause, is such an error in the first concoction, that it vitiates every branch of religion, disqualifies for all its duties, and incurs the forfeiture of all its privileges. This is the statement of a man who makes loud professions of attachment to our Pedobaptist brethren; nor can he escape %om this strange dilemma but by retracing his steps, and taking his stand with Mr. Fuller on a supposed instituted relation between the two ordinances. Meanwhile, it is instructive to observe in what inextricable labyrinths the acutest minds are entangled which desert the high road of common sense in pursuit of fanciful theories. Having cleared the way, by showing that Scripture precedent, properly interpreted, affords no countenance or support to strict communlion, the remaining task is very easy. For nothing can be more 2o20 CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO evident than that the whole genius of Christianity is favourable to the most cordial and affectionate treatment of our fellow-christians. To love them fervently, to bear with their imperfections, and cast the mantle of forgiveness over their infirmities is to fulfil the law of Christ. A schism in his mystical body is deprecated as she greatest evil, and whatever tends to promote it is subjected to the severest reprobation. " Now I beseech you, by the name of the Lord Jesus," is the language of St. Paul, " that ye all speak the same thing, and that there be no divisions among you; but that ye be perfectly joined together in the same mind and in the same judgment. For it has been declared unto me, by them who are of the house of Chloe, that there are contentions among you. Now this I say, that every one of you saith, I am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas, and I of Christ. Is Christ divided? was Paul crucified for you? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul?" In applying these and innumerable other passages of similar import to the point under discussion, two questions occur. First, Are our Pedobaptist brethren a part of the mystical body of Christ? or, in other words, Do they form a portion of that church which he has purchased by his precious blood? If they are not, they are not in a state of salvation, since none can be in that state who are not vitally united to Christ. The Bible acknowledges but two classes into which the whole human race is distributed, the church and the world; there is no intermediate condition; whoever is not of the first necessarily belongs to the last. But the advocates for strict communion are loud in their professions of esteem for pious Pedobaptists, nor is there any thing they would more resent than a doubt of their sincerity in that particular. The persons whom they exclude from their communion are then, by their own confession, a part of the flock of Christ, a portion of his mystical body, and of that church which he has bought with his blood. The next question is, Whether a formal separation from them on the account of their imputed error amounts to what the Scripture styles schism? Supposing one part of the church at Corinth had formally severed themselves from the other, and established a separate cam munion, allowing those whom they had forsaken, at the same time, the title of sincere Christians, would this have been considered as a schism? That it would is demonstrable from the language of St. Paul, who accuses the Corinthians of having schisms* among them, though they never dreamed of forming a distinct and separate communion. If they are charged with schism on account of that spirit of contention and that alienation of their affections from each other which merely tended to an open rupture, how much more would they have incurred that censure had they actually proceeded to that extremity? Schism, in its primitive and literal sense, signifies the breaking of a substance into two or more parts, and when figuratively appli d to a body of men it denotes the division of it into parties; and thoe h it may be applied to such a state of contention as consists with t:,.e e The original word rendered divisions is aXLtacara, schisms PARTY COMMUN ION. 2.! preservation of external union, it is most eminently applicable to society whose bond of union is dissolved, and where one part rejects the other from its feilowship. If there is any meaning in terms, thik is schism in its highest sense. The great apostle of the gentiles illustrates the union c(f the faithful by that which subsists between thet members of the natural body. "i fow ye are the body of Christ, and members in particullar." He shows, in a beautiful and impressive manner, that th, saver-:i mlembers have each his distinct tihnction, and are pervaded by a common sympathy, with the expressive design "' that there be no schism in the body." But when one part of the Christian church avowedly excludes another from their communion, when they refuse to unite in the most distinguishing branch of social worship, and hold themselves in a state of seclusion, they virtually say to the party'thus repelled, "We have no need of thee;" they cut themselves off from the body, and are guilty of a schism so open and conspicuous that none can fail to perceive it. How is it possible for them to evade the conclusion to which this reasoning conducts us, unless they are prepared to deny the claim of the Pedobaptists to be regarded as the members of Christ, or place them in some intermediate station between the world and the church? But the language of the New Testament, which uniformly identifies the objects of the Divine favour with the members of Christ's church, is directly opposed to such a fiction. " He loved the church, and gave himself for it, that he might sanctify and cleanse it, by the washing of water through the Word, that he might present it to himself a glorious church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing." It deserves the serious consideration of our opponents, that they are contending for that schism in the body of Christ against which he so fervently prayed, so anxiously guarded, and which his apostles represent as its greatest calamity and reproach. "- The glory," said our Lord, " which thou hast given me, I have given them, that they may be one, even as we are one; I in them, and thou in me, that they may be made perfect in one; that the world may know that thou bast sent me, and hast loved them as thou hast loved me." Here it cannot be doubted that our Pedobaptist brethren are comprehended in this prayer because our Lord declares it was preferred, not merely for the disciples,hen existing, but for those also who should hereafter believe through 1heir word, adding, "that they all may be one, as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be one in us, that the world may believe that thou hast sent me." In these words we find him praying for a visible union among his disciples-such a union as the world might easily perceive; and this he entreats in behalf of them all, that they all may be one. The advocates of strict communion plead for a visible disunion; nor will it avail them to reply that they cultivate a fraternal affection towards Christians of other denominations, while they insist on such a visible separation as must make it apparent to the world that they are not one. Internal sentiments of esteem are cognizable only by the Searcher of hearts; external indications are all that the world has to judge by; and so far are the) from exhibiting 222 CHIRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO these, that,they value themselves in maintaining such a position towards *heir fellow-christians as confounds them, in a very important point, with infidels and heathens. If a rent and division in the body is preg. nant with so much scandal and offence as the Scriptures represent it, if the spirit of love and concord is the distinguishing badge of the Christian profession, it is surprising it has never occurred to them, that by insisting on such a separation as was unheard of in the primitive times, every approach to which is denounced in Scripture as a most serious evil, they are acting in direct opposition to the genius of the gospel and the solemn injunctions of its inspired teachers. What degree of criminality may attach to such a procedure it is not for us to determine; but we have no hesitation in affirming, that it is most abhorrent from the intention of the Head of the church, and miserably compensated by that more correct view of the ordinance of baptism which is alleged in its support. " Charity is the end of the commandment," "the fulfilling of the law;" and since the religion of Christ is not ceremonial, but vital, and consists less in correct opinions and ritual observances than in those graces of the Spirit which are the "hidden man of the heart," it deserves serious consideration whether so palpable a violation of the unity of the church is not more offensive in the eyes of Him who "tries the hearts and the reins," than an involuntary mistake of a ceremonial precept. Here we must be allowed once more to recur to the vain boast of a scrupulous adherence to the example of the apostles (the futility of which has, I trust, been sufficiently demonstrated), and request our opponents to reflect for a moment on their essential deviation in this particular. Say, did the apostles refuse the communion of good men? Did they set the example of dividing them into two classes, a qualified and a disqualified class; and while they acknowledged the latter were objects of the Divine favour equally with themselves, enjoin on their converts the duty of disowning them at the Lords table? Are any traces to be discovered in the NeW Testament of a society of Purists, who, under the pretence of superior illumination on one subject, kept themselves aloof from the Cnristian world, excluding from their communion myriads of those whom they believed to be heirs of salvation! Did they narrow their views of church-fellowship, as Mr. Kinghorn avows is the case of the modern Baptists, to the purpose of holding up to view one neglected truth? On this plan, as many separate communions will be witnessed as there are varieties of religious taste and predilection, while each fancies it perceives some neglected duty or some truth not rendered sufficiently prominent, till almost every inquiry will give birth to some solitary and antisocial sect. The direct tendency of such a principle is not merely to annihilate the unity of the church, but to contract the heart, to narrow the understanding, and, in the room of' holding forth the word of life," to invest every petty speculation and minute opinion with the dignity of a fundamental truth. The revival or propagation of some one particular truth being the avowed object of their union, the members of such a society will anmost inevitably attach to it an undue importance; and as their Ratentior PARTY COMMUNION. 223 will be chiefly directed towards that in which they differ from others, and in which they are conceived to excel, it will be a miracle if they escape a censorious, conceited, disputatious spirit. While their con. stitution is founded not so much on a separation from the world as from the church, they will be almost irresistibly tempted to transfer to the latter a large portion of the associations and feelings of which the former is the proper object. How refreshing is it to turn from these rigid and repulsive principles to the contemplation of the generous maxims of the New Testament! "Him that is weak in the faith," says St. Paul, "receive ye, not to doubtful disputations;"~ and after illustrating his meaning by adducing examples of various diversities of sentiment among his converts, he proceeds to inculcate the most perfect mutual toleration. It is observable that the differences of opinion which he specifies related to the obligation of certain positive institutes, to which, though abrogated by the new dispensation, part of the church adhered, while its more enlightened members understood and embraced the liberty with which Christ had made them free. "We that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please ourselves." A moment's attention to the connexion will convince the reader that the term weak in both these passages denotes persons whose conceptions are erroneous; for the inspired writer is not adverting to the different degrees of conviction with which the same truths are embraced, but to a palpable difference of judgment. Thus far the case here decided is precisely similar to that under present discussion: our difference from the Pedobaptists turns on the nature and obligation of a positive institute. The error of which St. Paul enjoined the toleration consisted in adhering to certain ceremonies which had been abrogated; the error with which we are concerned consists in mistaking a ceremony which is still in force. Neither of the ancient nor of the modern error is it pretended that they are fundamental, or that they endanger the salvation of those who hold them. Thus far they stand on the same footing, and the presumption is that they ought to be treated in the same manner. Before we come to this conclusion, however, it behooves us to examine the principle on which the apostle enjoins toleration, and if this is applicable in its full extent to the case of our Pedobaptist brethren, no room is left for doubt. The principle plainly is, that the error in question was not of such magnitude as to preclude him who maintained it from the favour of God. "Let not him who eateth despise him who eateth not; and let not him who eateth not judge him who eateth; for God hath received him. Who art thou that judgest another man's servant? To his own master he standeth or falleth. Yea, he shall be holden up; for God is able to make him stand." In the same manner, in the next chapter of the same epistle, after reminding the strong that it is their duty to bear the infirmities of the weak, he adds, "Wherefore, receive ye one another, as Christ also hath received us, to the glory of the Father." If such is the reason assigned for mutual toleration, and it is acknowledged to be a sufficient one, * Rom. xiv. 1. 224 CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO which none can deny without impeaching the inspiration of the writer, it is as conclusive respecting the obligation of tolerating every error which is consistent with a state of salvation as if that error had been mentioned by name; and as few, if any, are to be met with who doubt the piety of many Pedobaptists, it not only justifies their reception, but renders it an indispensable duty. Nothing can be more futile than the attempt to turn aside the edge of this reasoning by remarking that there is no mention of baptism, and that this is not the subject of which St. Paul is treating, as though the Bible contained no general principles, no maxims of universal application, but that precise directions must be found for every possible emergence that in the lapse of ages may occur. Were it constructed upon this plan, the Bible must be infinitely more voluminous than the statutes at large. It is composed on one widely different; it gives general rules of action, broad principles, leaving them to be applied under the guidance of sound discretion; and wherever it has decided a doubtful question, accompanied with an express statement of the principle on which the decision is founded, such explanation has all the force of an apostolic canon, by which we are bound to regulate our conduct in all the variety of cases to which it applies. Hence we have only one alternative, either to deny that those who differ from us on the subject of baptism are accepted of God, or to receive them into fellowship on exactly the same ground and on the same principle that Paul enjoined the tolera tion of sincere Christians. Before I dismiss this part of the subject, on which the patience ot the reader has been severely tasked, I must beg leave to notice a striking inconsistence in the advocates of strict communion. Nothing is more certain than that the communion of saints is by no means confined to one particular occasion, or limited to one transaction, such as that of assembling around the Lord's table; it extends to all the modes by which believers recognise each other as the members of a common head. Every expression of fraternal regard, every participation in the enjoyments of social worship, every instance of the unity of the Spirit exerted in prayer and supplication or in acts of Christian sympathy and friendship, as truly belongs to the communion of saints as the celebration of the Eucharist. In truth, if we are strangers to communion with our fellow-christians on other occasions, it is impossible for us to enjoy it there; for the mind is not a piece of mechanism which can be set a-going at pleasure, whose movements are obedient to the call of time and place, Nothing short of an habitual sympathy of spirit, sp:ingirng from the cultivation of benevolent feeling and the interchange of kind offices, will secure that reciprocal delight, that social pleasLre, which is ite soLi of Christian communon. Its richiest fruits are frequently reserved ior private conference, ii`ke that in which the two disciples were. engaged in their way to Lnmmaus, wher' their hearts burned within them, while the Lord opened to them the Scrip. tures. When they take sweet counsel together as they go to the house of God in company, when they bear each other's burthens, weep with those that weep, anid rejoice with them that rejoice; say, have PARTY COMMUNION. 225 Christians no mutual fellowship? Is it not surprising that, losing sight of such 4bvious facts, our opponents always reason on the subject of communion as though it related merely to the sacrament? In every other particular they act just as we do. However our opponents may deviate from Scripture, let them at least be consistent with themselves, and either follow out their own principles to their just consequence by withholding from the members of other denominations every token of fraternal regard, or freely admit them to the Lord's table. As the case stands at present, their mode of proceeding is utterly untenable. In a variety of instances they indulge themselves in those acts of communion with Pedobaptists which are peculiar to Christians: they frequently make them their mouth in addressing the Deity; they exchange pulpits; and even engage their assistance in exercises intended as a preparation for the Eucharist; and after lighting the flame of devotion at their torch, they most preposterously turn round to inform them that they are not worthy to participate. It would be difficult to convince a stranger to our practice that it were possible to be guilty of such an absurdity. Is the observance of an external rite, let me ask, a more solemn part of religion than addressing the Majesty of heaven and of earth? And shall we depute him to present our prayers at His footstool who would defile a sacrament by his presence? Suppose them to relax from their rigour, and to admit pious Pedobaptists to their fellowship, to what would it amount? To nothing more than a public acknowledgment of their union to Christ and their interest in his benefits; and as they fully acknowledge both, why scruple to do it at the table of their coinmon Lord. Why select an ordinance designed for the commemoration of the dying love of the Redeemer as the signal for displaying the banners of party; and by reviving the remembrance of differences elsewhere consigned to oblivion, give the utmost publicity to dissensions which are the reproach of the church and the triumph of the world? The only colour invented to disguise this glaring inconsistency is so pure a logomachy, that it is difficult to speak of it with becoming gravity. They remind us, forsooth, that the expressions of Christian affection in praying and preaching for each other are not church acts, as though there were some magic in the word church that could change the nature of truth, or the obligations of duty. If it is our duty to recognise those as fellow-christians who are really such, what is there in the idea of a church that should render it improper there? If the church is " the pillar and ground of truth," it is the proper place for the fullest disclosure of its secrets; and if Christians are under an obligation to love each other with a pure heart, fervently, its organiza. tion can never have been designed to contract the heart, by confining the movements and expressions of charity within narrower limits. The duty of churches originates in that of the individuals of which they consist, so that when we have ascertained the sentiments and principles which ought to actuate the Christian in his private capacity, we pos. sess the standard to which the practice of churches should be uniformll' adjusted. VOL. II.-P 226 CHRISTIAN IN OPPOSITION TO Nor is it ill this particular only that the persons whose opinions we are controverting are betrayed into lamentable inconsistency. Their concessions on another branch of the subject lay them open to the same imputation. They acknowledge that many Pedobaptists stand high in the favour of God; enjoy intimate communion with the Redeemer; and would, on their removal hence, be instantaneously admitted to glory. Now, it seems the suggestion of common sense that the greater includes the less, that they who have a title to the Lost sublime privileges of Christianity, the favour of God, the fellow. ship of Christ, and the hope of glory, must be unquestionably entitled to that ordinance whose sole design is to prepare us for the perfect fruition of these blessings. To suppose it possible to have an interest in the great redemption without being allowed to commemorate it, that he may possess the substance who is denied the shadow, and though qualified for the worship of heaven, be justly debarred from earthly ordinances, is such an anomaly as cannot fail to draw reprobation on the system of which it is the necessary consequence. Men will, ere long, tremble at the thought of being more strict than Christ, more fastidious ill the selection of the members of the church militant than he is in choosing the members of the church triumphant. Hitherto our attention has been occupied in stating the arguments in favour of mixed communion, and replying to the objections to that practice. It is but justice to the subject and to the reader, before we close the discussion, to touch on another topic. In every inquiry relating to Christian duty, our first concern should undoubtedly be to ascertain the will of the Supreme Legislator; but when this has been done to our satisfaction, we may be allowed to examine the practical tendency of different systems, the effect of which will be to confirm our preference of that course of action which we have found most consonant with the oracles of truth. We are far from resting the merits of our cause on the basis of expedience; we are aware that whoever attempts to set the useful in opposition to the true is misled by false appearances, and that it behooves us, on all occasions, fearless of consequences, to yield to the force of evidence. But having, in the preceding pages, proved (we would hope to the satisfaction of the reader) that the practice of strict communion has no support from Scripture or reason, it cannot be deemed improper briefly to inquire into its tendency. The first effect necessarily resulting from it is a powerful prejudice against the party which adopts it. When all other denominations find themselves lying under an interdict, and treated as though they were heathens or p)ublicans, they must be more than men not to resent it; or if they regard it with a considerable degree of apathy, it can only be ascribed to that contempt which impotent violence is so apt to inspire. We are incompetent judges of the light in which our conduct appears to those against whom it is directed, but the more frequently we place ourselves in their situation the less will be our surprise at the indications of alienation and disgust which they may evince. The very appellation of Baptist, together with the tenets by which it is PARTY COAM4UNION. 227 designated, become associated with the idea of bigotry; nor will it permit the mind which entertains that prejudice to give an impartial attention to the evidence by which our sentiments are supported. With mingled surprise and indignation they behold us making pretensions which no other denomination of Protestants assumes, placing ourselves in an attitude of hostility towards the whole Christian world, and virtually claiming to be the only church of Christ upon earth. Fortified as it is by its claims to antiquity and universality, and combining in its exterior whatever is adapted to dazzle the imagination and captivate the senses, there is yet nothing in the Church of Rome that has excited more indignation and disgust than this very pretension. What then must be the sensation produced, when, in the absence of all these advantages, a sect comparatively small and insignificant erects itself on a solitary eminence, from whence it repels the approach of all other Christians! The power of prejudice to arrest the progress of inquiry is indeed to be lamented; nothing could be more desirable than that every opinion should, in the first instance, be judged of by its intrinsic evidence, without regard to the conduct of the persons who embrace it; but the strength and independence of mind requisite to such an effort is rather to be admired than expected. There are few who enter on the investigation of theological questions in that elevated state; secret antipathies or predilections will be sure to instil their venom, and obscure the perception of truth and the suggestions of reason. By the stern rejection of the members of all other denominations until they have embraced our distinguishing tenets, what do we propose to effect —to intimidate or to convince? We can do neither. To intimidate is impossible, while there are others far more numerous than ourselves ready to receive them with open arms. The hope of producing conviction by such an expedient is equally groundless and chimerical, since conviction is the result of evidence, and no light whatever can be pretended to be conveyed by interdicting their communion, unless it be that it manifests our intolerance. We propose to extirpate an error, and we plant a prejudice; and instead of attempting to soften and conciliate the minds of our opponents, we inflict a stigma. Professing serious concern that the ordinance of baptism, as it was practised in the first ages, is fallen into neglect, we attempt to revive an unpopular rite,-by a mode of procedure which, without the remotest tendency towards the removal of error or the elucidation of truth, answers no other purpose than to make ourselves unpopular. By this preposterous conduct, we do all in our power to place our Pedobaptist brethren beyond the reach of conviction. Since it is unreasonable to expect, however attractive the ministry, that a pious Pedobaptist will statedly attend where he must despair of ever becoming a member, and of enjoying the privileges to which every serious person is supposed to aspire; he attaches himself, as a necessary consequence, to a connexion in which there is no such impediment, but where he is certain of hearing nothing but what will foster his prejudices and confirm his error. Thus he is excluded from the only P2 228 CHRISTIAN IN 01 POSITION TO connexion where the arguments for adult baptism are stated, and is exposed to the constant operation of an opposite species of instruction. The practice which we are reprobating is nearly equivalent to an inscription over the door, Let none but Baptists enter within these walls-an admirable expedient, truly, for diffusing the Baptist sentiments; about as rational as to send a man firom London to Constantinople to study the evidences of Christianity! Mr. Kinghorn is delighted with this separation of the Baptists from other denominations in the offices of devotion, avowing it as his opinion that no Pedobaptist can without great impropriety statedly attend the ministry of one of our denomination. If we may judge from what he has written on this subject, he appears less anxious to promote and extend the peculiar tenets of the Baptists, than to preserve inviolate their sacred seclusion and solitude. His sentiments on this subject will probably remind the poetical reader of Gray's beautiful description of the bird of night, which ----- ~" does to the moon complain Of such as, wandering near her secret bowers,.~ Molest her ancient, solitary reign." Whatever his intention may be, it must be obvious that by the policy he recommends, of keeping the Baptists and Pedobaptists entirely separated from each other, even as hearers of the word, he is strengthening the barriers of party, building up a middle wall. of partition, and by cutting off the channels of communication and the means of conviction, resigning both to the entire and unmitigated operation of their respective systems. Is it possible to imagine any thing more calculated to stifle inquiry, to render the public mind stationary, and to perpetuate our divisions to the end of the world? From him who was really solicitous to extend the triumphs of truth we should expect nothing would be more abhorrent than such a system; he surely would leave nothing unattempted to break down the rampart of prejudice; and by making the nearest approaches to his opponents consistent with truth, avail himself of all the advantages which a generous confidence seldom fails to bestow, for insinuating his sentiments and promoting his views. Of the tendency of mixed communion to promote a more candid inquiry into our principles, it is scarcely possible to doubt; whether it would have the effect of rapidly extending the Baptist denomination as such is less certain. For were that practice universally to prevail, the mixture of Baptists and Pedobaptists in Christian societies would probably ere long be such, that the appellation of Baptist might be found not so properly applicable to churches as to individuals, while some more comprehensive term might possibly be employed to discriminate the views of collective bodies. But what then? Are we contending for names, or for things? If the effect of a more liberal system shall be found to increase the number of those who return to the primitive practice of baptism, and thus follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth, he must be possessed of a deplorable imbecility and PARTY COMMUNION. 229 narrowness of minrd who will lament the disappearance of a name, especially when it is remembered that whenever just views on this subject shall becomnle universal, the name by which we are at present distinguished will necessarily cease. An honest solicitude for the restoration of a divine ordinance to its primitive simplicity and purity is not merely innocent, but meritorious; but if the ultimate consequence of such an improvement should be to merge the appellation of a party in that which is derived from the divine Founder of our religion, it is an event whtich none but a bigot will regret. It were well, hoxwever, if' the evil resulting from the practice of strict communion were confined to its effect on other denominations. If I am not much mistaken, it exerts a pernicious influence on our own. Were it consistent with propriety, it would be easy to adduce except tions; individuals have come within the narrow range of my own observation whose temperament has Leen so happy, that they have completely surmounted tile natural tendency of their principles, combining the greatest candour towards Pedobaptists with a conscientious refusal of their conmmUrnion. Such instances however must, in the nature of things, be rare. Generally speaking, Jhe adoption of a narrow and contracted theory will issue in a narrow and contracted mind. It is too much to expect that a habit of treating all other Christians as aliens fromn the fold of Christ, and unworthy of a participation of the privileges of his church, can be generally unaccompanied with an asperity of temper, a proneness to doubt the sincerity, to censure the motives, and depreciate the virtues of those whom they are accustomed to treat with so much rigourn Conceiving themselves to be a highly privileged class, as the only legitimate members of his church, they are almost inevitably exposed to think more highly of themselves than they ought to think; and founding their separation, not on that which distinguishes the followers of Christ from the world, but on a point in which Christians dissent from each other, they are naturally tempted to attach superlative importance -to the grounds of difference. The history of the present controversy affords a melancholy confirmation of these r:emarks; for the few who have ventured to appear on the liberal side of the question have, for thie most part, been assailed by ungenerous insinuations and odious personalities. Their claim to be considered as Baptists is very reluctantly conceded, and the -part they have taken has beeni imputed to the love of popularity, or to some still more unworthy motive. Some churches,in their zeal for strict communion, have even lost sight of their own principles, and substituted the doctrine opposed in these pages as a term of admission, instead of the ordinance of baptism. Others have refused the privilege of occasional connmmunion to such as have been known to sit down with Peldobaptists at the Lord's table. Leaving, however, to those to whom it may be more grateful the unwelcome office of exposing the infirmities of their brethren, let me close this subject by one more remark. In addition to all the other reasons for retracing our steps, we may with great propriety allege 138S GBCHRISTIAN COMMUNIODN. the spirit of the times, the genius of the age, distinguished as it is, beyond all former example, by the union of Christians in the promotion of a comim-on cause, and their merging their minor differences in the cultivation of great principles and the pursuit of great objects. Instead of confininog themselves, each to the defence of his own citadel, they are sallving forth in all directions, in order to make a powertful and cornbined attack on the kingdom of darkness. The church of Christ, no longer the scene of intestine warfare among the several denominations:lnto which it is Cantoned and divided, presents the image of a great empire, composed of distant but not hostile provinces, prepared to send forth its combatants, at the command of its invisible sovereign, to in vade the dominions of Satan and subdue the nations of the earth. The weapons of its warfare have already made themselves felt in the East and in the West; and wherever its banner is unfurled, it gathers..aiund. it, without distinction of name or sect, 6" the called, the chosen tile faithful," who, at the heart-thrilling voice of baim whose "6 vesture is dipped in blood,"' and who goes forth'6 conquering and to conquer," rush to the field, unmindful of every distinction but that of his friends and foes, and too eager for the combat to ask any other question than 66 Who is on the Lord's side? Who?" And is it possible, after mingling thus their counsels, their efforts, their prayers, and standing side by.ide in the thickest of the conflict, in coming up 66 to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty," for them to turn their backs on each other, and refuse to unite at that table which is covered with the memorials of his love and the fruits of his victory? NPo. As we hope when the warfare of time is accomplished, and these mortal tabernacles inl which it is performed shall be dissolved, to celebrate a never-endinog feast with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and the whole army of the faithful of every age, from every clime, and from every tongue, let us begin by feasting together here, to present a specimen of that harmony and love which are at once the element and the ca.rnest cf eternal felici tyy ARTICLES PUBLISHED IN THE ECLECTIC REVIEW. REVIEW OF FOSTER'S ESSAYS. Essay s, in a Series of Letters, on the following Subjects:-On a Man's writin~ Memoirs of Himself; On Decision of Character; On the Application of the Epithet Romantic; On some of the Causes by which Evangelical Religion has been rendered less acceptable to Persons of cultivated Ta.cte. By JOHN FOSTER. 2 vols. 12mo. 1805. I vol. 8vo. pp. 458. Seventh Edition, 1823. THE authors who have written on human nature may be properly distinguished into two classes, the metaphysical and the popular. The former contemplate man in the abstract; and, neglecting the different shades of character and peculiarities of temper by which mankind are diversified, confine their attention to those fundamental principles which pervade the whole species. In attempting to explore the secrets of mental organization, they assume nothing more for a basis than a mere susceptibility of impression, whence they labour to deduce the multi. plied powers of the human mind. The light in which they choose to consider man in their researches is not that of a being possessed already of the exercise of reason and agitated by various sentiments and passions, but simply as capable of acquiring them; and their object is, by an accurate investigation of the laws which regulate the connexion of the mind with the external universe, to discover in what manner they are actually acquired. They endeavour to trace back every mental appearance to its source. Considering the powers and principles of the mind as a complicated piece of machinery, they attempt to discover the primum mobile, or, in other words, that primary law, that ultimate fact which is sufficiently comprehensive to account for every other movement. This attention to the internal operations of the mind, with a view to analyze its principles, is one of the distinctions of modern times. Among the ancients scarcely any thing of this sort was known. Comprehensive theories and subtile disquisitions are not unfrequent in their writings; but they are chiefly employed for the illustration of different modes of virtue and the establishment of different ideas of the supreme good. Their most abstracted speculations had almost always a practical tendency. The schoolmen, indeed, were deeply immersed 234 REVIEW OF in metaphysical speculations. They fatigued their readers in the pur suit of endless abstractions and distinctions; but the design, even of these writers, seems rather to have been accurately to arrange and define the objects of thought than to explore the mental faculties themselves. The nature of particular and universal ideas, time, space, infinity, together with the mode of existence to be ascribed to the Supreme Being, chiefly engaged the attention of the mightiest minds in the middle ages. Acute in the highest degree, and endued with a wonderful patience of thinking, they yet, by a mistaken direction of their powers, wasted themselves in endless logomachies, and displayed more of a teasing subtlety than of philosophical depth. They chose rather to strike into the dark and intricate by-paths of metaphysical science than to pursue a career of useful discovery: and as their disquisitions were neither adorned by taste nor reared on a basis of extensive knowledge, they gradually fell into neglect when juster views in philosophy made their appearance. Still they will remain a mighty monument of the utmost which the mind of man can accomplish in the field of abstraction. If the metaphysician does not find in the schoolmen the. materials of his work, he will perceive the study of their writings to be of excellent benefit in sharpening his tools. They will aid his acuteness, though they may fail to enlarge his knowledge. When the inductive and experimental philosophy recommended by Bacon had, in the hands of Boyle and Newton, led to such brilliant discoveries in the investigation of matter, an attempt was soon made to transfer the same method of proceeding to the mind. Hobbes, a man justly infamous for his impiety, but of extraordinary penetration, first set the example; which was not long after followed by Locke, who was more indebted to his predecessor than he had the candour to acknowledge. His celebrated Essay has been generally considered as the established code of metaphysics. The opinions and discoveries of this great man have since been enriched by large accessions, and, on some points corrected and amended by the labours of Berkeley, HIume, Reid, and a multitude of other writers. Still there seems to be a principle of mortality inherent in metaphysical science, which sooner or later impairs the reputation of its most distinguished adepts. It is a circumstance worthy of remark, that there has never been a reputation of this kind which has continued with undiminished lustre through the revolutions of a century. The fame of Locke is visibly on the decline; the speculations of Malebranche are scarcely heard of in France; and Kant, the greatest metaphysical name on the continent. sways a doubtful sceptre amid a host of opponents. It is not our intention to inquire at large into the reason of the transitory fame acquired by this class of writers. Whether it be that the science itself rests on a precarious foundation; that its discoveries can never be brought to a decisive test; that it is too remote from the business of life to be generally interesting; that it does not compensate by its use for its defects in the fascinations of pleasure; and that it is not, like the intricacies of law, interwoven with the institutions of society: the fact itself is unquestionable. He who aspires to a reputation that shall FOSTER'S ESSAYS. 235 survive the vicissitudes of opinion and of time, must think of some othei character than that of a metaphysician. Grand and imposing in its appearance, it seems to lay claim to uni versal empire, and to supply the measures and the criteria of all othei knowledge; but it resembles in its progress the conquests of a Sesostris and a Bacchus, who overran kingdoms and provinces with ease, bul made no permanent settlements, and soon left no trace of their achievements. The case is very different with the popular writers, who, without attempting to form a theory or to trace their first elements, the vast assemblage of passions and principles which enter into the composition of man, are satisfied with describing him as he is. These writers exhibit characters, paint manners, and display human nature in those natural and affecting lights under which it will always appear to the eye of an acute and feeling observer. Without staying to inquire why it is that men think, feel, reason, remember, —are attracted by some objects or repelled by others, —they take them as they are, and delineate the infinitely various modifications and appearances assumed by our essential nature. From the general mass of human passions and manners they detach such portions as they suppose will admit of the most beautiful illustrations, or afford the most instructive lessons. Next to a habit of self-reflection, accompanied with an attentive survey of real life, writers of this kind are the best guides in the acquisition of that most important branch of knowledge, an acquaintance with mankind. As they profess to consider human nature under some particular aspect, their views are necessarily more limited than those of metaphysical writers; but if they are less extensive, they are more certain; if they occupy less ground, they cultivate it better. In the language of Bacon, " they come home to men's business and bosom." As they aim at the delineation of living nature, they can never deviate far from truth and reality without becoming ridiculous; while for the fidelity of their representations they appeal to the common sense of mankind, the dictates of which they do little more than imbody and adorn. The system of Locke or of Hartley, it is possible to conceive, may be exploded by the prevalence of a different theory; but it is absurd to suppose that the remarks on life and manners contained in the writings of Addison or of Johnson can ever be discredited by a future moralist. In the formation of a theory, more especially in matters so subtile and complicated as those which relate to the mind, the sources of error are various. When a chain of reasoning consists of many links, a failure of connexion in any part will produce a mass of error in the result, proportioned to the length to which it is extended. In a complicated combination, if the enumeration of particulars in the outset is not complete, the mistake is progressive and incurable. In the ideal philosophy of Locke, for example, if the sources of sensation are not sufficiently explored, or if there be, as some of the profoundest thinkers have suspected, other sources of ideas than those of sensation, the greater part of his system falls to the ground. The popular writers of whom we have been speaking are not exposed to such dangers. It is possible, 236 REVIEW OF indeed, that many particular views may be erroneous; but as their attention is continually turned to living nature, provided they be possessed of competent talents, their general delineations cannot fail of being distinguished by fidelity and truth. While a few speculative men amuse themselves with discussing the comparative merits of different metaphysical systems, these are the writers whose sentiments, conveyed through innumerable channels, form the spirit of the age; nor is it to be doubted that the Spectator and the Rambler have imparted a stronger impulse to the public mind than all the metaphysical systems in the world. On this account we are highly gratified when we meet with a writer who, to a vein of profound and original thought, together with just views of religion and of morals, joins the talent of recom. mending his ideas by the graces of imagination and the powers of eloquence. Such a writer we have the happiness of reviewing at present. Mr. Foster's name is probably new to most of our readers; but if we may judge from the production before us, he cannot long be concealed from the notice and applause of the literary world. In an age of mediocrity, when the writing of books has become almost a mechanical art, and a familiar acquaintance with the best models has diffused taste and diminished genius, it is impossible to peruse an author who displays so great original powers without a degree of surprise. We are ready to inquire by what peculiar felicity he was enabled to desert the trammels of custom, to break the spell by which others feel themselves bound, and to maintain a career so perfectly uncontrolled and independent. A cast of thought original and sublime, an unlimited command of imagery, a style varied, vigorous, and bold, are some of the distinguishing features of these very singular essays. We add with peculiar satisfaction, that they breathe the spirit of piety and benevolence, and bear the most evident indications of a heart deeply attached to scriptural truths. Though Mr. F. has thought fit to give to his work the title of " Essays, in a Series of Letters," the reader must not expect any thing in the epistolary style. They were written, the author informs us, in letters to a friend, but with a view to publication; and in their distinct development of a subject and fulness of illustration, they resemble regular dissertations rather than familiar epistles. We could have wished, indeed, that he had suppressed the title of Letters, as it may excite in the reader an expectation of colloquial ease and grace, which will not be gratified in the perusal. A little attention to this circumstance, though it might have impaired the regularity of their method, would have rendered them more fascinating. The subjects appear to us well chosen, sufficiently uncommon to afford scope for original remarks, and important enough to call forth the exertions of the strongest powers. They are the following: 1. On a Man's writing Memoirs of himself; 2. On Decision of Character; 3. On the Application of the Epithet Romantic; 4. On some of the Causes by which Evangelical Religion has been rendered less acceptable to Persons of cultivated Taste. We shall endeavour to give our readers an idea of the general design of each of these essays; and to enable them, by a few extracts, to judge of the marnner in which that design is executed FOSTER'S ESSAYS. 237 In the first essay, the author expatiates at large on the influence of external events in the formation of character. This influence he traces to four sources:-instruction, companionship, reading, and attention to the state and manners of mankind. Among the many objects calculated to form the character and impress the heart, Mr. F. enumerates natural scenery; at the same time deploring that want of fancy and sensibility which often renders it productive of so little effect. The passage in which he adverts to this subject is so beautiful, that we cannot prevail on ourselves to withhold it from the reader. He will see at once that the writer has viewed nature with the eye of a poet, and has deeply imbibed the delicious enchantment which he so eloquently describes. "I It might be supposed that the scenes of nature, an amazing assem blage of phenomena, if their effect were not lost through familiarity, would have a powerful influence on all opening minds, and transfuse into the internal economy of ideas and sentiment something of a character and a colour correspondent to the beauty, vicissitude, and grandeur which continually press on the senses. On minds of genius they often have this effect; and Beattie's MIinstrel may. be as just as it is a fascinating description of such a spirit. But on the greatest number this influence operates feebly; you will not see the process in children, nor the result in mature persons. The charms of nature are objects only of sight and hearing, not of sensibility and imagination; and even the sight and hearing do not receive impressions sufficiently distinct or forcible for clear recollection; it is not, therefore, strange that these impressions seldom go so much deeper than the senses as to awaken pensiveness or enthusiasm, and fill the mind with an interior permanent scenery of beautiful images at its own command. This defect of fancy and sensibility is unfortunate amid a creation infinitely rich with grand and beautiful objects, which, imparting something more than images to a mind adapted and habituated to converse with nature, inspire an exquisite sentiment that seems like the emanation of a spirit residing in them. It is unfortunate, I have thought within these few minutes, while looking out on one of the most enchanting nights of the most interesting season of the year, and hearing the voices of a company of persons, to whom I can perceive that this soft and solemn shade over the earth, the calm sky, the beautiful stripes of cloud, the stars, and waning moon just risen, are things not in the least more interesting than the walls, ceiling, and casdlelight of a room." —Vol. I. pp. 26, 27. Pp. 22, 23, Seventh Edition. Towards the close of the essay, in tracing the steps by which some have arrived at the last stage of daring impiety, the denial of a God, the author evinces, in a masterly manner, the presumption of the atheist, and places the extreme absurdity of pretending to demonstrate the non-existence of a Deity in a light in which we do not remember to have seen it exhibited. Speaking of a pretended heroism attached to atheistic impiety, he adds:," But, indeed, it is heroism no longer, if he knows that there is no GCod. The wonder then turns on the great process by which a man 238 REVIEW OF could grow to the immense intelligence that can know that there is no God. What ages and what lights are requisite for THIS attainment! This intelligence involves the very attributes of divinity, while a God is denied. For, unless this man is omnipresent, unless he is at this moment in every place in the universe, he cannot know but there may be in some place manifestations of a Deity by which even he would be overpowered. If he does not know absolutely every agent in the universe, the one that he does not know may be God. If he is inot himself the chief agent in the universe, and does not know what is so, that which is so may be God. If he is not in absolute possession of all the propositions that constitute universal truth, the one which he wants may be that there is a God. If he cannot with certainty assign the cause of all that exists, that cause may be a God. If he does not know every thing that has been done in the immeasurable ages that are past, some things may have been done by a God. Thus, unless he knows all things, that is, precludes another Deity, by being one himself, he cannot know that the Being whose existence he rejects does not exist. But he must know that he does not exist, else he deserves equal contempt and compassion for the temerity with which he firmly avows his rejection, and acts accordingly." -Vol. I. pp. 60-62. Pp. 48, 49, Seventh Edition. The next essay, On Decision of Character, appears to us superior to the former. The subject is pursued with greater regularity, the conceptions are more profound, and the style is more chaste and classical. After placing in strong contrast the features of a decisive and of an irresolute character, he proceeds to analyze the elements of which the former is composed. Among these, he assigns the first place to a firm confidence in our own judgment; which, he justly observes, notwithstanding the general disposition of mankind to overrate their powers, is no common attainment. With those who are most disposed to think highly of their own abilities, it is common, when they arrive at the moment of action, to distrust their judgment; and, as the author beautifully expresses it, " their mind seems all at once placed in a misty vacuity, where it reaches round on all sides, and finds nothing to lay hold of." The next ingredient essential to decision of character is a state of cogent feeling, an intense ardour of mind, precluding indifference and delay. In addition to these qualities, courage is required, without which, it is obvious that resolutions the most maturely formed, are liable to vanish at the first breath of opposition. In the remaining part of the essay, Mr. F. illustrates the influence of several circumstances of an external nature, which tend to form or to augment the quality of which he has been treating. The principal of these are opposition, desertion, and success. It would prolong this article too much to attempt to follow the author in these particulars: suffice it to remark, that under each of them will be found many just and important observations. He concludes with briefly recommending a discipline conducive to the attainment of a decisive character. He particularly insists on the propriety of inuring the mind to a habit of reasoning; and that not in FOSTER'S ESSAYS. 239 a superficial and desultory manner, but by steadily following the train till we reach a legitimate conclusion. We cannot dismiss this part of the work without presenting out readers with an extract from the character of Howard, whose virtues have been emblazoned by the gorgeous eloquence of Burke; but we are mistaken if they have ever been painted in a more masterly manner than in the following portrait: — " Ill this distinction (decision) no man ever exceeded, for instance, or ever will exceed, the late illustrious Howard. The energy of his determination was so great, that if, instead of being habitual, it had been shown only for a short time on particular occasions, it would have appeared a vehement impetuosity; but by being unintermitted it had an equability of manner, which scarcely appeared to exceed the tone of a calm constancy, it was so totally the reverse of any thing like turbulence or agitation. It was the calmness of all intensity, kept uniform by the nature of the human mind forbidding it to be more, and by the character of the individual forbidding it to be less. The habitual passion of his mind was a measure of feeling almost equal to the temporary extremes and paroxysms of common minds: as a great river in its customary state is equal to a small or moderate one when swollen toga torrent. The moment of finishing his plans in deliberation, and commencing them in action, was the same. I wonder what qnust have been the amount of that bribe, in emolument or pleasure, that would have detained him a week inactive after their final adjustment. The law which carries water down a declivity was not more unconquerable and invariable than the determination of his feelings towards the main object. The importance of this object held his faculties in a state of excitement which was too rigid to be affected by lighter interests, and on which, therefore, the beauties of nature and of art had no power. He had no leisure feeling which he could spare, to be diverted among the innumerable varieties of the extensive scene which he traversed; all his subordinate feelings lost their separate existence and operation, by falling into the grand one. There have not been wanting trivial minds to mark this as a fault in his character But the mere men of taste ought to be silent respecting such a man as Howard; he is above their sphere of judgment. The invisible spirits who fulfil their commission of philanthropy among mortals do not care about pictures, statues, and sumptuous buildings; and no more did he, when the time in which he must have inspected and admired them Would have been taken from the work to which he had consecrated his life.* The curiosity which he might feel was reduced to wait till the hour should arrive when its gratification should be presented by conscience, which kept a scrupulous charge of all his time, as the most sacred duty of that hour. If he was still at every hour, when it came, fated to feel the at ractions of the fine arts but the second claim, they might be sure of their revenge; for no other man * Mr. Howard, however, was not destitute of taste for the fine arts. His house at Cardington was better filled with paintings and drawings than any other, on a smallt scale, that we ever saw — Rev. 240 REVIEW OF will ever visit Rome under such a despotic consciousness of duty, as.o retuse himself time for surveying the magnificence of its ruins. Such a sin against taste is very far beyond the reach of common saintship to ommit. It implied an inconceivable severity of conviction that he had one thing to do; and that he who would do some great thing in this short life must apply himself to the work with such a concentration of his forces, as, to idle spectators, who live only to amuse themselves, looks like insanity. His attention was so strongly and tenaciously fixed on his object, that, even at the greatest distance, as the Egyptian Pyramids to travellers, it appeared to him with a luminous distinctness as if it were nigh, and beguiled the toilsome length of labout and enterprise by which he was to reach it. It was so conspicuous before him, that not a step deviated from the direction, and every movement and every day was an approximation. As his method referred every thing he did and thought to the end, and as his exertion did not relax for a moment, he made the trial, so seldom made-what is the utmost effect which may be granted to the last possible efforts of a human agent; and, therefore, what he did not accomplish, he might conclude to be placed beyond the sphere of mortal activity, and calmvy leave to the immediate disposal of Providence."-Pp. 156tCO0. Pp. 125-128, Seventh Edition. We have one remark to make before we conclude our review of this essay. We are a little apprehensive that the glowing colours in which the imagination of Mr. F. has painted-an unyielding constancy of mind, may tend to seduce some of his readers into an intemperate admiration of that quality, without duly distinguishing the object to which it is directed, and the motives by which it is sustained. We give oui author full credit for the purity of his principles; we are firmly persuaded that he is not to be classed among the impious idolaters of mental energy. But we could wish that he had more fully admonished his readers to regard resolution of character not as a virtue so much as the means of virtue-a mere instrument, that owes its value entirely to the purpose to which it is employed; and that wherever nature has conferred it, an additional obligation is imposed of purifying the principles and regulating the heart. It might at first view be thought impossible, as Mr. F. intimates, that men should be found who are as resolute in the prosecution of criminal enterprises as they could be supposed to be in the pursuit of the most virtuous objects. It is surely a melancholy proof of something wrong in the constitution of human nature, that a quality so important as that of energetic decision is so little under the regulation of principle; that constancy is so much more frequently to be seen in what is wrong than in what is right; and, in fine, that the world can boast so many more heroes than the church. In the third essay, On the Application of the Epithet Romantic, Mr. Foster takes occasion to expose the eagerness with which terms of censure are adopted by men who, instead of calmly weighing the merits of an undertaking or a character, think it sufficient to express their antipathy by some opprobrious appellation. The epithet romante FOSTER'S ESSAYS. 241 nolds a distinguished place in the vocabulary of contempt. If a scheme of action which it requires much benevolence to conceive and much vigour to execute be proposed, by many it will be thought completely exploded when they have branded it with the appellation of romantic. Thus selfishness and indolence, arraying themselves in the garb of wisdom, assume the pride of superiority when they ought to feel the humiliation of guilt. To imitate the highest examples, to do good in ways not usual to the same rank of life, to make great exertions and sacrifices in the cause of religion and with a view to eternal happiness, to determine without delay to reduce to practice whatever we applaud in theory, are modes of conduct which the world will generally condemn as romantic, but which this author shows to be founded on the highest reason. In unfolding the true idea of the romantic, as applicable to a train of sentiments or course of conduct, he ascribes whatever may be justly so denominated to the predominance of the imagination over the other powers. He points out the symptoms of this disease as apparent-in the expectation of a peculiar destiny, while the fancy paints to itself scenes of unexampled felicity,-in overlooking the relation which subsists between ends and means,-in counting upon casualties instead of contemplating the stated order of events,-and in hoping to realize the most momentous projects without any means at all, or by means totally inadequate to the effect. Some of the illustrations which the author introduces on this part of his subject are peculiarly happy. We are delighted to find him treating with poignant ridicule those superficial pretenders who, without disavowing any dependence on divine *agency, hope to reform the world and to bring back a paradisiacal state by the mere force of moral instruction. For the prospect of the general prevalence of virtue and, happiness we are indebted to revelation. We have no reason to suppose the minds of our modern infidels sufficiently elevated to have thought of the cessation of wars and the universal diffusion of peace and love, but for the information which they have obtained from the Scriptures. From these they derive the doctrine of a Millennium; and they have received it as they have done every thing else, only to corrupt it: for, exploding all the means by which the Scriptures have taught us to expect the completion of this event, they rely merely on the resources of reason and philosophy. They impiously deck themselves with the spoils of revelation, and take occasion from the hopes and prospects which she alone supplies, to deride her assistance and to idolize the powers of human nature. That Being who planted Christianity by miraculous interposition, and by the effusion of his Spirit produced such effects in the hearts of millions as afford a specimen and a pledge of an entire renovation, has also assured us that violence and injustice shall cease, and that none shall hurt or destroy in all his holy mountain, because the earth shall be full of the knowledge of God. But it seems revelation is to have no concern in this work; philosophy is to effect every thing; and we are to look to the Political Justice of Godwin and the Moral Code of Volney for that which Christians were so weak as to expect at the hand of Deity. VoL. II.-Q 242 REVIEW OF The conclusion which our author draws from the insufficiency of mere human agency to effect that great renovation in the character and condition of men which revelation teaches us to expect, is most just and consolatory. We should have been happy to transcribe the passage; but lest we should exceed our limits, we refer our readers to vol. II. pp. 87, 88. Pp. 244-247, Seventh Edition. The last essay in these volumes attempts to assign some of the causes that have rendered evangelical religion less acceptable to persons of cul irvated taste. This essay is the most elaborate. Aware of the delicacy and difficulty of his subject, the author seems to have summoned all the powers of his mind, to enable him to grasp it in all its extent, and to present it in all its force and beauty. This essay is itself sufficient, in our opinion, to procure the author a brilliant and lasting reputation. It is proper to remind our readers, that in tracing the causes which have tended to produce in men of taste an aversion to evangelical religion, Mr. F. avowedly confines himself to those which are of a subordinate class, while he fully admits the primary cause to be that inherent corruption of nature which renders men strongly indisposed to any communication from heaven. We could, lowever, have wished that he had insisted on this more largely. The Scriptures ascribe the rejection of the gospel to one general principle: the natural man receiveth not the things of God, neither can he know titem, because they are spiritually discerned. The peculiar doctrines of Christianity are distinguished by a spirit irreconcilably at variance with that of the world. The deep repentance it enjoins strikes at the pride and levity of the human heartm The mystery of an incarnate and crucified Saviouz must necessarily confound the reason and shock the prejudices of a mind which will admit nothing that it cannot perfectly reduce to the principles of philosophy. The whole tenor of the life of Christ, the objects he pursued, and the profound humiliation he exhibited, must convict of madness and folly the favourite pursuits of mankind. The virtues usually practised in society, and the models of excellence most admired there, are so remote from that holiness which is enjoined in the New Testament, that it is impossible for a taste which is formed on the one to perceive the charms of the other. The happiness which it proposes in a union with God and a participation of the image of Christ, is so far from being congenial to the inclinations of worldly men, that it can scarcely be mentioned without exciting their ridicule and scorn. General speculations on the Deity have much to amuse the mind and to gratify that appetite for the wonderful which thoughtful and speculative men are delighted to indulge. Religion, viewed in this light, appears more in the form. of an exercise to the understanding than a law to the heart. Here the soul expatiates at. large. without feeling itself controlled or alarmed. But when evangelical truths are presented, they bring God so near, if we may be allowed the expression, and speak with so commanding a voice to the conscience, that they leave no alternative but that of submissive acquiescence or proud revolt. As men of taste are for the most part men of the world, not FOSTER'S ESSAYS. 243 at all distinguished from others by a. greater familiarity with religious ideas, these observations are applicable to them in their utmost extent. Though we thought it fight to suggest these hints, we wish not to be understood to convey any censure on Mr. F. for confining his attention principally to other topics. In discussing more fully and profoundly some of the subordinate causes which have come in aid of the primary one, to render men of cultivated taste averse to evangelical piety, we think he has rendered an important service to the public. The first cause he assigns is that of its being the religion of many weak and uncultivated minds; in consequence of which it becomes inseparably associated in the conceptions of many with the intellectual poverty of its disciples, so as to wear a mean and degraded aspect. We regret that we cannot follow the author in his illustration of this topic. We must be content with observing, that he has exposed the weakness of this prejudice in a most masterly and triumphant manner. The second cause which the author assigns as having had, in his opinion, a considerable influence in prejudicing elegant and cultivated minds against evangelical piety, is the peculiarity of language adopted in the discourses and books of its teachers, the want of a more classical form of diction, and the profusion of words and phrases which are of a technical and systematical cast. We are inclined to think, with Mr. F., that the cause of religion has suffered considerably from the circumstance here mentioned. The superabundance of phrases appropriated by some pious authors to the subject of religion, and never applied to any other purpose, has not only the effect of disgusting persons of taste, but of obscuring religion itself. As they are seldom defined, and never exchanged for equivalent words, they pass current without being understood. They are not the vehicle, they are the substitute of thought. A.mong a certain description of Christians, they become by degrees to be regarded with a mystic awe, insomuch that if a writer expressed the very same ideas in different phrases he would be condemlned as a heretic. To quit the magical circle of words, in which many Christians suffer themselves to be confined, excites as great a clamour as the boldest innovation in sentiment. Controversies which have been agitated with much warmth might often have been amicably adjusted, or even finally decided, could the respective partisans have been prevailed on to lay aside their predilection for phrases, and honestly resolve to examine their real import. In defiance of the dictates of candour and good sense, these have been obstinately retained, and have usually been the refuge of ignorance, the apple of discord, and the watchwords of religious hostility. In some instances the evil which we lament has sprung from a more amiable cause. The force and solemnity of devotional feelings are such, that they seem to consecrate every thing with which they have been connected; and as the bulk of pious people have received their religious impressions from teachers more distinguished for their simplicity and zeal than for comprehension of mind and copiousness of language, they learn to annex an idea of sanctity to that set of phrases with which they have been most familiar. These Q2 244 REVIEW OF become the current language of religion, to which subsequent writers conform, partly perhaps from indolence, and partly from the fear of offending their brethren. To these causes we may add the contentious and sectarian spirit o; modern times, which has taught the different parties of Christians to look on one another with an unnatural horror, to apprehend contamination from the very phrases employed by each other, and to invent, each for itself, a dialect as narrow and exclusive as their whimsical singularities. But while we concur in the main with Mr. F. on this subject, we are disposed to think that he has carried his representations too far, both with respect to the magnitude of the abuse itself, and the probable advantages which would ensue on its removal. The repugnance of the human mind in its unenlightened state to the peculiarities of the Christian doctrine is such, that we have little hope of its yielding to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely. Till it is touched and humbled by grace, we are apprehensive that it will retain its aversion, and not suffer itself to be cheated into an approbation of the gospel by any artifice of words. Exhibit'evangelical religion in what colours you will, the worldly-minded and the careless will shrink from the obtrusion of unwelcome ideas. Cowper has become, in spite of his religion, a popular poet, but his success has not been such as to make religion popular; nor have the gigantic genius and fame of Milton shielded from the ridicule and contempt of his admirers that system of religion which he beheld with awful adoration. In treating subjects properly theological, we apprehend great caution should be used not to deviate wantonly and unnecessarily from the phraseology of Scripture. The apostle tells us, that in preaching the gospel he did not use the enticing words of man's wisdom, but such words as the Holy Ghost taught him. Wre do not, indeed, contend that in the choice of every particular word or phrase he was immediately inspired; but we think it reasonable to believe that the unction which was on his heart, and the perfect illumination that he possessed, led him to employ such terms in the statement of the mysteries of Christianity as were better adapted than any other to convey their real import, which we are the more inclined to conclude, from observing the sameness of phraseology which pervades the writings of the apostles when they are treating on the same subject. As the truths which the revelation of the New Testament unfolds are perfectly original and transcendently important, it might naturally be expected that the communication of them would give birth to an original cast of phraseology, or, in other words, a steady adherence to certain terms, in order to render the ideas which they conveyed fixed, precise, and unchangeable. In teaching the principles of every science, it is found necessary to select or invent terms which, though originally of a more lax signification. are afterward restricted and confined to one peculiar modification oJ thought, and constitute the technical language of that science. Such terms are always capable of being defined (for mere words convey nothing to the mind); but to substitute a definition in their place would be tedious circumlocution, and to exchange the term itself for a different one would frequently lead to dangerous mistakes. FOSTER'S ESSAYS. 245 In the original elementary parts of a language there are, in truth, few or no synonymes; for what should prompt men, in the early period of literature, to invent a word that neither conveyed any new idea, nor enabled them to present an old one with more force and precision? In the progress of refinement, indeed, regard to copiousness and harmony has enriched language with many exotics, which are merely those words in a foreign language that perfectly correspond to terms in out own; as Celicity for happiness, celestial for heavenly, and a multitude of others. Since, then, the nature of language is such that no two terms are exactly of the same force and import (except in the case last mentioned), we cannot but apprehend that dangerous consequences would result from a studied attempt to vary from the standard phraseology where the statement of doctrines is concerned, and that by changing the terms the ideas themselves might be changed or mutilated. In teaching a religion designed for the use and benefit of all mankind, it is certainly desirable that the technical words, the words employed in a peculiar and appropriate sense, should be few: but to fix and perpetuate the ideas, and to preserve the faith once delivered to the saints from the caprices of fancy and the dangers of innovation, it seems necessary that there should be some. We are inclined to think, that in inculcating Christian morality, and in appeals and addresses to the heart, a much greater latitude may be safely indulged than in the statement of peculiar doctrines; and that a more bold and varied diction, with a wider range of illustration and allusion than is usually employed, would often be attended with the happiest effect. Mr. Foster has given, in many parts of these volumes, beautiful specimens of what we intend. With respect to the copious use of Scripture language, which Mr. F. condemns (in our opinion with too much severity) as giving an uncouth and barbarous air to theological books, we prefer a middle course; without applauding the excess to which it is carried by many pious writers, on the one hand, or wishing it to be kept so entirely apart as Mr. F. contends, on the other. To say nothing of the inimitable beauties of the Bible, considered in a literary view, which are universally acknowledged, it is the book which every devout man is accustomed to consult as the oracle of God; it is the companion of his best moments, and the vehicle of his strongest consolations. Intimately associated in his mind with every thing dear and valuable, its diction more powerfully excites devotional feelings than any other; and when temperately and soberly used, imparts an unction to a religious discourse which nothing else can supply. Besides, is there not room to apprehend that a studied avoidance of the Scripture phraseology, and a care to express all that it is supposed to contain in the forms of classical diction, might ultimately lead to a neglect of the Scriptures themselves, and a habit of substituting flashy and superficial declamation, in the room of the saving truths of the gospel? Such an apprehension is but too much verified by the most celebrated sermons of the French; and still more by some modern compositions in our own lanrtmage, which usurp that title. For devotional impression, we 246 REVIEW OF conceive that a very considerable tincture of the language of Scripture, or at least such a colouring as shall discover an intimate acquaintance with those inimitable models, will generally succeed best. It is impossible to establish a universal rule, since different methods are equally adapted to different purposes; and therefore we are willing to allowr, with Mr. F., that where the fashionable and the gay are addressed, and the prejudices arising from a false refinement are to be conciliated, whatever in the diction might repel by an appearance of singularity should be carefully shunned. Accordingly, we equally admire, in The Rise and Proress of Religion, by Dr. Doddridge, and in The Rural Ph/ilosophy of Mr. Bates, the dexterity with which these excellent writers have suited their composition to their respective classes of readers. On the whole, let it once for all be remembered, that men of taste form a very small part of the community, of no greater consequence in the eyes of their Creator than others; that the end of all religious discourse is the salvation of souls; and that to a mind which justly estimates the weight of eternal things, it will appear a greater honour to have converted a sinner from the error of his way, than to have wielded the thunder of a Demosthenes, or to have kindled the flame of a Cicero. We hasten to close this article, by making a few observations on the last cause which our author has assigned for the general distaste that persons of polite and elegant attainments usually discover towards evangelical religion. This is, the neglect and contempt with which it has been almost constantly treated by our fine writers; of whose delinquency, in this respect, the author takes a wide and extensive survey, exposing their criminality with a force of eloquence that has perhaps never before been exerted on this subject. Though his attention is chiefly directed to the influence of modern literature, yet, as the writings of the ancients, and especially of the poets, have had a powerful operation in forming the taste and sentiments of succeeding generations, he has extended his notice to these, and has made some most striking animadversions on the ancient authors of the epopmia, and particularly on Homer. We must do justice to his intrepidity in venturing to attack the idol of all classical scholars; nor can he have failed to foresee the manner in which it will be attempted to be repelled. They will remind him, that the lawfulness of defensive war has seldom been called in question; that the one in iwhich Homer's heroes were engaged was not only just, but meritorious, being undertaken to avenge a most signal affront and injury; that no subject could be more suited to the epic muse, either on account of its magnitude or the deep interest it excited; that having chosen it, the poet is to be commended for throwing into it all the fire of which it was susceptible; that to cherish in the breasts of youth a gallant and warlike spirit is the surest defence of nations; and that this spirit, under proper regulations, constitutes that OUv,.EolIS which Plato extols so highly in his republic, as the basis of a manly, heroic character. This, and much more than this, will be said: but when our Grecians have spent all their arrows, it will still remain an FOSTER'S ESSAYS. 247 incontestable fact, that an enthusiastic admiration of the Iliad of Homer is but a bad preparation for relishing the beauties of the New Testament. What then is to be done? Shall we abandon the classics, and devote ourselves solely to the perusal of modern writers, where the maxims inculcated and the principles taught are little, if at all, more in unison with those of Christianity?-a fact which Mr. F. acknowledges and deplores. While things continue as they are, we are apprehensive, therefore, that we should gain nothing by neglecting the unrivalled productions of genius left us by the ancients, but a deterioration of taste, without any improvement in religion. The evil is not to be corrected by any partial innovation of this kind. Until a more Christian spirit pervades the world, we are inclined to think that the study of the classics is, on the whole, advantageous to public morals, by inspiring an elegance of sentiment and an elevation of soul which we should in vain seek for elsewhere. The total inattention of the great majority of our fine writers to all the distinguishing features of the religion they profess, affords a most melancholy reflection. It has no doubt excited the notice of many, and has been deeply lamented; but it has never been placed in a light so serious and affecting as in the volumes before us. In the observations which our author makes on the Essay on Man, we are delighted and surprised to find at once so much philosophical truth and poetical beauty. His critique on the writings of Addison and Johnson evinces deep penetration; and as respects the former, is uncommonly impres sive and important. We take our leave of this work with sincere reluctance. For the length to which we have extended our review, the subject must be our apology. It has fared with us as with a traveller who passes through an enchanting co retry, where he meets with so many beautiful views and so many strikhi'g objects which he is loath to quit, that he loiters till the shades of.he evening insensibly fall upon him. We are far, however, from recommending these volumes as faultless. Mr. F.'s work is rather an example of the power of genius than a specimen of finished composition: it lies open in many points to the censure of those minor critics.who, by the observation of a few technical rules, may easily avoid its faults without reaching one of its beauties. The author has paid too little attention to the construction of his sentences. They are for the most part too long, sometimes involved in perplexity, and often loaded with redundances. They have too much of the looseness of an harangue and too little of the compact elegance of regular cornposition. An occasional obscurity pervades some parts of the work. The mind of the writer seems at times to struggle with conceptions too mighty for his grasp, and to present confused masses, rather than distinct delineations of thought. This, however, is to be imputed to the originality, not the weakness of his powers. The scale on which he thinks is so vast, and the excursions of his imagination are so extended, that they frequently carry him into the most unbeaten track, and among objects where a ray of light glances in an angle only, without diffusing tself over the whole. On ordinary topics his conceptions are luminous 248 REVIEW OF FOSTER'S ESSAYS. in the highest degree. He places the idea which he wishes to present in such a flood of light, that it is not merely visible itself, but it seems to illumine all around it. He paints metaphysics, and has the happy art of arraying what in other hands would appear cold and comfortless abstractions, in the warmest colours of fancy. Without the least affectation of frivolous ornaments, without quitting his argument in pursuit of imagery, his imagination becomes the perfect handmaid of his reason, ready at every moment to spread her canvass and present her pencil. But what pleases us most, and affords us the highest satisfaction, is to find such talents enlisted on the side of true Christianity; nor can we help indulging a benevolent triumph at the accession of powers to the cause of evangelical piety, which its most distinguished opponents would be proud to possess REVIEW OF CUSTANCE ON THE CONSTITUTION. A concise View of the Constitution of England. By GEORGE CUs. TANCE. Dedicated by permission to William Wilberforce, Esq. M. P. for the County of York. 12mo. pp. 474. Price 6s. bds. Kidder. minster- Gower. London: Longman & Co. Hatchard. 1808 IT were surely to be wished that every man had a competent acquaintance with the laws and constitution of the country to which he belongs. Patriotism is a blind and irrational impulse, unless it is founded on a knowledge of the blessings we are called to secure, and the' privileges we propose to defend. In a tyrannical state it is natural for the ruling power to cherish political ignorance, which can alone reconcile men to the tame surrender of their natural rights. The diffusion of light and knowledge is very unfavourable to ill-founded pretensions of every sort, but to none more than the encroachments of arbitrary power and lawless violence. The more we explore the recesses of a dungeon the less likely are we to be reconciled to take up our residence in it. Blut the venerable fabric of the British constitution, our hereditary mansion, whether it be tried by the criterion of convenience or of beauty ef ancient prescription or of practical utility, will bear the most rigid exanunation; and the more it is contemplated, will be the more admired. The Romans were so conscious of the importance of imparting to the rising generation an early knowledge of their laws and constitution, that the contents of the twelve tables were committed to memory, and formed one of the first elements of public instruction. They were sensible that what lays hold of the mind at so early a period is net only likely to be long remembered, but is almost sure to command veneration and respect. We are not aware that similar attempts have been made to render the British youth acquainted with the principles of our admirable constitution, not inferior surely to that of the Roman republic; a defect in the system of education which the circumstances of the present crisis loudly call upon us to supply. When our existence as an independent nation is threatened, when unexampled sacritices must be made, and perhaps the utmost efforts of patience and of 250 REVIEW OF persevering courage exerted for our preservation, an attachment to that constitution which is the basis of all our prosperity cannot be too zealously promoted, or too deeply felt. It is a just and enlightened estimate of the invaluable blessings that constitution secures, which alone can make us sustain our present burdens without repining, as well as prepare us for greater privations and severer struggles. For this reason we cannot but look upon the performance before us as a most seasonable publication. One cause of the attention of youth being so little directed to our national laws and constitution, in schools, is probably the want of suitable books. We have an abundance of learned and able writers on these subjects, but few, if any, that are quite adapted to the purpose we are now speaking of. Maillar's is a very profound and original work; but it supposes a great deal of previous knowledge, without which it can be scarcely understood, and is in every view better adapted to aid the researches of an antiquary or the speculations of a philosopher than to answer the end of an elementary treatise. De Lolme's performance may be deemed more suitable; yet, able and ingenious as it is, it labours uhder some essential deficiencies, considered in the light of an elementary work. There is in it a spirit of refined speculation, an eagerness to detect and display latent, unthought-of excellences in the frame of government, which is very remote from the simplicity requisite in the'lessons of youth. Of Blackstone's Commentaries it would be presumptuous in us to attempt an eulogium, after Sir William Jones has pronounced it to be the most beautiful outline that was ever given of any science. Nothing can exceed the luminous arrangement, the vast comprehension, and, we may venture to add from the best authorities, the legal accuracy of this wonderful performance, which in style and composition is distinguished by an unaffected grace,:a majestic simplicity, which can only be eclipsed by the splendour of ItS higher qualities. Admirable, however, as these commentaries are, it is obvious that they are much too voluminous and elaborate to answer the purpose of an introduction to the study of the English constitution. We do, therefore, most sincerely congratulate the public on the appearance of a work which we can safely recommend as well fitted to supply a chasm in our system of public instruction. The book before us is, in every view, well adapted for the instruction of youth: the clear and accurate information it conveys upon a most important subject, and the truly Christian tincture of its maxims and principles, are well calculated to enlarge the understanding and improve the heart. We beg leave particularly to recommuend it to the attention of schools, in which we conceive a general acquaintance with the laws and constitution of the country might be cultivate-& with much advantage, as forming a proper preparation for the active scenes of life. Legal provisions for the security of the best temporal interests of mankind are the result of so much collective wisdom and experience, and are so continually conversant with human affairs, that we know no study more adapted to invigorate the understanding, and at the same time to give a practical turn to its speculations. The close cohesion of its Darts tends to make the mind severely argumentative, CUST'ANCE ON THE CONSTITUTION. 251 while its continual relation to the state of society and its su cessive revolutions fences it on the side of metaphysical abstraction and useless theories. What we look upon (for the reasons already mentioned) to be a most useful and interesting study at all times, we would earnestly recommend as an indispensable duty at the present crisis. Of the merits of the work before us the public may form some judgment, when we inform them that it contains whatever is most interesting to the general reader in Blackstone, together with much useful information derived firom Professor Christian, De Lolme, and various other eminent authors. Some will be ready to accuse the writer of having carried his partiality towards whatever is established too far; nor dare we say the charge is entirely unfounded. We are not disposed, however, to be severe upon him on this account. We wish to see the minds of our youth preoccupied with a strong bias in'avour of our national institutions. We would wish to see them animated by a warm and generous enthusiasm, and to defer the business of detecting faults and exposing imperfections to a future period. Let us only be allowed to remark, that this policy should be temperately employed; lest the mind should suffer a revulsion, and pass,. perhaps rather abruptly, from implicit admiration to the contrary extreme; lest, indignant at having been misled, it substitute general censure for undistinguishing applause. We wish our author had, in common with Blackstone, expressed his disapprobation of the severity of the criminal code. The multiplicity of capital punishments we shall always consider as a reproach to the English nation; though, numerous as they are, they bear no proportion to what they would be, were the law permitted to take its course. The offences deemed capital by the common law are few; the sanguinary complexion of the cr:minal law, as it now stands, has arisen from the iniudiciis tampering of the legislature. To us it appears evident, that th6,;:rtainty of punishment will restrain offenders more than its severity; an(l that when men are tempted to transgress, they do not weigh the emolument they had in view against the penalty awarded by law, but simply the probability of detection and punishment against that of impunity. Let the punishments be moderate, and this will be the most effectual means of rendering them certain. While nothing can exceed the trial by jury, and the dignified impartiality with which justice is administered, we are compelled to look upon the criminal code with very different emotions, and earnestly to wish it were carefully revised, and made more humane, simple, and precise. As little can we concur with the author before us in the defence he sets up of the donation of pensions and sinecures, where there are no pretensions of personal merit or honourable services. Standing quite aloof from party politics, we must affirm, that to whatever extent such a practice exists, exactly in the same proportion is it a source of public calamity and disgrace. To look at it, as our author does, only in a pecuniary view, is to neglect the principal consideration. It is not merely or chiefly as a waste of public money that the granting 252 REVIEW OFs of sinecures and pensions to the undeserving ought to be condemned; the venality and corruption it indicates and produces is its worst feature, and an infallible symptom of a declining state. With these exceptions, we have accompanied the author with almost uninterrupted pleasure, and have been highly gratified with the good sense, the extensive information, and the unaffected piety he displays throughout the work. Though a firm and steady churchman himself, he manifests a truly Christian spirit towards the Protestant dissenters; and so fal from looking with an evil eye on the large toleration they enjoy, that he contemplates with evident satisfaction the laws on which that toleration is founded. Of the style of this work it is but justice to say, that, without aspiring to any high degree of ornament, it is pure, perspicuous, and correct, well suited to the subject on which it is employed. As a fair specimen of Mr. C's manner of thinking, we beg leave to lay before our readers the following just and appropriate remarks on duelling:"Deliberate duelling falls under the head of express malice; and the law of England has justly fixed the crime and punishment of murder upon both the principal and accessaries of this most unchristian practice. Nothing more is necessary with us to check this daring violation of all law, than the same firmness and integrity in the trial of duellists which so eminently distinguish an English jury on all other occasions. "Perhaps it will be asked, What are men of honour to do, if they must not appeal to the pistol and the sword? The answer is obvious: if one gentleman has offended another, he cannot give a more indisputable proof of genuine courage, than by making a frank acknowledgment of his fault, and asking forgiveness of the injured party. On the other hand, if he have received an affront, he ought freely to forgive, as he hopes to be forgiven of God. And if either of the parties aggravate the matter by sending a challenge to fight, the other must not be a partaker of sin, if he would obey God rather than man. " Still it will be said, that a military or naval man, at least, must not decline a challenge, if he would maintain the character of a man of courage. But is it not insulting the loyalty and good sense of the brave defenders of our laws, to imagine that they of all men must violate them to preserve their honour; since the king has expressly forbidden any military man to send a challenge to fight a duel, upon pain of being cashiered, if an officer; and of suffering corporal punishment, if a non-commissioned officer, or private soldier? Nor ought any officer or soldier to upbraid another for refusing a challenge, whom his majesty positively declares he considers as having only acted in obedience to his royal orders; and fully acquits of any disgrace that may be attached to his conduct.* Besides, what necessary connexion is there between the foolhardiness of one who risks the eternal perdi. tion of his neighbour and of himself in an unlawfill combat, and the "' See Articles of War, sec 7." CUSTANCE ON THE CONSTITUTION. 253 patriotic bravery of him who, when duty calls, boldly engages the enemy of his king and country? None will dispute the courage of the excellent Colonel Gardiner, who was slain at the battle of Preston Pans, in the rebellion in 1745. Yet he once refused a challenge, with this dignified remark:' I fear sinning, though I do not fear fighting.'* The fact is, that fighting a duel is so far from being a proof of a man's possessing true courage, that it is an infallible mark of his cowardice. For he is influenced by' the fear of man,' whose praise lie loveth more than the praise of God." * " See Doddridge's Life of Colonel Gardiner, an interesting piece of biography, worthy the terusa! of every officer in the army and navy." REVIEW oF ZEAL WITHOUT INNOVATION. PREFACE TO THE SLCOND EDITION. IT was the opinion of some sincere friends of religion, that a repulbllcation of the following strictures might have its use in certain quarters, where the literary journal in which they first appeared may possibly not have extended. The writer of these remarks has nothing in view but the promotion of Christian charity, the vindication of calumniated innocence, and the counteraction of those insidious arts by which designing men are seeking to advance their personal interest, or those of a party, at the expense of truth and justice. How far the author here animadverted upon falls under this description, must be left to the decision of Pn impartial public. If it be thought that more commendation ought to have. been given in the following strictures to those parts of the work which are confessedly unexceptionable, the writer must be allowed to remark, that the effect of what is good in the performance is entirely defeated by the large infusion of what is of an opposite quality. In appreciating the merits of a writer, the general tendency of his work should be principally regarded, without suffering the edge of censure to be abated by such a mixture of truth as only serves to give a safer and wider circulation to misrepresentation and falsehood. It has been deemed a capital omission in the following critique, that ~'no notice is taken of the author's illiberal treatment of the puritans. This omission arose partly from a wish to avoid prolixity,.and partly from an apprehension it would lead to a discussion not perfectly relevant to the matter in hand. It would be no difficult matter to construct such a defence of the puritans as would leave this or any other author very little to reply; but to do justice to the subject would require a deduction of facts, and a series of arguments, quite inconsistent with the limits to which we are confined. To oppose assertion to assertion, and invective to invective, could answer no end but the reviving animosities which we should be happy to see for ever extinguished. The controversy between the puritans and their opponents turns entirely on these two questions: —Has any religious society, assuming the name of a church, a right to establish new terms of communion, distinct from those enjoyed by Christ and his apostles? Admitting they have ZEAL WITHOUTJ INNOVATIOL. 255 such a right, ought these terms to consist in things which the imposers acknowledge to be indifferent, and the party on whom thev are enjoined look upon as sinful? Is not this a palpable violation of the apostolical injunction, "Him that is weak in the faith receive ye, but not to doubtful disputations?" We are persuaded we speak the sentiments of some of the best men in the Church of England, when we assert that the basis of communion was made narrower at the Reformation than is consistent with' the dictates of Christian charity oi sound policy, and that the puritans were treated with a severity altogether unjustifiable. The author of Zeal without Innovation declares himself "dissatisfied with the trite remark that there were faults on both sides, when the guilt of aggression rests so clearly on the heads of the nonconformists." To infer their guilt as aggressors because they were the first to complain, is begging the question at issue. Before we are entitled to criminate them on this head, it is requisite to inquire into the justice of their complaints. They who first discovei a truth, are naturally the first to impugn the opposite error. They who find themselves aggrieved are necessarily the first to complain. So that to attach culpability to the party which betrays the first symptoms of dissatisfaction, without further inquiry, is to confer on speculative error, and on practical tyranny, a claim to unalterable perpetuity —,. doctrine well suited to the mean and slavish maxims inculcated by this writer. The learned Warburton was as little satisfied as himself nwit}h the trite remark of there being faults on both sides, but for an opposite reason. "It would be hard," he affirms, "to say who are most to blame; those who oppose established authority for things indifferent. or that authority which rigidly insists on them, and will abate nothin. for the sake of tenier, misinformed consciences: I say it would be hlard to solve this, had not the apostle done it for us, where he says,'IWe that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not t, please ourselves.''I myself,' says he,'do so, and all for the gos pel's sake.' This is the man who tells us he had fought a good figh, and overcome. Ahd we may believe him; for in this contention, hI is always the conqueror who submits." When the question is fairly put, whether a tender conscience, admit. ting it to be erroneous, shall be forced, or the imposition of thing, confessedly indifferent be dropped, it can surely require but little saga. city to return a decisive answer. T'he arguments which induced Locke to give his suffrage in favour of the nonconformists, the reasons which prevailed on Baxter and on Howe to quit stations of usefulness in the church, and doom themselves to an unprofitable inactivity, will not easily be deemed light or frivolous. The English nation has produced no nen more exempt from the suspicion of weakness or caprice than these. Desirous of composing rather than inflaming the dissensions which unhappily subsist among Christians, we decline entering further on this topic, heartily praying, with the apostle, that " grace may be with all them that love our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity." REVIEW. Zeal wzthout Innovation: or, the Present State of Religion and MAorals considered, with a View to the Dispositions anid Measur es required for its Improvement. To which is subjoined an Address to young Clergymen, intended to guard them against some prevalent Errors. 1808. THERE are some works which require to be viewed only in a literary light. No important principles are discussed, nor any momentous interests at stake. When this is the case, nothing more is necessary than for a reviewer to exhibit the author's plan, and to give an impartial judgment on the ability with which it is executed. If the merit of the performance be very conspicuous, it is the less necessary to multiply words in order to show it; and if it have little or none, it need not be conducted to the land of forgetfulness with the pomp of criticism. For this reason the utility of periodical criticism may, in a literary view, be fairly questioned; as it seems like an attempt to anticipate the decision of the public, and prematurely to adjust those pretensions which, if left to itself, it will be sure to adjust in time wiih the most perfect impar tiality. A reviewer may give a momentary popularity to what deserves to be forgotten, but he can neither withhold nor bestow a lasting fame. Cowper, we will venture to say, is not the less admired because the Critical Review, with its usual good taste and discernment, could discover in him no traces of poetic genius. There are other works, which owe their impoftance more to the subjects on which they treat, and their tendency to inflame the prejudices and strike in with the humour of the public, than to any extraordinary ability. Their infection renders them formidable. They are calculated to increase the violence of an epidemic disease. The mattei of contagion ought not to be slighted on account of the meanness of the vehicle by which it is transmitted. We are sorry to be under the necessity of classing the performance before us with works of that nature; but our conviction of its deserving that character must be our apology for bestowing a degree of attention upon it to which it is not otherwise entitled. The author's professed design is to present a view of the state of religion and morals, and to suggest such remedies as are best adapted to correct the disorder under which they languish. A more noble and important undertaking cannot be conceived. We have only to lament that in the pursuit of it he betrays so many mean partialities and ungenerous prejudices as utterly disqualify him from doing ZEAL WITHOUT INNOVATI~ N. 257 Justice to the subject. While we would wish to give him credit fox some portion of good intention, we are firmly convinced that had his eye been single, his whole body had been more full o! light. In an attemp' to trace the causes of degeneracy in religion and morals, and to point out the proper correctives, nothing is more requisite than a large and catholic spirit, totally emancipated from the shackles of party, joined with extensive knowledge and a discriminating judgment.. In the first of these qualities the author is lamentably deficient. He looks at every thing so entirely through the medium of party, that though he cannot be said to be absolutely blind, he is quite incapable of seeing afar off. His remarks are often shrewd,-such as indicate a mind awake and attentive to the scenes which have passed before him. He is sometimes acute, never comprehensive; accurate in details, with little capacity for tracing the consequences and unfolding the energy of general principles. While the title of the work leads us to expect his attention would be entirely directed to the best means of promoting the moral improvement of mankind, the watchful reader will perceive there are subordinate objects which he is at least equally solicitous to advance. There is a complication in his views, a wheel within a wheel, quite incompatible with simplicity of mind and perfect purity of intention. There appears too much reason to regard him as an artful, bigoted partisan, acting under the disguise of a philanthropist and a reformer. Severe as this censure may seem, we are persuaded our readers will acknowledge its justice when they are apprized of the leading statements and positions contained in this singular work. The author sets out with descanting on the state of religion in this country, which he represents as very deplorable: in proof of this. he adduces, among other facts, the violation of the Christian Sabbath and the prevailing neglect of public worship. As these symptoms of degeneracy are not found in an equal degree among dissenters and. Methodists, he is led by the course of his subject to notice the state of religion among them, where he acknowledges there is no room to complain of a deficiency of zeal. He does not affect to deny that their teachers exhibit the great truths of Christianity with energy and effect, and that much good has resulted from their labours. We should naturally suppose a pious man would here find ground for satisfaction, and that, however he might regret the mixture of error with useful efforts, he would rejoice to perceive that real and important good was done anywhere. It is but justice to him to let him convey his feelings on this subject in his own words. " From the sad state of things represented in the preceding section, many turn with pleasure to what is passing among our separatists, whose places of worship generally exhibit a very different scene to our parish churches. Here there appears to be some life and effect. The officiating minister has not half-empty pews to harangue, but a crowded auditory "hanging on his lips.' Whether, however, in what is now before us we shall find no cause of uneasiness, when all its circumstances are considered, admits of great doubt. " It cannot be denied, that with all the fanaticism charged on VOL. II.-R 458 REVIEW OF separatists (and it is to be feared with great truth in some instances), many a profligate has been reclaimed, and much good in other ways has been done among the lower orders by the labours of their ministers. From these circumstances, and the known ignorance and dissoluteness of the times, many, without the least degree of adverse intention to our established church, have in the simplicity of their hearts concurred in forwarding the endeavours of the separatists. And hence it is that in all the more populous parts of the country, we see that multitude of dissenting chapels, which of late years has increased and is still increasing. "To some good men, free from all prejudice against the Church of England, it is matter of no regret that the number of separatists increases, provided there be with this circumstance an increasing regard to Christianity. With such persons all consideration of forms and modes of worship is sunk in the greater importance of genuine faith and piety. But it enters not in the thoughts of such persons;hat' tares may spring up with the wheat,' and that what at present has a good effect may operate to the production of something hereafter of a very different nature. Now such we conceive to be the nature of the case before us. WVe have reason to apprehend ill consequences 5rom increasing separatism, with whatever zeal for important truths, and with whatever success in propagating them it be at present accompanied. "And first, it may be observed that it goes to the annihilation of the established church as a national institution. The bulk of every newly-raised congregation of separatists is composed of persons educated within the pale of the Church of England. Of these many are heads of families, or likely to become so. By commencing dissenters, they and their posterity, however multiplied, are broken off from the national church. These detachments from the establishment, going on as they have done of late years, must consequently increase the number of those who prefer a differently constituted church; and these may in time amount to such a majority as to render it again a question with those in power, whether the Church of England shall any longer have the support of the state."-Pp. 14-17.'fhat the increase of dissenters, in itself considered, cannot be a pleasing circumstance to a conscientious churchman is certain; and if this is all the author means to say, he talks very idly. The true question evidently is, whether the good accruing from the labours of dissenters is a proper subject of congratulation, although it may be attended with this incidental consequence, an increased separation from the established church. In a word, is the promotion of genuine Christianity, or the advancement of an external communion, the object primarily to be pursued? Whatever excellence may be ascribed to our national establishment by its warmest admirers, still it is a human institutionan institution to which the first ages of the church were strangers, to whi(h Christianity was in no degree indebted for its original success, mund the merit of which must be brought to the test of utility. It is in the order of means. As an expedient devised by the wisdom of our ZEAL WITHOUT INNOVATION. 259 ancestors for promoting true religion, it is entitled to support just as far as it accomplishes its end. This end, however, is found in some instances to be accomplished by means which are of a different description. A fire which threatens immediate destruction is happily extinguished before it has had time to extend its ravages; but it is extinguished by persons who have volunteered their services, without waiting for the engineers who act under the direction of the police. Here is zeal, but unfortunately accompanied with innovation, at which our author is greatly chagrined. How closely has he copied the example of St. Paul, who rejoiced that Christ was preached, though from envy and contention! With him the promulgation of Divine truth was an object so much at heart, that he was glad to see it accomplished even from the most criminal motives and by the most uniTworthy instruments. With our author, the dissemination of the same truth, by some of the best of men, and from the purest motives, is matter of lamentation and regret. It requires little attention to perceive he has been taught in a different school from the apostle, and studied under a different master. The eternal interests of mankind are either mere chimeras, or they are matters of infinite importance; compared with which, the success of any party, the increase of any external communion whatever, is mere dust in the balance; and for this plain reasonf, that the promotion of these interests is the very end of Christianity itself. However divided good men may have been with respect to the propriety of legislative interference in the affairs of religion, the arguments by which they hlave supported their respective opinions have been uniformly drawn from the supposed tendency of such interference, or the contrary, to advance the moral improvement of mankind; and, supposing this to be ascertained, the superior merit of the system to which that tendency belotngs was considered as decided. Viewed in this light, the problem is extensive, affording scope for much investigation; while the authority of religion remains unimpaired, and the disputants on each side are left at liberty to indulge the most enlarged sentiments of candour towards each other. Such were the principles on which Hooker and the ablest of his successors rested their defence of the established church. The high church party, of which Mr. Daubeny may be looked upon as the present leader, have taken different grounds. Their system is neither more nor less than popery, faintly disguised, and adapted to the meridian of England. The writer before us, without avowing the sentiments of Daubeny, displays nearly the samint; intolerance and bigotry, under this peculiar disadvantage, that his views want the cohesion of system, his bigotry the support of principle. This formal separation of the interests of the church from those of true religion must inevitably produce the most deplorable consequences. Will the serious and conscientious part of the public be led to form a favourable opinion of a religious community, by hearing it avowed by her champions that men had better be suffered eternally to perish than to find salvation out of her pale? Will they not naturally ask what those higher ends can be, in comparison of which the etern J1 R2 260 REVIEW OF welfare of a large portion of our fellow-creatures is deemed a trifle Could such a spirit be supposed generally prevalent in the clergy of the established church, it would at once lose all that is sacred in their eyes, and be looked upon as a mere combination to gain possessionr of power and emolument under pretence of religion. We are mistaken if much mischief has not already accrued from the indulgence of this spirit. It has envenomed the ill qualities naturally generated by the domination of a party. It has produced serious injury to the church, by imboldening men to appear in her defence who bring nothing into the controversy but overweening pride, ceremonial hypocrisy, and priestly insolence. Haughty, contemptuous airs, a visible disdain of the scruples of tender consciences, and frequently of piety itself, except under one garb and fashion, have been too generally assumed by her champions. These features have given inexpressible disgust to pious and candid minds; hurt, as they well may be, to see a religious community, however numerous or respectable, continually vaunting itself, laying exclusive claims to purity and orthodoxy, and seeming to consider it as a piece of condescension to suffer any other denomination to subsist. They cannot dismiss it from their minds that humility is a virtue proper to a church as well as to an individual, and that ecclesiastical pride may happen to be as offensive to Heaven as pride of any other kind. In the Church of Rome these qualities have been ever conspicuous; but finding nothing of this sort, in an equal degree, in any other Protestant communion, and recollecting that " the lofty looks of men shall be humbled, and the haughtiness of men be made low," one naturally feels some apprehension that they may not pass unpunished, though they are found in the precincts of a cathedral. Our author derives no satisfaction from the acknowledged success of dissenters in "turning sinners from the error of their way," from an apprehension that their success may eventually prove injurious to the establishment. He pretends to foresee, from this cause, a continual transfer of hearers from the church to the conventicle. We beg leave to ask the writer, how such a consequence can ensue, but from the superior zeal and piety of sectaries? To suppose that with only an equal share of these qualities they will be able to make successful inroads on the' church, is to abandon the defence of the hierarchy altogether; since this is acknowledging a radical defect in the system, which operates as a dead weight on its exertions, and disqualifies it for maintaining its ground against rivals; that, in short, instead of being the most efficacious mode of exhibiting and impressing revealed truth, it is intrinsically weak and ineffectual. For that system must surely be acknowledged to be so which is incapable of interesting the people, and which, by rendering public worship less attractive, produces a general preference of a different mode. To suppose this to be the case is to suppose something essentially wrong, which should be immnediately examined and corrected. On this supposition the men are acquitted, the system is arraigned. As this, however, is far from being the opinion of the author, the conclusion turns with irresistible force, that a permanent increase of dissenters ZEAL WITHUIJT INNOVATION. 261 can only arise from their superior piety and zeal. Now, these are really, in our opinion, qualities too valuable to be dispensed with, whatever interests they may obstruct. Regretting, deeply as we may, in common with our author, that they should have formed an alliance so unfortunate, we must still think it better, not only for their possessors, but for the world at large, for them to be found even here than to have no existence at all; and it is upon this point we are at issue with this conscientious reformer. For our parts, we are really so oldfashioned and puritanical, that we had rather behold men awakened and converted among dissenters and Methodists, than see them sleep the sleep of death in the arms of an establishment. But our author, it seems, is filled with pious alarm for the cause of orthodoxy, from the increasing separation from the church. "By the sound doctrine its instituted forms express, it will," he tells us, "' as long as it stands, be a witness to the truth, in periods the most barren of ministerial qualification; a rallying point to all truly Christian pastors; and an accredited voucher for thepurity of their instruction."-P. 17. How much were the primitive Christians to be pitied, who were unhappily destitute of any such " voucher;" and had nothing to secure the permanence of truth but the promised presence of Christ, the illumination of the Spirit, and the light of the Scriptures-poor substitutes, undoubtedly, for the solid basis of creeds and formularies! We should readily concur with the author in his views of the security derived from the subscription of articles, if we could forget a few stubborn facts, which we beg leave humbly to recall to his recollection. Is it not a fact, that the nature and extent of the assent and consent signified by subscription have been the subject of a very thorny controversy, in which more ill faith and chicane have been displayed than were ever known out of the school of the Jesuits; and that the issue of this controversy has been to establish very generally the doctrine of Paley, that none are excluded by it but Quakers, Papists, and Baptists? Is it not a fact, that the press is teeming every week with publications of the most acrimonious description, written by professed churchmen against persons who have incurred this acrimony merely by their attachment to these articles? Is it not a fact, that the doctrines they exhibit are so scorned and detested in this country, that whoever seriously maintains them is stigmatized with the name of " Methodist?" and that that part of the clergy who preach them are, for that reason alone, more insulted and despised by their brethren than even the dissenters themselves? It is with peculiar effrontery that this author insists on subscription to articles as a sufficient security for the purity of religious instruction, when it is the professed object of his work to recall his contemporaries to that purity. If he means that the "voucher" he speaks of answers its purpose because it is credited, fie is plainly laughing at the simplicity of the people: if he means to assert it is entitled to credit, we must request him to reflect how he can vindicat.e himself from the charge of " speaking lies in hypocrisy." A long course of experience has clearly demonstrated the inefficacy of creeds and confessions to perpetuate religious belief. Of this the 262 REVIEW OF only faithful depository is, not that which is " written with ink," buL on the "fleshly tables of the heart." The spirit of error is too subtile and volatile to be held by such chains. Whoever is acquainted with ecclesiastical history must know, that public creeds and confessions have occasioned more controversies than they have composed; and that when they ceased to be the subject of dispute they have become antiquated and obsolete. A vast majority of the dissenters of the present (lay hold precisely the same religious tenets which the puritans did two centuries ago, because it is the instruction they have uniformly received from their pastors; and for the same reason the articles of the national church are almost effaced from the minds of its members, because they have long been neglected or denied by the majority of those who occupy its pulpits. We have never heard of the church of Geneva altering its confession, but we know that Voltaire boasted there was not in his time a Calvinist in the city; nor have we heard of any proposed amendment in the creed of the Scotch, yet it is certain the doctrines of that creed are preached by a rapidly decreasing minority of the Scottish clergy. Fromn these and similar facts we may fairly conclude, that the doctrines oi the church, with or without subscription, are sure to perpetuate themselves where they are faithfully preached; but that the mere circumstance of their being subscribed will neither secure their being preached nor believed. " Separatism," says the author, " has no fixed or perpetual character: what it is at present we may by attentive observation be able to pronounce; but no human foresight can ascertain what it will be hereafter. Though now, in its numerous chapels, the soundest doctrine should be heard, we have no security that they will not become the schools of heresy. Here, if the licentious teacher get a footing, he moulds the whole system of ministration to his views; not a prayer, not a psalm, not a formulary of any kind but in this case will become the vehicle of error."-Pp. 17, 18. How far, in creatures so liable to mistake, a fixed and perpetual character is an enviable attribute, we shall not stay to inquire; with what right it is claimed on this occasion it is not very difficult to determine. The Thirty-nine Articles will unquestionably always remain the same; that is, they will always be the Thirty-nine Articles: but it is not quite so certain that they are universally believed; muchi less that they will always continue to be so; and least of' all, that after having ceased to be believed, they will receive the sanction of every successive legislature. For our parts, such is our simplicity, that when we read of a fixed and perpetual character, our attention is always wandering to men, to some mode of thinking or feeling to which such perpetuity belongs; instead of resting in the useful contemlnplation. of pen, ink, and paper. With every disposition, however, to do the author justice, we have some fear for the success of his argument; suspecting the dissenters will be ready to reply, "Our pastors cor(lially embrace the doctrine contained in your article.; and as this cannot be affirmed of the majority of yours, the questiotn of perpetuity is reduced to this amusing theorem, —In which of two given situations ZEAL WITHOUT INNOVATION. 263 will a doctrine last the longest-where it is believed without being subscribed, or where it is subscribed without being believed?" " Every addition separatism makes to its supporters alters the propor tion existing in this country between the monarchical and the democratic spirit; either of which preponderating to a considerable degree, might be productive of the most serious consequences. For it is certain, that as our church-establishment is favourable to monarchy, so is the! constitution of our dissenting congregations to democracy. The latter principle is cherished in all communities, where the power resides not in one, or a few, but is shared, in certain proportions, among all the members; which is the case in most of the religious societies under consideration. Let it be remembered, then, that if religion increase in this way, there is that increasing with it which is not religion; there is something springing up which is of a different nature, and which will be sure to stand, whether that better thing with which it may grow do or not."-P. 20. The equal justice it is our duty to maintain obliges us tO( notice another aspersion which the author casts upon dissenters. In this statement the author has exhibited his usual inattention to facts.'That the people had, in the first ages, a large share in ecclesiastical proceedings, and that their officers were chosen by themselves, is incontrovertibly evident, as well from Scripture as from the authentic monuments of antiquity. The Epistles of St. Cyprian, to go no further, are as full in proof of this point as if they had been written on purpose to establish it. The transfer of power, first from the people to their ministers, and afterward from them to the Bishop of Rome, was a gradual work, not fully accomplished till many centuries had elapsed from the Christian era. Until the conversion of Constantine, the Christian church was an imperium. in inmperio, a spiritual republic. subsisting in the midst of the Roman empire, on which it was completely independent; and its most momentous affairs were directed by popular suffrage. Nor did it, in this state, either excite the jealousy or endanger the repose of the civil magistrate; since the distinction between the (concerns of this world and those of another, so ably illustrated by Locke, taught the Christians of that time to render to Cesar the things which are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's. Instructed to yield obedience to princes for conscience' sake, they were not the les~ orderly or submissive because they declined their interference in the suppression of error, or the punishment of ecclesiastical delinquency. If there be that inseparable connexion between political disaffection and the exercise of popular rights in religion which this writer contends, the primitive Christians must have been in a deplorable state: since it would have been impossible for them to quiet the just apprehensions of government without placing a heathen emperor at the head of the church. What must we think of the knowledge of a writer who was ignorant of these falcts; of the candour which suppressed thenm; or of the humanity whlich finds an occasion of aspersing his fellow-christians in what escaped the malignity of heathen persecutors!'lThe dissenters swill not fail to remind the writer that the British i. 264 REVIEW OF a mixed, not an absolute monarchy; that the habit of considering the people as nothing is as repugnant to its spirit as that of making them every thing; and that to vest the whole power in the hands of one person, without check or control, is more suited to the genius of the Turkish than the British government. And to this retort, it must be confessed, the conduct of the high church party, who have seldom scrupled to promulgate maxims utterly subversive of liberty, would lend a very colourable support. The whole topic, however, is invidious, absurd, and merely calculated to mislead; since the constitution of the Christian church is fixed by the will of its Founder, the dictates of which we are not at liberty to accommodate or bend to the views o human policy. The dispute respecting ecclesiastical government must like every other on religion, be determined, if it ever be determined at all, by an appeal to Scripture, illustrated perhaps occasionally by the approved usages of the earliest antiquity. To connect political consequences with it, and to make it the instrument of exciting popular odium, is the indication of a bad cause and of a worse heart. After the specimens our readers have already had of the author's spirit, they will not be surprised to find he is not quite satisfied with the Toleration Act, which he complains has been perverted from its purpose of affording relief to tender consciences to that of making dissenters. We are not acute enough to comprehend this distinction. We have always supposed that it was the intention of the legislature by that act to enable Protestant dissenters to worship where they pleased, after giving proper notice to the magistrate: how their availing themselves of this liberty can be construed into an abuse of the act we are at a loss to conceive. This writer would tolerate dissenters, but not allow them to propagate their sentiments; that is, he would permit them that liberty of thinking which none can restrain, but not of speaking and acting, which are alone subject to the operation of law. It is quite of a piece with the narrow prejudices of such a man to complain of it as an intolerable hardship, that a minister of the establishment is sometimes in danger, through the undistinguishing spirit of hospitality, of being invited to sit down with religionists of different descriptions; and he avows his manly resolution of going without his dinner rather than expose himself to such an indignity. It is certainly a most lamentable thing to reflect, that a regular clergyman may possibly lose caste by mixing at the hospitable board with some of those who will be invited to the marriage-supper of the Lamb. When Burke was informed that Mr. Godwin held gratitude to be a crime, he replied, "I will take care not to be accessory to his committing that crime." We hope the lovers of hospitality will take the hint, and never insult the author of " Zeal without Innovation" by exposing him to the touch of the ceremonially unclean. Although we have already trespassed on the patience of our readers, we cannot dismiss this part of the subject without craving their indulgence a little longer. We are much concerned to witness the spirit of intolerance that pervades many recent publications. If the uniform course of experience can prove any thing, it is that the extension of ZEAL WITHOUT INNOVATION. 265 any particular frame of church government will of itself contribute little to the interests of vital Christianity. Suppose every inhabitant of the kingdom were to return to the bosom of the establishment to-morrow, what real accession would be gained to the kingdom of Christ? Is there any magic in the change of a name which can convert careless, profane, irreligious dissenters into devout and pious churchmen? The virtuous part of them do honour to the Christian profession in the situation they occupy at present; and for the vicious, they could only infect and disgrace the community with which they proposed to associate. What means this incessant struggle to raise one party on the ruins of another? this assumption of infallibility, and the clamorous demand for the interposition of the legislature, which we so often witness? If the writers to whom we allude will honestly tell us they are apprehensive of their " craft" being in danger, we will give them credit for sincerity; but to attempt to cover their bigotry under the mask of piety is too gross a deception. Were the measures adopted for which these men are so violent, they would scarcely prove more injurious to religion than to the interests of the established church; to which the accession of numbers would be no compensation for the loss of that activity and spirit which are kept alive, by the neighbourhood of rival sects. She would suffer rapid encroachments from infidelity; and the indolence and secularity too incident to opulent establishments would hasten her downfall. Amid the increasing degeneracy of the clergy, which must be the inevitable effect of destroying the necessity of vigilance and exertion, the people that now crowd the conventicle would not repair to the church: they would be scattered and dissipated, like water no longer confined within its banks. In a very short time, we have not the smallest doubt, the attendance at church would be much less than it is now. A religion which, by leaving no choice, can produce no attachment,-a religion invested with the stern rigour of law, and associated in the public mind and in public practice with prisons, and pillories, and gibbets,-would be a noble match, to be sure, for the subtle spirit of impiety, and the enormous and increasing corruption of the times. It is amusing to reflect what ample elbow-room the worthy rector would possess; how freely he might expatiate in his wide domain; and how much the effect of his denunciations against schism would be heightened by echoing through so large a void "Hic vasto rex Eolus antro Luctantes ventos tempestatesque sonoras Imperio premit.' The Gallican church no doubt looked upon it as a signal triumph when she prevailed on Louis the Fourteenth to repeal the edict of Nantes, and to suppress the Protestant religion. But what was the consequence? Where shall we look, after this period, for her Feneions and her Pascals-where for the distinguished monuments of piety and learning which were the glory of her better days? As for piety, she perceived she had no occasion for it when there was no lustre of Christian holiness surrounding her; nor for learning, when st e had no 266 REVIEW OF longer any opponents to confute or any controversies to maintain. Slhe felt herself at liberty to become as ignorant, as secular, as irreligious as she pleased; and, amid the silence and darkness she had created around her, she drew the curtains and retired to rest. The accession of numbers she gained by suppressing her opponents was like the small extension of length a body acquires by death: the feeble remains of life were extinguished, and she lay a putrid corpse, a public nuisance, filling the air with pestilential exhalations. Such, there is every reason to believe, would be the effect of similar measures in England. That union among Christians which it is so desirable to recover must, we are persuaded, be the result of something more heavenly and divine than legal restraints or angry controversies. Uness an angel were to descend for that purpose, the spirit of division is a disease which will never be healed by troubling the waters. We must expect the cure from the increasing prevalence of religion, and from a copious communication of the Spirit to produce that event. A more extensive diffusion of piety among all sects and parties will be the best and only preparation for a cordial union. Christians will then be disposed to appreciate their differences more equitably; to turn their chief attention to points on which they agree; and, in consequence of loving each other more, to make every concession consistent with a good conscience. Instead of wishing to vanquish others, every one will be desirous of being vanquished by the truth. An awful fear of God and an exclusive desire of discovering his mind will hold a torch before them in their inquiries, which will strangely illuminate the path in which they are to tread. In the room of being repelled by mutual antipathy, they will be insensibly drawn nearer to each other by the ties of mutual attachment. A larger measure of the spirit of Christ would prevent them from converting every incidental variation into an impassable boundary; or from condemning the most innocent and laudable usages for fear of symbolizing with another class of Christiansan odious spirit, with which the writer under consideration is strongly impregnated. The general prevalence of piety in different communities would inspire that mutual respect, that heartfelt homsage for the virtues conspicuous in the character of their respective members which would urge us to ask with astonishment and regret, Why cannot we be one? What is it that obstructs our union? Instead of maintaining the barrier which separates us from each other, and employing ourselves in fortifying the frontiers of hostile communities, we should be anxiously devising the means of narrowing the grounds of dispute, by drawing the attention of all parties to those fundamental and catholic principles in which they concur. To this we may add, that a more perfect subjection to the authority of the great Head of the church would restrain men from inventing new terms of communion, from lording it over conscience, or from exacting a scrupulous compliance with things which the word of God has left indifferent. That sense of imperfection we ought ever to cherish would incline us to be looking up for superior light, and make us think it not inprobable, that in the long night which has befallen us, we have all ZEAL WITHOUT INNOVATION. 267,tlore or less mistaken our way, and have much to learn and rrnah to correct. The very idea of identifying a particular party with the church would be exploded; the foolish clamour about schism hushed; and no one, however mean and inconsiderable, be expected to surrender his conscience to the claims of ecclesiastical dominion. The New Testa. ment is surely not so obscure a book that were its contents to fall into the hands of' a hundred serious, impartial men, it would produce such opposite conclusions as must necessarily issue in their forming two or more separate communions. It is remarkable, indeed, that the chief points about which real Christians are divided are points on which that volume is silent-mere human fabrications, which the presumption of men has attached to the Christian system. A larger communication of the Spirit of truth would insensibly lead Christians into a similar train of thinking; and being more under the guidance of that infallible Teacher, they would gradually tend to the same point, and settle in the same conclusions. Without such an influence as this, the coalescing into one communion would probably be productive of much mischief: it certainly would do no sort of good, since it would be the mere result of intolerance and pride acting upon indolence and fear. During the present disjointed state of things, then, nothing remains but for every one to whom the care of any part of the church of Christ is intrusted, to exert himself to the utmost in the promotion of vital religion, in cementing the friendship of the good, and repressing with a firm and steady hand the heats and eruptions of party spirit. He will find sufficient employment for his time and his talents in inculcating the great truths of the gospel, and endeavouring to "form Christ" in his hearers, without blowing the flames of contention, or widening that breach which is already the disgrace and calamity of the Christian name. Were our efforts uniformly to take this direction, there would be an identity in the impression made by religious instruction; the distortion of party features would gradually disappear; and Christians would everywhere approach towards that ideal beauty spoken of by painters, which is combined of the finest lines and traits conspicuous in individual forms. Since they have all drunk into the same spirit, it is manifest nothing is wanting but a larger portion of that spirit to lay the foundation of a solid, cordial union. It is to the immoderate attachment to secular interest, the love of power, and the want of reverence for truth, not to the obscurities of revelation, we must impute the unhappy contentions among Christians-maladies which nothing can correct but deep and genuine piety. The true schismatic is not so properly the person who declines a compliance with what he judges to be wrong, though he may be mistaken in that judgment, as the man who, like the author before us, sedulously employs every artifice to alienate the affections of good men from each other. Having animadverted on the illiberality of this writer towards persons of different persuasions, we now proceed to notice his representations of the state of religion, together with his treatment of that description of the clergy with whom he has been accustomed to associate. The cause of religion he represents as in a very declining state. 268 RPVIEEW OF " Some persons now living," he says, " can remember the time when absence from church was far from being so common as it is now become. Then, the more considerable heads of families were generally seen in the house of God, with their servants as well as children. This visible acknowledgment of the importance of religion had a good effect on families of inferior condition: the presence of the merchant and his household brought the tradesman and his family; and the example of the latter induced his journeymen and out-door servants to come to church. But this is not a description of modern habits. In many pews, once regularly filled by the entire household to which they belonged, it is now common to see only a small portion of the family, and often not an individual. Two or three of the younger branches, from the female side of the house, occasionally attend, with perhaps the mother, but without the father and the sons: the father, wearied with business, wants a little relaxation; and to the young men, not suspecting their want of instruction, a rural excursion offers something interesting, while the tranquil service of a church is too tame an occupation for their unexhausted spirits. Nor among the few who attend public worship are they always the same individuals that we see in the house of God. So that it does not appear to be from steady principle, and still less from the influence of parental authority, that some of the family are occasionally there. The children are left to themselves; they may go to church if they choose to do so; they incur no displeasure from the father, they excite no grief in his bosom if they stay away. There is no disreputation attaching to absence. It falls rather upon the contrary conduct; any uniform attendance on divine worship being frequently considered a mark of imbecility or demureness. "To account for the thinness of our parochial congregations, some allege that there is not a sufficient quantity of naturally attractive circumstances in the ordinary service of the church. But it is observable, that where our liturgy is used in its grandest form, the attendance is as far from being numerous as it is elsewhere. It might be expected, and especially in an age in which a taste for music so generally prevails, that in a metropolis containing near a million of inhabitants, there might be more persons drawn by the grandeur of cathedral worship to the place where it is performed, than could well be accommodated in one church. The cathedral of London, however, presents no such scene. With a numerous attendance of ministers, the finest specimens of church-music, and these performed with that effect which professional qualification gives to such compositions, the seats of St. Paul's cathedral are seldom half-filled." Pp. 2-4. Though we acknowledge the truth of his statement in a great measure, we are far from drawing from it the inference he wishes to impress. Whenever places of worship are thinly attended, at least in the established church, we have uniformly found it to proceed from a ca se very distinct from the general decay of piety: it results fiom the absence of that sort of instruction which naturally engages th}e! attention and fixes the heart. In one view, we are fully aware a g'rt: