+i:~9, i i::,ii:i.::;i:::::,,i:.;..: ~:~, 1 C:.~:;,:~1~~-~;:~::!: ~G: Y i~: ~~~ ; 65:;:'i ~~ i:: r :~I:i;:~::;,I;1,F!:::::: c: I;$ r, r:::;a: :~;;;e~;i:.-:~;,~aD:i C':::::ihI';"-: II %(.~(:~: i-: x::. i i: (ci a:::;;::i 1 I....Xi;;ji:,i:;:~~ ~~~2-I:::: ~ ~...~. ~~~~i ~~ I~:*.;..,...... "`.C:~':I:::::': C —u,.:.1. ;'~*'' ~' ~~.;~.-1..:'1'~ ~'~.~.~~.;.:~~:~:;:::::i._ i:l,::"~;~.:;::::;~!:I: :;: ~~:.i.......,....; ii. I",'' 1~-i~,~.~..:5;:::-~:.~:i~:..~..~:.~1~~..ti ~\ ii~ ~~..si u~ i.r ,I.....I,...1I.... —---— L-~ —-X-_I — ~~ —X-CII —---------— (. —------— —-- THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER, FiORMERLY DERRYFIELD, IN NEW-HAMPSHIRE; INCLUDING THAT OF ANCIENT AMOSKEAG, OR THE MIDDLE MERRIMACK VALLEY; TOGETHER WITH THE ADDRESS, POEM, AND OTHER PROCEEDINGS, OF THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION, OF THE INCORPORATION OF DERRYFIELD; AT MANCHESTER, OCTOBER 22, 1851. BY C. E. POTTER, Corresponding member of the Historical Societies of Iowa and Maryland, and of the New England Historic Genealogical Society; Member of the American Antiquarian Society; and President of the New Hampshire Historical Society. MAN CH E S T ER, C. E. POTTER, PUBLISHER. 1856. Entered according to the act of Congress in the year 1856, BY C. E. POTTER, In the Clerks's Office of the District Court of New Hampshire. TO THE NATIVE AND ADOPTED CITIZENS OF MZANCHESTER, TIHIS HISTORY IS DEDICATED, WITH THE MOST SINCERE REGARD FOR THEIR WELFARE. AND PROSPERITY, BY THEIR FRIEND THE AUTHOR. PREFACE. The idea of writing a History of Manchester originated with the Centennial Celebration of 1851, when the undersigned was appointed Chairman of the Committee whose duty it was to collect materials, and prepare a history of Manchester for publication. The Committee held various meetings, and divided their labors as they supposed most meet and convenient. To the writer was assigned the writing-the history of the Pennacooks, who had their headquarters at the Falls in this town, as well as the ancient history of the Province and of Amoskeag to the settlement of the lines between New Hampshire and Massachusetts in 1740, and amid a multiplicity of other cares, he prepared for the press the first eleven chapters of this work. When this had been accomplished, it was found that press of business had prevented the other members of the Committee from performing the duties assigned them, and the writer was forced from his ppsition to continue the work, and the present volume is the result of his labors,-,the more difficult and perplexing, as he has-.had to grope his way in an unexplored region; not a scrap of the history of the town having been written, saving alone that connected with the life of one of its distinguished citizens. I have thought thus much of explanation necessary thaf the responsibility of the work, its errors, and imperfections, should rest where it belonged, and also as an apology for its long delay, the more irksome to the public, as from the large number of the Committee, an early publication was expected. It was my plan in performing the duty assigned me, to describe in detail the incidents connected with the life of any man of Amoskeag, as being part and parcel of its history.. Thus the stirring scenes in which Passaconnaway, Wannalancet, Kancamagus, Goffe, the Rogerses, the Starks, and their brave companions were engaged, are given with minuteness, whether performedl at home or abroad, because in them the men of Amoskeag were prominent actors, and their acts have become'identified with,-a part of its history. The same reason influenced me in giving a history of the Masonian claim, the difficulty with Massachusetts as to the lines, andthe "Scotch Irish"; Derryfield being a part of the Masonian claim, often the battle ground of the contest in regard to the lines, and the Scotch Irish within its borders, being in the thickest of the fight, in that border controversy. So that if any one should complain that my plan has taken too wide a range, I can only say, that the fault is not mine, but the responsibility is with the men of Amoskeag,-they vi took a wide range, were Rangers, and wherever they ranged, left their mark, ever to be traced. But it is not to be understood, that in my labors I have had no assistance. On the contrary, I have had much valuable assistance, and Hon. Samuel D.'Bell, Samuel N. Bell, Esq., and Joseph M. Rowell, Esq., of this city in particular, have my hearty thanks for such assistance. F. B. Eaton, Esq., Librarian of the City Library, has extended to me many courtesies.Hon. Wm. C. Clarke, Dr, J. S. Elliot, Col. William Patten, and Maj. Hiram Brown, by their kindness have laid me under many obligations. To Messrs. E. A. Straw, O. W. Bayley, Cyrus W. Baldwin, Phinehas Adams, David Gillis, Wm. P. Newell, Waterman Smith, and C. H. Dalton, gentlemen formerly, or at the present time connected with the corporations in this place, as Agents, I am under very great obligations, not only for furnishing' me with engravings of the works under their charge, but for rendering me every facility in obtaining information as to those works. The other gentlemen who have furnished me engravings, wherewith to illustrate and embellish the work, have my hearty thanks. Thomas P.'Treadwell, Jdhn L. Hadley, and L. N. Pattee, Esquires, of Concord, have placed me under great obligations at the Secretary of State's office, for their many favors in facilitating my researches. Samuel G. Drake, and J. WV. Thornton, Esquires, of Boston, and Frederick Kidder, Esq., of New York, as also the late Dr. T. W. Harris, Librarian -of Harvard College, and John L. Sibley, Esq., the present Librarian; as well as S. F. Haven Esq., Librarian of the American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester,-all have placed me under very great obligations for their many courtesies. "But last, though not least," I would return my thanks in behalf of the Committee, to the City Government, for the handsome appropriation of $500, towards defraying the expenses of the work. I should hope that it might be a profitable investment in furnishing knowledge for the present and future, of facts now rescued with difficulty from oblivion. And here I would gladly stop in any allusions to merely personal matters, but there are circumstances connected with the progress of this work, known only to a few personal friends, which I cannot pass over without doing great violence to my own feelings. While so many in and out of our city, have done every thing that could be asked of them, in forwarding the work, a few individuals have thrown in the way of its progress and completion, every obstacle that invention could form, or malignity suggest; thus causing much delay in the publication of the work; but thanks to generous friends, causing only delay, as the volume herewith presented to the public, is ample testimony. I am under the necessity of apologizing for the many errors that are to be vii found in the work. Under the circumstances, many of them were inevitable. I was groping in the dark. In some instances, in the early part of the work, facts are given upon the authority of other writers, as to the Indians, which subsequent investigation has shown to be erroneous; tradition in families as to family names and individuals, has been followed, and in some three or four instances, such tradition has been found inaccurate; other mistakes have crept into the work unwarily; many of them have been corrected in notes, and in the errata, or addenda; but others will have escaped my scrutiny, and the indulgent reader will excuse them, while correcting them, the more readily when he learns, that hundreds of the pages of the following work, were written, when the writer was suffering the most excruciating pain, or upon a bed of sickness. It will be seen, that although the work purports to be a History of the town of Manchester only, yet the history of all the leading interests of the city are given in detail to the present time. Thus the history of Manufactures, Mechanics, Schools, Religious Societies, Highways, Canals and Corporations, public and private, are made as complete as circumstances would permit. Biographical sketches are given in the course of the work, of many of our noted and distinguished citizens, but all'matters strictly genealogical, are reserved for a more appropriate place and opportunity. And now the greatest source of fault-finding will undoubtedly be,-Omissions; but let those discoveringthem ask themselves, how many suggestions have we made to, or how many facts have we furnished for the writer of this History? And after answering satisfactorily to themselves, let them furnish them now, as they will be most gratefully received for future insertion or amendment. It is believed, that the Table of Contents will furnish all needful help in the way of reference. The Table of Contents includes all the Running Titles while the contents at the head of each Chapter, include all the important proper names and subjects treated of in the same. Thus name or subject can be found with the greatest facility. And now to close, I can but hope, that the book will meet the reasonable expectations of the citizens of Manchester and that the reading of it, will afford them as much pleasure, and by far more profit, than the publication of it has the author. C. E. POTTER. MJanchester, July 4, 1856. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PORTRAIT OF GEN. JOHN STARK, T. itle Page. PASSACONNAWAY,..... 53 AUTOGRAPHS OF INDIANS,..5. 6. 56 MAP OP COCHECHO,..... 83 GREAT SEAL OF NEW ENGLAND,.. 120 PORTRAIT OF LT. GOVERNOR JOHN WENTWORTH,... 165 GEN. JOHN MCNEIL,.. 7 SPECIMEN OF PROVINCE MONEY, 274 AUTOGRAPH OF GOV. B. WENTWORTH,.. 293 HENRIE SHERBURNE,..... 365 THEODORE ATKINSON,... 366 VIEW OF HOUSE OF F. SMYTH; ESQ.,.~ ~. 414 COL. J. S. KIDDER,..... 464 J. T. P. HUNT, Esq.... 493 MAJ. J. G. CILLEY, 524 PORTRAIT OF HON. SAMUEL BLODGET,......525 TICKET IN AMOSKEAG CANAL LOTTERY. *. 530 VIEW OF HOUSE OF COL. F. A. BROWN,. ~ c 544 PORTRAIT OF COL. ROBERT READ,. 557 VIEW OF HoUSE OF PHIIINEHAS ADAMS, ESQ.,.. 560 MAJ. HIRAM BROVN,..... 560 VIEW OF MACHINE SHOP,...... - 563 ix VIEW OF STARK MILLS, 5.... e65 STARK NEW MILL,... 566 AMOSKEAG NEW MILLS,... 567 Ns. 4, ANTD 5,. 568 MEDAL,..,..570 OLD PRINT WORKS,. *. 571 NEW PRINT WORKS,. 573 VIEW OF MOUSLIN DE LAINE MILLS,.... 573 VIEW OF HOUSE OF HERMAN FOSTER, ESQ.,, 575 VIEW OF STARK MONUMENT,...... 584 OLD MEETING HOUSE,.. 590 OLD TOWN HOUSE,. 606 PORTRAIT OF FOSTER TOWNE, ESQ., 6. 09 VIEW oF NEW TOWN HOUSE,...... 617 VIEW OF HOUSE OF MESSRS. NORRIS AND MORRRISON,,. 633 M!VESSRS. CURRIER AND I' RENCH,. 689 VIEW OF HOUSE OF G. M. FLANDERS, ESQ.,... 690 VIEW OF SMYTH'S BLOCK,..... 706 DEPOTS,. o 719 VIEW OF IHOUSE OF C. W. BALDWIN, ESQ.,,. 720 UNIVERSALIST CHURCH,.. 722 HANOVER-STREET CHURCH,.. 723 FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH,.'. 4 726 FRANKLIN-STREET CHURCH,.. 732 E. A. STRAW, ESQ.,... 740 OLD SCHOOL HOUSE,....742 VIEW OF GAS:WORKS,... 752 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER 1. Early voyages to America. Discovery of New Hampshire.. Discovery of the Merrimack. Setttlement.in Maine. Smith explores the coast of New,.England. The Pilgrims arrive in the New World. 1-14 CHAPTER II. Grant of Mariana, Situation of Mason Hall. Grant of New Hampshire Mason and Gorges divide their property. 13-21 CHAPTER IIIo The Indians of New England. The Indians of the Merrimack Valley. Fisheries at Namaoskeag Falls, 21-32 CHAPTER IVd Manners and Customs of the Pennacooks. Ahquedaukenash, or Weirs. Indian methods. of fishing. Agriculture. Hunting among the Pennacooks. Employment of Indian Women. War, its weapons and customs. 32-53 CHAPTER V. Indian Sagamons. Passaconnaway, Wonnalancet. Kancamagus. John Hogkins. Attack upon Cochecho, Death of Kancamagus, Christians or Christo. 53 -100 CHAPTER VI. Opposition of Massachusetts. to Mason and his claim. Her northern boundary. Difficulties at Dover. Endicott Rock. Massachusetts usurps New Hampshire and Maine. 100-116 CHAPTER VII, Randolph's Mission, The Million Purchase. Sir Edmund Andros. Mason sells his claim to Allen. Settlement of. Londonderry. 116-128 CHAPTER VIII. The Scotch Irish. Character of James II. Siege of Derry, 128-.144 CHAPTER IX. Indian War. Lovewell's Expeditions. Battle of Pequauquauke. 144-163 CHAPTER X. Progress in the Province. Great Earthquake. Provincial reform. Scotch Irish emigration. Settlement of Namaoskeag. John Goffe. Archibald Stark. John Hall. John McNeil. Throat Distemper. 163 —190 xii CHAPTER XI. Borderdifficulties. Narragansett Townships. Settlement of Tyngstown. Border difficulties., 190 —212 CHAPTER XII. Want of harmony among the colonists. Deposing of Gov. Belcher. Gov. Belcher. Gov. Benning' Wentworth. Siege of Louisburg. Indian troubles. Indian attack at Contoocook. Canada Expedition. Indian' Massacre at Pennacook. Stark's Fort. Attack at Suncook. Mrs. McCoy's captivity. Indian attack. 212-235 CHAPTER XIII. Revival of Mason's claim. Sale of it. Settlement of Bedford. Joe EnglishA Catamount Hunt. The Rhododendron. 235 —258 GHAPTER XIV. Charter of IDerryfield. Old and New Style. Old and New Tenor. Armed possession of Coos. Capture of Stark and Eastman. Sabatis and Plausawa. Capture of Meloon. Earthquakes. 258-287 CHAPTER XV.'French War. Treaty with Six Nations. Fort Necessity. Attack at Stevenstown. Braddock's Defeat.. N. H. troops at Stevenstown. Battle of Lake George. Scout of Rangers. Fort William Henry. Its siege. Massacre at same. Defeat of Rangers. 287-322 CHAPTER XVI. N. H. Troops. Defeat of Abercrombie. Expedition against Niagara. Montreal and Quebec. Scout of Rangers. Surrender of Crown Point. Attack on St. Francis. Retreat of Rangers. Expedition against Niagara. Against Quebec. The Plains of' Abraham. Expedition of the Rangers. Soldiers of Amoskeag. 322-348 CHAPTER XVII. Difficulties at Derryfield. Attempt to settle a minister. Protest. Building. Maeting house. Tax List for same. Tax List of 1766. Petition from Derryfleld. Act of Legislature. Town officers.. Bill of Committee, Attempt to settle Mr. Gilmore. Sell Pew ground. Plan of Meeting house. Rev. Mr. Pickels. 348-384 CHAPTER XVIII. The Revolution. Stamp Act. Gov. B. Wentworth. Division of State into Counties. Seizure of Pine logs. Benj. Whiting. Duty, on tea. Portsmouth Resolves. Tea atPortsmouth.' Tea at Pembroke and Coos. Gov. John Wentworth. E- mploys Artificers. Attack on Fort William and Mary. Hillsborough County Congress. Governor Wentworth in difficulty. 384-414 CHAPTER XIX. Battle of Lexington. Convention. Tax List of 1775. Gov. Wentworth and Assembly. Another Convention. County Congress. Battle of Bunker Hill. Stark and Hobart. Return from Derryfield. Rev. Mr. Houston. Col. William Stark. Return from Derryfield. Battle of Trenton. Battle of Princeton. Col. Stark's resignation. Soldier's rate.. Private subscription. Major John Moor. Major Goffe and Lieut. Orr. Samuel Remick. 414-464 xiii CHAPTER XX. Difficulties' of 1777. Behmus Heights. Surrender of Burgoyne. Soldiers of Amoskeag. Money and Corn Tax. Beef Tax. Extracts from Patten's Journal. Paper Currency. The Dark Day. Maj. Robert Rogers. 464- 493 CHAPTER XXI. Derryfield under various forms of government. Meeting in Goffstown and Derryfield. Provincial Government of 1776. Committee of Safety. Convention of 1781. Address of Convention. Proclamation of Committee of Safety. Insurrection of 1786. Constitution of 1792. 493-514 CHAPTER XXII. Increased enterprise. Hon. Wiseman Clagget. Death of Griffin and Thompson. Col. John Goffe. First election of President. Lining the Psalm. Hon. Samuel Blodget. His Canal. Social Library of Derryfield. Location of school house. Di-vision of Town into Highways. Name of the Town changed. 514 —544 CHAPTER XXIII.,Commencement of Manufacturing in Bedford. First Mill at Amoskeag. Dr. Oliver Dean. Union of Amoskeag and Hookset Companies. William Amory, Esq. Col. Robert Read. Sale of Land. Private Buildings in 1839. Improvements in 1839,: and 1840. Machine Shop. Stark Mills. Amoskeag New Mills. Print Works. 544-574 CHAPTER XXIV. Effects of the War. Excitement at Piscataquog. Maj. Gen Stark. The Mammoth Road. The Candia Road. New Buildings. Municipal Regulations. Exciting Town Meeting. Small Pox. Sites for Townhouse and Cemetery. Deeds of Lots. Calef and Bald- Hill Roads. Foster Towne, Esq. Liquor Prosecutions. Fourth of July 1844. New Town House. Murder of Jonas L. Parker. Honors to Gen. Jackson. Growth of Town in 1844. Building of Sewer. First City Officers. 574-635 CHAPTER XXV. Topographical History. Quadrupeds, Birds, and Reptiles. Quarries in Man*chester. Falls of Amoskeag. Fisheries of Amoskeag. Fishing Places, Mills at Amoskeag. Accidents at Amoskeag. The Cohas. Lakes, and Ponds. Brooks. Amoskeag Brook. Little Cohas. Hills. Amoskeag Village. Piscataquog Village. Hon. Matthew Patten. Isaac Riddle, Esq. Moor's Village. Christian's Brook. Cemetery. Valley Cemetery. Commons. 635-690 CHAPTER XXVI. Highways. Streets. Wards. Blocks. Bridges. Ferries. Canals. Railways. 690-720 CHAPTER XXVII. Preaching at Amoskeag. Universalist Society. First Cong. Society. First M. E. Society. St. Michael's Church. Unitarian Societ.'720 —740 CHAPTER XXVIII. Schools. Forming of Districts. Location cf Houses. Division into Schoo Districts. Report of Prudential Committee. 740-756 CHAPTER XXIX. Mechanics' Building. Manchester Locomotive Company. Brass Foundry Gas Light Company. 756-76 CENTTENNIAL CELE BRATION, OF nol CITY OF MANCHESTER. N..I. PROCEEDINGS OF THE CITY GOVERNMENT. In Common Council, August 5, 1851. -THEr President called Mr. Danielson to the Chair. The President presented a resolution, entitled a'" Resolution in regard to a Centennial Celebration of the Incorporation of Manchester;" read a first and second time, and passed. The following gentlemen were appointed, on the part of the Common Council, to carry the said Resolution into effect:From the citizens at large, Hon. Samuel D. Bell, Hon. Geo. W. Morrison, Daniel Clark, Esq., Dr. Josiah Crosby, Hon. Richard H. Ayer, Benj. F. Ayer, Esq., David Gillis, Esq., and Charles Stark, Esq. From the Board of Common Council, the President and Messrs. Danielson, Clough and Gould. Attest, GEORGE A. FRENCH, Clerk. In Board of Aldermen, Aug. 5th, 1851. The Resolution sent up from the Common Council relating to the Centennial Celebration, was taken up and read a first time. On motion of Alderman:Waterman, Resolved, That the rules be so far suspended, that said Resolution be read a second time, and pass at the present time. Read a second time and passed in concurrence. 1 ~ 2 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION His Honor, the Mayor, appointed to the committee named in said Resolution, on the part of this Board, Ald. Waterman, Brigham, Clark, Saunders, Mixer and Mitchell. On motion of Ald. Mixer, the Aldermen added His Honor, the Mayor, to said Committee. His Honor, the Mayor, declined accepting the appointment upon said committee. Attest, F. SMYTH, City Clerk. RESOLUTION. CITY OF MANCHESTER. In the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-one. Resolution in regard to the Centennial Celebration of the Incorporation of Manchester. Resolved, By the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the city of Manchester, in City Council assembled, as follows: That -- of the Common Council, together with such as the Mayor and Aldermen may join from their own board, and - from the citizens at large, be a committee to consider in what manner it is expedient to observe the Centennial Anniversary of the Incorporation of Manchester, with power to make such arrangements for a celebration as they shall determine to be proper. In Common Council, Aug. 5th, 1851,-Passed. ISAAC W. SMITH, President. In Board of Aldermen, Aug. 5th, 1851,-Passed. MOSES FELLOWS, Mayor. A true copy. Attest,FREDERICK SMYTH, City Clerk. ACTION OF THE COMMITTEE. The committee met at the Common Council Room on Friday evening, Aug. 8th, 1851, at 8 o'clock. The meeting was called to order by I. W. Smith, Esq., and on his motion, Hon. S. D. Bell was chosen chairman. On motion of David Gillis, Esq., B. F. Ayer, Esq., was appointed Secretary. On motion of Dr. Josiah Crosby, Resolved, That, in the opinion of this committee, it is expedient to celebrate the Centennial Anniversary of the Incorporation of Manchester. OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 3 On motion of David Gillis, Esq., Resolved, That the committee do not think it expedient to attempt any extraordinary parade or display, on the occasion of the proposed celebration. On motion, Voted, That a sub-committee of five be chosen by nomination, to select and recommend some suitable persons to deliver an Address and a Poem on the occasion. The following gentlemen were chosen said committee, viz:Messrs. Bell, Smith, Morrison, B. F. Ayer and Mixer. On motion of Dr. Crosby, adjourned to the 11th inst. at eight o'clock, P. M. Monday evening, Aug. 11, 1851 The committee met pursuant to adjournment. S. D. Bell, Esq. in behalf of the sub-committee, appointed for that purpose, reported that they had made choice of the Rev. Cyrus W. Wallace, of this city, for Orator, and William Stark, Esq., of Troy, N. Y. for Poet. The committee further reported that Mr. Wallace had accepted the invitation, which had been tendered him, and that he would be prepared to deliver an address, on any day in October which the committee should hereafter designate. On motion of Dr. Josiah Crosby, the report of the committee was accepted. On motion of David Gillis, Esq. Voted, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report a plan for the preparation of a History of the town, and to nominate a committee from the citizens at large, to collect materials for the same. On motion of Dr. Crosby, Voted, That Messrs. Bell, Morrison and Clark constitute said committee. On motion of David Gillis, Esq. Voted to adjourn to Saturday evening next at 8 o'clock. Saturday evening, Aug. 16, 1851. The committee met pursuant to adjournment. S. D. Bell, Esq. in behalf of the sub-committee, appointed at the last meeting, reported the following resolutions, viz: Resolved, That, in connection with the celebration of the centennial anniversary of the incorporation of the town, it is 4 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION expedient to adopt suitable measures for the preparation and publication of a History of Manchester. Resolved, That a committee be appointed to collect materials, and prepare such history for publication, with power to add to their own numbers, and to divide their labors, as they may find convenient, and that five be a quorum of the committee. Resolved, That the following persons be members of the committee: Hon.' Chandler E. Potter, Rev. C. W. Wallace, Hon. Frederick G. Stark, Hon. J. McK. Wilkins, Hon. S. D. Bell, Daniel Clark, Esq., Mr. Jonas Harvey, Mr. J. Y. McQueston, Mr. Ephraim Stevens, Mr. David Webster, Dr. Thos. R. Crosby, Rev. B. M. Tillotson, George A. French, Esq., Hon. Geo. W. Morrison, Archibald-Gamble, Esq., Walter French, Esq. W. G. Means, Esq., I. W. Smith, Esq., E. A. Straw, Esq., W. W. Baker, Esq., W. P. Newell, Esq., W. L. Lane, Esq., Rev. A. B. Fuller, Hon. Mace Moulton, J. M. Rowell, Esq., D. P.'Perkins, Esq., Joseph Kidder, Esq., Dr. Z. Colburn, Moody Currier, Esq., B. F. Ayer, Esq., Col. S. C. Hall, Mr. Edward Hall, Frederick Smyth, Esq., Rev. H. S. Clarke, Mr. S. P. Jackson, S. N. Bell, Esq., Mr. Rodnia Nutt, David Hill, Esq., James S. Cheney, Esq., Rev. E. Adams. On motion of I. W. Smith, Esq., the report of the committee was accepted, and the resolutions were unanimously adopted. On motion of Mr. Mixer, the committee adjourned to meet again in three weeks from this evening, at 8 o'clock. Saturday evening, Sept. 6th, 1851. The committee met pursuant to adjournment. I. W. Smith, Esq., from the sub committe appointed for that purpose, reported that William Stark, Esq., of Troy, N. Y., had accepted the invitation to deliver the Poem on the occasion of the proposed celebration. Voted to accept the report. Voted to adjourn to meet at the call of the Chairman. Tuesday, Oct. 14, 1851, 3 o'clock, P. M. The committee met pursuant to the call of the Chairman. On motion of I. W. Smith,Esq. Voted, That Wednesday, Oct. 22d, 1851, be selected as the time for the celebration. On motion- of Dr. Crosby, OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 5 Voted, that the exercises commence at 2 1-2 o'clock, P. M. On motion of David Gillis, Esq. Voted, That the Musical Education Society be invited to furnish Music and Singing at the celebration. On motion of Dr. Crosby, Voted, that Messrs. I. W. Smith, B. F. Ayer, Walter French, Frederick Smyth and G. T. Mixer be appointed a Committee to make arrangements for a meeting of the citizens on the evening of that day. Voted to adjourn. B. F. AYER, Secretary. THE CELEBRATION. Agreeably to public notice, the Citizens of Manchester and adjoining towns assembled in the City Hall on Wednesday, October 22d, 1851, at 2 1-2 o'clock in the afternoon,. to listen to the exercises on the occasion of the Centennial Celebration of the Incorporation of Derryfield. The City Government were present in a body, and the Mayor, Hon. Moses Fellows, presided. The exercises were observed in the following order: 1. Music.-By the Musical Education Society. 2. PRAYER.-By Rev. B. M. TILLOTSON. 3. Music. 4. ADDRESS. —By Rev. CYRus W. WALLACE. 5. MusIc. 6. POEM.-BY WILLIAM STARK, Esq. 7. ORIGINAL HYMN.-(By WM. STARK, Esq.) Sung by the Audience. TUNE-Old Hundred. Oh God, to thee our voices raise, The Song of glory and of praise; Our Fathers worshipp'd at thy throne, Their chidren bow to thee alone. We thank thee for thy goodness shown, In former years which long have flown; In name of those who gave us birth, We thank thee, God of Heaven and Earth. Thy heart, so kind in days of yore, Still gives as freely as before; Where'er we live, where'er we roam, Thy hand protects our native home. 6 CENTENNIAL CETEBRATION God of our fathers, now to thee, Let all the praise and glory be; In thee we've found all good before, In thee we'll trust, forever more. 8. BENEDICTION.-By Rev. HENRY S. CLARKE. Thursday, 2 o'clock, P. M. Oct. 23, 1851, The committee met at the call of the Chairman. The Secretary being absent, on motion of Daniel Clark, Esq. I. W. Smith, Esq. was chosen Secretary pro te pore. On motion of David Gillis, Esq. Resolved, That the thanks of the Committee be presented to the Rev. Mr. Wallace, and to William Stark, Esq., for the very interesting and appropriate Address and Poem, delivered by them respectively, on the 22d instant, on the occasion of the Centennial Celebration of the Incorporation of Manchester, and that they be requested to furnish copies of the same for publication. Voted, That the Secretary pro tem. communicate the above Resolution to Messrs. Wallace and Stark. Voted to adjourn. I. I.W. SMITH, Sec'y. pro temn. OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 7 ADDRESS. BY REV. CYRUS W. WALLACE. Many solemn reflections rush upon the mind on an occasion like the present. A century! How many events of thrilling interest, which left their impress on after time, have been crowded into its passing years. And how many other events, unknown to the world and to fame,-but which really constitute the sum of human life,have perished from the records of the living. Three generations have been swept from the earth during this period.What hopes, what fears, what joys, what sorrows, once animated the bosoms of those millions, who now sleep in the dust. The past is the key to the future. The crowning excellence of man appears in that he is able to profit by the experience of those who have lived before him. One generation can commence their researches and improvements where the preceeding terminated-thus showing the vast superiority of the lowest reason over the highest instinct. An hundred years afford time for the trial of great experiments. A nation will scarcely attain its manhood, and demonstrate that its institutions rest on a firm basis, in a period less extended. The first inhabitants of a new country are mainly drawn together by certain affinities of blood, or religious, or industrious habits. They lay foundations as in their wisdom they deem best. And when a period has elapsed sufficient to make a fair experiment, it is well to inquire for the result. Do we not thus learn what are the true elements of national life? Are we not enabled to judge what are the institutions, civil and religious, that tend to secure the richest and most lasting blessings?',Tis well, also, to walk among the graves of the departed, because it chastens the spirit, and reminds us that we are actors in a vast drama, whose shifting scenes will soon introduce us to another state of being. Surely it is the dictate of wisdom, to study the history of those who have lived before us, that we may avoid their follies, and improve by their experience. The original charter by which the town of Derryfield was incorporated, bears date Sept. 3, 1751. It was granted by 8.CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION George II, styled in the instrument, " By the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Holland, King, Defender of the Faith," and signed by Benning Wentworth, Governor and commander of the Province of New Hampshire. The first town meeting was called by John McMurphy, and was held Sept. 20, at the house of John Hall, Innholder. The tract of land covered by the Charter, embraced a portion of what was originally Chester, a part of Londonderry, and likewise a piece of land belonging to the purchase of John Tufton Mason, and never before included in any town.* This last mentioned tract was a narrow strip of land, eight miles in length, situated on the bank of the river. In the early records, it is sometimes called " waste land," and sometimes dignified with the name " Harrytown." In 1810, the name of Derryfield, by act of the legislature, was changed to that of Manchester. It has been said that this change of name was suggested and mainly effected by the efforts of a man then resident in the town, by the name of Stickney, who predicted that, as a manufacturing place, Manchester of New England would one day vie in importance with the Manchester of Old England. Much of the soil is of a light, sandy quality, and poorly adapted to thriving agriculture, yet there are some farms that will bear comparison with any in the neighboring towns, and, taken as a whole, it would seem, that the land is better than the reputation it has had in former years. A few weeks since, I met an old man above 80, a native of the town. At the age of 21 he emigrated to the western part of the State, and his early impressions as to the poverty of the land, I found were very vivid. He said "his father owned 400 acres, and he was an only son. But," said he, "it was not worth ninepence an acre. My father wished me to stay with him; but I told him I could not,-I must go where land was better." And he related the old story of the grass-hopper, which was found by the traveller on some of the Manchester pine plains, wiping the tears from its swarthy cheeks; and when inquired of about the cause of its grief, replying, "the last mullen leaf is wasting, and I see nothing but certain death by starvation." The Indians left this part of the country some years before the white man made any permanent settlement. The Penacooks, who inhabited the valley of the Merrimack as far down as Nashua and Lowell, removed from this ancient seat of the * Appendix A. OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 9 Sagamons, about 1680 or'85.* Historians are not agreed as to what became of the last remnant of this once powerful, and remarkably friendly tribe. Wonnalancet and a part of his tribe, went to Canada soon after the war with Philip. Some suppose they all went. But as we hear of the Penacook and other Indians, in connexion with an attack on the settlement of Dover, some years later, the most probable conclusion is, that the tribe had separated, a part going with their chief to Canada,. while the rest united with other Indians at the East, about the Androscoggin in Maine. We have no time to devote to the Indian history, and yet we cannot pass it by, without feelings of regret and of pity for the poor red man. Once he stood the proud monarch of the western world.But the white man came, and the sons of the forest faded away before the march of civilization, till now only a few scattered remnants are left to tell us of their former greatness. It is sad, thus to see a mighty people pass away, even though a nation more mighty may take their place. And a deeper sadness comes over us, from the conviction that this was a much injured race, and, though themselves guilty of cruelty, yet experiencing cruelty perhaps still greater from those who became possessors of the soil. An anonymous poet expresses the truth but too plainly, when he makes the Indian say, " I will go to my tent and lie down in despair, I will paint me with black and sever my hair, I will sit on the shore where the hurricane blows, And reveal to the God of the tempest,. my woes. I will weep for a season, on bitterness fed, For my kindred.are gone to the mounds of the dead; But they died not by hunger, or wasting decay, The steel of the white man has swept them away." It was probably nearly forty years after the Indians left this part of the Merrimack valley, that white men first became permanent residents in this town. The exact date of the first settlement cannot now be determined. The first inhabitants of Londonderry arrived in 1719. That town was settled very rapidly, and as the land was taken up, the people spread into other townships. Bedford (Souhegan East) received her first inhabitants in 1737. Tradition says that Derryfield began to be settled a year or two * Appendix B. 10 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION previous. The Walkers, who were the first to make a' settlement in Bedford, lived a short time on this side the river, near Moor's Ferry, (Goff's Falls,) before they commenced' west of the Merrimack. Archibald Stark, father of the General, came into town in 1736. Col. John Goff was probably among the first residents. His home was at Goff's Falls. He afterwards moved to Bedford. The Perham family, also Hall, Dickey and McMurphy were among the early settlers. So far as can now be ascertained, there are no authentic records, to any great extent, that reach back prior to the incorporation of the town. Some scraps of history are found, relating to individuals, but nothing like a connected account of the first settlement. Church records, which usually furnish the earliest and most accurate information, concerning the settlement of our New England towns, are here entirely wanting. From what data we have, however, there is no difficulty in tracing the origin of a majority of the early inhabitants. They were from the north of Ireland, or sons. of the first'settlers of Londonderry. Their ancestors were of Scotch origin, and in those days were called " Scotch Irish." Col. Barnes, in his centennial address at Bedford, says, " It is true that nearly all this class of settlers, or their fathers and mothers, came to this country directly from the great northern province of Ulster, in Ireland; yet they were nevertheless not Irishmen. No Irish blood ran in their veins. The two races were, and are entirely distinct, as much as it is possible they can be, with the same general features and the same color." No one acquainted with the history of the Scotch and Irish, will doubt the correctness of what is here' said of the distinction between the two races. During the reign of Henry VIII, there began in England and Scotland a long and bitter struggle for supremacy, between the Episcopal church on the one hand, and the church of Rome on the other. It was a struggle for power, without very much of conscience or piety in either party. About the same time, there arose a third party, the Puritans in England and the Presbyterians in Scotland. They contended for greater rights of conscience, and for a purer faith and form of worship, and in consequence were persecuted both by King and Pope. To escape from this persecution, to enjoy liberty of conscience, and to leave to their children an inheritance of civil OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 11 and religious liberty, the Puritans sought an asylum in this western world. About the same time, and for the same purpose, large numbers of the Scotch emigrated to the north of Ireland. But not finding there all the freedom they desired, many of them, or their descendants, emigrated a second time, and came to this country. One colony settled in Londonderry, and from thence went out many of the first inhabitants of Bedford, New Boston, Antrim, Peterborough, Acworth and Manchester. Most of the first settlers of Manchester were, therefore, of the right stock. Perhaps a nobler race of men never lived, than the Scotch Irish. It is true they did not possess so much that is courteous and refined in manner, as may be desirable, and in those qualities they might be behind their English neighbors; bnt in stern integrity, in uprightness of purpose, in a conscientious regard to truth, they were surpassed by no men who ever lived. They were the worthy descendants of those who withstood the long and bloody seige of Londonderry, in their adopted Ireland; worthy themselves to lay the foundation of civil and religious liberty in their chosen country —7worthy to be the fathers of those, who afterwards fought at Bunker Hill and Bennington. It is worthy of notice, that among the most distinguished opposers of British aggression, were the Scotch Irish. The doctrine of the divine right of kings, which had so long held in chains the best minds of Old England, and which had contributed to warp the consciences of not a few in New England, had long sat loosely on the minds of the emigrants from Ulster in Ireland. Their views of religious liberty, the rights of conscience and of the obligations of the law of God, as above all edicts of kings and popes, contributed to this result. The civil and religious oppression they had felt in the mother country, had prepared both the Puritan and Presbyterian mind to throw off, in this country, without any sacrifice of conscience, allegiance to the king and parliament. Those who acknowledged the king to be the head of the church, found a serious draw-back to their patriotism, in their religious, obligations. It was not so with dissenters in England and Scotland. They had already- found a "Church without a Bishop," and from that, the step was a short one to a " State without a King." Hence, when the cry " to arms " sounded along the valley of the Merrimack, the Scotch Irish were ready for the conflict.Not only had they no scruples of conscience to overcome, but 12 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION conscience was with them. Like Cromwell and his men, they carried the force of religious principle into the hottest of the fight. Their trust was in the righteousness of their cause. The blow they struck was for " God and their native land." Thus in the town of Londonderry there were but 15 men who refused to sign what was called "The Association Test;" by which they pledged themselves " at the risk of life and fortune, with arms, to oppose the hostile proceedings of British fleets and armies." And in forty days after the battle of Bunker- Hill, they had nearly one hundred men in the Continental army. Bedford, also, possessed the same spirit. Not a single man, except the minister, refused to sign the " test act." The same was true of New Boston, Antrim and Peterborough. The best of their sons marched to the bloody field, and did noble service for the truth and the right. Nor was Derryfield, according to her numbers and ability, a whit behind the best of them. The selectmen, in their return, say, " we have presented the within declarations to the inhabitants of said town, and they have all signed said declarations, which we, in our judgement, thought had a right to sign the same." And they were ready to perform all that the test required. First among the number of patriotic citizens, stands the name of Stark. Gen. John Stark was one of those men, who are raised up for a specific purpose, prepared beforehand for great events, ready at the hour of trial, to perform the duty assigned them. His early life was spent in this then frontier settlement, inuring him in youth to danger and hardship. Spending much of his time in hunting, he often came in contact with wandering parties of Indians, and once became their prisoner. At the age of 26, at the commencement of the French and Indian war, he entered the British army as an officer. Through a long and bloody campaign, he served faithfully at one of the most important and dangerous posts of duty. Twelve years after, when the war of the revolution began, he was among the first to march to the scene of conflict. Although he had been an officer in the British army, and many who had served with him, (his own brother, among others,) were found opposed to the colonists, Stark was, from the first, true to the cause. Says his biographer,-" Within ten minutes after the reception of the intelligence of the battle of Lexington, Stark had mounted his horse and was on his way towards the sea-coast, having directed the volunteers of his neighborhood to meet at Medford." OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 13 After the battle of Bunker-hill, he remained some time in the army under the immediate command of Washington, taking part in several engagements, and everywhere distinguished as a brave officer. The event, however, which did most to establish the military character of Stark, was the battle of Bennington. Taking all the circumstances into the account, circumstances which preceded, attended and followed the engagement, it was evidently one of the most important battles of the Revolution. Up to this time, the American army had manifested skill and bravery,: which would have gained credit on any sanguinary field. Still our arms had gained no decisive victory. Everything was dark. The colonists began to feel the burden of the war. They were disheartened, and doubt hung in gloom over the future. The mind of Washington himself was not entirely free from that doubt which pervaded other minds. In a letter he wrote, dated only thirty days previous to this battle, he said, " Though our affairs have for some days worn a gloomy aspect, yet I look forward to a happy change." That happy change, which the hopeful mind of Washington anticipatedi, occurred when Gen. Stark, at the head of troops raised in New Hampshire and Vermont, and. among the hills of Berkshire, met the enemy at Bennington. It was a decisive victory. It turned the tide of affairs. It led the American people to " lose sight of past misfortunes," and urged them to fly to arms, to afford every aid in their power. From this hour the American cause brightened. Other successful engagements with the enemy soon followed; and the star of promise never again left our political sky, till the last foreign foe was driven from our shores. It is not claimed for Gen. Stark, that he possessed qualities of mind or heart, that in civil life, would have distinguished himn above many other men. But, as a military officer, he had few equals. He belonged to the Putnam perhaps to the Napoleon school. He never dreamed of victory but by hard fighting; and that hard fighting, he had both the courage and the will to perform. How large a number of Stark's townsmen fought with him the battles of our country, we are not informed. * I have met with the name of no one who deserted the American cause, except that of William, brother of the General, who became a Col, in the British army, and was killed by a -fall from his horse on Long Island. * Appendix C. 14 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION From the records of the town at that exciting period, and from other historical fragments, it is evident there was no want of the right spirit among the inhabitants. In March, 1775, the constable issued his warrant for town meeting, in the name of "His Majesty, the King." Inl December of the same year, another meeting was called in the name of America. In the mean time, other steps were taken, which show there was no wavering in regard to the aggressions of Great Britain. While, however, we delight to speak of the early inhabitants of this town as the sons of noble sires; while it gives us pleasure to bear witness, that they stood shoulder to shoulder with their countrymen, in the struggle for Independence, still it must be confessed that in some important respects, they were unlike the first settlers of other towns who descended from the same noble ancestry. This difference appears in the sacrifices that were made to support the institutions of religion. Our Puritan fathers believed, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that " Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is and of that which is to come." In accordance with this conviction, wherever they commenced a- settlement, they laidthe foundation of religious institutions, with forms of faith and worship, according to their views of the teachings of scripture. The Scotch Presbyterians -acted on the same principle. Wherever they went, the ark of God went with them. To build a tabernacle in the wilderness was among their first duties. The colony which came to Londonderry brought their minister, Rev. James McGregor with them. On the day after their arrival, under a large oak he preached from Isaiah 32-2. "And Aaron shall be a hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest, as rivers of water in a dry place, as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land." From that day the institutions of religion have been maintained among the people. In Bedford, a similar course was pursued. Within two months after the act of incorporation, a call was extended to a minister to become their pastor. He declined, but others were invited. A pastor was soon settled, and the institutions of religion have been maintained by their descendants to this day. From some cause, however, a different state of things prevailed here. For some years after the incorporation of the town, a good degree of interest was manifested in the support of religious institutions, as appears from the following records;-At OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 15 a legal meeting, called Nov. 1751 it was voted "'to raise 24 pounds, old tenor, to pay for preaching the present year." 1753, an article was inserted in the warrant, calling the townmeeting,-" To see if the town will choose where the minister shall preach,"-and it was voted that " Benj. Stevens' barn and Winm. McClintock's barn be the place of public worship, till the money voted last March be expended." The same year 1753, the town voted to extend a call to Rev. Mr. McDowell to become their minister, in connexion with Bedford. He however declined the offer. Twenty years after the town extended a call to Rev. George Gilmore, who likewise declined. The town continued to employ some clergyman to preach a few Sabbath's each year, but it does not appear that any minister of any denomination was ever settled in town, or became a permanent resident of it, until a very recent period. In 1.756, some steps were taken towards building a house of worship, the same that now stands in the centre of the town. The work, however, proceeded very slowly. After some years the frame was put up.' Then we hear in town meeting, about boarding and shingling the house, and still later, of setting up of doors, and, finally, in 1792, of the outside of the house being covered, and the pew-ground being sold to the highest bidder. It could hardly be said, however, that the house was ever in a finished state, while it was occupied as a place of worship.One part would decay before another part was completed, so that it was always in a dilapidated condition. And those who met there to attend to the ordinances of the gospel on a summer's Sabbath, might have been reminded of those beautiful words of the Psalmist: " The sparrow hath found a home, and the swallow a nest for herself, where she may lay her young, even thine altars, O Lord of Hosts." No christian church was regularly constituted in this town, until within comparatively a recent period. The first organized, was a Presbyterian church at the centre of the town. The letter missive, inviting the council, was signed by twelve persons. The council was convened on the 21st of May, 1828, in the old meeting house. Of this council, Rev. Abraham Burnham was chosen Moderator, and Rev. Stephen Morse, scribe.Six persons appeared and were examined on profession of their faith in Christ, and two presented letters from other churches. These eight persons, two men and six women, were organized into a church, and constituted the first church in Manchester.They soon received some accessions, but remained few in number. They sustained the preaching of the gospel a part of the 16 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION time, but never had a pastor. Eleven years after, in August, 1839, this church united with the Congregational church at Amoskeag, and became the First Congregational Church in Manchester. A pastor was settled over this church in January, 1840, and was the first of any denomination settled in the town. The next church organized, was the Methodist, in Sept., 1829. An itinerant ministry has been sustained in connection with this church, I believe, since its organization. (Other matters of an ecclesiastical character, of recent date are found noticed in their place, but come not within the scope of the present address.) In the matter of education, the early inhabitants of the town pursued a course very different from that of their neighbors.The good old Puritan custom of building the school house beside the church, was imitated by the Scotch Irish. In 1753 a school was kept 6 months in Bedford. The- same course had been pursued in Londonderry, and the example was followed by other towns. But for some reason this town furnished an exception. At the annual meeting, 1756, the question of appropriating money forthe support of schools was introduced, but the article was dismissed. A few years after it was called up again, and again voted down. The same question shared the same fate in a number of instances, till 1788, when a small sum was appropriated to this purpose. But the next year a step backward was taken, and it was not till' some years after, that there is evidence that the Common School System- went into general operation. As one of the consequences or causes of this neglect of education, it is worthy of notice, that for nearly a century after the settlement of the town, there was neither lawyer, physician or minister, among its permanent inhabitants. And so far as we can learn, during this long period, no man born in the town, has devoted his life to the pursuit of either of these professions. — No son of Manchester has been graduated at college until within the last- 2 years; and it is a gratifying circumstance, that our first and only example is present on this occasion, to' speak for himself, and to present testimony here, that he is a true scion of the'right stock,- and that a hundred years of waiting has not been in vain. In making this statement, it is by no means intended to intimate that none- were educated here for the various departments of active life. There were many such, and some of them have been especially distinguished as merchants. The causes which have contributed to produce this state of OF THE CITY- OF HMNCHESTER. 17 things, so unlike what appears in other towns, as Londonderry, which furnishes a list of 50 or 60 college graduates, and Bedford, over 30, must be looked for far back in the history of the people. The institutions of religion and education stand or fall together. i Among the first settlers of the town there was, no doubt, a respectable number who were anxious to support these institutions. But there were leading minds opposed to them, and the majority of the people were unwilling to make the sacrifice, and hence followed the results we have been obliged to notice. These facts are full of important instruction for those, who are laying the foundations for coming generations. The Bible, the Sabbath, the Sanctuary, the school-house, laws to promote virtue and punish vice, our Puritan fathers found equal to all their wants.'They are instrumentalities which have lost none of their power, and we shall fail to procure from any other source the rich blessings which they afford. We pass to the notice of other subjects of historical interest. At the time white men first settled along the banks of the Merrimack, the river was distinguished for its supply of fish. The salmon, the shad, the alewife and lamprey-eel, were here found in great abundance. Amoskeag falls afforded peculiar facilities for taking these fish, and the inhabitants from all the towns in the vicinity, resorted here in great numbers for this purpose. In a journal kept by Hon. Matthew Patten, of Bedford, we find the following entry: —" 1759, June 8-9-Fished at Namoskeag Falls, and got 120 shad and I gave Robert McMurphy 10 of them, and I got 4 shad and I small salmon for my part from the setting-place. Wm. Peters fished for me by the halves." The habits of these fish were such, that they passed up the river in the months of June, and July, when they were taken by means of nets and hooks prepared for the purpose. Some fishing stands were prepared and owned by individuals. Others, and those the most important, were formed by nature at the angles of rocks, and eddies in the stream. These were common property, and were held for the time by whoever might occupy them. If, for instance, a man wished to gain possession of a particular fishing place, he must watch his opportunity, and, in the absence of any occupant, enter and take possession, his title be ing good while he remained, but vanishing the moment he left, and made room for a successor who wished to take his place. — 2 18 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION So important were some of these stands regarded, that they would be watched for weeks, before a fish of any kind appeared in the river. Sometimes, however, the right of possession was not so clear and indisputable, but that it required the boiling of Irish blood, backed up by angry words, and heavy blows, to determine to whom the claim belonged. Records and traditions have preserved the names of many., of these fishing places. One was called the "Sitting Place," another the "C Maple Stump." And to these may be added, the " Eelpot," and the " Puppy-trap," the " Crack in,the Rock," and last, though not least, the "Pulpit." Shad and salmon were also taken by the Fly and Drag-nets along the shores of the river, and immense quantities of alewives were caught in the stream which empties the Massabesic Lake into the Merrimack at Moor's Ferry or Goff's Falls. In the early settlement of the country, fishing was, no doubt, a pleasant and profitable employment. It furnished a very acceptable article of food at little expense. But it soon became a very precarious business. No one could tell when the fish would run, or who whoild catch them when they did. Besides, it broke in upon the work of the farm, at a very important and busy season of of the year. It also tended to promote habits of idleness and intemperance. And while it was a kind arrangement of Providence to supply the necessities of the first settlers, yet we may doubt whether, on the whole, it was an advantage for a long time, before it was discontinued.: Manchester, stretching, as it does, for eight miles along the bank of the river, lying both above and below the Falls, and having the " Alewife Brook" passing directly across the centre, would be likely to receive all the advantages and disadvantages arising from this business, and it is to be feared, more of the latter than the former. Still, some of us remember how very unwilling the old fisher men, dwelling in the neighborhood of the Falls, were, to part company with their shad and eels. When dams were thrown across the river to divert its channel, and thus prevent the free passage of the fish, these men felt that their rights were invaded, and, had they possessed the power, they might have felt themselves justified in resorting to almost any measures to restore the ancient order of things, even to the stoppage of every saw, and spindle carried by our water falls. The first important work of art prosecuted in this town, was the construction of the Amoskeag Canal around the Falls for OF THE CITY OF MANCHE STER. 19 the purpose of rafting. This work was designed and erected by Samuel l3lodgett, Esq. Of the early life of Mr. Blodgett, little is known beyond the time and place of his birth, which was Woburn, Mass. April 1, 1724. He was evidently a man of considerable note in his day, possessing an inventive mind, and far reaching sagacity, which really made him a man ahead of his age. We hear of him as a Sutler in the French and Indian war, and when Fort William Henry was taken by the French, Blodgett was found concealed under a batteau. He was suffered to go at liberty, after being plundered of every thing but his scalp. It is said that he was never partial to military service afterwards. We next hear of -Mr. Blodgett as a merchant and as one of the assistant deputies of the'" King's Woods," under Governor Wentworth. He was also an excise officer appointed to collect duties on all spirituous liquors. These commissions he held till Independence was declared. Whether owing to the recollections of the affair at Fort William Henry, or to the patronage he had enjoyed from the mother country, we know not. but from some cause, he appears to have taken no part in the revolutionary struggle.* After the war-he invented what he called a " Diving tongue," the design of which was to raise the wrecks of sunken vessels. He was successful in one or two instances on our coast. He afterwards visited England and Spain for the same purpose.: Perhaps while abroad he formed the grand design of digging the Canal around the Falls of A-moskeag. Be that as it may, soon after his return in 1794, he commenced what he evidently regarded as the great workl of his life. His first designs were very crude and imperfect. His plan was to construct slips instead of locks. Failing in this and other experiments, he finally adopted substantially that which went into getneral use. But unacquainted with that kind of engineering, and unable to secure the services of an engineer, he met with many disappointments. The work was long delayed. Some parts, whenr constructed were carried away by freshets, and finally, what was most vexatious of all, his whole fortlune of thirty-five or forty thouaand dollars, was expended on a yet fruitless undertakingo Having exhausted his own resources and expended all the money he could raise by other means, he- made application to the * This is probably a mistake. It is said MAr. B. was engaged for a time in the revolutionary war. 20 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION Legislatures of New Hampshire and Massachusetts for grants of lotteries, according to the custom of that day, to raise money to complete the enterprize. In this he was partially successful. The work, however dragged slowly, and exceedingly tried the patience of its projector. In an appeal he made to the public, dated December, 1803, he says "' It is very painful indeed to me to reflect on a ten years ardent exertion, at this stage of my life, sparing no pains in my power, with the utmost stretch of invention to finish this canal, the expence of $60,000, already having been devoted to it, and the canal not yet completed."' By great exertions on his part, by the help of lotteries and by money raised by the sale of shares in the property, the canal was finished about the time of his death in 1807. When we take into account the circumstances under which this enterprise was commenced and prosecuted; when we reflect on the pecuniary depressions of the country; when we consider that there were no engineers or mechanics who understood the kind of work,-when to this we add that the enterprise was the first of the kind of any importance anywhere in this country-and above all the fact that it must, to a great extent, have originated in the mind of Mr. Blodgett: When we take into view these things, the Amoskeag Canal assumes an importance which places it among the great enterprises which distinguished the last century. Invention is the rare quality of a few minds. Imitation is comparatively easy. It is the former that places the names of Fitch, and Folsom, and Arkwright, and Morse so high on the scroll of fame, showing that the first humble and crude attempts of inventors indicate the presence of greater genius than may be expected by the most polished and successful imitators. It is in this view that we hesitate not to pronounce the Blodget Canal a greater work in its day than was the construction of the Erie Canal twenty years after, or than it would be now to construct a rail-road from St. Louis to SanFrancisco. We have never been taught to place the name of Blodgett among the patriots or reformers of his age, but as a man of genius and deathless perseverance he had few equals. As to the morality of raising money by lotteries, it is now justly regarded as very questionable; but if any think otherwise, and wish to try their luck at a game of chance, there is an abundance of Blodgett's tickets still on hand, which may be OF THE CITY OF MANCIESTER. 21 obtained cheap, and which may be warranted about as likely to draw prizes, as any in the market. But it is the manufacture of cloth, which, more than any thing else, will distinguish this city in coming time. The rise and progress of this great interest of the place, claim our notice. The machinery first used for manufacturing purposes, was erected on the west side of the river. It is difficult, however, to find the precise time when it was put into operation It was more than forty years ago when the undertaking was commenced by Mr. Benjamin Prichard. For want of capital, he was unable to proceed, and disposed of his interest to a company, becoming himself a partner in the concern. The first record of the meetings of the directors of tffs company, that I can find is as follows: — "' At a legal meeting of the Directors of the Amoskeag Cotton and Wool Factory, being duly notified and holden at the house of Robert McGregor, Esq., in Goffstown, March 9, 1810. Present, James Parker, Samuel P. Kidder, John Stark, Jr., David McQueston, and Benj. Prichard."' From the votes passed at this meeting, it is evident that the factory was then in operation. At subsequent meetings, holden soon after the above date, the names of other directors appear and Jotham Gillis signs his name as clerk of the corporation, though the record of his appointment does not appear.It is possible Mr. Gillis was, in fact, agent of the company as well as clerk, from March 9th, 1810, till August, 1813, at which time Frederic G. Stark, Esq., was appointed, and made solemn oath before David L. Morril, Esq., that he would faithfully discharge the duties incumbent on him as agent of the Amoskeag Cotton and Wool Factory. The first building, as we have said, was erected on the west side of the river, at the falls, on the spot where the old factory stood which, three years since was destroyed by fire. It was, indeed, a part of that building. It was small, perhaps forty feet square, and two stories high. For a number of years after the old factory went into operation, the business was limited to spinning cotton, and it is curious to learn under what disadvantages this now simple operation was performed. The first step after the cotton was received, was to send it out into the families in the neighborhood, in lots of from fifty to one hundred pounds, to be picked. This was done by first whipping the cotton with rods in a rude frame prepared for the 22 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION purpose, and afterwards separating the seed by hand. Four cents per pound was paid for picking cotton. This old fashioned whipping machine operated by a boy with two sticks, has given place to the picker of our day. The work of carding and spinning was performed at that day by machinery less perfect; but the yarn manufactured, as to strength and durability, would compare well with the artic le at the present day. Some years after the manufacture of yarn was commenced, perhaps because the market was more than supplied, the company introduced the weaving of cloth. It was, however, not done at the mill, but by hand-looms, in the families in the neighborhood. Amnpg the most vivid recollections of my childhood, is that of seeNg Mr. Gillis ride up to the house where I then lived, with large bundles of yarn to be woven into cloth by the handloom process. It was before the days of Railroads, it was even before carriages had become very common, and the clerk of the Arnmoskeag Cotton and Wool Factory, found it convenient to travel a distance of five miles on horse-back, and carry his yarn in bundles, tied about his saddle. As it is no part of my purpose to attempt any thing, like a history of manufacturing in this place, it may be sufficient to mention that the machinery in this old mill was sold to Gen. Riddle for $1000, and was moved to Merrimack. He was offered the whole privilege, building and all, for $500 more. But he declined the offer. Afterwards, a Mlr. Babbit came in, and commenced the manufacture of Gingham. Then followed a Mr. Robinson, and then the property passed into the hands of a corporation. An addition was made to the old mill spoken of, in 1826. The machinery was put into the belt mill, so called, the same year, and the foundation laid for a mill on the Island. These mills have all been burned. That on the Island in 1840, the other in 1848. The first spindles, on the Manchester side of the river, commenced running in July, 1839. But not to dwell on matters of recent date-let me advert to some points of comparison between the past and the present, that may be noticed with interest: First, in the price of labor. When Judge Stark made solemn oath before D. L. Morril, that he would faithfully perform the. duties of agent, he was to receive by contract, $15 per month-quite a contrast, probably, with what agents now receive. A Mr. Robinson, was engaged inl 1811 to build machinery.' An entry in the book states that he was to receive $3,50 per day, and OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 23 board for himself and hands, and they find their own spirits.A EMr. Cushing was paid as overseer $1,25 and boarded himself. The highest price paid for the labor of females was $1 per week, and from that down to almost no price at all. The price paid for weaving in hand-looms varied according to the texture of the cloth, from eight cents the minimum up to sixteen cents the maximum price per yard. Common shirting was twelveand a half cents. When wages were at these rates, cotton yarn was worth from seventy-five cents to one dollar per pound. Common sheeting and shirtings from thirty to forty cents per yard. Calicoes which may now be bought for twelve and a half cents, cost then from forty to fifty cents. From this statement it appears that the prices now paid for female labor are more than double what they were forty years ago-while the more common and necessary articles of wearing apparel, cost not more than one-third as much now as they did then. The difference in the price paid for men's work is not so great. It has, however, increased perhaps, one-third. If: the principle laid down, that the greater the price paid for labor, the greater the prosperity of the country, be true, then New England has greatly increased in her pecuniary prosperity within the last forty years. If the old proverb, that money is power, be true, and if the price paid for woman's labor goes on increasing for forty years to come, as it has for forty years past, they will, ere long, become the lords of creation, and nothing but some compromise will save those who have hitherto swayed the sceptre, from a subordinate position. There is, however, consolation in the thought —it the sceptre must pass from the hands of those who have so long held it, it will be transferred to those who in all ages have been proverbial for kindness and generosity. If, therefore, such a change must come, we will still hope to secure a dwelling-place, should we be deprived of our former dignity and honor. A few figures will show us something of the progress that has been made in the manufacturing interest in this neighborhood within forty years, and as this is a very fair representation of the advance of this branch of industry, in our country, it is an item of much importance. I have examined the accounts kept in the beautiful -round hand of Judge Stark for the month of October, 1813. For fifteen days in succession, during that month, there were manufactured at Amoskeag, three hundred and fifty-eight skeins per 24 CENTENNIAL.CELEBRATION day, of cotton yarn. This was about the average amount.This three hundred and fifty-eight skeins, at factory price, was worth twenty-nine dollars and twenty-two cents. The Stark mills, in this city, have for six months in succession, manufactured thirty miles of cloth per day. The Amoskeag mills have manufactured forty miles in length per day. The Manchester mills are now manufacturing about seventeen miles per day. We have then, this result: —In October 1813, they could spin at Amoskeag, three hundred and fifty-eight skeins of cotton yarn per day. In October, 1851, thirty-eight years afterwards, they can manufacture eighty-seven miles of cloth per day, an amount sufficient to stretch a web across the Atlantic in thirty-four days, and to belt the Globe in two hundred and eighty-seven days. It would be a quick passage for one of our fastest sailing vessels to make a voyage round the earth in a period so limited. As the progress made in manufacturing in the place, is only a fair index of the progress made throughout the country, it is easy to see that a vast change has taken place in the industrial habits of the country. For it will be borne in mind, that other branches of industry have advanced in an equally surprising ratio. The question naturally arises, what is to be the effect of all this change in the country at large? We point to our spindles and looms, to our forges and machine-shops, to our rail-roads and steam-presses, and call it prosperity. But is it real substantial prosperity? Is it an advancement for which the generations to come will bless us? Was not the community as well off, when the sons of our farmers remained quietly at home, to enlarge and beautify the old homestead, and pass life free from all the bustle and turmoil of the day in which we live? When their daughters sought wool and flax, and worked diligently with their hands for sixpence per day? Was it not as favorable to the general weal as the present condition of things, with all our progress? This is certainly a fair question, and there are those who say,-"The former days were better than these!" But if we begin to go backwards where shall we stop? If we conclude nothing has been gained by spinning and weaving by machinery, by what arguments shall we show that the steam press is an advantage to the world? If the rail-car is no benefit, how does it appear that the wagon and chaise are so?Why not go back to the old pillion? If anything is gained OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 25 by sawing a board by water-power, why not plane it by the same power, and gain as much more? I confess myself a convert to the doctrine of human progress. I do not regard labor as an affliction. But any discovery that reduces the elements of nature to the service of man, diminishes the toil of human life, and at the same time multiplies the sources of enjoyment, and supplies the means of gratification. Instead of going backward till all labor-saving machinery should be silent, and commerce swept from the ocean, my hope and belief is, that the world will yet go onward, mind constantly making new triumphs over matter, till a point is reached as far in advance of that which we now occupy, as the present is in advance of the remotest past. Such is the destiny of our race, and the man who most helps to roll on this tide of improve ment, stands among the greatest benefactors of earth. But to whom is the world indebted for all this improvement? Every cultivated mind has contributed its share, and a large share to the common advancement. Every class of society has furnished its individuals who have struck out new trains of thought, and executed new works of skill. But to one class in an especial manner, the world is indebted for this progress, I mean that of the practical mechanic. Every department of industry, every friend of hluman enterprise, has given new impulse to his power, and received in turn new impulse from the reaction. It has been said that God has bestowed special honor on agriculture, by making it the employment of the first pair, and by choosing many of the prophets and kings from this occupation. It is said that special honor was conferred on the employment of the sailor by the man of Calvary, when he chose so many of his disciples from among the fishermen of Galilee. We take no honor from other professions. But when God arched the Heavens, and hung the earth on nothing, and set in motion the wheel of nature, yea-when he formed the wonderful mechanism of the human body, and gave instinct to the animal creation, he exhibited a skill which the mechanic is only attempting to imitate. And every advance he makes in the cultivation of his art, is only helping to move the world onward to that perfection, which its author intended it should reach. Who, that contrasts the savage with the civilized state, who that looks at the printing-press, brought to such perfection by mechanical skill, who that beholds the steamboat sitting quietly on the ocean wave, or flying, as on the wings of the wind, 26 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION thus facilitating commerce and international communication, can doubt that the mechanic has much to do in accomplishing the world's renovation? Ah! when we are dead and the world has grown wiser, willing hands will take the laurel wreath from the warrior's brow, and entwine it upon that of the humble artisan, as a token of the world's gratitude to him who has done so much to' beat the sword into the plough-share, and the spear into the pruninghook." In bringing my remarks to a close, allow me to recur again to the thought with which I commeniced. We dwell in a changing world, amid scenes that are shifting and passing away. As we have walked to-day among the monuments of the dead; we have been reminded of the influence of the past on the present. We owe a debt of gratitude to those who have lived before us. They have labored;'have brought to light principles; perfected schemes of improvement; and left them a rich inheritance to the present generation. Let us be thankful for these blessings, first of all to Him from whom "cometh down every good and perfect gift,". and then to those by whose skill, enterprise, and virtue, under God, have been accomplished these blessed results. We are proud to speak of our Pilgrim ancestors, and regard it as an honor that the blood of- such men flows in our veins; we delight to build their monuments, and point to the principles of civil and religious liberty, which they planted, as the seed of our golden harvest. While we praise their virtues, let us imitate their example, and while we do honor to their principles in nacve, let us see to it, that the substance does not slip from our embrace.. Let us remember, that the only way -in which we can pay the debt of gratitude we owe the past, is by living for the. future. The only gold which is lawful tender in this commerce, is virtue, embodied in truthful and well directed actions. Every human being has the same right to life, liberty, improvement, and happiness, that he has to enjoy the light of the sun-to breathe the air of heaven, or drink at the gushing fountain. Be it ours to pay the debt we owe the past, by living to confer these blessings on all men the world over. Above all, let us keep in mind that we are fast hastening through the brief period of our earthly existence. The men connected with the. events we celebrate to-day, have long since passed away, and long before another occasioni like this shall occur, our names will all be blotted from the record of the living, but we go to OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 27 witness other scenes, and to bear a part in other events. May we so keep in view our accountability to our great Creator, and so rely on Him who is the "Resurrection and the life," that when our names shall perish from the memory of the living, they may be found treasured in the records of the just. APPENDIX. A. It seems that a portion of this City, next to the Merrimack, consisting of a strip of land three miles in width, extending through its entire length, was granted, in 1635, to Ephraim IIildreth, John Shepley and others, by the Province of Massachusetts, that Province claiming that their north line extended three miles north and east of the Mlerrimack. Hildreth and Shepley for themselves and other Soldiers under Capt. William Tyng,, petitioned the general Court of Massachusetts Province, for the Crant of a tract of land six miles square lying on both sides of Merrimack Itiver at Armoskeag Falls. The petition was presented on the ground of services rendered in an expedition against'the Indians on snow shoes, in the winter of 1703. This petition was granted oand the tract of land included within it was known by the name of Tyngstomw-n. Tyngstown extended from "Suncook or Lovewell's town," (now Pembroke,) to Litchfield, and was bounded on the west by the Merrimack, and upon the east by a line parallell to the fMerrimack, and at the distance of three miles from the same. Thus the town was about twelve miles in length, and three miles in width. B. While probably the Indians did not continue to reside permanently in the vicinity of Amoskeag much later than 1690 o0'95, still not unlikely, for forty or fifty years afterwards, they spent much time in the nei1ghborhood of the Falls. Which fact may account i:or the extensive knowvledge of the Indian character possessed by some of the early settlers. C. From a record made by the selectmen of Derryfield, September 4th, 1775, it is ascertained that the whole number of the inhabitants was 285 males-between the age of sixteen and fifty-forty-one-oe them sixteen were in the army. They also state that of those not in the army, only t wenty are fit to bear arms. Probably no town in the State, perhaps none in the country furnished a larger number of soldiers in proportion to the number of inhabitants between the ages of sixteen and fifty fit to bear arms. CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION. 29 BY WILLIAM STARK, ESQ. Who does not love, when twilight's pall of grey Appears in mourning for the dying day, To climb some hill, along this valley green, And gaze enraptured on the lovely sceneTo mark the river, in the sunset glowing,To see the waters, now so calmly flowing,And then, anon, o'er ledgy ramparts pour, Through winding gorge and rocky chasm roar; Till, far below, they mingle into union, With verdant shores to bind the sweet communionTo see Rock Raymond lift his hoary head, With verdure clinging to his rough foundations, Like some proud tombstone of the mighty dead, Which has outlived a thousand generations, And stood alone, the monarch of the plain, While cities fell and forests rose again. To see the Unconoonucs' double mound Rise gently sloping from the woods around, And, with its sides in richest verdure drest, Shut out the glories of the golden west: While sunbeams play upon each woody height, And, fondly lingering, kiss their last good night. — To see the hills, their lengthened shadows throwing, Stretch up to catch the last expiring ray, Till daylight, by the golden sunset glowing, In dewy evening pine itself away: While rock and dell, and tangled forest wild Lie calm and gentle as a sleeping child. And can it be, that such a land of beauty Has known no heroes worthy of renown: 30 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION That noble deeds of friendship love or duty; Have wreathed no laurel for the victor's crown? A thousand years have trod their weary marches,,A million souls have lived along this shore: But who can say, that Heaven's golden arches, For all this host, support one soul the more! What! not a hero for the poet's pen, To laud his virtues o'er and o'er again: No chieftains, warriors, prophets, seers or sages, Have lived and flourished here for unknown ages: Have here no hunters, youthful, fleet and strong, Pursued the wild game o'er these hills along: No laughing children gambol'd in the shade, Roamed through the wood, or by the water strayed: No dark eyed maidens sat beneath the trees, And sang their love songs to the evening breeze: No deeds of love, no deeds of fame or glory, A desert land, unknown to song or story'! IHad Homer,'stead of Argos' classic strand, Claimed this fair valley as his native land, How would these scenes have swarnm'd with noble m.en; IHow buried heroes would have lived again! Each lofty mountain, and each woody hill, Each winding stream, and gently flowing rill, Each rock and dell along this river shore, In flowing verse, would live for evermore. Proud Agamemnon would his sceptre wield, O'er thousand braves encamped in Derryfield: And Chryses kneel on Massabesic's strand, To pray Apollo's dire avenging hand: And bold Ulysses reign in proud array, From bright Souhegan to the Nashua; While brave Achilles, pond'ring o'er his ills, Would roam desponding o'er the Bedford hills:The dark Scamander, flowing through the bog, Would yield its place to our Piscataquog: And where rough Simois the verse encumbers, Conloocook stand, to grace the flowing numbers: While, on the shore, their close and serried ranks, Move, dark and fearful up the river banks, With courage dire, and martial ardor big, To sack some Troy built up at Amoskeag. OF THE. CITY OF MANCHESTER. 31 But, of the mem'ries of the bloody deeds, Enacted on our native hills and meads, Of warrior yell, and dying victim's groan, But few remain, and would that there were none,For bloody deeds have filled unnumbered pages, And stained the records of a thousand ages; While deeds of peace, embalmed by poet's pen, Are none too many for the good of men. So turn we then, from scenes of bloody strife, From tomahawk, and club, and scalping knife; And, should the muse, which, bound by cruel Mars, Like some caged warbler, pines between-the bars, Be freed again to soar on spreading wing, And in her own wild native song to sing, She'll mount and warble o'er the notes of peace, And sing the sweeter for her kind release. When autumn fruits conferred their golden boon, And bright September brought her harvest moon, On that high hill, above the rocky shore, Where first the falls begin their sullen roar, Once in each year, the Indians passed a night, In solemn prayer and consecrated rite, To offer thanks, from dewy eve till morn, To their Great Spirit for the juicy corn; While youths and maidens,'neath the moonlight glance, Tripped lively measure in the Green Corn Dance. Nor Persian skies, nor Thracian valleys green, H1ave ever knowvn so beautiful a scene,-, In waving plumes, and belts of wampum, drest, The young braves dance and beat the naked breast; While light and fleet, as flitting shadows pass, So move the maidens o'er the yielding grass; Dark eyes look out from'neath a darker lash, And shine and sparkle like a meteor's flash; And raven tresses, flowing unconfined, Float free and careless in the evening wind, While tones of music, lively, wild and -sweet, Are tripped to measure by the tiniest feet;The aged squaws, and hoary warriors stand, And gaze admiring on the youthful band; While wrinkled crones, with low applauding hum, Beat loud and furious on the wooden drum. 32 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION O'er scenes like these, the mem'ry loves to dwell; Of pleasing traits in savage minds they tell:Though still a savage, place him as you will, With all his vices, he is human still. Now short and simply, lest your patience fail, I'll prove my saying, by an Indian tale. Long, long ago, one Summer's day, Ere those dark forests passed away, Which hid the dusky Indian's track Along the lovely Merrimack; Where now the island sand bars clog The mouth of our Piscataquog, And where the tall trees, spreading wide, Let squirrels play and shadows hide, There, on the mossy bank reclining, Her braided locks with beads entwining, An Indian maiden, young and fair, Sat playing with her jetty hair.-'Twas calm and still, no sound was heard, Except the twitt'ring of a bird, Or turtles, diving from a log, Deep in the waters of the'Squog; Her bark canoe lay on the sand, The paddle rested by her hand, In little coves the minnows played, E'en close around the lovely maid, Each other through her shadow chasing, The beauteous image half defacing.The river's bank, the village nigh it, Were all enrobed in solemn quiet, For all the warriors were away, Before the sun had brought the day, To Unconoonucs' southern side, To sit in council for the tribe, The squaws were making deerskin nooses, And playing with the young pappooses; The boys, for sport and pleasure wishing, Had gone to Amoskeag a fishing. As thus the brave Manesquo's daughter Sat gazing on the placid water, A plaintive moan, of some one near, OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 33 Fell on the musing maiden's ear, The girl look'd up, and there, before her, Stood the old prophet Pascagora: His manly form, now bent with age, Told of the chieftain and the sage: His eyes, which once like eagles' peer'd, Now, dimm'd by age, were dull and blear'd; With all the wisdom of his race, Writ on his sear'd and wrinkled face. The prophet, now seemed faint and weak, A hectic flush was on his cheek; And leaning'gainst a tree near by, He heaved a long and deep drawn sigh;The girl arose in quick surprise, With pity beaming from her eyes:"What now, good father," said the maid, "Has drove thee from the wigwam shade?'Tis eighteen moons, since you before Have passed beyond the cabin door?" The prophet raised his sunken eye, And pointing to the western sky, "My child,' said he, "ere yonder sun Shall through his daily course have run, And ere our noble braves return, Or ere their fires shall cease to burn, My soul shall well contented roam In the Great Spirit's distant home. I hear the rustling of his wings, I feel the dread his presence brings, O'er mighty rivers, dark and slow, In light canoe I go, I go." " But, ere I smoke the pipe of love, Before the council fires above, My spirit's eager to relate The secrets of the red man's fate. Now, maiden, list, I'll tell to thee The red man's future destiny; And treasure it with earnest care,'Tis Pascagora's dying prayer; And to the braves, when home returning To where the village fires axe burning, 3 34 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION Do you relate, with maiden's power, The warnings of my dying hour." " No longer let the arrow hope With leaden bullets' force to cope; Let ashen bows no more. withstand The musket in the white man's hand; Let scalping knives no longer gleam, Or redden in life's purple stream; Let tomahawks to graves be doomed, Nor more in human skulls entombed: Let not the simple Indian's will Attempt to thwart the white man's skill; The speed of his ambitious mind Will leave the red man's far behind But let these wigwam fires go out, These hills forget the warrior's shout;While in the dark and distant west, The hunted brave shall find his rest." Thus saying, Pascagora sank Upon the green and mossy bank: His eye, which once could meet the sun, Now dimmed and failed,-its work was done; His silver locks fell o'er his breast: His tawny hand his brow compressed': Nor moved he more, but groaned and sighed, And thus great Pascagora died. The maid, though. trembling, not less bold, Had knelt beside the prophet old; With one hand, his, the girl had grasped, One arm around his neck she clasped:She gave no cry-no tear she shed, But sat in silence o'er the:dead. The day passed on-she had not stirred, Through all the grove no sound was heard, The sun was sinking in the west, Each bird had sought its welcome nest, And evening shadows, dark, serene, Were gathering o'er the peaceful scene.. But hark! a.war whoop, loud and shrill, Re-echoes from the eastern hill! OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTERh 35 The girl starts up, as now, once more, The sound comes pealing to the shore; Quick to her light canoe she speeds, With one bold push she clears the reeds, Swift as a flash, the little bark Shoots out upon the waters dark; Her fragile arm the paddle bends, On either side the foam she sends — Soon, at the village by the shore, The maiden drops the weary oar. Meanwhile from Unconoonucs' brow, The warriors are returning now, Feathered and stained, in stern array, All ready for the bloody fray, Each glittering knife is in the hand, Each bow and arrow at command: With fearful yells, they stride along, Chiming a rude and gutt'ral song, Till, on the river's bank they stand, A savage and a hideous band;Then, by the red sun's parting glance, They gather for the warriors' dance,First, in a circle wide, they stand, Each with an arrow in his hand, Then crouching, and with bended bow, They step to measure light and slow, Now, quicker, with a savage flurry, They circle round and hurry, hurry, Now the ring breaks, and leaping, yelling, In one discordant chorus swelling, Then tomahawks are brandished high, Their shouts re-echo from the sky, Their blood-stained nostrils, opened wide, Their furious leaps from side to side, Their foaming lips, all dark and gory, Make up the red man's scene of glory. Amid this frantic warrior band, The maiden rushed,- her little hand, Speaking the force of woman's will, Motioned the savage braves "be still."Each, with a stupid awe complied, And dropped his weapon by his side. 36 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION Then spake the maiden:-" Warriors brave, No more in angry passion rave:; Sheath now your knives, your war clubs lay Beside your wigwam's entrance-way; Let pale-faced men no more excite The red-man to the bloody fight'; For deepest wisdom has combined Its powers in the white man's mind; And the Great Spirit hides his face, In anger from our fated race; But, with a sad and peaceful breast, Let each brave seek the distant west, For Pascagora-now no more, Sleeps on the island's dusky shore, And thus our noble prophet said, Ere to the spirit land he sped.'" Thus spake the girl, and, shocked, amazed, The warriors on each other gazed:A moment o'er,-Manesquo proud Stepped out before the swarthy crowd, His blood-shot eye with anger burned, As to his silent braves he turned, " Warriors," said he " Manesquo's knife Is yearning for the white man's life; My arrow longs to see the blood Flow gurgling forth a crimson flood; Or, with a quick convulsive start, Come leaping from the white man's heart; My club is racked by hunger's pains, And longs to sup on human brains." Thus speaking, at some fancied foe, The chieftain dealt a fearful blow: And tossing back his blanket free, He hurled his hatchet at a tree: But ah! some demon with it sped, It glanced-and cleft his daughter's head. The maiden fell without amoan: Manesquo, with a fearful groan, Sank kneeling by his daughter's side, And strove to check the crimson tide, Now flowing o'er her quivering face, OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 37 Fast passing into death's embrace: His head hung o'er his manly chest, A tear dropped on the maiden's breast. The warriors stood in mute surprise, And, silent, gazed with pitying eyes. At length, Manesquo raised his head, And, sighing, to his warriors, said:c; No flower was e'er so fair as she, No fawn e'er moved so gracefully,'Tis the Great Spirit,-his command Has called her to the spirit land, Has claimed her, as his royal bride, To sit in beauty by his side. Now will I heed the maiden's warning, And, with the morrow's early dawning, With every parting duty done, We'll journey to the setting sun." Then to the burial task they haste, And in their birchen coffins placed The aged prophet and the maid, In one deep sepulchre are laid, An elm tree sapling, growing nigh, Points out the hillock where they lie. Next morning sun rose bright and clear While through the valley, far and near, From every bush, and every tree, Poured forth the birds' sweet melody,But, with the notes of every bird, No sound of human voice was heard; The wigwam's shelter, now, no more, Stood on the headland by the shore; The open spot, with woods around, The foot prints left upon the ground, The brands, upon their ashy bed, A broken knife, an arrow's head, A blanket, in their haste forgot, Were all they left to mark the spot. Full fifty years had passed, and o'er This valley stretched on either shore, No member of the red man's race 38 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION Had shown his proud and dusky face. From Unconoonucs' woody side, To Massabesic's sleeping tide; From Hacket's hill and Martin's ferry, All through the woods of Londonderry, Were scattered in each sunny spot, The clearings for the white man's cot, When, on a bright September morn, Before the early dews were gone, An aged Indian, tired and sore, Came limping to a cottage door: And, with his trembling accent rude, In broken English, asked for food, His form was bent, his long white locks Told of a hundred winters' shocks; No weapon in his hand he bore, No plume upon his head he wore, No copper rings his features graced, No beaded wampum decked his waist, His moccasins were old and worn, His bearskin blanket patched and torn. Thus, day by day, this chief was seen Roaming about the meadows green; Now by the brook, now by the bog, Now by the bright Piscataquog; And, when the night brought on its shade His couch beneath an elm he made, Which grew upon a grassy mound, Near what is now the fishing ground. One morn, a settler passed that way And saw the Indian as he lay: The snow had fallen through the night, And covered him with mantle white; His thin lips opened wide for breath, His eyes were closing fast in death;He beek'd the white man to his side, And like a weeping infant cried:-' Bury me here, here let me be, Bury me here beneath this tree; And let your pale-faced squaws relate This legend of the red man's fate: That here the great Manesquo died, And slumbers by his daughter's side. OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 39 Then bury me in this grassy mound, Oh bury me'neath this frozen ground, Where lie the ones I hold so dear, Bury me here,! Oh! bury me here! " They dug his grave beneath the tree, And left him where he sought to be. A hundred years have flitted by, And still the mound, in which they lie, Is standing by the river's shore As it has always stood before; But now no tree, with spreading shade, Points out the spot where they were laid; And o'er their mould'ring ashes now, The farmer guides the shining plough. Thus, undisturbed, their bodies rest Beneath the meadow's grassy breast; Their spirits, joined in holy love, Now roam the hunting grounds above. Now, changed are the scenes of the red men's dominion Along the bright field by the Merrimack's shore; The bird of their freedom has spread her broad pinion, To sail o'er the land of her glory no more. The green Unconoonuc still peers o'er the valley, And o'er its proud summit, the breezes still ride: But never again shall the rude Indian rally, And chant his wild death song upon its dark side. And still the Piscataquog rolls its bright water, The island still offers its deep gloomy shade, And where played the maiden, Manesquo's fair daughter, The little bird warbles her sweet serenade. O'er Merrimack's bosom the winds are still straying, And plough on its surface, the furrows of blue; But never is seen, o'er the bright water straying, The Indian again with his birchen canoe. Still green is the tree, in the summer light glowing, And green are the woods, when the summer winds sigh But greener the moss, which below them is growing, And feeds on the mould where their ancestors lie. 40 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION The proud stepping moose, from the dread hunter flying, Has left his wild haunts to the still summer air; And far in the dell, where the red deer were lying, The little brown rabbit is making his lair. O'er Amoskeag rocks, the white foam is still dashing, As free and as playful as ever before, But the shad and the salmon no longer are splashing, While drawn in the fisherman's net to the shore. Rock Raymond, created to wash away never, Still shows to the forest its dark rugged breast, But hushed are the cries of the wild-cat for ever, And squirrels crack nuts in the rattlesnake's nest. The dark gloomy cavern, where dew-drops are weeping, No longer shall cradle the cubs of the bear; But out at each cranny so cautiously peeping, The little young foxes are gamboling there. The high rocky hill, where the wolves were once straying, Now echoes the bleat of the motherly dam; And, where the young whelps in the sunshine were playing, Now gambols and capers the frolicking lamb. O'er broad Massabesic the waves are still creeping, And loud o'er the waters the loon-divers cry; While, under the lily pads quietly sleeping, The pickerel waits for the little blue fly. And still in the forest the wild bee is humming, Still high in the tree top the woodpigeons breed, And, on the lone log, still the partridge is drumming, While on the red berries her little ones feed. The wild honeysuckle is gracefully swinging Down close by the bed where the violets grow; And, soaring above them, the gay bird is singing Her sweet little song to the flowers below. O'er the same meadows the white clouds are floating, On the same hill tops the blue-berries grow, O'er the same valley the sun light is gloating, In the same channels the broad rivers flow. OF THE, CITY OF MANCHESTER. 41 All else how changed! for another race Now live and die in the red man's place. And the tall young brave, with his martial tread, And the prophet old, with his hoary head, And the noble chief, with his brow of care, And the youthful maid, with her raven hair, They are gone, all gone, and are all at rest'Neath the mould'ring sod on the valley's breast. They are gone, all gone from their native shore, And the woods shall ring with their shouts no more: From the shady grove, by the river's side, Where the lover sued for his dusky bride, From the purling brook in the woody shade, Where the young pappoose in the water played, From the rocky hill, and the sandy mound, From the hunting field, and the fishing ground, With the frighted deer, and the timid fawn, From their forest home they are gone, all gone. They are gone, all gone, and the rattling car, Rolls over the mound where their ashes are: And the lab'rer leans on his earthwornspade, To sigh at the havoc his work has made; For the mould'ring bones lie scattered'round Like the dead exhumed from a burial ground, And he stoops and takes with his horny hand, A raven tress from the mould'ring sand. They are gone, all gone, and the crickets sing On their lonely graves to the sunny spring; And the cuckoo moans in the shady wood, O'er the desert spot where the wigwam stood; And the jay bird screams from the distant hill To the plaintive notes of the whip-poor-will; While the waters moan, as they hurry on, And the night wind sighs, "they are gone, all gone!"'Tis a hundred years! but, a hundred years, How short their flitting sound appears, As we count the strokes of the ceaseless chime Which tolls and tolls till the end of time! 42 GCENTENNIAL CELEBRATION'Tis a hundred years! but, a hundred years, How long their serried host appears, As we mark the tread of the golden sun, And the moments passing one by one! In a hundred years, through the valley wide, What a host have lived, what a host have died: The weak and the mighty, the sad and.'the gay, How they hurry on and hurry away'! And the cry still is, as they're pressing on, "Give room, give room for the later born."'Tis a hundred years! but, a hundred years, What a changeful phase in the sound appears, In the world before', to the youthful mind, To the men of age,'in the world behind:To the sportive child, with its pleasures rife, When a single day is a long, long life; And to sober age, with its locks of grey, When the whole of life's but a single day! But a day ago, in her beauty's pride, The wrinkled crone was a fair young bride; And the silken locks of her auburn hair, Caught many a youth in a fatal snare; And the damask rose on her blushing cheek Filled many a breast too full to speak:But now, she sits in her high-backed chair, With her wrinkled cheeks and her hoary hair, With her toothless lips and her grisly brow, Like a faded rose is her beauty now. But she sits and sits in her high-backed chair, With her dull eyes fixed in a dreamy stare, And she talks to herself, in a murmur low, Of the things she did but a day ago. "But a day ago, when my voice was young, How the lovers sighed at the songs I sung, How their eyes would flash with a meaning glance, As I twined my feet in the mazy dance! And I smiled on all, with a look as gay s if beauty ne'er would pass away OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 43 And it seems, in spite of my locks of snow, It seems to me but a day ago." "But a day ago, on a Sabbath morn, I was standing up with my bridals on; And the noblest youth of a noble land Was to place the ring on my snowy hand: And the roses blushed to the summer air, As they kissed the curls of my auburn hair; And the diamonds dimmed, as they failed to vie With the starry light of my sparkling eye.-'Tis a weary life, as the moments flow, Yet it seems to me but a day ago." "But a day ago, since the joyous time When I danced and sang in my beauty's prime; But a day ago, on the village green, With a blooming wreath, I was crowned the queen." -And a tear drop steals down her furrowed cheek, As she tries again, but in vain to speak, And her thin lips quiver, whispering low, "But a day ago, but a day ago!" As the sailor sits in his cabin door, With his vessel moored and his voyage o'er, How he loves to read from his dingy log, Of the piping blast or the murky fog, Of the towering berg, which the vessel passed, E're she safely came to the port at last. So let us unite, as we gather here, On the safe return of a hundredth year, In a hasty search, with a curious eye, O'er the record book of the days gone by, From the letters old on its mouldy page, We may draw some good for the coming age. Oh! a merry life led the hunter bold, As he trod these hills in the days of old; When his only friend was the trusty gun, And his only compass the rolling sun; When his warmest couch was a leafy bed, With the branches waving overhead; ~644 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION When his only quilt was the dark blue sky, With its starry patchwork waving high. When the day was o'er, and the hunt was done, With the parting ray of the setting sun, What a dainty meal did his hands prepare, By his hunting fire in the open air. When the silver stars through the branches peep, And the squirrel curls in his hole to sleep; When the warbler flies to her leafy nest, And the spotted deer lies down to rest, How he sweetly sleeps'neath the open sky, With the evening breeze for his lullaby. And the fishermen were a sturdy race, Who had this spot as their dwelling place. — On the slimy rock by the water side, On the jutting peak'mid the foaming tide, Where the speckled salmon wildly leapt O'er the lofty rock where the water swept, Where the shad was showing his silver side, And the alewife sculled in the foaming tide;'Mid the wat'ry spray, and the snowy foam,'Mong the raging waves, was their dearest home. And they loved to stand on the slip'ry rock, Which had stood through time'mid the waters' shock, In the foaming waves below, to feel With an iron crook, for the squirming eel, And they loved to take from the eel his life With a horrid gash, from a monstrous knife; And, to stain their hands and garments o'er With the sticky slime and the ruddy gore; And they loved to fish through the live-long night, And they loved to drink, and they loved to fight. But, your pardon here, as I must digress, For I cannot give e'en a short address On my fathers' home, their woes, their weal, And omit the claims of the squirming eel. "Ignoble theme!" does the critic say,But what care I for his sneering bray? OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 45 In my boyhood's days upon eels I fed, And as now to you, I a banquet spread, Of such simple food as the past reveals, I invite you now to a dish of eels. O'er ev'ry land and in ev'ry age, By the high and low, by the fool and sage, For the dainty eel has been left a space, At the festive board in an honored place. When the Roman consul -gave his feast, Of the rarest kind of bird and beast,'Twould have seemed to him but a scanty meal, Had he failed to furnish the dainty eel. Great Flaccus doffed his robes of pride, And in sack-cloth mourned for an eel that died; And with keenest pang which the heart can feel, Horatius wept for a squirming eel.* And higher still in the list of fame,I'll point to the royal Henry's name, Who died, as history's page reveals, A martyred soul in the cause of eels! t Our fathers treasured the slimy prize: They loved the eel as their very eyes: And of one'tis said, with a slander rife,': For a string of eels, he sold his wife! From the eels they formed their food in chief, And eels were called the "Derryfield beef!" And the marks of eels were so plain to trace, That the children looked like eels in the face; And before they walked-it is well confirmed, That the children never crept but squirmed. Such a mighty power did the squirmers wield O'er the goodly men of old Derryfield, It was often said that their only care, And their only'wish, and their only prayer, For the present world and the world to come, Was a string of eels and a jug of rum! * Enc. Am. Art. Petronyson. t Turner's His. Eng., vol. 4, p. 192. 46 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION. Oh the eel, the eel, the squirming eel, What a lovely phase does his life reveal! In his chamber dark,'neath the silver wave, Where the sleeping rocks in the waters lave, Harmless and lone, how he gently glides, As he sucks the dew from their mossy sides! As the little fry through the water swim, Not a single fear have the fry for him: Not a single fear need the minnows feel, For a gentle thing is the squirming eel. When attacked by foes, not a blow he deals, But away alone in his glory steals; Not an angry thought to disturb his rest, Not an envious wish in his peaceful breast; What a lesson here for his surest weal, Might be taught to man by the squirming eel. If I should e'er, at a later age, Support a costly equipage; In a palace live, and, with swelling pride, In a gaily gilded chariot ride, I'll'grave upon my family seal' The eel! the eel! the squirming eel!!!P" Enough of this-no faithful heart desires To mark the failings of our noble sires:From little follies, though but seldom free Of grosser, vices they had less than we,Their deeds- of honor are by far too high To feel the lash of scorn and ribaldry, For every field which drank the patriot's blood Has tasted theirs the free'st of the flood. But while they point with proudly swelling eye, To Bunker's column towering in the sky; And while they boast the noble blood they shed, Till Concord's plains blushed with the gory red, They have their glory —it is theirs alone;We too, have ours, and we too, claim our own. Where'er a school-house dots the village green, Where'er a church spire charms the rural scene; OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 47 Where christian people to the altar wend, Where happy children o'er their lessons bend, Where iron horses whistle o'er the land, Where crowded cities rise on barren sand: Where captured rivers feed our monster mills, There are our "Concords," there our "Bunker Hills." CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION. 49 EXERCISES IN THE EVENING. October 22, 1851. The citizens assembled in the evening, in the City Hall, which was crowded to its utmost capacity. The meeting was called to order by ISAAC W. SMITH, Esq. President of the Common Council. On motion of Mr. JOHN L. KELLEY, Hon. RICHARD H. AYER, was chosen Chairman. On motion of DANIEL C. GOULD, Esq. ISAAC W. SMITH, Esq. was chosen Secretary. Mr. Ayer, in a brief manner, announced the objects of the gathering, paying at the same time, merited compliments to the Orator and Poet of the day. He then proceeded to call the names of gentlemen, who were expected, to make remarks on the occasion. Hon. C. E. POTTER, being the first to respond, came forward and said nearly as follows: The Merrimack, which has so often been alluded to, as the source of our city's prosperity, has ever been a source of profit to the inhabitants upon its banks. Not only to ourselves, and our forefathers, but to that race of men whose characters have been so little appreciated, and whose history is so little known among us-the Indians. Here, in Manchester, (" old Derryfield,") the most powerful race of the time, thePennacooks,for a long time, had their head quarters. Here at " Namaoskeag," was the royal residence of their Sagamons, while at Pennacook (now Concord,) upon Sewall's island, and at Naticook (now Litchfield,) upon what is now called Reed's island, they had their summer residences, during the planting season; their most valuable planting grounds being in the neighborhood of those islands. But " Namaoskeag" was the place whence, not only the "Pennacooks," but all the neighboring tribes in amity with them, or of their confederacy, drew much of their sustenance. Their harvest, their traps or kulheags, might fail them, but " Namaoskeag," the fishing place, never failed them. The Indians pursued their fishing and agricultural operations, with much more of skill and system than they have credit for. In fishing they used the hempen dip net and seine. The seine they stretched across creeks and rivers, by means of stakes driven far into the bottom of the creek or river, and the fish, col4 50 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION lected far above them, were taken from their bark canoes with the stone spear, or dip net, or when taken upon salt creeks, were secured by the squaws, when the tide ebbed. Their nets and seines were made, with much skill, from the wild hemp. Their harpoon, or dart of stone, was used in taking sturgeon, blue fish, &c., and was used with much adroitness, and, in fact, their whole system of canoe fishing, was pursued with consummate skill. I hnave not a doubt, that much of the success of the Nantucket, and New Bedford whale fisheries, is owing to knowledge obtained from the Indians in managing their canoes, approaching, wounding and securing their large. fish. In fact, the dart now used by the Cape Cod fishermen, for taking the Sword-fish, Albicore, &c., is the exact pattern of the stone dart of the Indian; while the whale boat, in form and lightness, is made to correspond as much as possible to the Indian birch canoe. We first hear of the Merrimack through the Sieur De Monts, who wrote from the banks of the St. Lawrence, in 1604, thus: "The Indians tell us of a beautiful river far to the south, which they call the Merrimack." Its fisheries and planting grounds, were the scenes of Indian story at that early date. But in 1605 the Sieur de Champlain discovered the Merrimack river, its position being marked out for him, with a coal, upon a board, by some Indians whom he met upon the beach near Odiorne's point, west of the mouth of the Piscataqua. This rude map was drawn July 16th, 1605. The next day, June 17th, 1605, Champlain sailed along the Piscataqua Bay, and discovered the Merrimack, as laid down upon the Indian map. He named it the "Riviere du Gas." This same Indian geographer gave him to understand, that there were six tribes of Indians on the coast, or upon the NMerrimack, under as many chiefs; and, if upon the Merrimack, the Pennacooks of "Namaoskeag" were of the number, without a doubt. Be this as it may, as early as 1628 we have authentic information of the Pennacooks upon the Merrimack. Thomas Morton, who left the country in 1628, and printed his "New English Canaan" in 1637, in London, gives an account of Passaconnaway; & among other curious matters, relates the unhappy termination of a marriage between the daughter of Passaconnaway and Winneperket, the Sagamon of Saugus. Winneperket, and the old Sagamon's daughter were married, with all the pomp and ceremony becoming their station-of the best blood in the country. Feasting, music, and revelry were the order, not only of the day, but of the night, and a chosen band of OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 51 warriors were sent to accompany the bride to her home, at Saugus, where they were feasted in turn, as became the royal groom. But a sumptuous feast did not make a happy marriage. The young bride, the following spring, desired to visit her father, and Winneperket sent her to her father's home, with an escort befitting her station. When she wished to return to Saugus, Passaconnaway sent a messenger to Winneperket, to send for his wife. This message Winneperket took in high dudgeon, as he thought it insulting to him that Passaconnaway, should not return her to him, with a fitting escort. In the beautiful language of Whittier, the Merrimack poet, Winneperket returned for answer: I bore her as became a chieftain's daughter Up to her home beside the flowing water. If now, no more for her a mat is found, Of all which line her father's wigwam round, Let Pennacook call out his warrior train, And send her back with wampum gifts again. This message enraged Passaconnaway, and he refused to send her back. "'Dog of the marsh!" cried Pennacook, "no more Shall child of mine sit on his wigwam floor. Go! let him seek some meaner squaw to spread The stolen bearskin of his beggar's bed. Son of a fish-hawk! let him dig his clams For some vile daughter of the Agawams, Or coward Nipmucks! May his scalp dry black In Mohawk smoke, before I send her back." And the old Sagamon was as good as his word, for Morton adds that when he left the country, in 1628, she was still living with her father. At this time, Passaconaway was nearly ninety years old, as Gen. Daniel'Gookin, who was well acquainted with him in after years, says that he saw him in 1660, when he was about one hundred and twenty years old. In 1629, Passaconnaway executed the noted deed to the Rev. John Wheelwright, covering the land from the Merrimack to the Piscataqua. I am aware that this deed has been pronounced a forgery, but authentic d<.cuments have lately come to light, that go to show the genuineness of this instrument. In 1648, Passaconnaway became a convert to Christianity, under the preaching of the "Apostle Eliott," and publicly made known, at Pawtuckett, his change of faith. 52 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION Passaconnaway was importunate with Mr. Eliot to visit "Namaoskeag," and teach his people, and there is no doubt that he complied with his urgent request, and preached at this place. For in 1648 Mr. Eliot "hired a hardy man of Nashaway, to cut out a way and mark trees," from "Nashaway" to "Namaske;" and he hired Indians and cut out his way and marked the trees. And when they came to Souhegan, in their work, the Indians of Souhegan were much pleased to think that Eliot was coming to visit them, for they had heard him at Pawtuckett and Nashua. So that the first bridle path ever made from Nashua to "Namaoskeag," was made at the expense of the "Apostle Eliot." In the spring of 1649, when Mr. Eliot proposed to pass over this road, to visit "Namoskeag," he was taken sick, and for this time did not carry out his intentions. But soon after, he was doubtless enabled to visit this place,and establish schools and preaching here; for Gookin says, there "were preaching and schools at Namkeke." And who was there to preach or establish schools here, except the Rev. John Eliot? Passaconnaway was alive in 1663, and had a grant of land here at "Namaoskeag" from the Government of Massachusetts. He probably died soon after that period. He, at that time, lived and planted at the Islands in the Merrimack, north of the mouth of the Souhegan. Wonnalancet inherited the Sagamonship of his father. He was friendly to the English, and, following the advice of his father, ever remained steadfast in his friendship. On the 6th day of May, 1674, Wonnalancet publicly renounced his religion. and embraced Christianity, in the presence of Mr. Eliot, Gen, Gookin, and a large number of Indians, at Pawtuckett. There was reason to suppose, that he ever remained true to his adopted faith. He refused to join with Philip in his war against the English, and for fear he might be drawn into the difficulty, he retired with his tribe in the winter of 1675-6 to the head of the Connecticut, where "was good hunting for moose, deer, bear, and other wild beasts." In November of the same year, the Wamesits, of Pawtuckett, for fear of the same difficulty, and because they had been injured by unprincipled whites, came up the Merrimack in search of Wonnalancet, but not finding him, they wandered about in the woods in this neighborhood, and many of them perished from starvation and cold. Simon Betogkom, an Indian preacher, who had been educa OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 53 ted by Eliot, was with them, and preached three successive Sabbaths here in the wilderness-the first Sabbath from the 35th Psalm-the second from the 46th Psalm, and the third from the 118th Psalm. These portions of scripture were chosen with much judgment, and were remarkably applicable to the situation of his hearers. Especially so, when the fact is made known, that prior to the last Sabbath, on which Betogkom preached from the 118th Psalm, messengers had been sent to them on the part of the government of Massachusetts, promising them protection if they would return to Pawtuckett. On the 19th of September, 1677, Wonalancet, with his immediate friends, left his home in this region, and retired with the St. Francis tribe in Canada, with which he was connected by marriage. In 1685, he came back again, and was living at Pennacook. The year following he sold his lands at Wamesit, Wickasauke and Nashua, to Edward Tyng and others at Dunstable., In 1696-7, Wannalancet and his tribe were living at Wickasauke, and Major Tyng was alowed ~20 for overlooking them. After this date we hear nothing of this Sagamon, and it may be that he died about 1700. The majority of his tribe left him after he refused to join Philip's confederacy, in 1675, and as early as 1685, the Pennacooks had chosen for their chief, the noted Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, the son of Nanamocomuck, the eldest son of Passaconnaway. HIe had been at the head of the Amariscoggins, and was a brave and wary chief. It was Kancamagus who planned and executed the attack upon Cocheco, in which Major Waldron lost his life, and which attack was managed with,the most consummate skill. The Indians were in the valley of the Merrimack in considerable numbers, as late as 1726, and in 1704, twenty Indians were in the employment of the government of New Hampshire as soldiers. Of these, two bore the military title of Captain, to wit: Capt. Samuel Pegen and Capt. Caleb, as is seen upon the files in the Secretary's office. As late as 1626, an Indian by the name of Christi or Christoe, lived here at "Namaoskeag.'' His wigwam was upon the west side of the road leading to the Falls Bridge, and just upon the bank of the small brook that crosses the road, and empties into the Merrimack at the Falls. This brook is called Christi's Brook from this fact. After Lovewell's fight, some of the whites at Dunstable and Haverhill, were suspicious of Christi's friendship, and came up 54 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION here to the Falls to kill him; but Christi escaped, and this body of Christian people contented themselves with burning his wigwam. This outrage did not make an enemy of Christi, and he served as a soldier in 1745 and in 1746, as is shown by the Muster Rolls of Col. Benjamin Rolf and Capt. Jeremiah Clough. Our people treated the Indians badly in all sections of New England, and it is not strange that the Indians should seek revenge. They did seek it, long after the Indians left the Merrimack valley, and most of the attacks upon the frontiers, from 1700, to 1760, were planned or piloted by Indians who had fled from New England, and taken refuge at St. Francis. They proved most efficient allies to the French. The inhabitants of Derryfield suffered very little from the Indians. John Stark was the only one taken captive. This was in 1752. There is one fact connected with this capture that I will relate, as it shows that the Indains were capable of appreciating sport. Stark and his companion had been informed that they would be obliged "to run the gantlet," upon their arrival at St. Francis, and they had been put in training for this ceremony. Accordingly Eastman had committed an Indian sentence, to repeat while he was:running the gantlet, which translated meant-"-I'll beat all your young men." The sentence given to Stark, translated, read —"I'll kiss all your young women."When arrived at the village, the entire tribe were in waiting to take part in the imposing ceremony. Two extended lines had been formed from the men, and women, and boys and girls-each one armed with a club or stick as suited the fancy, and it was expected that each one would hit the prisoners a kick, blow, or buffet, as they passed through the lines. Each prisoner was furnished with a pole or staff six or eight feet in length, upon the top of which was a skin of some animal. On Stark's was a Loon skin. Eastman "'run the gantlet" first. He started upon the run shouting in Indian, "I'll beat all your young men,", and this shout lent weight to their blows, and he just escaped with his life. Stark thought he would die game when it came his turn, and when starting, he returned the first blow given him with his pole, without thought of the Loon skin, and sang out at the top of his voice, "I'll kiss all your young women." Thus he went through the lines, striking right and left with his club, and escaped uninjured. The old Indians stood laughing at the OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 55 blows dealt out to their young men, and the women stood motionless to see if he would put his threat in execution! We know nothing of the sufferings of a frontier life. Our fathers were obliged to go to their daily work with arms in their hands, and to the Sabbath meeting, armed for the attack. Often they had to take refuge in Forts or Garrison houses, for the security of their families. Then, they never laid down to rest by night, or went from the gate by day, without fear of an attack from the savages. In 1753, there was a fort at Derryfield called Stark's Garrison, and a small force was stationed there under Capt. John Goffe. It was situated on the south side of Nutt's pond, near the outlet of the same, and the well remains to this day, to point out the locality. At this place, it accommodated the inhabitants of the Amoskeag Falls, McMurphy's Mills, and Goffe's Falls. We have ever had in Derryfield brave men, and have always furnished our portion of fighting men, and done our portion of fighting. When the attack was made upon the inhabitants of Stevenstown, by the Indians in. 1754, Captain John Webster of this town, was ordered by Gov. Wentworth, to march:with twenty men to the scene of action. These twenty men were enlisted here and at Londonderry, and marched as directed about the 24th of June. The same year, when the massacre took place at Stevenstown, on the 16th of August, Gov. Wentworth sent the following order to Col. Blanchard of Dunstable: "'To Col. Joseph Blanchard-Upon the mischief done by Indians at Stevenstown, I have ordered a detachment from Capt. Odlin's troop of twenty-four horse and officers to command, also the like detachment from Capt. Steven's troop to guard the inhabitants in that frontier, until I can relieve them by a sufficient number of foot; and as your regiment lies contiguous to the frontier where the mischief was done; I have thought proper to order and direct, that you forthwith enlist or impress fifty men, or more, if you think that number is not sufficient, and put them under an officer that you can confide in, and order them forthwith to march to Contoocook and Stevenstown, to relieve the detachment of horse posted there. B. WENTWORTH." " And put them under an officer that you can confide in!" said Gov. Wentworth. Now Col. Blanchard sent to Derryfield after that officer. 56 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION. John Goffe of Derryfield, had the command of that detachment of troops, sent upon that hazardous service. Among his men were the names of Caleb Paige, Joshua Martin, Wm. Morse, John Harwood, Josiah Parker, Archibald Stark, Lemuel Hogg, Thomas Grear, John Barrett, James McNeil, and Robert Rogers, all men well known in the annals of Amoskeag, and some of them, names connected with the brightest pages of our country's history. A number of men from Derryfield, were in the massacre at Fort William Henry, Aug. 9th, 1757, when the French so basely permitted our unarmed troops to be massacred by the Indians, in cool blood, after the capitulation. The N. H. Battalion under the command of Col. John Goffe, had the rear, as the forces were marched from the fort, and eighty were killed or taken. Ezekiel Stevens of Derryfield was taken, tomahawked, and scalped. He revived, was cared for by some French soldiers, came home in a few months, and lived to a good old age, wearing a skull-cap instead of his scalp. Judge Blodgett was sutler to the battalion, and escaped by hiding himself under a batteau upon the shore of the Lake. Judge Blodgett was afterwards in the war of the Revolution, being connected with the commissary department in the campaign of 1775, and 1776, in the vicinity of Boston. Judge Blodgett's inventive powers have been alluded to in connection with his " Diving Tongue," and Canal Locks, but his powers of invention were not always in the way of mechanics; he was a good financier, as is shown by the fact that he was able to raise the means to complete his great undertaking, "the Blodgett Canal." One of his financial operations or inventions, I cannot refrain from relating at the present time. He was in Philadelphia for the purpose of selling the stock of his canal; but met with. no success, and after a stay of some weeks, found himself without funds. In this dilemma the idea struck him of giving a concert, and he forthwith issued his handbills through the city, advertising a CATEGORICAL CONCERT, naming time and place. The thing took, and The Hall was crowded at a quarter a head. At the appointed hour, the curtain rose, and Blodgett came forward upon the platform with his instruments of music, enclosed in a bag upon his arm. After a short address to the audience, he threw his bag upon the platform and then, true enough, a categorical concert commenced according to appointment, with "All discord-harmony not understood," OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 57 that three or four tom cats were capable of making! The audience were "sold," and by the "sell," Blodgett raised funds sufficient to settle his bills, and pay his way home. But in another invention or discovery he was not so successful. He held that he had discovered the true elixir of life, by which he could prolong life, far beyond the usual age of man. A part of this discovery was early rising, air bathing, violent wretching of the limbs in the morning upon getting out of bed, and wearing the same amount of clothing the year round, making no additions, for inclement, or winter weather. Practicing upon this theory, with a strong constitution, at the age of eighty-three years, he was hale and hearty, and calculated upon a greater length of days, but riding from Haverhill to Derryfield in the night, without proper clothing as was his custom, he took a violent cold, and soon after died, thus falling a victim to his much vaunted discovery of the elixir of life. And in the war of the Revolution, Old Derryfield furnished her full quota of men. From the report made by the Selectmen of the town in 1775, it appears there were but forty-one men betwixt the ages of sixteen and fifty in the town; but thirty-six in the town "fit to bear arms," and of this number, sixteen were already in the army! A greater number in proportion to the number fit to bear arms, than from any other town in the State, if not in New England. And they fought well-how well others have spoken-others have written-and that others may have an opportunity to tell us this evening, I will no longer trespass upon their time, or the patience of the audience. DDR. WILLIAM M. PARKER next being called upon, said: Mr. Chairman —I am happy to add my word —I claim to be an adopted son of this respectable, and thriving town, whose origin wbe commemmorate. I only lacked two or three miles of being a native, and if I had not been born over here in old Bedford, there is no telling but Manchester would have been the spot. But I was among the earliest of these numerous stepchildren, who have gathered upon her soil, until she has become the largest, and most important town in the State. When I was a boy, they used to tell about going out of the world into Derryfield. (The town was known as Derryfield, sometime after the name was changed to Manchester, which was about forty' years since.) This saying rather indicated that old Derryfield, at one time, was not regarded as very much of a town. The people were spoken of as being in some measure behind the general civilization, and prosperity of the community, and as drawing 58 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION a precarious subsistence from the sandy soil, and that peculiar kind of fishery, which has been alluded to to day, which was prosecuted about the falls. But all this must be, in a great measure, libellous, or only applicable to a small portion of the population, and territory of the town. Probably, these unfavorable imputations arose from partial observation, embracing only this sandy region lying on the river, and its thriftless inhabitants, always excepting, even in this neighborhood, some worthy families. But the new comers appropriated this district; and the class of inhabitants referred to, mingled with the mass, and now the remainder, embracing more than nine tenths of the territory -old Derryfield proper, shows for itself what it is, and has been for many years at least. We see the soil divided into valuable farms, under fair cultivation, with good buildings upon them, and owned and conducted by respectable, industrious, and thrifty farmers, mainly native citizens. Many.of these men are wealthy, yet they are quiet and unobtrusive, and are making no un-.due display of their prosperity. Some of our best business men on the street, are from among the original inhabitants. The town has suffered from one grand mistake of the earlier inhabitants, which was brought to view by the orator this afternoon-in not establishing, and nourishing the institutions of religion and education. This was the great mistake, and its influence will be felt to the latest posterity. But it must be conceded, that there is no class of this population more respectable, or more reliable, more industrious, or more prosperous, than the native citizens of the town. I came among these people, as I know others have done, with unjust impressions, which, in my case, have been corrected, by years of intercourse and observation, and I feel disposed to devote the moment allotted me this evening, in giving in my testimony on this point. I will close with this sentiment. The old Derryfield stock-it improves vastly on acquaintance —may it retain its identity and its integrity, and continue to exert a sober, and healthful influence in this mixed and shifting population, through generations to come. JOHN B. CLARKE, Esq., being next called on, came forward and said:Mr. Chairman-Ladies and Gentleren: -I came not here to make a speech, but intended to have left before my name was reached on the list of speakers; but-"it is in vain to extenuate the matter." At the first singing school I ever attended, we were required to keep time to the movements of a pendulum; but never before was I asked to make a speech in just "five minutes." I am OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 59 afraid I should not "come to time," and shall not attempt it.If I knew a single fossil of history connected with "the day we celebrate," I would exhibit it to you with pleasure. Why, I understand that the Reverend Orator of the day, who spread before us such a rich repast in the afternoon-a man who has always fished in these waters-found some difficulty in getting his historical "eel pot" sufficiently full for the occasion. I have been watching him for some days, in hopes that some "squirming eel" would jump out, that I might catch and hold up to your admiring gaze this evening. But alas! it was a false hope.There is no stealing eels away from him, and I have come to the conclusion, as he is one of the "originals" of this section, that the idea so pleasingly suggest( d by the humorous Poet of this occasion, that the original inhabitants of this place were an eely race, is at least half true. The first recollection I have of Old Derryfield, dates back about twenty years, when my nearest neighbor told me, that in 1810 he went over McGregor's Bridge, that was carried away last winter, and it was so old and rickety that he made the tollkeeper go over with him, to see that he got over safe, before he would pay him the toll. This Manchester city must have been a queer place a hundred years ago, if all is true that is said about it! It does not seem possible that here, where now is manufactured, monthly, cloth enough to make a bed-quilt sufficiently large to cover over the whole thirty-six square miles of this city, scores of years ago, the long haired Indian girls were picking ground nuts, or roasting acorns, or playing the agreeable to some "country cousin," that had just come in from the Massabesic, or Lake Winnipisseogee, or Rye Beach! But so I suppose it was. It is difficult to say what ballads of love were here once sung or romantic scenes witnessed. Who knows but that Derryfield, a century ago, contained a Parodi, or some one that could play on "oaten straw," or pumpkin vine, as bewitching as Stra6kosch the piano; or sing a song that could charm the braves, as years ago Abby Hutchinson did some of us, by the simple melody of the "Spider and the Fly" —making us almost wish that we were the fly, and she the spider! Things are strangely altered in this place from what they were in the days of Lamprey eels. Then, where Kidder's Building now stands, was a muck-hole, and a friend, whom my eye now rests on,used to snare rabbits and partridges on Concord Square, —and Philip Stevens, for a great many years, kept a pigeon stand, just in front of the Universalist Church. I assure 60 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION you it is not unpleasant for me to know, that pigeons were once netted so near the City Hotel, where I board. As this is a meeting to talk of historical. matters, I feel it my duty to tell you, what I have never divulged before, that I have strong suspicions that my Great grandfather once chased a bear front old Haverhill to this place! Ladies and Gentlemen-I thank you for your kind indulgence, and am happy in being able to inform you, that sometime you will see all these things bound up in a book, the early Indian history of this place-the fisheries at the Falls-the peculiar characteristics of those men, who -"Loved to fish the live-long night, Who loved to drink and loved to fight," and a thousand other pleasing things, that appertain to Old Derryfield, Nutfield, and perhaps, the Ryefield. REV. CYRUS W. WALLACE arose and said, that it was far from his expectation to be called on to make a speech, and that he must say, like an old neighbor of his, who was engaged in traffic, that if people wanted anything in his line, he would trade. So, said Mr. Wallace, it is with me; if you want anything in my way, I can talk to you a little, but not make.a speech; and I think I should not have got up at all, had it not been for an eel or alewife, or something of the kind, that slipped out of Mr. Clarke's pot. He was reminded of an incident in regard to McGregor's bridge. When Mr. McGregor, who built the bridge, first made known his plan to Gen. Stark, that man observed, that he did. not wish to live any longer, than while a bridge should be built across the Merrimack. Mr. Wallace then remarked, in regard to the contrast in society now, and fifty or one hundred years ago, and related an anecdote of his grandmother's carrying the linen she spun to Boston, on foot, in company with others of the neighborhood. They went, did all their business, and returned in three days; a distance of over forty miles. He thought that if it was in his power to make a gift to the young people of this generation, it should be the strength and constitution of their ancestors-he thought his grandmother must have been beantiful, she was so healthy.He, with Dr. Parker, came within one of being born in old Derryfield, and had never had any of those unfavorable impressions in regard to its people, common to many. True, there were some among them, men gathered immediately about the falls, mere pests of society; yet many among its inhabitants, would compare favorably with those in any section of the State, for real worth, judgment, skill or bravery. OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 61 There were even some in town, who could claim a direct descent from royalty-from king James II, (this was something) however, he did not think this royal blood of much account. He then compared the history of the town, to that of some young men, who, from small beginnings, have achieved a great end. REV. B. M. TILLOTSON being next called upon, made a few remarks nearly as follows:After referring to the present advantage we enjoy over our fathers, he related an incident to illustrate the mode of life of an ancient belle, when our fathers went to the field with" their arms in their hands. The man takes his gun to repair to the field, and attend to his harvesting, when he is bade by his wife to leave it, as while he is gone, an Indian may come and slaughter her. "No," says the man, "for being in an open field, I shall be more exposed to the savage foe, but I will leave you the hoe to defend yourself." She at once saw the force of the argument, and was satisfied. "Let them come," said she, "and I will hoe them out." We would give honor to the mothers of Derryfield-we enjoy blessings from the stream of the past;we must work for the future —do as did the great Dr. Franklin,,who, upon meeting with a poor but worthy man, gave him five dollars. "I can never pay you," said he. "Never mind;" said Franklin, "if you are ever able, give it to some other needy person, and pass it around." We must do something for posterity, and not be like the man, who, on being told that what he was asked to do, would benefit posterity, replied, what has posterity done for me? We must do good, and give our contributions to enrich, adorn, and purify the future. MR. CHARLES A. LucE, being called upon, said, if he had an illustrative anecdote, or a single scrap of history, not already known to the audience, he would gladly relate it; but he regretted to say he had not, and would only say that he came in as an "out-sider," and had been pleased to learn, as he had from the orator of,the day, that the original settlers of Derryfield were men of stern integrity, and of abiding principles, and early raised the cry of liberty, and he was glad to assist their descendants on the track of time, through a century of summers and winters, to echo back the cry, and wonld conclude with, the following sentiment: The City of Manchester: As such, she was not known to our fathers, and fills no page in the, history of the revolution, but Old Derryfield raised John Stark, and that is glory enough for them both. 62 - CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION MR. JOHN L. KELLEY being called upon, remarked that he was not a native of Old Derryfield, but thought she would be remembered in coming time, not as the largest Commercial Mart in the Granite State, but as the home and sepulchre of a Stark. The heroic deeds of that patriot would be remembered in coming time, when all else of this, and the succeeding generation will become misty with age. fIe was a son of New Hampshire, and yet was barren as to incidents touching Old Derryfield. Like a man, who, in olden time, came up to this place from Litchfield to get corn, and applied to Gen. Stark, and others, and was denied. With an independence peculiar to the early pioneers-turning upon his heel with an oath, he said, "'I don't care-blue berries will be ripe in afortnight." He left, as I have come here to-night with an empty bag-and as I must travel out of Manchester for an incident on this occasion, I will visit Old Durham, the home of my childhood. There sleeps the dust of a Sullivan, a compatriot of our Stark, in the war of the Revolution. That hero, with John Langdon, and other sons of liberty in that neighborhood, set one of the balls in motion, which, gathering strength from each successive revolution, helped to crush the lion of Old England, and give strength, beauty, and motion to the wings of the American Eagle-I refer, said the speaker, to that everto-be-remembered Gunpowder Expedition, against Fort William and Mary, at New Castle. On a December night in the year 1774, at midnight, as the winds were sighing a requiem over the dying year, these hardy men threw'their fearless barks upon the black, receding tide of the Piscataqua, and with muffled oars proceeded to the fort, where they captured one huntdred kegs of powder, which was brought to Durham and deposited in one of the store houses of Gen. Sullivan, upon the landing; which, together with a lot of small cannon, and other like stores, was afterwards used to advantage at the battle of Bunker Hill. This he related in order to illustrate a sentiment which he then offered —New Hampshire: Her sons were among the first to fight in defence of LIBERTY AND UNIoN-their descendents will be the last to prove recreant to either. JOSE.PH C. ABBOTT, Esq., Editor of the Manchester American, being called upon, expressed his surprize that so few of the descendants of the original settlers of Old Derryfield, had been placed on the list of speakers. He gave a sentiment in regard to those descendants, and called upon WILLIAM STARK, Esq., who responded as follows: OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 63 Ladies and Gentlemen-I trust it will not seem egotistical in me, if I tell you that I consider myself one of the old settlers of Manchester. For though it seems but a few short days since I passed the bounds of childhood-but a day ago since I chased the butterfly over the lands where now stand the lofty walls of this building —but a day ago, since I drove my father's cows to pasture where are now your most crowded streets-yet, with not even the honor of a hoary hair, I have lived to witness the growth of a populous and flourishing city; and but a short time since, was compelled to enquire my way over the very spot, where I had many a time played in the warm sunshine. The desert had been made to blossom like the rose: and as if by the waving of a magic wand, the place which once had the reputation of being the poorest town in the State, had become the richest; while he who treasured it in memory as his birth place, returned from his youthful wanderings, to find himself a stranger, in the land of his fathers. There are many circumstances, aside from this rapid growth, which give a peculiar interest to the history of Derryfield. The men who dwelt about this river-those connected with its fisheries, and' its navigation, gave to the place a characteristic reputation. The view of the fishermen, while on duty at the falls, was a scene of no small interest-a hundred men in their torn and ragged costumes, some half hid in the surrounding gloom, others conspicuous on lofty rocks, which reflected the gleam of their watch fires-moving in every possible direction, and with every variety of motion, throwing the "scoop net," plunging the'hook," setting the "pots," handling the "squirming eels" — covered with the blood and slime inseparable from their ocupation, some fighting, and all shouting at the top of their voices, formed a scene worthy of Pandemonium itself. I- suppose we have no idea of the immense number of fish with which this river once abounded. My father has seen the shad so thick as to crowd each other in their passage up the falls, to gain the smooth water above; so that you could not put in your hand, without touching some of them; and yet there were more alewives than shad, and more eels than both. It is no wonder that eels were called "I')erryfield beef," for I have heard those say, who would be good judges in the matter, that eels enough were salted down in a single year, to be equal to three hundred head of cattle. There was one great advantage about the lamprey eel: it had no beloes except in-the head; and as that was never eaten, it made safe food for the children. But the alewives had not. 64 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION. this advantage. They were as full of bones as the eels were free from them. From this probably arose that old story about the reason why the fishermen were so filthy-"they ate so many alewives, the bones stuch out of their backs, so they could not pull their shirts off to have them washed." But the eel fishers formed but a small portion of the people of Derryfield, while the eel eaters were universal. This luxury was ever welcome, and was served in various ways, according to the taste or ability of the possessor. I well remember the mode of living among many of the poorer people. As dinner time drew near, the woman, taking a stick, poked from the ashes a dozen or so of roast potatoes, then, going to the barrel, took out a salt eel and laid it on the coals. The children, with a roast potato in one hand, and a piece of eel in the other, made their repast; and I have often joined those hungry circles, and found in this simple food, a satisfaction which I have since failed to derive from the costliest viands of our most magnificent hotels. Much that would be entertaining and instructive might be said about the navigation. With the history of Blodgett, we have already been made familiar. Beside him, there are many men of mark whose biographies might be written, and whose various labors might be enlarged upon. But there is now no time, nor aml I the man for such a task. I will leave it for abler hands. Whatever may be said in regard to other things, there is one virtue in which old Derryfield was never deficient. This was patriotism. I have never heard of a "tory" who lived in town. Their country was their idol. For her, they were willing to suffer any and every privation: and the various battle fields of the revolution, could they speak, would have but one voice in praise of their bravery, and devotedness. Allusion has been made here, to-night, to the mothers of Old Derryfield. Allow me to say that for much that is strong, and worthy of admiration in the characters of the descendants of the early settlers, they are indebted to the mothers of that generation. And now, while it occurs to me, I will relate an anecdote of the mother of John Stark. She was reputed to have been a woman of remarkable beauty; but in those days, when family pride was of some account, was regarded as of rather a lower class than her leige lord, who, it seems, was somewhat disposed to be ashamed of his wife on certain occasions. One time it happened that Stark was visited by some gentlemen OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 65 from Boston, distinguished by royal favor. While taking them about his place to show the improvements, &c., they chanced to pass through the room, where she and her maidens were spinning. Attracted by her extraordinary beauty, as they went out, one of the officers asked who that pretty girl was. "Oh," replied Stark, "it is a girl I have got to do my work." Mrs. Stark, who had overheard the question, and was listening with curiosity, for the reply, felt all the spirit of an injured woman rising within her breast, and confronting her astonished husband, company and all, with her fine eyes flashing fire, retorted in her broad Scotch dialect, "Ye lee! ye lee! Archie Stark, ye know I'm yer ain wedded wife, and as good as any o' ye." We may be sure that after this, Stark treated his wife with due respect. But the men and women of those bye-gone days have all left, and we can sit under the shade of the trees on the little knoll yonder, and count their graves. We have built around their sepulchres a Mausoleum of crowded streets, elegant dwellings, and lofty factories, and the buzz of the spindle re-echoes to the chirp of the robin upon their head stones. May we cherish their virtues, and preserve our own to the last generation. Mr. ALBERT JACKSON, being called upon by the audience, came forward and spoke as follows: Mr. President-Ladies and Gentlemen-I feel a great deal of diffidence in coming forward at this time, having been preceeded by so many gentlemen of ability, who have very agreeably entertained you. When I came into the hall I had no purpose whatever of making any remarks. In fact my business so comnpletely engages my time, that I have had no time to collect facts, or to arrange my thoughts for a speech on this occasion. And as I have ever lived out of the world, in Old Derryfield, I may perhaps be excused, should I fail to make a good speech. And were it not that I feel a just pride in acknowledging myself a native born son of Old Derryfield, I should not at this late hour, trespass upon the patience of this audience. My earliest recollections are of the forests and fields, hills and vales, of the old town of Derryfield; (now the populous city of Manchester) the contemplation of the past is to me full of interest, and there are many anecdotes and incidents illustrative of the manners and customs of the early settlers of this town, which, if time would permit, it would give me pleasure to relate. But the general prosperity of her citizens, in early as well as later times, is the best evidence of their sagacity and enterprise. And no son of Derryfield is, or need be ashamed of the home of his fathers. I can. 5 66 CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION from the heart, say of old Derryfield, " with all thy faults I love thee still. A fact which speaks well for the taste and intelligence of our fathers, is, that in 1796,-a social library society was organized, and in 1799, was by special act of the Legislature, incorporated. It contained more than one hundred volumes, comprising many of the best works then extant. I will detain you no longer, but close by giving you-Old Derryfield-Her talented son has this afternoon spoken of her as she was —as she is, she speaks for herself. MR. JOSEPh KIDDER, formerly editor of the Manchester Messenger, having been called on by the audience, came forward, and said:,After having listened to so much, I cannot at this late hour do justice to myself or the occasion, save by a few hasty remarks. I cannot but say, that I am sorry at the direction, remarks have taken at this meeting. -An occasion like this, a centennial celebration, is a place where facts should be related, which will be handed down to the future. Where are the old settlers and residents of this place? They should be here to give in their testimony. I think the character of the original inhabitants of this place, has been misrepresented. I remember as vividly as any one, the scenes which have been portrayed here; but these bad men, who fished about the river, were not Derryfield men; they came from Goffstown and Bedford, and other points on the river, and Old Derryfield had to bear all the blame. Ever since my remembrance there have been schools established here, and there was too, at the school house just above here, a Sabbath school where people assembled to learn from the word of God; there was also formed at that place, a society of the benevolent ladies of the town, who did what. they could for the relief of the poor. It was by such instrumentalities as these; that the people became interested in religious subjects.Agriculture was limited, yet there were good farms, and good soil. It is true there have been great improvements. Look at our- High Schools, and Grammar Schools; where were they twenty-five years ago? It has been remarked here to-day, that until recently, no son of Old Derryfield has ever been a member of any college. This reminds me of the old saying, which I hope will not be taken as an offence by any here to night, that wherever there were any fools in the family, they were always sent to -college. I suppose this to be the reason, why no more children were ever educated from Old Derryfield. OF THE CITY OF MANCHESTER. 67 This being the last speech of the evening, the people then and there assembled, men, women, and children, young men, and maidens retired to their homes, soon perhaps to forget in the life, and activity of the youthful, and vigorous city, the interview of a day, with the veterans of a century-a few years longer, and' only the keen eyed antiquary, can discover in the fair face, and flowing locks of New Hampshire's first born city, the grey haired, and wrinkled brow of Old Derryfield. THE HISTORY oP MANCHESTER, N. H. CHAPTER I..DI)iscovery of America.-The Northmen.-Columbus.-The Cabots.-Cortereal. -French Expeditions. —Akubert.-Verazzano.-Cartier.-Roberval. —English Voyagers.-'Sir Francis Drake. —Sir Martin Frobisher.-Gosnold discovers Cape Cod. —Pring. discovers the Piscataqua.-Pontgrave.-Champlain.-De Monts.-Champlain discovers the Isles of Shoals, Odiorne's Point, and the Merrimack River.-Weymnouth.-The London Company.-Plvmouth Company.-Pring and Chalong.-Popham and Gilbert.-The Bashaba of Penobscot. —Harley and Hobson.-I-Hudson —discovers river of that name, in employment of the Dutch. —New Netherlands.-Dutch discover the Connecticut River. —Duke of York. —Nichols. -New Netherlands surrendered to the English. —Smith. —Hunt. —Death of the Bashaba. —Disease.- Gorges. — Vines passes the winter in the Saco.- The Pilgrims. The discovery of Americais claimed for the "Northmen," by an Icelandic historian, and it would seem that this claim is put forth upon a foundation somewhat more substantial than national pride. It is related that in 1001 certain Icelandic voyagers made land far to the South of Cape Farewell, and making known their discoveries upon their return, a colonywas sent from Iceland to occupy the newly discovered territory. The country was called Vinland; it was often visited; several colonies established; the coast extensively explored during more than a century-and in 1121, it is said, a Bishop was sent to the country, to see to the spiritual welfare of the colonists. From this date, scarcely any mention is made:of this colony, and the country to which the name of Vinland was given by the "Northmen" was long in doubt; but it is now generally conceded that the Vinland of the Icelanders, embraced the fertile portion of New England, lying between Cape Cod, and the Hudson.* But to Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, is universally awarded the glory of discovering the New World, and it will be long ere he *]For an account of the voyages of the 6"Northmen,:" see work of C. Chris tian Rafn, entitled Antiquitates Americanize; also, tIum1olt's Cosmos. 2 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. be deprived of this honor, the only patrimony realized by him, from a life of perilous adventure. In 1492, Columbus under the long withheld patronage of Ferdinand and Isabella, discovered the Island of St. Salvador, with other islands contiguous to the American Continent, to which he gave the name of West Indies; and returning to Spain, his discoveries soon awakened the spirit of adventure throughout Europe. In 1496, Henry VII, was induced to favor a voyage of Western discovery, and John Cabot, a Venetian Merchant, resident at Bristol, was duly empowered, with'his three sons, by letters patent, to make discoveries'in the inorthern or western seas, for their own profit, and the aggrandizement of the English nation. Under this commission, John Cabot and his son Sebastian, at their own charge, sailed. for the Western ocean. On June 24, 1497, they discovered the American Continent, making land on the wildand inhospitable shores of Labores. This'wasanteror, by: over fourteen months, to the time when Columbus first got sight of the main land of the American continent, and more than two years' prior to the vaunted discoveries of Americus Vespuccius; yet the latter has given a name to the New World, and most unjustly robbed his more worthy predecessors of a merited honor. In 1500, Gaspar Cortereal, under the auspices of the King of Portugal, made a voyage of discovery to the New World. He ranged the coast of North America, through the distance of six or seven hundred miles, and carefully examined the natural features of the country. This expedition is remarkable only for the treachery of-Cortereal towards the simple natives. Upon his return to Portugal, he seized upon more than fifty of the- Indians, and sold them into slavery. tThe French were more tardy in their discoveries than the English. They made voyages to Newfoundland, as early, however, as the year 1504, and in a few years, the fisheries on the Labrador coast were prosecuted by the fishermen of Brittany and Normandy, with success. EIn 1508, Thomas Aubert sailed: for Newfoundland —discovered the St. Lawrence, sailed up the same for some distance, and upon' his return to France, treacherously carried away from their homes several of the Indians. In 1523, John Verazzario, a Florentine, under the patronage of Franci.s I. of France, sailed for the American continent: on a voyage of discovery. He sailed along the coast of North America, from Florida to Labrador, named the country New France, and thus laid a foundation for the claim of France to'the terri EARLY. VOYAGES TO AMERICA. 3 tory by right of discovery, though England had a prior right through the Cabots, by more than a quarter of a century. In 1534, an expedition for discoveries in America, was set on foot, under the patronage of the French king. Jacques Cartier, an experienced seaman, was placed at the head of the expedition. He sailed in April of this year, with two small vessels of sixty tons each, and one hundred and twenty men in all. In August he discovered the river St. Lawrence, and sailed up the river for many leagues. The soil having been taken possession of by appropriate ceremonies, in the name of the king of France, Cartier returned home with the most glowing descriptions of the country he had discovered. The glory of his discovery was tarnished by his treacherous seizure of two of the natives at Gaspe Bay, and their transportation to France. Cartier visited America a second time with three well appointed ships, furnished by the French Government. I-e sailed up the St. Lawrence, till he thought the navigation unsafe, then moored his ships safely, and, took to his boats. In these, he prosecuted his discoveries as far up the river as Montreal, which name he gave to a neighboring hill. Here at an Indian town, the chief settlement of the tribe, he was received with the greatest hospitality, and he obtained from them some knowledge of the country now included in Vermont and New York. Returning to his ships, he passed the winter upon the banks of the St. Lawrence, and having taken possession of the country in the name of his king, he reached France on the 8th of July 1536. He again was treacherous to the -friendly natives-seized upon their chief, and four others, and carried them to France. Donnacona the Chief, died in France. In 1540 an expedition was started in France, at the head of which was Jean Francis de la Roque, lord of Roberval, and of which Cartier was second in command, and chief pilot. Roberval and Cartier disagreeing, the expedition was unfortunate. They did not sail together. In 1541, Cartier sailed for the St. Lawrence, where he arrived and built a fort near the site of Quebec.* Here he passed the winter, and in June following, "he and his ships stole away and returned to France just as Roberval arrived with a considerable reinforcement." Deprived of the services of Cartier, Roberval accomplished nothing, and after tarrying a year in his vice royalty of Norimbega, he abandoned the enterprise, and returned to France. But' the discoveries of Cartier were too important to be abandoned altogether. * An Indian word meaning a narrow place or strait. 4 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Various attempts were made to follow them up with permanent settlements. But the civil wars in France stayed foreign and domestic enterprise. The gaining of a Kingdom, was of more importance than the planting of a colony. America attracted-very little of the attention of the French) until about the close of the 16th century, when the success of private individuals in trading upon the American coast, once more attracted the attention of the Government to the subject of colonizing America. Meantime, the circumnavigation of the globe, by Sir Francis Drake, the voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher, and the writings of Sir Richard Hackluyt, had awakened a spirit of enquiry and enterprise in England, as to the N6w World, and Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, in 1602, started an enterprise for planting a colony in New England. The voyage to America had' usually been made by way of the Canaries; but Gosnold conceived the idea of making the continent of America by a more direct course. On the 26th of March, of this year, he embarked at Falmouth, in a small vessel, called the Concord, with thirty-two men, and in seven weeks, made land on the coast of New England, supposed to have been in New Hampshire. He sailed down the coast, and landed in Massachusetts, upon Cape Cod, which he first discovered, and, which he named, doubtless, from the abundance of fish found in its waters. Having doubled this cape, he landed upon an island which he named from the queen, Elizabeth. Here the adventurers tarried six weeks, passing their time in exploring the -neighboring shore, trafficing with the natives, and in making preparations for a permanent, abode. They built a store-house, and a fort; but after more mature reflection, ill supplied with provisions, and with scanty means of, defence against the' natives, they abandoned the idea of a permanent residence, and sailed for England with their vessel laden with sassafras root, which was then much esteemed as a medicine. Gosnold had accomplished his object; marked out a straight, and much nearer course to America; explored a hitherto unknown region at a season of the year when a virgin soil was laden with a luxuriant growth of vegetation; been successful in his traffic with the natives; and now, elated with success, he and his companions spread the most glowing descriptions of the country they had visited. The spirit of adventure had been dormant for nearly a century. It was now awakened with increased energies. On the 10th of April, of 1603, an expedition set sail for America, under the command of Martin Pring, and was success DISCOVERY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 5 ful. It reached the coast of Maine, and Capt. Pring examined the coast, and some of the eastern rivers and harbors-the Penobscot, the Kennebec, the Saco, the Kennebunk, the York, and the Piscataqua.* He examined the Piscataqua for three or four leagues, and thus made the first known discovery of the territory of New Hampshire. The expedition was one undertaken by private enterprise, in part, and part by the corporation of Bristol, and was prosecuted-in two small vessels, the Speedwell, a vessel of fifty tons, and the Discoverer, a bark of twenty-six tons, the former having thirty men on board, and the latter but sixteen. Pring had the'advantage of the knowledge of a former adventurer, as a man who had made the voyage, the year previous with Gosnold, was his pilot. This advanatge was great. The expedition made- the coast of Maine early in June, and made their first harbor among the islands of the Penobscot Bay. They soon coasted southward, and discovered the Saco and the Piscataqua; so that the discovery of New Hampshire may be definitely set down as in June 1603, twenty years prior to its permanent settlement upon the banks of the Piscataqua. Capt. Pring coasted still' farther southward, and filling his vessels with sassafras, on the sonthern coast of Massachusetts, he returned to England, after an absence of six months. In 1603, Pontgrave, a merchant of St. Malo, and Samuel de Champlain, a native of Saintonge, were commissioned by the king of France to prosecute discoveries in the the New World. The expedition under their united command, went up the St. Lawrence, explored the country visited by Cartier, selected Quebec as the site of a fort, and obtained more accurate knowledge of the manners and customs of the natives, and of the geography of the country. In November of this year, Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, a Calvinist, and an able man, obtained an exclusive patent of the country of New France, from the fortieth to the forty-sixth degree of latitude, under the name of Acadia.t Champlain re*Penobscot, mleans the Rock Place, being derived from Penops (a rock,) and Auke (a place.} Kennebec, means a snake. Saco, is a contraction of Sawacotauke, which means, literally, the Burnt Pine Place, derived from Sawa, (burnt.)' Coo, (a pine,) and Auke, (aplace,) the t being thrown in for the sake of euphony. Kennebunk, is doubtless. a corruption for Kennebeauke, the snake place. Piscataqua, written anciently Pascataquack, means literally the Great Deer Place, being derived from Pos, (great,) Attuck, (deer,) and Auke, (a place.) t This word, written Acadia, Cadia, and Cadie, is generally supposed to be derived from the French or Latin;-but it is an Indian word corrupted by the French. The original word is Aquoddiauke, from Aquoddie, (a pollock,) and 6.THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. turned in season, to engage in an expedition with De Monts, to settle Acadia. This expedition started from IHavre, March 7, 1604, and was prosecuted in four vessels. Arrived upon the American coast, one vessel went up the St. Lawrence, while the others continued south, and made the coast of Acadia. Settlements were made by De Monts, at Port Royal, and, upon the island of St. Croix, in the river of that name. Champlain, with others of the expedition, explored, the coast of New England as far south as Cape Cod, with the view of making farther settlements upon the coast; but the numbers of the Indians disheartened them, and they returned to St. Croix. This exploration of the coast took place in the summer of 1605. Champlain made the.Piscataqua Bay, July 15, 1605, and discovered the Isles of Shoals. The next day, near a point of land, which he called "Cape of the Islands," and which is now doubtless known as " Odiorne's Point" in Rye, Champlain discovered a canoe, and near it five or six savages, who approached his barque, -"dancing merrily on the shore." He landed and made the savages, each a present of a knife, and some biscuit, which they received with the same demonstrations of joy. Thus, Champlain, if not the first discoverer of the territory of New Hampshire, was doubtless the first to tread her soil, as:it is not known that Capt. Pring, or his followers, left their vessel, when they discovered the Piscataqua, in 1603. After Champlain had distributed his presents to these Indians, he says, "This done, I made them understand, in the best way that I could, that they should show me the direction of the coast. After they had marked with a coal the Bay and Cape of the Islands where we now were; they figured with the same crayon, another Bay, that they represented as very large. * * And then they figured, within this Bay, a river that we were to pass, which extends very far and is barred. * * * * The next day, the 17th of the same month, we raised anchor to go towards a Cape that we had seen the preceding day, which lay towards the south-south east, (Cape Ann.) This day we could make only five leagues, and passed some islands covered with wood (Plum Island.) I recognized Auke, (a place,) and meaning a place for pollock. This word was very naturally corrupted by the French into Acadia, Cadia, and Cadie. The original:word is still preserved in the neighborhood, in Passamaquoddy, the name of a Bay at the entrance of the St. Croix, in the mouth of the Bay of Fundy, which is derived from Pos, (great,) Agsanm, (water,) Aquoddie, (pollock,) and meaning great water for pollock. DISCOVERY OF THE MERRIMACK. 7 in this Bay all that the savages had told me at the Cape of the Isles. Besides, there is in this Bay, a very wide river, which we have named the Riviere du Gas which in my judgment rises in the direction of the Iriquois, a nation which is at open war. with the mountaineers, who are upon the great river St. Lawrence."* Thus Champlain was the discoverer of our noble river, which he called "Riviere du Gas," but which very appropriately, retains the Indian name of Merrimack,t first heard and written by De Monts, upon the banks of the St. Lawrence, in 1604, the year preceding its actual discovery, by the Sieur de Champlain. De Monts, leaving his settlement at Port Royal, returned to France in 1605, to find his affairs ruined, the king having revoked the powers conferred upon him. He however succeeded in sending out supplies to his little colony, which arrived in season to prevent its complete ruin; and thus sustained, it continued to thrive until 1614, when it was broken up by Sir Samuel Argall, at the head of a force from the colony of Virginia. Soon after the return of Gosnold to England, another expedition was started, under the patronage of the Earl of South Hampton, and Lord Arundel. Capt. George Weymouth was given the charge of it, who, in an attempt to discover a North West passage to India, had entered the Penobscot river. Capt. Weymouth left England in March 1605, and in about six weeks, made Cape Cod. Coasting North, he again entered Penobscot river, and made a harbor. Here he decoyed five of the natives on board and carried them by force to England. Their names were Manida, tSketwannoes, Tisquantum, Assecumet and Dehamda.'This was the first outrage upon the innocent natives by. the English on the shores of New England, of which we have any account in history. Three of these Indians, Manida, Sketwannoesl and Tisquantum, were placed in the family of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at his earnest request. The spirit of enterprise in relation to discoveries, and colonies in America, was now fully awakened. The accounts of these natives, of the country adjacent to the Penobscot, and Kennebec, losing nothing by the immagination of Gorges, and * Charlevoix ps. 72-77. t This river was called Merrimack, by the northern Indians. Merrimack, means, doubtless, a place of strong current, from Mlerruh, (strong,) and Auke, (a plqce,) the m being thrown in for the sake of the sound. But by the Massachusetts Indians, this river was called Monomack, from Mona, (an island,) and Auke, (a place,) meaning the Island Place, from the number of beautiful islands in this river. 8 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. through- his extensive influence, and intercourse, widely'disseminated, continued to excite.this spirit. April 100; 1606, a company of noblemen, gentlemen, and merchants, obtained a patent from King James, to. colonize North America, betwixt the parallels of thirty-four, and forty-five degrees of North latitude, embracing the coast from Cape Fear to Halifax, with the small exception of Acadia, at that. time'occupied by the French. This tract, comprising eleven degrees of latitude, was divided into two districts, called North, and South Virginia, each one to be colonized by a distinct company. The first, composed of noblemen, gentlemen, and merchants, in and about London, was called "The London Compny," and had the control of South Virginia, extending from the thirty-fourth to the forty-first degree of latitude. The second, composed of noblemen, gentlemen, and merchants, residing at Plymouth, and other towns in the West of England, was called the "Plymouth Company," and had the control of North Virginia, extending from the thirty-eigth, to the forty-fifth degree of latitude. Thus three degrees of latitude were common to both companies. To prevent collision, it was stipulated, that the colony last located, should not approach within one hundred miles of that already established. Meantime, the Plymouth company, at the head of whch was Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of King's Bench, in 1606, sent two vessels to North Virginia, which comprised the whole of the territory now called New England, to make farther discoveries. These vessels were commanded by Capt. Martin Pring, and Henry Chalong. Two of the Indians, Manida and Assecumet, forced " from home by Weymouth, were on board of Chalong's vessel, to ensure-a more cordial reception to the exploring party. The vessel commanded by Chalong, was taken by the Spaniards, and carried into Spain. Capt. Pring made the coast of Maine without misfortune, surveyed its coasts, harbors, and rivers, and returned to England with a most flattering report. The London Company started an expedition on the 19th day of December, 1606, for the permanent settlement of a colony in Virginia. This expedition consisted of three small vessels, the largest of not over one: hundred tons burthen, and having in all one hundred and five men, destined to remain in the colony. On the 31st day of May, 1607, two small ships sailed from Plymouth, under.the auspices of the Plymouth Company, hav ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT IN MAINE. 9 ing: one hundred adventurers on board, for the purpose of establishing a colony in North Virginia. This expedition was under the command of, Capt. George Popham, a brother of Chief Justice'Popham, and of Raleigh Gilbert. After making the island of Monheagan, they landed at the mouth of the Kennebec, on Parker's island, where they built a fort, andcalled it St. George. Two of'the Indians, Sketwannoes and Dehamda, seized and carried away by Weymouth, accompanied this expedition, andisecured for the colonists, a welcome from various tribes. The Indians of the Kennebec, as well as all others of this region, westward to the Saco river, were subject to'the power of a Sagamon,.at the head of the Penobscot tribe, located on the river Penobscot-who from his position, ruling many tribes,.was styled a Bashaba. The Bashaba.of Penobscot. sent his son to welcome the strangers, and to open a trade in furs with'the English colony. Their intercourse with the natives, was thus, established upon a most friendly footing, and might have- been, retained, had they treated the Indians properly. In December following, the ships sailed for England, leaving but forty-five persons, to. sustain' the: infant colony. These:were' soon disheartened by misfortunes, Their storehouse was burned. Their President, the. life of the expedition, died. The winter was cold and rigorous. News came in the spring, of the death of the patron of the enterprise, Chief Justice Popham..Gilbert, who had succeeded to the Presidency, made vacant by the death of Popham, determined to return to England, by the next vessel, on account of the- death of his brother, Sir John Gilbert; and added to all of these misfortunes, they had doubtless' increased the animosity of the neighboring Indians, by improper and most unjust conduct. Their affairs being thus situated, they broke up the colony, and sailed for England, by the first vessel that.touched at the Kennebec. Thus was the second colony,. attempted. in New England, dispersed within the first year of its existence. This unfortunate issue, seems to have damped the spirit of colonization for a. time, as no farther attempt was made, to plant a colony upon the New England shore, till 1620. The coast, however, was often visited for'private adventure. In —:1611, Edward Harley and Nicholas Hobson, under the patronage of the Earl of Southampton, made a voyage of discovery to the New England coast. Little is known of their success, other than upon the score of their inhumanity. Upon their return, they seized upon five of the natives whom they had decoyed on board, and carried them to England. They 10 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. seized upon a sixth, Pechmo, who succeeded in making his escape, by leaping'from the vessel into the water and swimming to the, shore. By such inhuman conduct the natives became exasperated, and sought revenge upon future voyagers to the coast. It was the conduct of such men. as Weymouth and Harely, which sowed the seeds of those destructive, and bloody' wars, that afterwards so harrassed the infant colonies of New England. In 1609, the fourth day, of April, Henry Hudson, an English navigator, but now in the employment of the Dutch East India Company, set sail in the Crescent in search of the north west passage. The crew of the Crescent consisted of Enghshmen and Hollanders,'and a son of Hudson accompanied the expedition. Impeded'by ice'in his course towards Nova Zembla, Hudson turned to the West in quest of discoveries, passed Greenland, and Newfoundland, and running down the coast of New England, he made Cape Cod, to which he gave the name of New Holland.- Sailing hence, he made the'Capes of Virginia and turning northward, on the third day of September; he anchored within the bay of New York;, and on the eleventh day of September, passed the Narrows, and anchored in, the harbor of New York.'With the Crescent' and his boats, Hudson made his way up the noble river that bears his name, beyond'Albany-where he had friendly intercourse with the Indians. Returning, the Crescent arrived safely at Dartmouth, from which place, Hudson despatched an account of his discoveries to his employers at Amsterdam. This voyage of discovery of Hudson's, was the foundation of the claim on the part of the Dutch to New York, and the territory south and east' of the Hudson, from cape May to Cape Cod, under the name of New Netherlands. But colonization was no object of the Dutch. Their visits to America were purely for traffic with the natives, so that New Netherlands existed for a long time,' rather in name than in the fact of population.'' In 1613, there were only two or three rude hovels upon the island of -Manhattan, and these merelyas, a temporary residence. In 1615, a settlement was commenced on an island just below Albany —as a mere' outpost for the Indian trader. In' 1623, there were a few houses with thatched roofs and wooden chimnies, about the trading house on Manhattan Island. From this time the settlement was permanently occupied. This is the small beginning of New York-now the commercial emporium of the New World. The Dutch discovered the Con niecticut river, and in 1633 built a fort within the present limits of Hart SMITH EXPLORES THE COAST OF NEW ENGLAND. it ford. But the enterprise of their pilgrim neighbors; surrounded the fort with towns-and compelled them to give up the idea of colonizing the valley of the Connecticut. The Dutch colony at New York progressed with various success-sometimes harassed by vindictive war with the natives, and again by internal divisions, until 1664, when the Duke of York, having obtained a charter of the territory " from the Connecticut river to the shores of the Delaware," an English squadron, under Richard Nichols, sailed into the harbor of New York, and demanded the surrender of New Amsterdam, and the immediate acknowledgment, on the part of the Dutch, of English sovereignty. On the eighth day of September, 1664, the demand was acceded to, and New Amsterdam, with the name of New York, passed into the hands of the English. The surrender of Fort Orange soon followed, and the Fort was named Albany from the Scottish title of the Duke of York. Thus, in less than a half century from its permanent settlement by the Dutch, was their large territory of New Netherlands, wrested from their hands and placed in those of a rival power. Had the Dutch had the enterprise and power to have made good their claim by the right of discovery, the western part of New Hampshire, the whole of Vermont and the best part of Massachusetts and Connecticut, as well as the whole of Rhode Island, New York and New Jersey-must have been subject to their control. How widely different must have been the destiny of New Englandof this republic. In 1614, Capt. John Smith, the chivalrous founder of Virginia, made a voyage of discovery to the coast of New England. At the Island of Monheagan, he made a number of boats, in one of which, in company with eight men, while the others of his crew were engaged in fishing, he examined the coast from the Penobscot river to Cape Cod. He examined the Isles of Shoals, which he called " Smith's Isles;" and posterity should not have deprived him of this modest tribute to his distinguished merit. He examined also the Piscataqua river, and "found it to be a safe harbor with a rocky shore." After his return to England, Capt. Smith published a description of the country he had explored, which he called New England, and made a map of its coast, which he presented to Charles, Prince of Wales. Smith left Capt. Hunt on the coast of Maine, completing his freight of fish, intended for the Spanish market. Hunt being an unprincipled man, destitute alike of justice or humanity, seized upon twenty-four of the natives, and carrying them to Spain, sold them as slaves. This was the third outrage of the 12 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. kind, committed against the natives, on this coast, and was the foundation of an implacable hostility towards the whites, on the part of the Indians-that, sharpened by a continued series of like outrages upon the rights of hospitality, grew at length, into a fiend-like malignity, which spared neither age, or sex. Not far from this time, a tribe of the Tarratines, east of the Penobscot, attacked the Penobscots, and killed the Bashaba. Upon the death of the Bashaba, the greatest confusion prevailed among his people, as many of their most powerful Sachems aimed at the sovereignty, and a fierce and bloody war ensued. This was followed by a most fatal disease, which swept throughout the tribes of New- England. ~ So that it has been estimated, that by these calamities, of war and pestilence, nineteen twentieths of the. Indians, upon this coast, were destroyed. In 1616, Gorges, whose adventurous spirit had not been checked by the preceding misfortunes, sent.out to the coast of Maine, an exploring party, under the command of Richard Vines, with express reference to establishing a permanent settlement. Vines and his party, undoubtedly passed the winter upon the banks of the Saco. This was during the raging of the pestilence among the Indians. Vines and his party were received by the natives, with the utmost hospitality, passed freely among them, slept in their wigwams, and yet suffered not from the dreadful malady. This expedition of Vines, was successful in its main object, as it proved that colonists could withstand the vigorous winter climate of New England. Gorges, and his adventurous friends, were pleased with the result of their enterprise, and set about forming plans for permanently colonizing the country. In this matter, however, they were anticipated by accident. At the time the first voyagers to New England, visited its shores for private gain, or for the purposes of colonizing its shores, that aggrandizement might follow to lordly proprietors, and:chartered monopolies; events had for a long time been ripening in England, that in the end, prepared the way for a permanent settlement, in the wilds of New England, by a colony, asking no other' boon, than religious freedom.' The Pilgrims, persecuted alike by Catholic, and Episcopalian, determined to forsake England, that they might enjoy that religious liberty in a foregn land, that was denied them in their native country. They chose Holland as their place of refuge. After much toil, and snffering from their persecutors, they arrived in Holland. Here they tarried for nine years, when from a variety of circumstances, and after mature deliberation, they determined to THE PILGRIMS LEAVE THE OLD FOR THE NEW WORLD. 13 remove to America. Accordingly, in 1617, they sent Agents to England, to obtain consent of the London Company, to their settling "the most northern parts of Virginia." After various delays they obtained a patent in 1619, and immediately set about the work of emigration. Two ships, the Speedwell of sixty tons, and the Mayflower, of one hundred and eighty tons, were provided for the voyage. In these small vessels, the Pilgrims "left the old for the new world, Aug. 5, 1620." The Speedwell proving leaky, the expedition put back for repairs, and sailing again, was forced back by a storm, till at length, abandoning the Speedwell, on the sixth day of September, 1620, the Pilgrims, in the Mayflower, left the harbor of Plymouth, for the wilds of America. After a long and tedious passage of sixty-five days, duped by the Captain of the Mayflower, who was in the interest of the Dutch, they "were conducted to the most barren and inhospitable part of Massachusetts," and "were safely moored in the harbor of Cape Cod," on the eleventh day of November, 1620. Exploring parties were sent out to discover a more favorable location. On the eleventh day of December, Carver, and others, in a shallop, landed at a place that they thought inviting for a settlement, and on the fifteenth of December, the Mayflower was brought into its harbor. The place, they called Plymouth, in grateful remembrance of the many kindnesses, they had experienced in the town they had last left, in their native land. Thus was established the first permanent colony in New England. "The vine had been planted, which has long enriched her valleys, and adorned her hills." 6 14 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER II. Origin of the settlement of New Hampshire, and Maine.-Sir lerdinando Gorges.-Capt. John Mason.. —The Council established at Plymouth.-Mariana..-Laconia. —-Thomson. —Hilton.-Odiorne's Point.-Dover Neck.-Flake Hill.-Mason Hall, its site.-Sir Henry Roswell.-Massachusetts Bay.-Colcord.-Passaconnaway. —Rev. John Wheelwright.-Grant of New Hamnpshire.-Hilton's Patent.-Piscataqua Patent.-Accession of colonists.-Danes. -Renald Fernald, chirurgeon. Gorges and Mason become sole proprietors.-They divide their possessions.-The manor of Mason Hall. Sir Ferdinando Gorges was one of the most zealous advocates for American colonization. He engaged in various enterprises for discovery in the New World, and fitted out ships at his own expense, for traffic with the natives, or for the equally laudable object of testing the capacities, and climate of America. He was a man of a lively imagination, warm temperament, great energy and perseverance of character, and from services rendered the government, of much influence at Court. He had been attached to the navy, and after the peace of 1604, was appointed governor of the fort of Plymouth in Devonshire. The fact that three of the natives seized by Weymouthwere received into the family of Gorges and were supported by him for two or three years, bespeaks the generosity of his character, and the great. interest he took in the affairs of the New World. To the favorable accounts of these natives, coupled with the desire of family aggrandizement, are to be attributed the determined energy and enterprise, with which he prosecuted his design of planting a colony in New England. He had exhibited so much zeal, and had been so assiduous in asking a charter from the King, that when the enlarged patent was granted to the Duke of Lenox-the Marquises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the Earls of Pembroke, Arundel, Bath, Southhampton, Salisbury, and Warwick-the Viscount Haddington-the Lords, Zouche, Sheffield, and Gorges-together with twenty-seven knights and- gentlemen, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was made President of the Company. Associated with Gorges, as Secretary of the "Council of' Plymouth," was Captain John Mason. Mason was a man of GRANT OF MARIANA. 15 ardent temperament, and from his former associations had imbibed the adventurous spirit of the times. Originally a merchant, at a later period, he had followed the seas, and from his well known energy of character, was appointed Governor of Newfoundland. Returning to England, he was made Governor of Portsmouth, in Hampshire, and being conversant with American affairs, he was elected a member of the Company, and subsequently Secretary. Thus Gorges and Mason, from their position, became leading members of the Company, and their private interest becoming identified with those of the patentees, they, in the end, exhausted ample fortunes in the prosecution of various enterprises for colonizing New England. The patentees were styled, " The Council Established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing New England in America," and their patent was granted Nov. 3, 1620. This patent or charter was much more definite and comprehensive than that of 1606-as it gave the corporation the control of the territory between the fortieth and forty-eighth degrees of north latitude; perpetual succession, by election of the majority-and exclusive jurisdiction over the same, with power to exclude all others from trading within: their limits, or fishing in the adjacent waters. The Courts for the transaction of business under this Charter, were for ten years holden in England, and it may well be supposed, that the Council had little knowledge of the country which they governed-as the only geographical account, that of Smith, in existence, had been obtained from a partial survey of the sea coast only. Hence the grants which they made of the territory of New England were indefinite and inaccurate in description, and so interfered, one with another,.that controversies arose as to their boundaries, of serious injury to the colonies,-some of which were not settled for a century. Captain Mason, on the 9th of March, 1621, procured a grant from the Council, of all the land from the river of Naumkeag, now Salem, round Cape Ann, to the River Merrimack, and up each of those rivers to the farthest head thereof; then to cross over from the head of the one to the head of the other, with all the islands lying within three miles of the coast." This grant was called Mariana.* This grant shows the entire ignorance of the geography of the country on the part of the Council, as the river Naumkeag, being but some eight or ten miles in length, its source, length * Belknap's Hist. page 4. 16 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. and breadth, being confined to the towns of Danvers and Salem, and the Merrimnack, having its source in the north, instead of the northwest, a line extending from the farthest head of the Naumkeag to the farthest head of the Merrimack, would intersect the Merrimack betwixt Haverhill and Lawrence, and thus limit the grant of Capt. Mason to a territory of land, now comprising little more than two thirds of the county of Essex in Massachusetts. Those making the grant evidently supposed the Naumkeag to have been a large river, and that both the Naumkeag and the Merrimack had their sources in the Northwest, near to " the great Lake Iroquoice" —now Champlain. On the 10th day of August, 1622, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Capt. John; Mason- obtained from the Council a grant of land " situated between the Rivers of Merrimack and Sagadehock, extending back to the great lakes and river of Canada," by the name of Laconia. Gorges and Mason, afterwards admitted associates, and several merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth, Shrewsbury, and Dorchester, became interested in the grant.* Upon this patent, the grantees forthwith proceeded to establish a colony. Accordingly in the spring of 1623, they sent David Thompson, a Scotchman, and Edward Hilton and his brother William, with a sufficient number of men, to prosecute the business of the colony-which was the catching and curing of fish. The Hiltons established themselves at a point of land, now known as "' Dover Neck," in Dover, and which is a cape, or point extending south betwixt the main branches of the Piscataqua. Thompson and his party established themselves upon a cape or point of land, west of the mouth of the Piscataqua, extending. into the sea, and now known as Odiorne's Point, in the town of Rye. This is the same point, discovered and named Cape of the Islands, by Champlain in 1604. It is a point of highland properly called a peninsula, as it is almost surrounded by water, at all times; being bounded south by the ocean, east and north, by Little Harbor, and upon the west by an extensive salt marsh, into which extends a small creek from the south. During the highest tides, this point becomes an island, being entirely surrounded by water. The place was well chosen, being almost inaccessible to the Indians. Here, upon a flat, near the creek upon the inner and north west side of the peninsula, the party built a fort, and upon a small hill, a few rods to the south west of the fort, they ~ Adams' Anus. IPortsmouth, page 9. SITUATION OF FORT AND MASON HALI,. 17 erected their fish flakes; and it is a singular circumstance, that at the present time, this small hill, is known by the name of " Flake Hill," by the inhabitants upon the point, although it is doubtful whether a fish has been dried upon the hill for near two hundred years. A few rods north east of the fort, they erected " the great house," used for trading and the general purposes of the Colony, and which was afterwards known as " Mason Hall." This was the first house built in New Hampshire, and with it commenced the first settlement of our State. During the first few years of the existence of the colony, the people suffered every hardship, and not being acclimated, many of them were carried off by disease. The graves of such are still to be seen a few rods north of the site of the fort, and it is worthy of remark, that the moss covered cobble stones at the head and foot of the graves, still remain as placed by mourners of two hundred and twenty-five years since, while a walnut and a pear tree, each of immense size, and possibly of equal age with our State, stand like sturdy sentinels, extending their ancient arms over the sleepers below. The site of the fort is still pointed out, and the cellar of " Mason Hall" is yet plainly to be seen. Thompson left the colony in the spring of 1624, and settled upon an island in Boston Harbor, which was confirmed to him by the General Court of Massachusetts, and which is still known as Thompson's Island. It is probable that Capt. Mason had become aware of the fact, that his territory of Mariana was of small extent, being limited by the ignorance of the grantors and grantee, as to the length of the Naumkeag and the course of the Merrimack, and hence his desire for the grant of Laconia in conjunction with Gorges. And hence too, his acquiescence in the grant made five years subsequent, to sir Henry Roswell. Sir Henry, with several gentlemen in the vicinity of Dorchester, on the 19th day of March, 1627, obtained from the Council of Plymouth, a grant of the territory between a line running from the Atlantic ocean three miles south of the mouth of the Charles River, and every part thereof, and a line extending from the Atlantic ocean, three miles north of the Merrimack river and every part thereof. This grant was afterwards embraced by charter from the King, under the name and style of " Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England."' Now this grant covered the territory embraced in Mason's grant of Mariana, and also a strip three miles wide on the south 18 THE HISTORY, OF MANCHFSTER. of Laconia, and as Mason was Secretary of the Council of Plymouth, and an influential member of that Council, it is evident that this grant of Massachusetts made to Sir Henry Roswell and others, must have been made by Captain Mason's consent; and it is highly probable that it was made upon a relinquishment of Mariana,. on the part of Captain Mason, he being moved thereto, by the facts before suggested, the grant of Laconia, and the insignificance of Mari.ana. In the spring of 1629,.Mr. Edward Colcord, purchased of Passaconnaway and three other Sagamons, a tract of land from the Piscataqua to the Merrimack, bounded as follows, viz.' "beginning at Newichewannock falls in Piscataqua river, aforesaid, and so down said river to the. sea, and so along the sea shore to Merrimack river, and so up along said river to the falls of Pautucket aforesaid, and from said Pautucket falls, upon a northwest line, twenty English miles into the woods, and from thence, to run.upon a straight. line Northeast and Southwest, till: it meets with the main rivers that run do.wn to Pautucke.t falls and Newichewannock falls, and the said rivers-to be bounds of said lands, from the thwart line, or head line, to the aforesaid falls, and the main channel of each river, from Pautucket falls and Newichewannock falls.to the main sea, to be the side bounds, and the main sea between Piscataqua river and Merrimack river, to be the lower bounds, and the thwart or head line, that runs from river to river, to be the upper bounds; together with all islands within said. bounds, as also the Isles of Shoals, so called.". This purchase was made for the Rev. John Wheelwright and. his associates, and a deed for the same was duly executed, at Squamsauke, on the 17th day of May, 1629 by Passaconnaway, and three other Sagamons.t See copy in Register's Office, Rockingham County. t We are aware that.the authenticity of this deed has been doubted,-and that much pains have been taken to prove the same a forgery;-but still, there are most conclusive proofs of its genuineness. The original documents in the Secretary's-office, show of themselves, that this deed to Mr. Wheelwright, from the four Sagamons, was executed prior to 1633; and more than this, there are two depositions, one in the files of the superior Court at Exeter, and the other at Salem Mass., made by the Rev. John W~heelwright, in 1663, showing that' he made a purchase of the Indians at Exeter, before he settled there in 1638, and that this purchase of land was conveyed to him by the deed of 1629, and by no other deed whatever. These affidavits are similar, and one only is subjoined, as follows."This deponent testifies, that himself, with some others who were to sit down at Exeter, did employ Edward Colcord to purchase for them as he remembers a certain tract of land from Oyster River to Merrimack, of the Indians for GRANT OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 19 This purchase includes the southern part of New Hampshire, its northern line passing through Manchester, Hookset, Candia, Deerfield, Northwood, Strafford, and intersecting with the Newichewannock in Rochester. This purchase, doubtless, coming to the knowledge of Captain Mason, as suggested by Dr. Belknap,* on the 7th day of November, of the same year, he obtained from the Council of Plymouth, a grant of land "' from the middle of the Piscataqua river, and up the same to the farthest head thereof, and from thence northwestward, until sixty miles from the mouth of the harbor were finished; also through Merrimack river to the farthest head thereof, and so forward up into the land westward, until sixty miles were finished; and from thence to cross over land to the end of the sixty miles as counted from the Piscataqua river; together with all islands within five leagues of the coast." The land within this Patent, was called New Hampshire, and of course covered the land purchased of Passaconnaway and other Indians. It not only covered that purchase, but it covered the lands north of the Merrimack granted to Massachusetts. This was done, doubtless, by agreement with Mr. Cradock, the Governor of the "Company of Massachusetts Bay," as named in the report of the Commissioners of Charles II.t which they gave him ten or twelve pounds in money and had a grant thereof signed by some Sagamons with their marks upon it of which Runnawit was one. Sworn before the Court at Hampton ye 13 of ye 8 mo. 1663. Thos. Bradbury, Recorder." This shows that the purchase by Wheelwright was made before the settlement of Exeter, as he speaks of himself and others, employing Colcord to make the purchase for them, " who were to sit down at Exeter." Then again he avers that Runnawit was one of the signing Sagamons, and it so happens that Runawit's name-is attatched to the deed of 1629 and is not upon the deed of 1638, or'upon any other, most conclusively showing that Wheelwright, in his deposition refers to the deed of 1629 and'to that only. Now, this affidavit goes to the git of the whole matter. For it is charged that this deed of 1629, wasforgqed after Wheelwright's death, to bear upon the suit of 1707 between Allen and Waldron. Now, this affidavit, showing that W~heelwright knew of this Deed in 1663, takes away the inducement to forgery, as the suit between Allen andl Waldron was not commenced for near a half century after! and farther than this, it shows most conclusively, if the Rev. Mr. Wheelwright is to be believed, that the Deed of 1629, is authentic. Now, no doubt can be thrown upon the honesty or veracity of the Rev. John Wheelwright. His enemies, even, acknowledge his moral worth, and those who pronounce his deed of 1629, a forgery, yield to none in confidence in his integrity. Hence the conclusion is inevitable that the deed of May, 17, 1629, to the lRev. John Wheelwight and others, is a genuine deed. * Belknap's History, p. 8. t See Hutch. Coll. Papers, p. 423. 20 THE. HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. The affairs of Laconia being less prosperous than anticipated, and the part of that patent west of the Piscataqua, having been set apart to Capt. Mason, a grant of a tract of land was made to Edward Hilton and his associates, who had settled at much cost of time and labor at Hilton's Point, now known as Dover Neck. This grant took in Dover Neck, the north part of Newington and Greenland, the whole of Stratham, and a part of Exeter, up to Squamsauke Falls, carrying a breadth of three miles down the Exeter river, and the Great Bay to the Piscataqua. This grant was made March 12, 1630. On the 3d day of November, 1631, a grant was made, of the land south upon the Piscataqua, to Sir F. Gorges, Capt. John Mason, John Cotton, Henry Gardner, George Griffith, Edwin Gay, Thomas Wannerton, Thomas Eyre, and Eliezer Eyre. These individuals had expended three thousand pounds upon the settlement at the mouth of the river, and this grant seems to have been made to them out of the grant of Mason, on the west side of the River, and the land of Gorges on the east side, as an equivalent, in part, for their expenditures, for settling this part of the patent of Laconia. This grant included the land on which "the buildings and salt works were erected on both sides the harbor and river of Piscataqua, to the extent of five miles westward by the sea coast, then to cross over towards the other plantation in the hands of Edward Hilton."* This patent included part of the present town of Kittery in Maine, all of New Castle, Rye, and Portsmouth, and the south parts of Newington and Greenland. These grants were made by the consent of all parties and for their mutual advantage. From this time the adventurers prosecuted the business of their colonies with energy. After this division, the Patentees seem to have enlarged their views beyond the mere establishment of fishing stations, as men and women were soon sent over by Capt. Mason, and a large number of cattle and hogs, with an abundance of stores for the use of the colony. The cattle were brought from Denmark, were large and of a yellow color, and with them came Danes to have care of them, and to manufacture potash, with which manufacture, they had become acquainted in Denmark. With this accession of colonists, came Renald Fernald, a surgeon and physician, whose presence was rendered necessary, by the prevalence of disease and the anticipated wants of the increasing colony. * Hutch. Vol. 1, page 216. MASON AND GORGES DIVIDE THEIR PROPERTY. 21 This speculation did not meet the expectations of the proprietors, and Mason and Gorges soon had, by purchase, or the withdrawal of the members of the company, the entire control of the Patent, at the mouth of the Piscataqua. Mason and Gorges, in 1634, divided their property, real and personal, and Gorges relinquished to Mason his title to all lands west of the Piscataqua, and about the same time sold to him a tract of land three miles in width, east of the Piscataqua, and extending from the mouth of the same to the head of the Newichewannlock river. The entire control of the Plantations upon the Piscataqua, except that of Hilton's patent before described, thus fell into the hands of Capt. Mason, while Gorges concentrated his energies upon his colony at York and Saco. It is highly probable that Mason intended to emigrate to New Hampshire, and this acconnts for the zeal with which he prosecuted the enterprise, and for the fact, that he had erected the large house known as "' Mason Hall," and had attached thereto, a manor of some four thousand acres of land, and stocked the same with cattle, swine, and goats, with well skilled servants for the care of the same. 22 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER III. The Indians of New England.-Smith's account of them.-Narragansets.-Pequots.- Nipmucks.-Norridgewocks or Abnakis, under French influence.Scootlucks.-MIilicetes.-Mic Macs.-Tarratines.-The Bashahba of Penobscot slain with his family.-A fatal disease, —Meadows, or intervales of the Merrimack, the bottoms of ancient lakes.-Abundance of fish.-An Indian Paradise.-The Indian dislikes leaving it.-The tribes upon the Merrimack.Agawam.-Wamesit,-or Pawtucket.-Nashua.- Souhegan.-Amoskeag. — Pennacook.-Winnepesaukee.-Other tribes subject to Passaconnaway.7Vachusett.-Coos.-Pequaquaukes-Ossipee.-Squamscot. - Winnecowett. Piscataqua. — Newichawonnock. —-Saco. —-Amariscoggin.- -Nipmucks. -- Abundance offish and facilities for taking them at Namaoske'g.-A royal residence.-Location of villages.-Ancient remains. —Eliot invited here by Passaconnaway.-Thinks of establishing an Indian town here. The voyagers to the coast of New England, in the early part of the 17th century, found the same divided among several tribes of Indians, all speaking radically the same language,Algonkin. Capt. John Smith, of these early voyagers, gives the most minute account of these tribes. He says, " The principall habitations I saw at Northward, was Pennobscot, who are in Warres with the Terentines, their next Northerly neighbors. Southerly up the Rivers, and along the Coast, wee found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca: to those belong the Countries and people of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Mauherosqueck, Warigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To those are alied in confederacy the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naernkeck, all those for any thing I could perceive, differ little in language or any thing, though most of themt be Sagamos and Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next is Mattahunt, Totant, Massachuset, Paconekick, then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the Iles Nawset and Capawuck, neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous, betwixt the degrees of 40 and 41."* Most of these tribes, named by Smith, occupied the same * See Mass. Hist. Coll. Yol. iii, third series, p. 20. THE INDIANS OF NEW ENGLAND. 23 relative positions for more than a century, after the country was permanently settled by the English. West of Cape Cod were the powerful tribes of the Narragansets* and Pequots; while in the country, upon the rivers and lakes, were several powerful tribes; the Nipmucks, in the interior of Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, and occupying the valley of the Merrimack, in New Hampshire, and Massachusetts; and the Norridgewocks seated upon the branches of the Kennebec, and the Lakes in the northern interior of Maine. This last tribe was called Abnakis by the French, and was principally noted for their adherence to the French interests, and their inroads upon the French settlements, which their connection with the French, led them to undertake. East of the Penobscot, were the Scootucks, or Passamaquoddies, inhabiting the Scootuck or St. Croix river and the shore of Passamaquoddy Bay; the Milicetes in the valley of the river St. John; and the Micmacs, occupying the rest of New Brunswick, and the peninsula of Nova Scotia. The Miemacs were, and still are, a warlike people. Living mainly upon the sea shore, athletic, of powerful frame, and most expert canoe-men, they were fond of warlike expeditions, and often were a source of fear and anxiety to their western neighbors, under the dreaded name of Tarratines. They even extended their war expeditions against the tribes of Massachusettsj within the knowledge of the English, and in some of the earliest stipulations between the tribes of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, and their English neighbors, mention is made of their dread of the Tarratines. When Capt. Smith coasted along the shore of New England, in 1614, making the island of Monheagan the centre of his operations, the Penobscot tribe was one of the most powerful in New England. They were under the control of a Bashaba or Chief, who held the tribes of Maine as far west as the Saco, as tributary, or subject to him. He was then at war with the Tarratines, and in 1615, that warlike people sent an expedition against him, with such secrecy and consequent success, as that they took him by surprise, and put him and his family to death. Divisions arose as to the succession to the Bashaba, of which the Tarratines taking the advantage, soon overpowered the other tribes of Maine, and extended a war of exterm.ina~ N ~arsraganset is from Nanrantsouack and means a carrying-place. Arorridqewoock is also a corruption of the same word. (See Mem. Amer. Acacld. New Series, Vol. I, pages 372 and 373.) 24 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. tion along the coast of Massachusetts. Hand in hand, as it were, with war, stalked pestilence, so that in 1620, the tribes upon the sea coast, from the St. Croix to Cape Cod, had ben come greatly depreciated in numbers; and some places had become almost entirely depopulated. Speaking of this depopulation, Capt. Smith says, " they had three plagues in three years successively neere two hundred miles along the Sea coast, that ill some places there, scarce remained five of a hundred" * * * * " but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst them; for where I have seene two or three hundred, within three years after remnained scarce thirty." Whatever this disease may have been, it seems to have extended little farther south than Cape Cod, and to have been limited in violence, at least, among the tribes; of, the interior, so that the Pilgrims in 1620, and for many years subsequent, had but little to fear from the once powerful tribes upon the seashore north of Cape Cod; but on the contrary, had to use every precaution, and much vigilance against the power of the southern tribes, and those of the interior, which had been less afflicted by disease and war. At this period, the most powerful tribes of the interior, and probably of New England, north of the Pequots, had their residence in the valley of the Merrimack, upon the productive falls, and fertile meadows of that beautiful river. These meadows, or "Intervales," as they are usually called, are basins made up of alluvial and vegetable deposits, and were, doubtless once covered with water, which has gradually passed away through the Merrimack, that continually deepening its channel, has burst the rocky barriers of these Bays, or Lakes, and left their former beds, dry and arable land. That these Intervales were submerged, and at a comparatively late period, hardly admits of a doubt, as the barriers of these ancient bays can be readily traced above Pawtucket, Arnoskeag, Hookset, Garvin's and Sewall's falls; and upon most of these basins, or intervales, have been found far below their surface, logs, fresh-water shells, and other unmistakable evidences of submersion. The Merrimack then, was a succession of Bays, from Lake Winnepesaukee to the ocean, a part of which now remain at Sanbornton and Meredith, and which add so much of beauty to the scenery of that neighborhood. These intervales were of very great fertility, and of such ready productiveness, as to afford an abundant harvest to the THE INDIANS OF THE MERRIMACK VALLEYd 2 scanty husbandry of the Indian. More than two centuries of culture, have hardly decreased their fertility. Then the Merrimack afforded other superior advantages for Indian settlements. Rising in the White Mountains, at an altitude of six thousand feet above the level of the ocean, its waters find their way to the Atlantic, through the distance of two hundred and fifty miles; of course there are rapids and falls, through most of its entire length. These afforded the most ample fishing grounds to the natives, whereat to spear, and take with dip-net, and seine, the myriads of alewives, shad, and salmon, that, literally crowded the Merrimack, during certain seasons of the year. Then the woods upon its banks were filled with moose, deer, and bears,-whilst the ponds and lakes, the sources of its tributaries, were teeming with water fowl. In this beautiful " Valley of the Merrimack," with all these attractions of fertile planting grounds, an abundance of fish, and hunting grounds of unlimited extent,-the first English adventurers found several tribes of Indians, occupying localities, chosen with Indian taste and with special reference to his comfort and his wants. From its mouth far above its affluents, the Winnepesaukee and Pemegewasset, the shores of this "' Silver Stream," were dotted with Indian villages. It was the very paradise of the Indian imagination. Is it a wonder that the wresting of such a home from "the lords of the soil," should have been accompanied with strife and bloodshed? That the Indian in his ignorance and wildness, when driven from the graves of his fathers, at the hands of strangers, should have left the marks of his vengeance behind him, traced with all the horrors of the scalping-knife and tomahawk? It is not strange; nor is it so singular, or so much a matter of reproach, as that a people, fresh from the lash of oppression, laying claim to much of humanity, and ever bearing upon their arm the shield of morality and religion,-should have driven the simple hearted natives from their lands without even color of right, except what comes from that precept of barbarism, that, might makes right; without even color of title, when title was pretended, except what was purchased for a few blankets, a trucking coat, a few beads and baubles; —or, perhaps still worse,-for a runlet of " occupee," or 1" fire-water!"' These tribes upon the Merrimack were the Agawam, Wamesit, or Pawtucket, Nashua, Souhegan, Namaoskeag, Pennacook, and Winnepesaukee. The Agawam tribe occupied the eastern part of what is now Essex county in Massachusetts, 26 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. extending from tide-water upon the Merrimack, round to Cape Ann. Their territory, skirted upon two sides by the Merrimack and Atlantic, indented by bays, intersected by rivers, and interspersed with ponds, was appropriately called Wonnesquamsauke, meaning literally, the Pleasant Water Place, the word being a compound from Wonne, (pleasant,) Asquam, (water,) and Auke, (a place.) This word was sometimes contracted to Wonnesquam, often to Squamsauke, and still oftener to Squam, or Asquam. The deep guttural pronunciation of asquam by the Indians, sounded to the English like agawam and hence the word as applied to the Indians of that locality. Several localities in Essex county, are now known by names contracted and derived from this Indian word Wonnesquamsauke; as " Squam" the name of a pleasant harbor and village upon the north side of Cape Ann, and " Swamscot," the name of a pleasant village in the eastern part of Lynn. The Wamesits lived at the forks of the Merrimack and Concord rivers, and upon both sides of the latter river. Wamesit, is derived from Wame (all or whole) and Auke (a place) with the letter s thrown in betwixt the two syllables for the sake of the sound. The Indian village at this place, undoubtedly received this name from the fact that it was a large village, the place where all the Indians collected together. This was literally true in the spring and summer, as the Pawtucket falls, near by, were one of, the most noted fishing places in New England, where the Indians from far and near, gathered together in April and May, to catch and dry their year's stock of shad and salmon.'Wamesit was embraced nearly in the present limits of the city of Lowell, in Middlesex county, Massachusetts. The Indians.in this neighborhood were sometimes called Pawtuckets, from the falls in the Merrimack, of that name. Pawtucket, means the forks, being derived from the Indian word Pohchatuk (a branch.) Pawtucket seems, however, to have been applied by the English, rather to all the Indians north of the,Merrimack, than to the particular tribe at the falls of that name.. The Nashuas occupied the lands upon the Nashua and the intervales upon the Merrimack, opposite and below the mouth of that river. Nashua means the river with a pebbly bottom — a name said to have been peculiarly appropriate, before art had deprived it of this distinctive beauty. The Souhegans lived upon the Souhegan river, occupying THE INDIANS OF THE MERRIMACK VALLEY. 27 the rich intervales upon both banks of the iMerrimack, above and below the mouth of the Souhegan. Souhegan is a contraction of Souheganash, an Indian noun in the plural number, meaning worn-out lands. These Indians were often called Natacooks or Nacooks, from their occupying ground that was free from trees, or cleared land-Netecook meaning a clearing. The Namaoskeags resided at the falls in the MIerrimack, known at present by the name of Amoskeag, in Manchester. This word written variously, Namaske, Namaoskeag, Naumkeag, and Naimkeak, means the fishingzplace, from Namaos (a fish) and Au/ce (a place.) The Pennacooks occupied the rich intervales at Pennacook, now embraced in the towns of Bow, Concord and Boscawen, in the county of Merrimack. They were thus called, from Pennaqui, (crooked) and Auke, (place,) the intervales at Concord, which are extensive, being embraced within the folds of the Merrimack, which winds its way along, in a very crooked manner.* The Winnepesaukies occupied the lands in the vicinity of the Lake of that name, one of their noted fishing places being at the outlet of the Winnepesaukee, now known as the Weirs, the parts of permanent Indian weirs having remained at that place long after the advent of the whites. Winepesaukee is derived from Winne (beautiful) nipe (water) kees (high) and Auke (a place,) meaning literally, the beautiful water of the high place. Of these several tribes, the Pennacooks were the most powerful; and either from their superiority, arising from a long residence upon a fertile soil, and hence more civilized; or from having been for a long period under the rule of a wise Chief,and perhaps from both causes united,-had become the head, as it were, of a powerful confederacy. It is well known that the Winnepesaukee, Amoskeag, Souhegan, and Nashua tribes, were completely subservient to the Pennacooks; while the Wamesits were so intermarried with them, as to be mainly under their control, acknowledged fealty to Passaconaway, and finally, with the other tribes upon the Merrimack, became merged with the Pennacooks, and ceased to be distinct tribes, in fact or name. The Agawams, were also intimately connected with the Pennacooks, and acknowledged fealty to them, and doubtless were It may be that Pennacook means the groucnd-nut place, in which case it would be derived from Penak, (a grouncl-nut,) and Auke, (a place.) 28 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. one of the earliest tribes to become merged with them; but still they ceased to exist as a distinct tribe, at so early a date, that few particulars of their history have been preserved. Besides the tribes in the valley of the Merrimack, the Pennacooks had control over the most of the tribes from the Concord river, in Massachusetts, to the sources of the Connecticut,. and from the highlands betwixt the Merrimack and Connecticut, to the Kennebec in Maine. It is known that the Wachusetts, from Wadchu, (a mountain) and Auke, (a place,) near Wachusett mountain in Massachusetts; the Coosucks, from Cooash (pines,) upon the sources of the Connecticut river; the Pequaquaukes from Pequaquis (crooked) and Auke (a place) upon the sources of the Saco, in Carroll county, in New Hampshire, and Oxford county in Maine; the Ossipees from Cooash (pines) and Sipe (a river,) upon the Ossipee lake and river in Carroll county, in New Hampshire, and York County in Maine i the Squamscotts, from:Winne, (beautiful) Asquam, (water) and Auke, (a place,) upon Exeter river, in Exeter and Stratham, in Rockingham county; the Winnecowetts, from Winne (beautiful,) Cooash, (pines,) and Aulce (a place) in the Hamptons in the same county; the Piscataquaukes, from Pos, (great,) Attuck, (a deer,) and Auke, (a place,) upon the Piscataqua river, the boundary betwixt New Hampshire and Maine,; the Newichewannocks, from Nee (my,) Week (a contraction of weekwam, a house) and Owannock, (come,) —upon one of the upper branches of the same river; the Sacos, from ASawa (burnt,) Coo, (pine,) and Auke, (a place,) upon the Saco river, in York county, Maine; and the Amariscoggins, from Namaos, (fish,) kees, (high,) and Auke, (a place) upon the Amariscoggin river, having its source in New Hampshire and emptying its waters into the Kennebec, —all acknowledged the.power and control of the Pennacooks, and were members of the confederacy of which that powerful tribe was the head, and Passaconnaway, the leading Sagamon or Bashaba. These Indians from the interior, were known and called among the tribes upon the sea shore, by the general name of Nipmucks —or Fresh Water Indians. Nipmuck, is derived from NAipe, (still water) and Auke (a place,) with the letter m thrown in for the sake of the euphony. And true to their name, the Nipmucks usually had their residences upon places of still water, the ponds, lakes and sivers of the interior. But the Indians in the Merrimack valley, although properly Nipmucks, and living in distinct bands or tribes, were usually call ISHltIRES AT NWAMAOSYEA G PALLS. 29 ed by the English, Pennacooks, from the fact that the tribe at Pennacook was the most powerful one in the valley, and under the rule of Passaconnaway, had become, as has already been seen, the'head of a powerful confederacy. This position of that tribe, brought its people in contact with the English on all occasions of moment, such as conferences and negotiations, and hence the English,'meeting on such occasions Pennacooks almost exclusively, applied the name of Pennacook to the tribes generally inhabiting the upper Merrimack valley. And in course of time, as the Indians became reduced in numbers by emigration, war, and contact with civilization, the smaller tribes became united with the larger ones, till in 1685, the Pennacooks were the only tribe in, and had exclusive possession of, the Merrimack valley. The Merrimack naturally, was but a series of falls, rapids, and ripples, from the Souhegan to the lower Pennacook falls, (now Garvin's.) These afforded the most ample opportunity for fishing, and the name of Namaoskeag, was doubtless applied to that section of the river and the adjacent country around; but in course of time, as fish became more limited, the name of Namaoskeag, became to be applied to the immediate neighborhood of the principal falls, now known as Amoskeag. The fish at these falls were most abundant, and the facilities for taking them, superior to those of any other place upon the Merrimack. The river below the main fall, in the course of a few miles, is entered by a number of rivers and rivulets, having their sources in lakes at no great distance; and of course, at certain seasons, it was filled with alewives, waiting an opportunity to pass up those small streams; thus both in the Merrimack, and in those streams, affording ready opportunity to take them in any quantity. Then at the same season, the great basin or Eddy, at the foot of Merrill's falls, and at the mouth of the Piscataquog river, was literally filled with eels, shad, and salmon, waiting a passage up the falls, occupied by their earlier or more expert companions; over and among which, the Indian in his canoe, could pass, and spear or net, at will. Again, at the foot of the main fall, and upon the western bank of the river, here dividing, and passing among, and around certain small islands, was, and is at the present time, a basin or eddy, emptied by a small passage, easily rendered imnpassable for fish, by a weir, and ever filled with fish, in the season of them, from the falls'above, the force of the water 30 1'fl- HIS5TdRY Of MANCHESt1gE1a rushing over the main pitch of the falls, naturally and inevitably driving into this pool, those fish, that in the rush, did not succeed in passing up the falls. Here they were as secure as in an eel pot, and the Indians could take them at their convenience. Then, at the main falls, and at the islands below. the river passes amid rocks in narrow channels, and upon these rocks and channels, the Indian could stand through day and night, if he chose, and throw spear and dip-net, without missing a fish, of fishes, at each "' throw." And last, the various fish did not usually arrive at these falls, until after the twentieth of May, when the planting season was over, thus affording the Indians plenty of time to take and cure them, without interruption, from their agricultural pursuits, however scanty. Whereas at Pawtucket, and the rapids in that neighborhood, the fish arrived usually about the first of May and continued through the busiest time of cornplanting. These peculiar advantages, pertaining to the fishery at this place, made it par excetlence, the fishing-place, hence as before suggested, the Indian name of Namaoskeag. These were no ordinary advantages to the Indian, depending as he did for subsistance upon fish, flesh, fowl, and such vegetables as his limited agriculture might produce. Hence we can readily suppose, that where fish were so abundant, and so readily to be taken, that there the Indians would flock together in vast numbers, to supply their future wants; and that the place would be one of great importance. Such was the fact, and Namaoskeag, for a long time, was not only the great point of attraction to all provident Indians, but was the royal residence of the ancient Sagamons of the Merrimack valley. At Namaoskeag, upon the bluff immediately east of the fallsi was the main village or town occupied by the Indians, as is plainly shown by the abundance of arrow and spear heads, and the debris of stones from which they were manufactured, together with pieces of pottery, and other unmistakable evidences of an ancient Indian town, still to be seen and found; while down the river to the Souhegan, there were smaller settlements wherever were good fishinlg or planting grounds. In Bedford, opposite Carthagena Island, on land of Hol,. thomas Chandaler, and opposite the mouth of Cohos river, such settlements existed, the vestiges of which still exist at the former place, and did at the latter, till the hand of improvement swept them away. But, as before suggested, the main Indian village was at the Palls, called by Mr Eliot, "A great fishing place Namaske upon FISHERIES AT NAMAOSKEAG FALLS. 31' Merimak," and " which," he says, " belongeth to Papassaconnaway."l* Here, prior to 1650, Passaconnaway had a principal residence, and was so anxious to have the Rev. Mr. Eliot come here and establish his community of Christian or "Praying Indians," as his proselytes were called, that he offered to furnish him with any amount of land that he might want for that purpose. The old Sagamon held out such inducements, and the place was of so much importance, that Eliot at one time had serious thoughts of establishing himself here; but the distance was so great to transport supplies, and the natives in Massachusetts were so averse to going farther north, that he thought "the Lord by the Eye of Providence seemed not to look thither,"t and he located himself at Natick.t There is no doubt that Mr Eliot afterwards found opportunity to visit this place, and to preach and establish a school here, as Gookin in his account of the "Christian Indians," names Naamkeke as one of the "places where they (the Indians) met to worship God and keep the Sabbath; in which places there was at each place a teacher and schools for the youth at most of them."'l And as no other man established schools or preaching among the Indians of the interior, save Mr. Eliot, it follows conclusively that he both preached and taught at Namaoskeag. So that our ancient town, not only has the honor of having been the scene of the philanthropic efforts and labors of " the Apostle Eliot," but also that of having the first " preaching and school " established within its limits, that was established in the State, north-west of Exeter, however remiss its white inhabitants may have been in these particulars. *See Eliot's Letter Mass. His. Coll., Vol. IV., 3d series, ps. 82 and 123. tSee as before Mass.:His. Coill., Vol. IV., ad series, ps. 123 and 124. +Natick means a clearing, or place free from trees, from the Indian words Naa (bare) and Auke (a place), t being thrown in for the sound. Hence Neddock (a cape i.n York county,.MNe.,) and Natticook or NT.acook, the ancient name of Litchfield, the town upon the east side of the Merrimack, and joining Manchester on the south. It would seem from Ralle's vocabulary, that the Norridgewocks had an adjective Nete, meaning bare or cleared. This prefixed to goo'ike their noun for place or spot of land, forms Neteyoo'ike, the derivitive noun meaning cleared land or a bare place, almost si.milar in formation and sound to Naa-t-auke the noun_ of the same meaning among the Nipmucks or Pennacooks. ]JSee Trans. and Coll. Amer. Anti. Society, page 518l 32 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER IV. -Manners and customs of the Pennacooks.-Fisheries at Pawtucket.-Nama.. oskeag.-Ahquedaukee.-Peculiarities of alewives, shad and salmon.-Shad confined to the Winnepesaukee.-Salmon to thePemegewasset.-Ahquedaukenash or Weirs.-Ahquedaukenash at Namaoskeag.-Fishing by torch light, the bow, spear and line.-Agriculture.-Hoe and tomhegun.-The crow.-Indian corn.-Mortar anid pestle.-Nasamp.-Succotash. - Beans. Gourds. -Squashes.-Pumpkins.-Melons.-The bow and arrow.-Drives.- Deer Neck -Fox Point.-Kulheag.-Racket & canoe.-Work of Indian women.-The Wigwam.-Cooking meat, samp and hominy.-Clearing the ground and planting.-Pounding corn.-Embroidery.-Love of children.-The cradle; cause of the fine limbs of the Indian.-Polygamy.-WVar.-Tomahawk.-Scalping knife.-The fire brand dance.-Outfit for the war path.-Totem.-The quiver. -Dress.-Attack.-Scalping.-Running the gantlet.-The Scalp dance. In the preceding chapter, Pawtucket and Namaoskeag have been spoken of as famous fishing places upon the Merrimack; but there was another noted fishing place within the territory of the Pennacooks, where shad alone were caught, and which was almost equally celebrated with those at Namaoskeag and Pawtucket. It was located at the outlet of Lake Winnepesaukee, and was known by the name of Ahquedaukenash, meaning literally stopping places or dams, from Ahque (to stop) and Auke (a place.) This word had for its plural Ahquedaukenash, and again by corruption, Aquedoctan, a name which was extended' by the whites to the whole Winnepesaukee river. It is a curious fact in the history of the fisheries upon, the Merrimack, that while alewives, shad, and salmon passed up the lower part of Merrimack in company, yet. the most of the alewives went up the small rivulets before coming to the forks of the Merrimack at Franklin, while the salmon and shad parted company at the forks, the former going up the Pemegewasset,* and the latter passing up the Winnepesaukee. This peculiarity was owing to the natures of those fish. The alewives were a small fish, and sought small lakes or ponds to deposit their *Pemegewasset means literally The crooked-mountain-pine-place, from Pennaquis, (crooked), Wadchu (a mountain), Cooash (pines), and Auke (a place). By contraction, it became Penna-chu-ash-auke, and by corruption Pemegewasset. AHQUEDAUKENASH OR WEIRS. 33 " spawn," that were easy of access, warm, and free- from large fish, that would destroy them and their progeny. The shad was a much larger fish, and sought large lakes for spawning, where the water was warm and abundant; while the salmon, delighting in cold, swift water, sought alone.those waters fed by springs, or formed by rivulets from the ravines and gorges of the mountain sides, which meandering through dense forests, rippling over pebbly bottoms, or rushing over rocks or:precipices, formed those ripples, rapids, whirlpools and falls, in which the salmon delights, and those dark, deep, cool basins, or eddies, in which to deposite its spawn. Hence the fact that alewives were seldom found above the forks of the Merrimack, and that the salmon held exclusive possession of the cold, rapid,'dark Pemegewasset, while the shad appropriated the warm, clear waters of the Winnepesaukee, neither trespassing upon the-domain of the other. The Ahquedaukenash then of the Indians, and the Aquedahcan and Aquedoctan of the English, were one and the same name, applied to the fishing place, of the Indians, at the outlet of Lake Winnepesaukee, now known as " The Weirs." This was called Ahquedaukee, or the Weirs, from the fact that the dams or weirs at this place were permanent ones. The Winnepesaukee is not a variable river, and at the outlet of the lake the water for some distance passed over a hard pebbly bottom, and did not average more than two feet in depth. This was an excellent place for ahquedaukenash or dams, and could not fail of being duly improved by the Indians. Accordingly as before suggested, they had here permanent weirs. Not being able to drive stakes or posts into the hard pebbly bottom of the river, they placed large rocks at convenient distances from each other, in a zig-zag line across the river. Against these they interwove their brushwood weirs, or strung their hempen nets, according to their ability. Such weirs were used in the spring and fall, both when the fish went up and down the river. Such ahquedaukenash were frequent upon this and other rivers, and the rocks thus placed in the river by the Indians, remained in their position long after the settlement of the English in that neighborhood, and were used by them for a like purpose; hence the name of weirs as continued at the present time. In the fishing season, the whole Pennacook nation were at their home at Namaoskeag, and welcomed strangers from abroad with feasting and revelry. The first thing to be done was to make an "' ahquedaukee " or weir..This was usually done after this wise: a line of stout sapling stakes was extended across 34 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the river, some ten or twelve feet apart, at a point where the bottom was soft, so that the stakes could be driven into the sand or mud. These stakes were inclined down stream, and were interwoven with birch tops and other brush wood, or nets were strung from stake to stake, so as to present an effectual barrier to the fish. On one side of the river, one or more stakes in distance were left clear of brush or nets, so that the fish might have a free passage up. There can be little doubt of the fact, that at the outlet of the basin, at the foot of the main falls of Namaoskeag, and upon the west side of the Merrimack, a place now known as the eddy, as before suggested, that the Indians had a permanent weir, made by placing boulders: of stone at convenient distances across the outlet of the basin, in like manner as at their ahquedaukenash at the outlet of the Winnepesaukee. The position was equally eligible, and had this superior advantage, that when constructed, both salmon and shad were secured in the basin above. A run or school of fish would pass up till they met the swift water from the falls, when they would retreat in myriads down the stream, till they came in contact with the wier-here they would turn again to meet the rushing school from above. Thus in a- little time the capacious basin above the weir would be filled, and black with fish, —the strong and athletic salmon throwing himself out of' the water in his affright and rage. This was the favorable time for the Indian fishers. The watch would give the signal, and the birch canoes would speed their way to the scene, an Indian in the stern of each plying his light paddl., and another in each bow with a spear or dip-net, according to his ability or ingenuity. When fish were so penned up as it were, it required but little skill to catch them, and a thrust with the spear, or a dip of the net, was seldom unsuccessful. When the canoes were filled, or the fishers became tired of their labor or sport, the fish were taken to the shore and delivered over to the squaws, who stood ready with their knives, and dressing the fish, split them and laid them in the sun to dry, or hung them upon the centre-pole of their wigwams to smoke. Each night was passed in dancing and feasting, a kind of Thanksgiving for the success of the day. At thesefishing seasons, lover's vows were plighted, marriages were consummated, speeches made, and treaties formed. There can be little doubt that it was a fishing season at Namaoskeag, when in 1660 Passaconnaway made his dying speech, spoken of by Hubbard, and that here too both Passaconnaway, and Wannalancet his son, heard the apostle Eliot preach to their people, and set the INDIAN METHOD OF FISHING, 35 example to their followers of publicly recommending the Christian religion. Another method of taking fish, practised extensively by the Indians, was by spearing them in the night time, by torch light. This kind of fishing was practised in the spring and fall, when the water is too cold for "schooling," and the fish are solitary in their habits, and. lay near the shore. The spearman stood in the bow of the boat with his spear, while the torch-bearer stood near him to show the fish. A third man propelled the boat gently along, and stopped the boat when a fish was in sight, at a signal from the spearman, to give him an opportunity to strike the fish. To be successful in this kind of fishery required great dexterity, as the canoe would careen with the slightest touch, and their spear was constructed of a single pike of stone, properly adjusted to a pole. Yet with this rude instrument they were successful fishermen, both by day and night. In short, the Indians were most expert in all kinds of fishing-except with the hook-and with that even, made of bone, they were successful. Their fish hook was made of two pieces of bone-one piece for the shank, and another for the hook or barb-fastened to the end of the shank. The shank was usually made from the leg or wing bone of some bird, The lower end was scarfed off to a point on one side, and another piece of bone of the same size, and an inch, or inch-and -a-half in length, was scarfed at one end to fit the scarf of the shank. The pieces were then fastened together with sinews, and the upper end of the short piece being sharpened, the hook was completed. The line was made of Indian hemp, or of the inner bark of the elm, chestnut and other trees. It is most probable that the Indians took fish with the bone hook after the peculiar manner that may be called hooking, for we can hardly conceive of their taking them in the usual manner with so clumsy an instrument. Hooking fish was often practiced in the winter upon the Winnepesaukee, in former years, if not now, and was doubtless a mode of fishing borrowed from the Indians. The mode was thus: The fisherman first cut a hole in the ice, usually near the entrance of some brook into the lake, and at a place where the water was of convenient depth. Near the hole he placed a plank, or for want of this, hemlock or pine boughs. Upon the plank, or boughs the fisherman stretched himself at his length, looking upon the bottom of the lake through the hole in the ice, having in his right hand a slender, straight stick, of such length as somewhat more than reached 36 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the bottom, and to the extremity of which was fastened a stout hook. Thus equipped, and the instrument resting upon the bottom, the fisherman would wait the approach of a fish. If the prey swam boldly up to the stick, with a quick jerk of the stick, it was hooked, and drawn upon the ice. But if the fish was more wary, and stopped in his course, then the.fishermen gently moved the rod along, till the hook was under the fish, when with the same quick motion, it was hooked and drawn upon the ice. In this manner, when fish. were plenty and less shy than at present, the bone hook of the Indians was a formidable, and successful instrument for winter: fishing. It ils said that the Indians took great numbers of salmon with the bow and arrow, shooting them as they passed up rapids and falls, but we are led to doubt the general success of this method, as -a salmon, when wounded or killed, invariably sinks to the bottom, and.the spear and canoe would have been required to secure each fish, after he hadbeen struck with the arrow. Large fish, such as the. sturgeon, (called by them Kauposh) the horse mackerel and the like, they took with the spear. Two Indians would get into a canoe, and while the man at the:stern would paddle the canoe swiftly, but gently up to the prey, the spearman, standing in the bow of the canoe, would strike the spear into the fish, and with such force and precision as to be able to secure him, either by hauling him into the canoe, or by towing him to the shore. The dexterity attained by the Indians in this kind of fishing, upon the sea shore, is said to have been of great advantage to our whalemen, and it is even said that the superiority of American Whalemen is in a measure owing to the. knowledge and skill obtained from the Indians. It is a curious fact that this superiority is confined to the neighborhood of New Bedford and Nantucket, where spear fishing was pursued extensively and most adroitly by the Indians,. and that the Herring Pond and Marshpee..or Massapee (much pond) Indians are among the most expert whalemen of the present day, and are largely employmed by those pursuing the whale fishery at Nantucket and New Bedford. Whether the. Indians ever caught the whale or no, we are unable to learn. It is probable, however, that they did, as Roger Williams says he had seen whales sixty feet long, and that the Indians cut them, up and sent pieces far and near, for an acceptable present or dish. He says however these were often cast up, and it is not to be inferred that they were taken by the natives. Still as he speaks of their taking large fish with an "harping iron," and speaks of the INDIAN METHODS OF FISHING. 37 whale in connection with taking other fish, it is fair to presume that they attacked the " Leviathan of the deep," when he made his appearance upon the coast. That they took large fish, such as the sturgeon, porpoise and albicore, with a great deal of skill, and with an instrument somewhat like, and answering all the purposes of the modern harpoon, js evident and susceptible of proof. Roger Williams says, speaking of the sturgeon, (Kauposh) "Divers parts of the country abound with this fish, yet the natives, from the goodness and greatness of it, much prize it, and will neither furnish the English with so marny, nor so cheap, that any great trade is likcely to be made out of it, UNTIL THE ENGLISH THEMSELVES ARE FIT.TO FOLLOW THE FISHING.:: Thus whatever the method was of taking this fish and other large ones, it seems the English did not then know how to practice it. But Jocelyn, who was here in 1638, more than two hundred years ago, describes the method of taking these large fish. He says," The Bass and Blue-fish they (the Indians) take in Harbors and at the mouth of barred rivers, being in their canoes, striking them with their fishgig, a kind of dart or staff, to the lower end whereof they fasten a. sharp, jagged bone (since they make them of Iron) with a string fastened to it, as soon as the fish is struck, they pull away the staff, leaving the bony head in thie fishes body ands fasten the other end to the canoe. Thus they will hale after thevm to shore half a dozen or half a score great fishes: this way they take sturgeon. This is s almost precisely the method of taking the whale. The form of the harpoon was the same, save that the rope was fastened to the head of it, instead of the handle, and the head was made to be separated from the handle, and to be left in the fish. Whereas, now the ironihead and handle of the harpoon are inseparable. Thus it would seem that the use of the harpoon in taking large fish, as well as the manner of thus taking them, was unknown to-the English that first came to New England, and that they acquired a knowledge of its use from the natives. Upon the sea-coast, the Indians caught. large quantities of fish with their hemp nets in the following manner. They stretched these nets across small creeks and rivulets by means of stales driven into the mud, after the manner of their weirs. The fish would run up the creeks at flood tide, over and around the nets, but when the tide ebbed, they would naturally betake themselves to the channel of the creek, and thus would be left 1 \ass. His. Coll. Vol. III. ad series, page 230. 38 -THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. above the nets, often onr dry ground, or in such shoal water as to be easily secured by the Indians. Net fishing is pursued in a like manner, at the. present time, on the seacoast of Maine, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, both by the Indians and the Whites. As with other Indians, agriculture, hunting, and fishing, and the making of the implements necessary to prosecute these avocations successfully, seem to have been the appropriate duties of the men, among the Pennacooks, before the advent of the Europeans; but after their arrival, the Indian men imposed the duties of the planting ground and garden upon their women, together with the drudgery of the wigwam; while war, hunting and fishing were considered the appropriate labor of the men. The labor of tilling the soil, thus imposed upon the women, and the toils of hunting and fishing being rendered light and easy by the -introduction of guns, traps, hooks, and the like, by the Europeans, agriculture became of very little consequence to the Indians, and they spent their time in idlenesssoon had little or no attachment to the soil; became migratory, choosing to lounge about the skirts of civilization, and to adopt most of the vices, and very few of the virtues of their -white neighbors. Thus this change of habit in the Pennacooks, as in other Indians, from tillers of the soil to warriors and hunters,mere idlers, was the bane of their tribe. The agriculture of the Pennacooks was confined to the raising of corn, beans, melons, squashes, pumpkins, and gourds, and to the digging of groundnuts and the gathering of acorns, walnuts, and chesnuts. Rude and simple implements were alone necessary,-the axe and the hoe. Intervales, or meadows-probably the bottoms of ponds or lakes-their waters having subsided through outlets formed in their disintegrated barriers, were usually chosen by the Indians, as their planting grounds. Such choice furnished them with fertile soils, and saved them the labor of felling trees, as these Intervales were usually bare of trees of large growth, or such were so scattered, as to give little obstruction to the growth of their corn and other vegetables; and by' the process of girdling, could be removed by decay in a few years. Such were their planting grounds upon our rivers. Upon the sea-coast, they were under the necessity of clearing their lands and destroyed trees by girdling and burning. The trees. were so thick, and so interwoven with vines and underbrush, that a fire set in the proper season, was almost sure to clear the ground sufficiently for Indian cultivation. If some monarch oak remained unscathed, the shell-knife of the squaw inflicted upon AGRICULTURE, IMPLEMENTS AND PRODUCTS. 39 it the deadly girdle, and deprived of its sap, it decayed with equal certainty. The soil was dug up with the axe and hoe. The axe or hatchet, called the tomnhegun or tomahawk, was made at first of wood, and afterwards of granite or slate, and had a groove cut around it near the head —instead of an eye, and which held the handle. The handle was a mere withe, or sapling, so pliant as to be bent around the axe, in this groove, and was then fastened or tied with the roots of the spruce, or with the sinews of animals. They sometimes formed their hatchet handles by a more slow, but surer process. They selected a small, straight hickory, oak, or other tough sapling of the proper size, and splitting it as it stood, thrust the stone axe through the cleft till the parts closed around the axe, in the groove made for that purpose. They there left it till such time as the sapling, in its growth, enclosed the axe firmly within its wood. The sapling was then cut at the proper length, and fashioned into shape according to the taste and skill of the owner. With this axe, the Indians felled their trees, cut their wood, chipped and formed stones into other axes, dug up bushes and roots, and formed the "hills" for the reception of their seed-corn and other vegetables. It was their main instrument in agriculture, as well as other business, and was in use all through the tribes of Northern North America. The Micmac of Nova Scotia, used it in constructing his canoe, and fashioning his pipe; the Iroquois of New York, in building his fort, and forming his sledge; and the (Ojibway in hammering his native copper on the Ontonagon river, or in cleaving his pipe-stone from the quarry of St. Peters. Their hoe was made of granite sometimes, and in the shape like the carpenter's adz, with the groove instead of an eye for the handle, which was fastened, in like manner, with the handle of the axe. Their hoes were generally made of clam shells, however, fastened to stiff handles. Their only dressing was fish. After their planting grounds became exhausted, and the location was desirable, they dressed them with fish-putting an alewife or shad to each hill of corn or other vegetable. These fish were found in abundance in planting time, in every brook or rivulet that is tributary to the Merrimack. So plentiful were they, that the women, the wives of the first settlers, shoveled them out of the brooks with fire slices and "shod-shovels," while their husbands were in the 40 THE HISTORY OF'MANCHESTER. fields preparing for their reception as manure-a kind of husbandry they had adopted from the Indians. The Pennacooks commenced their preparation for planting, "When the oak leaf became as large as a mouse's ear." Trhis was their -rule as given to the first settlers. They planted in rows, much the same as we do at -present. The crows, which they called "Kaukont," from the sound of its caw or screech,. devoured, the young corn, and to prevent the depredations of this and -other birds, small lodges were built in the fields, in which the elder children watched, and the men themselves oftentimes. They did not kill these crows, as they held them as sacred, ast.their greatest benefactors. They had a belief, that a crow -bollght their first kernel of corn and a bean into the country from: th6 outhwest-a present from their Great Ilanit,:'-;cKautantoMnwit's" field, in the south west. From this kernel: 6:f:.orn,:and this bean, they supposed they derived all their. corri; and beans. Hence, they thioghtg tthe crow entitled to. a share, and did not offer a bounty for his head, even though he might at times take more than was fairly his share. Their corn was of various sorts and colors, and was cured -in-various ways. Much of it was used when green, either boiled or roasted for immediate use; and still another portion was gathered when in the milk, and dried in the sun upon mats for fall and winter use. The corn thus prepared, was called sweet corn, and when boiled or soaked and roasted, had much the same taste as green corn thus prepared. The ripe corn was gathered into heaps, and dried thoroughly and put by for parching, and grinding. They generally parched their corn before grinding, or pounding rather, as they usually pounded their corn with stone pestles, in wooden mortars. Their pestles were usually of -granite; but often of other stone. They were often elaborately finished, and sometimes upon the top of them there was an attempt at rude sculpture. Dr. Belknap speaks of one, upon which was sculptured the head of a Serpent. Their mortars were often formed of stone, but were more usually formed out of the transverse section of a log, and often times were made in the top of a stump. Their parched corn meal they preserved in leathern bags, ate it with their meat, taking a little of it between their fingers, and placing it in their mouths. It was called Nokehick. Mixed with water and boiled into "hasty pudding," or mush, it was called "Nasamp." Hence our English word, "Samp," which is applied to a "hasty pudding," or mush made of new corn ground very HUNTI1NG AMON TG HE H ENNACO0S. 4 J coarsely. Green corn and beans mixed and boiled together were called "S'iccotash." Hence our English name of Succotash, applied to a variety of corn, excellent when green, for boiling. Oftentimes, the Indians would put a portion of their ripe corn into mats and bury it in the sand. The beans, they thought, originated with their corn, with their Great Manit in the south west. They were of various colors, and no doubt were varieties of the Mexican bean. They were mostly picked green for immediate use or drying, so as to preserve the taste of the green bean when cooked. A part were permitted to ripen, and as with us, were cooked diffierent ways. The variety mostly used by them was the one known as the "1Kidney bean." They had gourds of various kinds. The common gourd they cultivated for dippers and zmusical instruments, use and pleasure. Other specimens of the gourd were cultivated for their edible properties, and were designated by the general name of Askutasquash. The English preserved only the last syllable of thoe word as spoken by the Indians, and have continued it to this day-squash being applied to particular species of the Gourd or Pompion, which has become one of the vegetable luxuries of the modern table. How many persons are aware of the fact, when partaking of this luxurious and nutritious vegetable, that the name, and some of the best varieties of the squashy are of Indian origin? They cultivated the IWater bMelon and the Pompion or Pumpkin. The water melon was used in fevers. The squash and pumpkin were cooked by boiling or steaming, and often eaten raw. Hunting, with the Pennacooks and other ancient Indians, before the arrival of the Europeans, was a labor, as may well be supposed. The bow, tomahawk, spear and knife, were the only weapons of offence or defence; and these were of the rudest kind. The bow of the Pennacooks was usually made of Walnut, White Ash, or White Oak, The arrow was pointed with stone; sometimes of fine granite, but oftener of quartz and slate. The spear head and knife were of the same materials. The bow was in constant use by the Indians from childhood, and they became wonderful proficients in its use.'When bending the bow, the string was drawn with three fingers, while the fore finger and thumb held the arrow. In this manner, a strong man could bend a very stiff bow, and one too that would throw an arrow with very great velocity. 142 PT HIIISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Under favorable circumstances, an athletic Indian would send an arrow entirely through a bear or moose, so that the ara row would go at some distance, after having passed through the animal, and fall to the ground with its spent force. It is said by Major Long, that under favorable positions, the Indians of the West, will send an arrow through the body of a bison or buffaloe. The Pennacooks, unlike the Indians of the present day, had no horses for the chase. They approached their game by stealth, and to get within bow-shot, required much skilland practice, and was a severe labor, and often unsuccessful at last. Hence, other contrivances were resorted to. A common one, and upon an extensive scale, was the driving yard. A well known resort for moose and deer was selected and enclosed on two sides of a triangle, forming a figure like the letter V. At the apex of the angle,' a space was left open for the game to pass through, and near this open space, the marksmen were placed to shoot what game might pass. The less experienced of the Indians were sent out to beat the woods, and to drive the game within the enclosure, Once within this, the drivers closed up, anrd the game attempting to escape through the open space, were shot down by the marksmen. In this way, they were often successful in taking moose and deer, They often set snares of ropes at the open space of the drive, which being attached to the tops of saplings bent down for the purpose, would lift the game high in the air, in like manner as boys at the present time, with the same kind of snare, upon a small scale, take and suspend hares and partridges. The English, before becoming acquainted with this kind of trap, were sometimes taken with them and suspended in mid air, much to their own astonishment, and to the amusement of their companions. Thus, in November, 1620, soon after the arrival of the "Mayflower,'"' as Stephen Hopkins, William Bradford, and others were walking in the woods, they came to a tree where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. As Bradford went about it, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught up by the legs, and hung dangling in the air! They often selected a point or cape for these drives. The point of land extending from Auburn into the Massabesic, (Massa-nipe-sauke much pond place,) over which the "Derry Turnpike" passed in Auburn, was thus used for a "drive." The deer were driven'upon the point, and then shot upon the shore; or, if they took to the water) they were pursued HIUNTING AMONG THE VENnACOOKS` 43 in canoes and taken. This point of land is now called " Deer Neck," from this circumstance. Another Indian "' drive" was at " Fox Point,"l Newington, a point extending into the Piscataqua. It is used for a fox drive, at the present day. The hunters assemble upon the Greenland road, forming an unbroken line of drivers at short distances frotn each othor, from Portsmouth Plains to Greenland. They then close up towards "Fox Point,' shouting, blowing horns, and making such a general din, as shall start up all the foxes in the pine woods, far and near. As they approach the extremity of the point, they send forward their marksmen to shoot the game. The fox will not take to the water, and becomes an easy prey, In like manner, the Indians took deer at this very place in olden times, and the present practice of hunting the fox for boisterous amusement, is one borrowed from the natives, in their necessity. The bear and smaller gamre were often taken in the wooden trap, called by the Indians, "K Kulheag." The kulheag was large or small according to the size of the game intended to be trapped. A tree or sapling was first placed upon the ground in a place frequented by the game. Near the large end of the tree or sapling, two stakes of the proper size and length were driven into the earth, one on either side, to keep it in its place. Directly over this another tree or sapling was placed, with the top or small end resting upon the bottom log or tree, and its large end suspended to a proper height betwixt the stakes, by the usual contrivance of the "figure 4," or by a small cord connected with a spindle. Upon the spindle such "bait" was placed, as was supposed to be the most palatable to the animal sought; — and if the slightest nibble was made at the "bait,0 the curious intruder was secured by the fall of the suspended tree or sapling. the kulheag was a simple, but formidable and successful trap. With it, the Indians caught the Bear, Beaver, Lynx, and Sable; or, as the Pennacooks would say, the Moshq, Tumunk, Psoughk and Whoppernocker. A necessary part of an Indian hunter's outft, was his rack.ets or snow shoes, and the canoe. The racket consisted of a hoop of oval form, two feet in length, by a foot and a quarter in breadth; interlaced with sinews, or thongs of leather, and so strong as to bear the weight of a man. Near the front part of the racket was placed a strong strap of proper length, and fastened at each end transversely or across the lacing. Into this strap or thong, or rather under it, the foot wag thrust 44 TIEt HIIStORY Ot MASNCCHESTPER. and fastened, leaving the racket disengaged from the heel. This arrangement relieved the traveler; as the racket at every step, dragged its heel upnqn the snow, instead of rising with the foot, and thus was rid of the loose snow upon the top of it'With the racket, the Indians could walk over deep snows with great speed, and could thus overtake the fleet deer, and powerful moose, encumbered and tired by that obstacle, which human ingenuity had overcome, on the part of the pursuer. The canoe of the Pennacook was made of birch bark, stayed with hoops and splints of the spruce. A suitable tree was se' lected and felled. The bark Twas then slit with a knife, lengthwise of the tree, and peeled off in one.piece. A sapling of some tough wood, usually ash, maple, or walnut, was split into two parts, made smooth, and of the requisite form. These were tied together at both ends, and then spread apart to the proper width and shape, and fastened in their position by stout cross pieces of proper length, and securely fastened with sinews, or the roots of the spruce, or the root of a small shrub called by the Indians "Wickapee.1' These pieces of sapling thus stayed and secured, constituted the gunwale of the canoe. It was taken and placed within the birch bark, and the edges of the back sewed or fastened to the gunwale with roots. Splints of mar pie, ash, pine, or cedar, five or six feet in length, two or three inches wide, and an eighth or half of an inch in thickness were then placed lengthwise of the inside of the bark, and were secured to their places by, strong hoops placed transverse of them, and fastened to the gunwale of the canoe. These hoops gave form to the boat as well as confined the splints, which were for the protection of the bark. Pitch was applied to the cracks and seams of the bark, and also to the splints, to keep them more firmly in their places.' These canoes upon our river, were from twelve to twenty feet in length, and would carry from two to six hunters with their baggage. The canoes for lake or sea-coast service, were much longer and wider; and capable of carrying from six to twenty men each. They were propelled by small paddles, and those riding were invariably seated upon the bottom of the canoe. A river canoe is easily carried by two Indians across portages; and when carried, is placed bottom upwards upon the head and shoulders, a cross piece resting upon. the back of each Indian. They are a treacherous affair to those not initiated, but to the Indians, they afford the best means of conveyance upon the water, and without his bark canoe he would be miserable.'They will stand a stiff breeze and a rough sea, and in Pas EMPLOYMENN OF INDIAN WOMEN. 45 samaquoddy Bay, and the entrance of the Bay of Fundy, when the Steamer "Maid of Erin," was laboring against a strong tide, and a stiff breeze "dead a head," the Micmacs were "scudding" athwart our bows in their birch canoes, trimmed with "leg o7 mutton sails," and with the most perfect impunity! Of these canoes, John Jocelyn, June 28, 1639, being a passenger on board the Fellowship, then lying in Boston Harbor, thus speaks:"In the afterfioon, I returned to our ship; being no sooner aboard but we had the sight of an Indian Pinnace, sailing by us,, made of birch bark, sewed together with the roots of spruce and white cedar (drawn out into threads) with a deck, and trimmed with sails, top and top-gallant, very sumptuously." The Indian women had to build the wigwams, gather the wood, till the ground, carry the luggage, and perform all the culinary duties of the wigwam. The wigwam was constructed by planting some eight or ten saplings in the ground in a circular form, the tops being bent over and fastened together. This rude frame was covered with bark, excepting a space in the top for the smoke to pass out. There was also an opening left in the side of the wigwam, towards the north, and another towards the south, to answer the purpose of a doorway.:Deer skins, or those of some other animals were hung at these apertures to answer the purpose of doors; and were pushed aside when they wished to enter or -pass out. In the centre of the wigwam a pole was planted reaching to the top of the same. Into this pole, at the proper height, a large pin was driven, upon which to hang the kettle of clay, copper, or iron. Against the bottom of the pole, and directly under this pin, was placed a large flat stone, against which the fire was made, and which protected the pole from injury by burning. Upon this pole, they hung their fish to dry, and there, too, they hung the sealps of their enemies whom they had slain.:Mats were, placed round upon the ground, and upon these, they sat, took their meals, and slept. Their cooking was very simple. Meat, they roasted upon split sticks or forks of wood, -and if they were too poor to own an earthern or copper kettle, they boiled their nasamp or hominy, and their vegetables in a wooden trough by throwing hot rocks into the water. They used dishes of birch bark, and drank from clam and gourd shells, or from cups made of birch bark. They sometimes baked their See Mass. Wlist. Soc. CoIl. Vol. lII. 3d Series P. 20,O 8-., 46 I-IE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERo meat in a hole in the ground; the hole being partially filled with rocks and heated. The meat was then wrapped in leaves and bark, and then covered with other hot stones, and last, the whole was covered up with loam. If a slack bake was anticipated, fire was built upon the top of this simple oven, and continued until the meat was thoroughly cooked. They ate their food from their fingers, without the aid of the fork. The men were first served, and usually finished their meals before the squaws partook. Great deference was always paid to the men by the women, particularly when in the wigwam. For a woman to step over the bow, arrow, hatchet, or pipe of a man, when they were lying on the ground even, was a great indecorumn, and to be severely reprimanded. From these facts, it will be seen that the household duties were not very arduous. Sweeping, dusting, and the washing of dishes, were not of every day occurrence. Still there were great labor and heavy burdens imposed upon the Indian women. They had to raise the corn and all the other vegetables cultivated by the Indians. For this purpose, they must prepare the ground, plant and hoe the corn, beans, pumpkins, squashes and melons. This they did thoroughly, it would seem, as Roger Williams says, "they plant it, dress it, gather it, beat it, and take as much pains with it as any people in the world;" and again, "the men assist in breaking up the fields; they also burn down the trees, and burn or cut the saplings for the wigwam poles." "When they brake up a field," says Williams, "they had a very loving, sociable, speedy way to despatch it;" somewhat like our huskings, and apple bees. "'All the neighbors, men and women, forty, fifty, a hundred, &c., join and come to help freely." Thus they broke up their fields and built their forts. The women of a family would often raise thirty or forty bushels of ears of corn and secure it properly. It was the duty of the women to grind or pound the corn. This was done with the pestle and mortar. It was a laborious work. The pestle was of stone, and weighed from five to ten pounds. It was made with some sort of a head to it, to which to fasten a cord, and the other end of the cord was fastened to the top of a sapling, or pole, which would bend readily, and which would thus lift the pestle at every spring, and ease the labor of the squaw. Their wigwams were usually twelve or fourteen feet in diameter, and were often fitted up with comfort, particularly for the winter season. They were often lined with mats of rushes, and bark, and these were most curiously wrought in colors. The FMPLOYM.NT OF iN DIAN WOMEN. 47 women were very skilful and ingenious in embroidering their mats, moccasins, and baskets, and in such work, they were diligently occupied, when nothing more pressing required their labor. The wigwam for the summer was a frail and temporary affair, as it was removed from the winter encampment, to the fishing place, and from thence to the planting ground, then from one field to the other, and then again, oftentimes, from one spot in the field to another, to get rid of the fleas, which were numerous in hot weather, and which insect they called Poppek, from its celerity of movement. The squaws not only displayed great ingenuity in their embroidery of mats, &c., but also in working in feathers. Their feather mantles were most beautiful; and the coronets they wrought for the Sagamons were of splendid appearance. There was one of these ornaments presented to President Wheelock, of Dartmouth College, and which was worn by a Sagamlon, that would have graced the head of Wellington. It was coved with scarlet feathers, probably from the Scarlet Tanager, and in form not unlike a German cap, making an unique appearance. The Indian women of the higher class, were very affectionate to their husbands, to their children, and to each other. There was seldom any difficulty among them, even when two or more wives dwelt in one wigwam. Among the Indians of substance, the wife employed some one to assist in taking care of the children. Often an old man would come into the wigwam, and divert the children with his stories, for which service he was always requited with nasamp, succotash, or some savory morsel. The Indian men and women were noted for their hospitality. A stranger happening in their village was entertained by the Chief. If he went into a wigwam, he was not asked if he had dined or supped, but the squaws placed food before him without the asking and he was invited to partake and was expected to do so. They felt injured if their food was refused by declining to partake of it. Next after the food, the pipe was offered, and to refuse this was to insult them. If you ate only a single mouthful, or smoked a single whiff, they were satisfied. The Indian children were kept lashed to the cradle till they could sit alone, and often afterwards. When necessary to convey them away, they were always carried upon the cradle. The cradle consisted of a piece of board two feet and a half in length by one foot in width. A row of holes was made the whole length of the board, upon each side, and one or two 48 fTHE HISTORY OF MAC?4GCSTiti. inches from the edges. Across the foot of the board, a piece of wood was fastened some three inches wide, as a support for the feet of the child. A thin pad of deer skin was fastened sometimes across the head of the board as a support for the child's head; but they were often without this appendage. To the head of the board was attached a strap of moose leather, by which to suspend the cradle from the pole of the wigwam, or upon the mother's back, the strap passing about her forehead. To this board the Indian babe was tied with thongs, lying upon its back. In this position the babe was carried from place to place upon its mother's back, or suspended from the branch of a tree, when she was in the field, or from the pole of the wigaram when she was about her domestic work. To divert the child, playthings were often suspended over.its head and within its reach, from a hoop at the top of the board, for that purpose, while the mother was ever ready to chant a "lullaby," in no unpleasant strains. By this treatment, the limbs of the Indian children were of perfect symmetry, and their bodies assumed an erect position, traits so remarkably developed in the adult Indians. Polygamy was practiced among the Pennacooks, and a man and wife could separate without ceremony. Yet separation took place but seldom. An elopement sometimes took place, but was punished in a most summary manner. The Pennacooks stood pre-eminent among the Indians as warriors. War with them-war of conquest, was a settled and fixed purpose. And they followed out this purpose, till, under the counsels of the renowned Passaconnaway, they had subjected to their power, or secured their alliance, by conquest, negotiation, or marriage, the Wachusetts, Saugusaukes, Agawams, Wamesits, Pawtuckets, Nashuas, Namaoskeags, Coosaukes, Winnepesaukies, Pequaquuuakes, Newichewannocks, Piscataquaukes, Sqamscotts, Winnecowetts, Sacos, and Amariscoggins. The Pennacooks, within the scope of our New England history, sent into the battle field, noted and skilful warriors. The bravery, skill, and address of Passaconnaway, is proved by the extent of the confederacy of which he was the acknowledged head, whilethe attack upon Salmon Falls, and "Cocheco," with the fierce battle at Pequauquauke, show the skill and courage of Kancamagus, Mesandowit and Wahowah,-Pennacook Chiefs of a later day. Their weapons of offence were the bow and arrow, the tomahawk, and scailping knife. The bow was displaced with the Pennacooks, by the light French shot-gun; and in their use1 WAR, ITS WEAPONS AND CUSTOMS. 49 they became as expert as the French and English hunters themselves. Their tomahawk, originally, was but a billet of #ood-consisting of a handle about two feet and a half long, with a knob upon the end of it, very much like the war-clubs of the Indians of the Pac tfic Islands of the present day. Hatchets of istone were likewise used;' and after the advent of the European those of iron and steel, took their places. These at first were made with no great skilI —havingia "bit" of steel, with an "eye" for the handle, somewhat like that of the hoe now *in use. They afterwards became to. be elaborately finished, and oftentimes of the most exquisite workmanship, the blade of polished steel, and the head fashioned into a pipe, and the handle used as a stemn-doing a great deal of credit to the skill of their English and French manufacturers, if not to their humanity.. The scalping knife was originally of stone, but this, in'like manner, gave place to the finished cutlery of the French and English, War was determined upon by the Chiefs in Council, and once determined upon, the principal Chief announced the conclusion. of the Coouncil: to the young warriors, and. asked their assistance. The beating up -recruits, or enlisting, was practiced in various: ways; but always with much ceremony. One method was by a dance, which may be called "'The Fire Brand Dance." Brushwood, pitch knots, clubs, and sticks were gathered in an immense pile near the wigwam of the Sagamon. The Sagamnon and his principal Chiefs formed a ring around this pile of brush, setting cross legged upon the ground. Next to these, the warriors formed a second ring; and back of these,"the old men, women and'children were mixed without order or rank. The pile being fired, in due time, the principal Chief stepped' into the-ring and dancing around, flourished his tomahawk and knife, naming; his exploits, and the people with whom he was at'enmity. At the mention of every enemy, he would strike the fire with his hatchet, seize a brand, flourish it about in. numberless.vibrations. with his- hands, and contorting his body into every conceivable shape,.he, would bury his hatchet deep in the ground and leave the ring. Others would follow,"and in the same manner' dance'about the fire, and fight'it; closing with burying. their hatchets. in the- ground till the whole of the warriors inclined to follow the war peath, had joined in the dance. Every man who joined in the dance, was considered''as enlisted for the war. Another "War Dance" was performed in like manner are clnd s0 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. a sapling in the grove, or one standing near the wigwam of the Sagamon. After relating their adventures, as they danced about the ring, each warrior closed. his dance by striking his tomahawk into the sapling; and every one who struck the sapling, was universally claimed as a volunteer upon the war path. The Chief then appointed his rendezvous, and the warriors repaired to their wigwams to ma/ke their slight preparations for their departure. The "Fire Brand Danc'e," was usually performed in the night after a feast for the occasion, while the "Sapling Dance," was performed in the day time. At the appointed time, each warrior was at the place of rendezvous. To be tardy, was a blot upon a warrior's character. His bow and quiver of arrows, tomahawk, scalping-knife, pipe, tobacco, paint, and a pouch of parched corn meal completed his outfit for the longest war path. Their faces were besmeared withered and' black paints, without reference to anjr other ef-, feet than that of producing terror. Upon the breast was usual-. ly painted the totem of the tribe, that is, the particular animal or bird held in veneration by the.tribe, and in connection with this, the individual totem of the Saganon or Chief. The totem or family arms of the Pennacooks, and Passaconaway their Chief, was a Bear. The quiver was worn upon the back, and suspended by a belt passing over the right shoulder. The knife was hung upon the girdle, worn invariably about the loins by all the Indians; and to this also was attached the tobacco, meal, and medicine pouches. A mantle or coat of fur was drawn about the shoulders and loins, and flowing or fastened by the girdle which fastened the covering of the legs, reached to the knees, and was ornamented with the pendent tall of the animal, of whose skin it was made. As a substitute for fur, the mantle was often made of feathers of the turkey and wild duck, which sewed upon skin or cloth, made a fine appearance. Oftentimes, the mantle was made of the neck skins of aquatic birds, with the bills attached to them, and pendent in rows about the mantle. Mantles of the skins of the necks of grey geese, with the bills'hanging in this manner, are spoken of by Jocelyn, as being very strilking, and beautiful. The feet were covered with moccasins, and-to complete the out-fit of' the Indian war costume, a feather of the hawk or eagle, was fastene, very'curiously in the scalp lock. The Pennacook and other New England Chiefs, wore a kind of cap or coronet upon State occasions, but upon the war path, the feather in the scalp lock was the usual ornament of the head. WVAR, ITS WEAPONS AND CUSTOMS. x When about making war upon a weaker tribe or one their equal, a herald was sometimes sent to make known the fact. A snake skin with a bundle of arrows, or a snake skin filled with powder and balls, were the usual symbols of war-like intentions upon such occasions. The recipients then had their choice, of peace or war. If: they were inclined to negotiation or peace, the pipe was usually returned by the messenger. But if determined for war, an answer of defiance was returned, and the tribe prepared for attack or defence. But their attacks were more often made in secret. They would hover around the village or residence of their enemy, waiting for a fitting opportunity for ambush or open attack, and when the favorable time arrived, would rush upon the foe, shouting the'war whoop and filling the air with their savage yells. The'xrar whoop' was a yell made loud andlong; and consisted of two notes, the last much higher than the former; and both were uttered distinctly, but rapidly, and with the full force of the lungs. It was given only when rushing to the attack. It was a yell of terror, and followed with the savage attack was one that struck dismay and horror into the stoutest' hearts. When an attack was made, the killing the foe was not the only object to be attained by the warrior. He must show proof of his prowess. Hence the custom of scalping. When an Indian saw an enemy fall by his arrow or bullet, if opportunity offered, he immediately rushed up, finished him with his tomahawk, if not already dead, and took his scalp. If the battle raged, and there was no opportunity to approach without risk of being hit or taken, he waited till the end of the conflict. Scalping was performed in this manner: The Indian placed his foot upon the neck of his prostrate enemy, twisted the fingers of his left hand into his scalp lock, with the knife in his right, dexterously made a circular gash around the lock, and tearing the scalp from the head with the left hand, fastened it to his girdle with a yell of triumph, which gave notice to; his comrades of his success. The scalps of their enemies, were treasured trophies, displayed upon the pole of the wigwam, and attached to the person of the warrior on state occasions. When the village of St. Francis was destroyed by Major Rogers and his party in 1759, six hundred scalps, it is said, were found attached to the poles of the' wigwams of the Indians inhabiting that village.* * Roger's Reminiscences of the French War. 52 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Returning from an expedition unsuccessful, the warriors came into their village without ceremony; and, if any of their numbers had been killed; the squaws filled the air with their wails and howlings. But if successful in their expedition, great ceremony attended their return to their village. Arriving within a short distance of their village,'a herald was, sent' forward to announce the approach of the party. If captives and scalps had been taken, great was the rejoicing, and peculiar the parade. The Pennacooks, and probably other New England Indians,,performed the ceremony of making their captives run the "G antlet," as it was called. This ceremony consisted in compelling their prisoners as they entered their village, to pass through two continuous lines of Indians,' composed of all at home, who were able to wield'a club or raise their feet, and these struck and kicked the prisoners' as they passed through the lines. A striking example of this ceremony is given as performed upon two of our New Hampshire men, John Stark of Derryfield, (now Manchester,)'and Amos Eastman of Pennacook, (now Concord,) who were taken prisoners in 1752, and carried to St. Francis..If one of the warriors fell in the attack, the mother or wife, had the choice of the death of a captive or the adoption of one to take the place of the deceased. Among the Pennacooks, adoption of the captive was' usually chosen.' The "Scalp Dance" was sometimes performed on the return of a war party. This differed little from the other Indian dances, save that each Indian hung to his girdle, the scalp locks he had taken in his'other wars if he had taken any, while the fresh scalps were held by the hair between his teth. The Indians thus garnished with these horrid trophies, took a stooping posture, so that the scalps, suspended, from their teeth might not touch their bodies, and in such positions, commenced the most hideous cries, andfurious stamping, jumping andg dancing about like mad men; ever and anon, taking the' scalps from their teeth, to recite the incidents connected with the killing of the enemy, and then replacing them, to continue the frantic dance, with redoubled fury. These dances were truly horrible, and led Nathaniel Segar, who witnessed one in 1781 on the sources of the Amariscoggin, as performed by Tom Hegon and his' party, to this quaint and laconic description. "Such scenes are beyond description. Their actions are inconceivable. It would seem that bedlam had broken loose, and that h —ll was in can uproar a" i~~~~~~~~~~~, "'< l (E I,;! T:"\ F." a~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......, kl;, L,,-,U:;PCl ~ rii' PASSACONNAWAY. 53 On great occasions, and in their villages, the dancers often kept time to the music of a drum, and the chanting of singers, the drum consisting of the:section of ahollow log, on one end of which was stretched the prepared skin of an animal. This was struck with a silngle stick, and in connection with the singers, made no very bad music. The running the gantlet, as before stated, was the usual ceremony, when the war party returned with captives;i and the'Scalp Dance' was performed when scalps were obtained by the returning war party. CHAPTER V. Passaconnaway and Conway identical.-Wood's account: of him. —His sale of land to Rev. John Wheielwright. —His signature, and those of Runnawit, Wahangnonawit, and Rowls.-Passsaconnaway seeks the protection of the whites.-They attempt to seize him.-Take his son and misuse him.-Passaconnaway refuses to hear Mr. Eliot preach, and leaves Pawtucket.-Hears him and publicly ackno-wrledges his belief in the God of tlhe English.-Desires Mr. Eliot to reside at-Namaoskeag.-Eliot has a bridle path cut and beat from Nashua to Namaoskeag.-Is sick and preaches at. Pawtucket.-Passaconnaway's argument to Eliot.-H-Iis farewell speech to his people.-Grant to him by Massachusetts.-Nanamocommnuck lancd other children of Passaconnaway.-Passaconnaway's death.-His character.-Wonnalancet succeeds to the Sagamonship. -Liberates his e der brother from prison.-Publicly embraces christianity.Withdraws into the wilderness.-The English send for him.-Indian killed in Woburn.- Outrage upon Indians at Chelmsford.-Betogkom preaches in the wilderness.-Wocnnalancet forms a treaty at Cocheco.-Syll and Hathorne seize four hundred Indians at Cocheco.-Most of them sold into slavery.-Wonnalancet retires to Canada.-Visits his friends, sells his land and returns to Canada.-HIis character.- Kancamagus becomes Sagamon.-MWrites Gov. Cranfield and asks protection of the English.-Treated with ineglect.-Removes into the wildernes. —Comes into Piscataquack alnd makes a treaty.-Collects forces at Pennacook.-Makes an attack upon, and destroys Cocheco. ls outlawed.-Returns to Worombo's fort.-Is attacked by Capt. Church, escapes, but his wife and children are taken.-He attacks Church at Casco.-Makes a truce at'"Sackatehock. -His death and character.-Christo resides at Namaoskeag.-Suspected of being in-the battle of Pequauquauke.-His wigwam destroyed. —A soldier in the pay of, New Hampshire. —Retires to St. Francis and becomes hostile to the English. —Assists in capturing Mrs. McCoy of Epsom. — Comes to Canterbury in company with Sabatis, and captures two negroes. — The site of his wigwam. The Sagamons of most note among the Pennnacooks, were Passaconnaway, Wonnalancet his son, and Kancamagus, usually called John Hogkins, his grandson. These Chiefs were successively at the head of the Pennacoks, and each in his 54 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. way, was a man of mark in his time. Passaconnaway was one of the most noted Indian Chiefs in New England. His name is indicative of his war-like character-Papisseconewa, as written by himself, meaning "The Child of the Bear," being derived from Papoeis (a child),' and KIunraway (a bear.) This name he doubtless received at mature age, according to the custom of the Indians, from his supposed resemblance in courage and bravery in war, to that ferocious and powerful animal.. We first hear of him in 1627 or 8, unless indeed, the Sagamon whom Christopher Levett saw in the neighborhood of the Piscataqua in 1623, and whose name he writes Conway, may have been Passaconnaway.* And it is very probable that such was the fact, for that Passaconnaway often had his residence in that neighborhood is evident from the fact, that when in 1642, the government of Massachusetts, wished to seize him, they sent a company of armed men for that purpose, with a warrant to Ipswich, Rowley, and Newbury, plainly showing that Passaconniaway, at that time, had a temporary residence at least, in the neighborhood of the mouth of the IMerrimack.tAnd that he should have been at "Piscataquack" in 1623 to visit the strangers, of Thompson's plantation, just settling upon his territory, is equally probable. Thomas Morton, "rmine host of Maremount," as he writes himself in is'"New English Canaan," thus speaks of him, being in this country at that tinme. "Papasiquineo; the Sachem or Sagamore of the territories neare Merrimack River, a man of the best note and estimation in all those parts (and as my countryman, Mr. 7Wood, declares in his prospect), a. great nigromancer" * * * "That Sachem or Sagamore is a Powah of greate estimation amongst allkinde of: Salvages, then hee is at their Revels, (which is the time when a greate company of'Salvages meete from severall partes of the Countre, in amity with their neighbours), hath advanced his honour in his feats or jugling tricks, (as I may'right terme them), to the. admiration of the spectators, whome hee endeavoured to persuade that hee would goe under water to the further side of a river to broade for any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee performed by swimming over and deluding the company with casting a mist before their eies that see him enter in and come out; but no part of the way hee has bin seene: likewise by our, English in * See Mass. His. Coll. third series, Vol VIII, page 173. t See Winthrop's Journal. PASSACONNAWAY, 55 the heat of all summer, to make Ice appeare in a bowle of faire water, first having the water set before him hee- hath beguunne his incantation according to their usual accustom, and before the same hath been ended a thicke, cloude has darkened the aire and on a sudane a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed the natives, in an instant hee bath shoued a firme peace of Ice to floate in the midst of the bowle in the presence of the vulgar people, which doubt!ess was done by the agility of Satan his consort."* From which marvelous story we are to infer that Passaconnaway, to the character of a brave warrior, added that of a clever juggler. In fact, he held his people in great awe of him, the Indians supposing him to have supernatural pFowers; to have control over their destinies; that he could make a dry leaf turn green; water burn and then turn to ice; and could take the rattlesnake in his hand with impunity. With. such reputed powers, his acknowledged ability as a warrior, and wisdom as a Sagamon, Passaconnaway was the acknowledged head of the most powerful Indian confederacy east of the Mohawks, and as such received the title of Bashaba, a title"much of the same import as that of Emperor. On the 17th day of May 1629, Passaconnaway with three subordinate Chiefs, sold the tract of land extending from the Piscataqua to the Merrimack, and from the line of Massachusetts thirty miles into the country, to the Rev. John Wheelwright and his associates, for certain stipulated and valuable considerations. This deed, was signed by Passaconnaway the Sagamon of Pennacook, Runnawit the chief of Pawtuckett, Wahangnofiawit the chief of Squamscot, and E owls the chief of Newichewannock, and was witnessed by two Indians and some of the most respectable men of the Plantations at Piscataqua and Saco. This transaction was one of importance. It shows that Passaconnaway, as early as 1629, was not only the chief of the Pennacooks, but that he was a Sagamon at the head of a powerful confederacy, and that thus early he had the sagacity to see the superiority of the English, and to wish them as a barrier betwixt his people and itheir eastern enemies.'The deed expressly acknowledges on the part of the chiefs of the Pawtucket, Squamscot and Newichewannock, their being tributary to the Sagamon of Pennacook; the 7th and last arti* See Force's his. Tracts, Vol. II. New'Eng. Canaan, Pages 25 and. 26. 56 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. cle stipulating that "every. township within the aforesaid limits or tract of land that hereafter shall be settled, shall pay to Passaconnaway our chief sagamore that now is and to his successorsforever, if lawfully demanded, one coat of trucking cloth a year. This deed was signed and witnessed as follows: PASSACONNAWAY: mark Signed Sealed & Delivered In Pressents off us RUNAWIT mark Wadargascom: ~ mark WAHANGNONAWIT. e mark Misstonobite'' mark ROWLS mark John Oldham Samll Sharpe* In the planting season, Passaconnaway had a residence at Pennacook Island in: the Merrimack at Pennacook, (now Sewall's in Concord) and another upon one of the Islands in the same river about a mile north of the mouth of the Souhegan, in Merrimack; while his principal residence was at Namaoskeag. Here, without a doubt, he sat in royal state, held his council fires, determined upon his war paths, gave his royal -feasts, and performed those feats, that held his wondering followers as with the spell of enchantment. Passaconnaway early saw the superiority of the English, and with his usual sagacity, he saw the entire hopelessness of the attempts of his people to subdue them. His policy was to make terms of peace with them, and it was in pursuance of this policy that he disposed of his lands to Wheelwright, reserving alone his right to fishing and hunting. It was that he might have the English as a protection against his enemies, who, since the plague had thinned' his people, were becoming a source of terror to them. The Tarratines of the east and the Mohawks of the west, were making continual inroads upon the New England Indians, and the Pennacoolks, lile the Mohegans, were quite willing to secure the friendship and protection of the colonists. See Records of Rockingham Coiunty. PASS&ACONNAWAt. 57 In 1642, upon suspicion that a conspiracy was forming amnong the Indians to crush the English, men were sent out to arrest some of the principal Indian Chiefs. Forty men were sent out at this time to arrest Passaconnaway, but he escaped them by reason of a storm. Wannalancet, his son, was not so fortunate. He was taken by the party, while his squaw escape ed into the w'oods. But while they barbarously and most insultingly led Wannalancet with a rope, he loosened the rope and attempted to escape, his captors firing at him, and coming near hitting himrn with their shot. He did not effect his escape, but was retaken.* For this outrage, the government of Massachusetts feared the just resentment of Passaconnawvay, and they sent Cutshac mwekin, whom they had arrested upon the same occasion and had discharged, to excuse the matter to the old Chief, and invite him to go to Boston and hold a conference with them. The answer of the old Sagamon savors a good deal of an independent spirit, and had he been younger by a half century, his answer might have been still more proud and haughty. "Tell the English," was his reply, "when they restore mry son and his squaw, then will I talk with them." The answer was that of a man who felt he had been most deeply wronged. His haughty spirit must have chafed funder such wrongs, and it is possible under the sting such outrages could not fail to inflict, he might have regretted the policy he had marked out for himself. It is probable that this outrage upon the family of Passaconnaway made a deep impression upon his mind, and led him to doubt the sincerity of the professions of the English toward him. And in 1647 he exhibited this distrust in a most summary manner. At this time, the Rev. Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket for the purpose of preaching to the natives. It was the fishing season, and a vast multitude of Indians were present. Among them was Passaconnaway with two of his sons. The Old Chief, doubtless smarting under his wrongs, and thinking that a religion that tolerated such wrongs, was not worthy his attention, refused to see Mr. Eliot and retired immediately from the neighborhood, taking with him his son, saying,'he was afraid the English would kill him.'t In 1648, however, Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket with better success, for it being the fishing season, he found Passaconrna* See Winthrop's Journal.? See Mass. His. Coil, Third Series, Vol. IV. page 82, THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. way there and in a mood to hear his preaching. Mr. Eliot preached to the assembled Indians from Malachi, I: xi. This verse he paraphrased thus-"From the rising of the sun to the going down of the same, Thy name shall be great among the Indians; and in every place prayers shall be made to Thy name, pure prayers, for thy name shall be great among the Indians."@ The Indians paid the most respectful attention, and after the discourse was closed, proposed many appropriate and amusing questions. After others had proposed questions and made remarks, Passaconnaway arose, we need not add, amid the most profound attention, and announced his belief in the God of the English. Hle remarked, says Mr. Eliot in a letter of date Nov. 12, 1648, "That indeed he had never heard of God before as now he doth. And he said further, that he did believe what I taught them to 2be true. And, for his own part he was purposed in his heart from thenceforth to pray unto God, and that hee would persuade all his sonnes to doe the same, pointing to two of them who were there present, and naming such as were absent. " t The Old Sagamon was doubtless sincere in his change of religion, and continued in the christian belief till his death.'A good while after,' says Eliot, he said to Capt. Willard, "that he would be glad if I would come and live in some place thereabouts, to teach them * * * * ~ $. And that if any good ground or place that hee had would be acceptable to me, he would willingly let me have it."; Inl this same letter, Mr. Eliot intimates his intention of visiting Amoskeag the following spring, as thus: "There is another great fishing place about three score miles from us, whether I intend (God willing) to go next spring, which belongeth to the beforenamed Papassaconnaway-which journey, though it be like to be both difficult and chargable for horse and men, in fitting provisions, yet I have sundry reasons which bow and draw my heart therto." Mr. Eliot, in a letter bearing date Oct. 29, 1649, thus speaks: "I had and still have a great desire to go to a great fishing place, Namaske, upon the Merrimack river, and because the Indian's way lieth beyond the great river, which we cannot pass with our horses, nor can we well go-to it on this side of the river unless we go by Nashawray, which is about and a bad way unbeat* See Mass. HIis. Coill. Third Series, Vol. IV. page 8X. t See same work, volume and page. I See same work, volume and page. PASSACONNAWAY. 59 en, the Indians not using the way; I therefore hired a hardy man of Nashaway to beat out a way, and to mark trees so that he may pilot me thither in the spring. And he hired Indians with him and did it, and in the way he passed through a great people called Sowahagen Indians, some of which had heard me at Pawtucket and INashua, and had carried home such tidings that they were generally stirred with a desire that I would come and teach them; and when they saw a man I come to cut out the way for me, they were very glad; and when he' told that, I intended to come that way next spring, they seemed to him to be full of joy,'and made him very welcome. "But in the spring when I should have gone, I was nzot well, it being a very sickly time, so that I saw the Lord prevented me of that journey. Yet when I went to Pawtucket, another fishing place, where from all parts they met together, thither came di:vers of these Sowahagen Indians and heard me teach.*" And in this same letter Mr. Eliot goes on to say that Passaconnaway, the "Great Sachem" of all the tribes that dwelt in the valley of the Merrimack, "did exceeding earnestly and importunately invite me to come and live at his place and teach them. He used many arguments * * * *; this was one that my coming but'once ayear did them but little good because they soon forgot what I had taught." He enforced his meaning thus: "You do as if one should come and throw a fine thing among us, and we should catch at it earnestly, because it appeared so beautiful, but cannot look at it to see what is within; there may be in it something or nothing, a-stock, a stone, or precious treasure; but if it be opened and we see what is valuable therein, then we think much of it. So you tell us of religion, and we like it very well at first sight, but we know not what is within; it may be excellent, or it may be nothing —we cannot tell; but if you will stay with us, and open it to us, and. show us all within, we shall believe it to be as good as you say it is." This comparison seems more like one from civilized life, than from a Savage Chief just embracing christianity, and is one of those unmistakeable marks in the life of Passaconnaway that show him a man of eloquence and wisdom. We hear nothing more of Passaconnaway or his people, till 1660. At that time, being of very great age, he was seen by an Englishman at Pawtucket, who was much conversant with the Indians upon the Merrimack, It is possible that this Englishman was Gen. Gookin. * See Mass. His. Coill. Third Series, Vol. IV. page 82, 60 rTHt RISTSOR 0P OA ANCI0.,S3T There was a vast assemblage of the Indians at Pawtucket, and borne down with age and cares, the old Sagamon, at a publie feast, made his farewell speech to his,people. On such occasions, the old Sagamons relate the prominent incidents of their lives in songs and speeches, and give their advice to their people. It is highly probable that the fact had been announced to the confederate tribes, that Passaconnaway was about to make his farewell address to his people, The anticipated event called together an unusual assembly of Indians. The chiefs were gathered from all the confederate tribes, eager to hear the last words of their'Great -Sagamon' who, by his wisdom, his natural powers of eloquence, and his supposed knowledge of the mysteries of nature, possessed an unbounded influence over the Indians. The occasion filled all with sorrow, in spite of Indian stoicism. Passaconnaway was deeply affected, and his voice tremulous with age and emotions still was musical and powerful-a splendid remnant of that whose power and beauty, in the fulness and vigor of manhood, had soothed or excited the passions of assembled savagesj and moulded them to suit the purposes of the speaker. "Hearken,"' said he, "to the Words of your father. I am an old oak that has withstood the storms of more-than an hundred W~inters. Leaves and branches have been stripped from me by the winds and frosts —my eyes are dim-my limbs totter-I must soon fall! But when young and sturdy, when my bow -no young man of the Pelmacooks could bend it —when my arrows would pierce a deer at an hundred yards-and I could bury my hatchet in a sapling to the eye-no wigwam had so many furs-no pole so many scalp locks as Passaconnaway's! Then I delighted in war. The whoop of the Pennacooks was heard upon the Aohawk-and no voice so loud as Passaconnaway's. The scaips upon the pole of my wigwam told the story of Mohawk suffering. The English came, they seized out lands; I sat me down at Pennacook. They followed upon my footsteps; I made war upon them, but they fought with fire and thunder; my young men were swept down before me, when no one was near them. I tried sorcery against them, but they still increased and prevailed over me and mine, and I gave place to them and retired to my beautiful island of Natticook. I that can make the dry leaf turn green and live again-I that can take the rattlesnake in my palm as I would a worm, without harm — who have had communion with the Great Spirit dreaming and awake — am powerless before the Pale Faces. PASSACONNAWAY. 61 "'The oak will soon break before the whirlwind-it shivers and shakes even now; soon its trunk will be prostrate —the ant and the worm will sport upon it! Then think, my children, of what I say; I commune with the Great Spirit. He whispers me now-'Tell your people, Peace, Peace, is the only hope of yoar race. I have given fire and thunder to the pale faces for weapons —I have made them plentier than the leaves of the forest, and still shall they increase! These meadows they shall turn with the plow-these forests shall fall by the axe-the pale faces shall live upon your hunting grounds, and make their villages upon your fishing places! The Great Spirit says this, and it must be so! We are few and powerless before them! We must bend before the storm! The wind blows hard! The old oak trembles! Its branches are gone! Its sap is frozen! It bends! It falls! Peace, Peace, with the white men —is the command of the Great Spirit —and the wish — the last wish —of Passaconnaway."' It has been supposed that Passaconnaway died about this time, and our historians give no account of him after the time of the delivery of'his dying speech to his children.' But this supposition is erroneous. Passaconnaway was alive in 1663and at the head of his tribe, so, that his speech of 1660 can hardly be considered his'dying speech,' without some stretch of the imagination. Passaconnaway finding his planting and fishing grounds encroached upon by those having grants from the government of Massachusetts; already deprived of his planting grounds at Natticook where he had planted for a long while; and the legislature having announced their intention to grant his lands at Pennacook whenever "so many should be present to settle a plantation there"-began to think he soon should not have land enough to erect a wigwam upon. Accordingly, May 9th, 1662, Passaconnaway presented the following petition to the legislature: "To the honerd John Endecot Esqr together with the rest of the honerd General Court now Assembled in Boston the petition of papisseconnewa in the behalf of himself as also of many other Indians who now for a longe time o'r selves o'r progenators seated upon a tract of land called Naticot and is now in the possession of Mr. William Brenton of Rode Iland marchant; and is confirmed to the said Mr. Brenton to him his heirs and assigns according to the Laws of this Jurisdiction, by reason of which tracte of land beinge taken up as a foresaid, and thereby yr pore petitionr with many oth (ers is) in an on9 62 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER, setled condition and must be forced in a short time to remove to some other place. The Humble request of yr petitionr is that this honerd Courte wolde pleas to grante vnto vs a parcell of land for or comfortable cituation; to be stated for or Injoyment; as also for the comfort of oths after vs; as also that this honerd Court wold pleas to take in to yr serious and grave consideration the condition and also the requeste of yr pore Supliant and to a poynte two or three persons as a Committee -to Ar (range wi) th sum one or two Indians to yew and determine of some place and to Lay out the same, not further to trouble this honerd Assembly, humbly cravinge an expected answer this present sesion I shall remain yr humble Servante "Wherein yu Shall commande "Boston: 8: 3 mo 1662. -PAPISSECONEWA." The order of the court upon this petition is as follows, viz. "Inanswer to the petition of Papisseconnewvay, this Court judgeth it meete to grant to the saide Papisseconneway and his men or associates about Naticot, above Mr. B3renton's lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merrimack River in breadth, three miles on either side in length, provided he nor they do not alienate any part of this grant without leave and licese from this Court, first obtained." John Parker and Jonathan Danforth were appointed surveyors to lay out this township for Passaconnaway and his associates. The return of their doings is as follows, viz "According to order of Honrd General Court, there is laid out unto the Indians Passaconneway and his associats the inhabitances of Naticott, three miles square, or so much (eather) as containes it in Lthe figure of a romboides upon Merrimack River; beginning at the head of Mr. Brenton's Lands at Naticott, on the east side of the River, and then it joineth to his line, which line runs halfe a point North West of the east, it lyeth one mile and halfe wide on side of ye river and somewhat better, and runnes three miles up the River, the Northern line on the east side of the river, is bounded by a brook (called by the Indians) Suskayquetuck, right against the falls inl the River called Pokechuous, the end line on both sides of the River, are parallells; the side line on the east side of the River tunes halfe a point eastward of the No: No: east and the side line on the west side of the river runes Northeast and by North * See bass, Axchiveas PASSACONNAWAY. 63 all which is sufficiently bounded and marked with It also ther is two small islands in the River, part of which the lower end line crosses. One of them Papisseconneway had lived upon and planted a long time, a small patch of intervaile Land on the West side of the River anent and a little below ye Islands by estimation about forty acres, which joineth their land to Souhegan River, which the Indians have planted (much of it) a long time, and considering there is very little good land in that which is now laid out unto them, the Indians do earnestly request this Honerd Court, to grant these two small Islands and ye patch of intervale as it is bounded by the Hills. This land was laid out 27, 3d mo 1663 By John Parker and. Jonathan Danforth Surveyrs this worke was done by us at our own charge wholly, at the request of the Indians, wh was important and as we were informed by the order of this Honord Court respecting ourselves. Hence we humbly request this Honerd Generall Court (if our services are acceptable) that they would take order we may be considered Sd the same, so shall we remain yr Humble Servants as before" "'The deputies approve of said return and do order the Indians pay the Surveyors what is justly due for the Laying out of the same the Honerable Magistrates consenting thereto. WILLIAM ToRREY, Clerk."* This grant included parts of Manchester, Londonderry, Litchfield, Merrimack, and Bedford. Suskayquetuck the northern bound of the grant upon the east side of the Merrimack, is known as "Great Cohos Brook.". This river, was a noted place for fish, as well as the "Pokechoous falls" opposite its mouth, and the various falls in the Merrimack betwixt them and the "two small islands in the River," "on one of" which "Papisseconneway had lived (and planted for a long time."' We almost wonder at the great liberality of the "Great and General Court" of Massachusetts, int granting to Passaconnaway of his own territory so good a fishing place, and at the suggestion of the Surveyors, that the "two small islands" and the "'small patch of intervaile Land" be added to the grant. But then the extent, and value of the fisheries at this place were not known, or this great lberality had not been shown. For, seventy-five years after,' the Government of Massachusetts, drove the'Scotch Irish' of Londonderry from this same fishing ground, to which they had no * See Mass. Achi9ves S64 THE HISTORY OF MANCITESEItRd better title, than when they restricted Passaconnaway to the same ground. And a poor "heathen Salvage" would have fared no better than a'Scotch Irishman.' The record of this grant discloses an important fact. In less than twenty years from the time that Passaconnaway submitted himself to the colonists, and put himself under their protection, he and his tribe were literally reduced to beggary. The Bashaba of the Merrimack valley, and the rightful owner of all its broad lands, had become a'pore petitioner" and "pore supliant" for a plantation of pine plains, and did'earnestly request the Honered Court to grant two small islands and ye patch of Intervaile" to him —receiving them doubtless with all due submission and thankfulness, if not humility! Old age1 as well as contact with civilization, must have done its work upon the spirit of this haughty Sagamon, for him thus to have meekly asked his usurpers to grant him what was properly his own. For his sale to Wheelwright did not embrace "these two small islands or ye patch of Intervaile," and Massachusetts never pretended even a purchase from the Indians of the Merrirnack valley, till after the date of this transaction. Passaconnaway had four sons, if no more, and probably two daughters, if no more. His oldest son, Nanamocomuck was Sagamon of Wachuset a chust Wachusett mountain. Mr. Eliot saw hinm at Pawtucket in 1648. RHe at that time promised to become a praying Indian. He was inimical to the English and removed. to the Amariscoggin country in Maine. He was father of the afterwards noted Chief, Kancamagus or John Hogkins. The second son of Passaconnaway, and his successor, was Wonmna lancet, of whom we shall speak hereafter, We think Unanunquoset and Nonatomenut were the names of two other sons of Passaconnaway, as their names are attached to the petition referred to above. The first signature to the petition is that of Nobhow, the Sagamon of Pawtucket. The signatures are as follows: NOBHOW in behalf of my wife and children, UINANUNQUOSET. WONALANCET. NONATOMEmUTNU This petition asked the legislature to grant five hundred acres of land to Mr. John Webb in exchange for the island of Wickasauke-which they had sold to Webb to raise money wherewith to redeem their brother and countryman from bondage-they wishing the island back again. Now as Nobhow':signs this petition in behalf of his wife and children,, it clearly WONNALANCET. 65 shows that his wife was part owner of the island before its sale. And as the Indian women were not acknowledged as owners of land unless they were of the royal family, the wife of Nobhow must have been the daughter of some Sagamon. Now as she owned the island of Wickasauke in common with Wonnalancet, it is highly probable that she was the sister of Wonnalancet, and the daughter of Passaconnaway. If this be so, it is also probable that the other signers were children of Passaconnaway. Another daughter of Passaconnaway, married Montawampate, the Sagamon of Saugus, prior to 1628, and was separated from him in consequence of a difficulty betwixt him and her father. Passaconnaway died prior to 1669, full of years and honors, and was spared the pain of witnessing the overthrow of his tribe. The year of his death is not known. He was alive in 1663, and as Wonnalancet was at the head of the tribe in 1669 and built the fort at Pawtucket at that time, it is evident that Passaconnaway was then dead. He was a wise, brave and politic Sagamon. He gained his great power and control over the Indians of New England, by his wisdom and bravery-but more by his great cunning. He was an accomplished juggler, and being a man of superior intelligence, he turned his juggling skill to the best account for his own personal aggrandizement, and that of his tribe. A juggler was supposed by the Indians to have intercourse not only with the Devil, the Bad Spirit; but with Manit the Great Spirit-hence a skilful juggler had most unbounded influence. And when the character of a skilful juggler was united with that of Powah or Priest and Physician, in one and the same man, as it was in Passaconnawaywe can most readily account for his great power and influence. In reflecting upon the character of the Merrimack Sagamon, the conviction forces itself upon one, that at the head of a powerfll confederacy of Indian tribes, honored and feared by his subjects, and capable of moulding their fierce passions to his will, the history of New England would have told another story, than the triumph of our Pilgrim Fathers, had Passaconnaway taken a different view of his own destiny and that of his tribe-and exerted his well known and acknowledged power against the enemies of his race; but providence seems to have tempered the fierce savages for the reception and triumph of the Anglo Saxon race in the New World. Wonnalancet was the second and third child of Passaconnaway, being born about 1619 and of course younger than his sister who married in 1628. His name is indicative of his 66 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. character, meaning literally, breathing pleasantly, derived from Wonne or Wunne, (pleasant) and -Nangshonat, to breathe. This name, after the Indian custom, he received after he had arrived at the age of manhood, and had shown to the tribe such qualities as deserved it; and he ever proved himself worthy of this flattering cognomen. He was a good man-of a peaceful disposition-preferring the ease and comforts of peace, to the hardships and deprivations of war, and very readily followed the advice of his father, given in 16t0, to cultivate friendly relatiolls with the English. In fact, for a series of years prior to 1660, he had cultivated the friendship of the colonists, living near their advanced posts-at his beautiful Island of Wickasauke. It was a most fortunate circumstance for the English colonists, that Wonnalancet instead of Nanamocomuck, his eldest brother, succeeded to the Sagamonship after the death of Passaconnaway. For, if Nanamocomuck possessed a tithe of the warlike qualities of his son Kancamagus, at the head of the Pennacooks in 1668, when he could readily have raised an army of 500 warriors from the Namaoskeags, Pennacooks, \Vinnepesaukies Pequauquaukes, Sacos, and Amariscoggins, he would have:presented a most powerfill obstacle in the way of the progress of the Colonists. But Providence seems to have leaved the way for the successful enterprise of the Colonists Wonnalancet succeeded to the Sagamonship and always used his best endeavors to preserve the good will of his English neighbors. He must have possessed a very mild disposition, or the continual wrong-doing of the English towards him, mu.4 on some occasions have roused him to revenge his wrongs. To name but one act of oppression —that related before, when the English, in 1642, seized and bound him, and farther insulted him, by firing upon him like a dog, when he attempted to escape from their hands-this, had he not been of the most amiable disposition, would have provoked in him the most implacable hostility to his English oppressors. But he seems to have acted upon principle, and to have ever adhered strictly to the instructions of his father. lie doubtless succeeded -his father about 1668 as we find him at the head of his tribe in the spring of 1669. He then left his fort at Pennacook and removed to Pawtucket with his tribe, where they built a fort: for their protecti:on from the Mohawks of whom they stood in great fear. The goodness of his character, his humanity and generous impulse, is sufficiently proved by the sale of his home, to purchase the liberty of his brother. His oldest brother, Nanamoconmuck had been imprisoned in Boston, for a debt due from WONNALANCET. 67 another Indian to one John Tinker and for which he had become responsible. In order to raise the money to pay the debt and charges, the Indians made known-to the Court their desire to dispose of the royal residence at Wickasauke, an island in the Merrimack, a few miles above Lowell. The Court gave them permission to sell it, as follows:'"Licensefor Indians to sell an Island. Whereas this Court is Informed yt Peasconaway's soune now in prison as surety for ye payment of a debt of forty five pounds or thereabouts and having nothing to pay but Affirme that severall Indians now in possession of a smale Island in merrimack River (about sixty acres) the half whereof is broken up; are willing after this next yeares use of their sayd Island to sell theire Interest in ye said Island to whoeuer will purchase it and so to redeem the sayd Peasconaway's soune out of prison. The magistrates are willing to allow the sayd Indians liberty to sell ye sayd Island to Ensiune Jno Evered as they and he Can Agree for ye ends aforesaid. If their brethren the deputys Concent hereto. 8 Nov. 1659. The deputys consent hereto provided the Indian[s] have liberty to sell the sid Island to him that will give. most for it. Consented to by ye magistrates. EEWD. RAWSON, Secy.*;" Wonnalancet was the leader in the movement. Wickasauke was sold to " Ensign John Evered" or Webb as he was sometimes called, and Nanamocomuck was set at liberty. Fearing the English, his enemies, he took up his residence with the Amariscoggins, a tribe owing fealty to his father Passaconnaway, where he died prior doubtless to 1669, at which time we find Wonnalancet at the head of the Pennacooks, a place Nanamiocomuck would have occupied had he been alive. The redemption of Nanamocomuck was the work of Wonnalancet, a most benevolent act, and we are at a loss to account for his continued opposition to the Christian religion, when he so uniformly acted as if prompted by its principles. But in spite of the example of his father who embraced the Christian belief in 1648, Wonnalancet continued in the belief of his ancestors, till 1674, resisting the mild persuasions of Eliot and evincing a fixed determination to die, as he had lived, in the religion of his fathers. The fort at Pawtucket, was used by Wonnalancet and his tribe, only as a refuge in case of alarm from the MoBass. Archives, Vol. 30, p. 82. 68 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. hawks-and they continued to plant and fish up the river as usual. In 1659 as before noted, he had license to sell the Island of Wickasauke-and afterwards had a grant of an hundred acres from the General Court "on a great hill about twelve miles West of Chelmsford, because he had a great many children and no planting grounds." In 1665, Wonnalancet, relinquished this grant of an hundred acres upon condition that the Court should purchase "Wickasauke" for them from "Ensign John Evered"' or Webb, by giving him five hundred acres of land in the wilderness adjoining,his land. The petition was as follows: "To the worshipfull Richard Bellingharn, Esq. Govr- and to the rest of the Hionord Generall Coart. The petition of us poore neibour Indians whose Names are hereunto subscribed, humbly sheweth that whereas Indians severall years since we yr petit's out of pity and compassion to our pore brother and Countryman to redeem him out of prison and bondage whose name was Nanamocomuck the eldest son of Passaconewa, who was Cast into prison for a debt of another Indian unto John Tinker for which he gave his word: the redemption of whome did cost us our desirable posetions where we and ours had and did hope to enjoy our Livelihood for ourselves and posterity: namely an Island on merrimack River called by the naime of wicosurke which was purchased by Mr. John Web: who hath Curtiously Given Vs Leaue to plant vpon ever since he hath possessed the same, we doe not know whether to Goe, nor where to place ourselves for our Lively hood in procuring Vs bread; having beineg very Solicitous wh Mr'Webb to let vs Enjoy our said posetions againe he did condescend to our motion provided we would repay him his Charges but we are pore and Canot so doe-or request is mr Web may have a grant of about 5 C acres of land in two places adjoyning his owne Lands in the wilderness, which is our owne proper Lands as the aforesaid Island ever was10: 8: 65. Nobhow in behalf of my wife and children. Vnanunquosett Wanalancett Nonatornenut. If the Court please to grant this petition then yr petitionr wanalancett is willing to surrender up ye hundred acres of land yt was granted him by the Court." The petition was granted in the following terms: "In Ans. to this petition the Court grant Mr. Jno Evered five hundred acres of land upon condition hee release his right WONNALANCET. 69 in en island in merimacke river called wicosacke which was purchased by him of the indian petitioners-also upon condition wonalancett do release a former grant to him of an hundred acres and the court do grant said Island to petitionerJohn Parker and Jonathan Danforth are appointed to lay out this grant of five hundred acres to John Evered. Edwd Rawson Secy. Consented to by the Deputies.'"* 14 Oct. 1665. And Wonnalancet resumed the occupation of his "desirable posetions." From 1669 till 1675, it is probable that he continued to plant this island and make his general residence there, only occupying the planting grounds at Souhegan and Pennacook and the "fishing place"' at "Namaoskeag," for so long a space as to secure their crops and catch their supply of fish. The royal residence of the Pennacook Sagamon was at "Namaoskeag," upon the hill inmmediately east of the Amoskeag Falls, and here Wonnalancet was accustomed, like his father, to meet his assembled subjects, and in council discuss the affairs of the confederacy, whether for war or peace. As a refuge the fort at Pennacook was kept in repair and occupied occasionally. It is even probable that the more restless and warlike of the Pennacooks may have continued to reside in the neighborhood, and at the Fort, most of the time from 1666 to 1675. But it is evident that Wonnalancet preferred to be in the neighborhood of the English. It was during this period that Wonnalancet embraced the Christian religion. Mr. Gookin says that he and Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket, May 5, 1674. This was at the fishing season and the Indians from all the neighboring tribes had collected there to fish. In the evening Mr. Eliot preached in the wigwam of Wonnalancet, taking for his text the parable of the marriage of the king's soncontained in the first fourteen verses of the 22d chapter of Matthew. During service Wonnalancet appeared grave and sober. In- fact he had attended preaching, and kept the Sabbath, prior to this date. The next day, May 6, Mr. Eliot proposed to him to give an answer concerning his praying to God. Wonnalancet stood up, and after due pause and deliberation, gave this answer: "Sirs, you have been pleased, for years past, in your abundant love, to apply yourselves particularly unto me and my people, to exhort, press and persuade us to pray to God. I am * Mass. Archives, Vol. 30, p. 130. 70 THE HISTORY o0 MANCHESTER. very thankful to you for your pains. I must acknowledge I have all my days been used to pass in al old canoe, and now you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been unwilling; but now I yield myself to your advice and enter into a new canoe and do engage to pray to God hereafter."* Wonnalancet doubtless lived up to his profession, though he must have ptssessed as much of patience, as was attributed to Job of old, to have lived under his oppressions and wrongs, and'not have most signally avenged them. Gookin speaking of his conversion, in 1677 says, "I have charity and faith to believe him -to be an honest Christian man, being one that in his conversation walks answerably to- his knowledge. He prays in his family and is careful of keeping the Sabbath, loves to hear God's-word, sober in conversation."t During Philip's war, Wonnalancet retired into the wilderness. The war commonly known as "Philip's War," commenced in the summer of 1675. This wily chief, stung with the wrongs of his country, had formed the design of completely destroying the English colonies. For this purpose, he had visited the various tribes of New England and endeavored to unite them in the common cause. - In this he bult partially succeeded. The restless and reckless of most of the tribes, readily assented to take up the hatchet; but certain tribes and the peacably inclined in others, would not join the confederacy of Philip. The remnant of the tribe under Wonnalancet refused to join in his project, though often solicited. iBut Wonnalancet's position was about as uncomfortabie as though he had favored the project of Philip. There was a general prejudice among the colonists against all Indians, and if any depredations were committed by the hostile Indians, there were not wanting those who were willing to accuse the friendly Indians of being privy to, or engaged in committing them, and who were ever ready to wreak their vengeance upon the innocent friendly Indians. Wonnalancet, aware of this state of things, and cognizant of the fact, that through the instigation of Philip, the Indians were planning a general attack upon the colonists, that he and his people might not be involved in the troubles, withdrew into the woods':and quartered about Pennacook." His withdrawal gave fresh alarm to the colonists. The "Great'and General Court" was even disquieted at his not returning with his tribe after the planting * See Allen's Chelmsford, page 156. t See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 464. WONNALANCET. 71 season was over, and on September 8, 1675, ordered Capt. Thomas Brattle and,ieut. Thomas Henchman to "send a runner or two to Wonnalancet Sachem of Naamnkeke who had withdrawn into the woods from fear, and to persuade him to come in again and live at Wamesit, and to inform the Indians at Pennacook and Naticook that if they will live quietly and peaceably, they shall not be harmed by the English."* The order of the Cotlrt was as follows: —"It is ordered by the Coutncil that Lieut.'rhomas Henchman do forthwith endeavor to procure by hire one or two suitable Indians of Wamesit to travel and seek to find o ut and speak with Wonnalancet the sachem and carry with them a writing from the Council, being a safe conduct unto the said Sachem, or any other principal man belonging to Natacooke, Penagooge or other people of those Northern Indians giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said Henchmnan, where the council will appoint Capt. Gookin and Mr. Eliot to treat with them about terms of amity and peace between them and the English, and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return back again; and this offer the council are induced to make, because the said Wonnalancet sachem, as they are informed, hath declared himself that the English never did any wrong to him or his father Passaconnaway, but always lived in amity, and that his father charged him so to do and that said Wannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the EDiglish."t This "runner" was not obtained to go after Wonnalancet, it would seem, till the following month when under date of Oct. 1, 1675, the following "safe conduct" was furnished by order of the council. "This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and council of Massachusetts, do give you and every of you, provided you exceed not six, free liberty of coming unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Naamkeke and there to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookiu and Nir. John Eliot, whom you know, and (whom) we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you upon such meet terms and articles,of friendship, amity and subjection as were formerly made and concluded between, the English and old Passaconaway, your father and his sons and people; and for this'end we have sent these messengers, to convey these unto you, and * See Mass. Archives. t See as above. 72 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERL to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1 Oct., 1675. Signed by order of the council. JOHN LEVERETT, (Jov'r. EDWD RAWSON, Sec.;'" These messengers did not succeed in reaching Wonnalancet, but they sent the message to him, which fact, together with the other fact, that the Governor and Council sent a written message by Indian runners to Wonnalancet, goes to show that Wonnalancet or some of those with him could read writing. And it is highly probable that there was en Indian teacher with Wonnalancet during this voluntary banishment of his tribe. The message reached Wonnalancet, but he declined to return and went still farther into the woods. Iis conduct was considered decidedly inimical and the noted Indian fighter, Capt. Mosely, was forthwith sent with a company of a hundred men to disperse the Indian enemy at "Penagog, said to be gathered there for the purpose of mischief." But this "was a mistake," as Gookin says, "for there was (not) above one hundred in all the Penagog and Nimlkig Indians whereof Wonnalancet was chief." Capt. Mosely marched to Pennacook, but no enemy, as they expected, was found there, the fort being entirely deserted. Mosely burnt their wigwams and destroyed their dried fish, which had been cured for their winter use. Gookin says,'When the English drew nigh, whereof he (Wonnalancet) had intelligence by scouts, they left their fort and withdrew into the woods and swamps, where they had advantage and opportunity enough in ambushment, to have slain many of the English soldiers, without any great hazard to themselves; and several of the young Indians inclined to it, but the Sachem Wonnalancet, by his authority and wisdom, restrained his men, and suffered not an Indian to appear or shoot a gun. They were very near the English, and yet, though they were provoked by the English, who burnt their wigwams and destroyed some dried fish, yet not one gun was shot at any Englishman."- For fear of molestation, and that he might not again be able to restrain his young from attacking the English, were another body of troops sent to distress them, Wonnalancet withdrew with his people farther into the wilderness and passed the winter about the headwaters of the Connecticut River. Here, says Gookin, "was a place of good hunting for moose, deer, bear X See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 462. t See Coill. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 464. WON1ALANTCEt. 73 and other such wild beasts." And here Wonnalancet lived with much of trouble and hardship to hiinself and people, rath. er than to be in any way drawn into the war his countrymen were making upon the English. He was too much of a patriot to fight against his countrymen, and too much of a mail of principle to fight against the English, after he had subjected himself to their power and had promised his father to live in peace with them. Besides, it is fair to presume that Wonnalancet, like his father, saw the utter hopelessness of an attempt to conquer the English, on the part of his countrymen. But this decision must have cost him much of feeling, and we cannot but adhiire that steadfastness of determination, that should lead him to preserve a strict neutrality. For we have seen what pains the English took took to induce him to come in to them, and Gookin says "he had messengers sent hinm more than once from the enemy, soliciting him to join with them; but he always refused.'" Meantime, among the Colonists there were not a few, who were desirous to stir up an excitement against the Watnesit Indians, residing below Pawtucket Falls, at the mouth of Concord River. They were accused of burning a stack of hay belonging to James Richardson (unjustly as it would seem,) and thirty-three able bodied men were taken to Boston to answer to the charge, being all the tribe except women, children, old men and cripples. Three of themn were condemned to be sold as slaves and the others set free. As they passed through Woburn, under the charge of Lieut. Richardson, they were fired upon by one of a train band exercising at the same time in the village —and one of the Indians was killed. The man who fired was named Knight. The Indian killed was related to the principal Indians of Natick and Wamesit. Knight was arrested and tried for the murder, and as Gookin says, "was acquitted by the Jury, much contrary to the mind of the bench'; the Jury alleged they wanted evidence, and the prisoner plead that the gun went off by accident, indeed witnesses were mealy mouthed in giving evidence. The jury was sent out again and again by the Judges who were much unsatisfied with the Jury's proceedings; but the Jury did not see cause to alter their mind and so the fellow was cleared." Such being the state of feeling among the people, it is not singular that greater outrages upon the Indians should follow. On the fifteenth of November, a barn of Lt. James Richardson of Chelmsford, having been burnt, and the burning charged upon the Indians, a body of fourteen armed tmen, went to the to rrH~EtIPHE HISTORY Of MANCHESTERE w\igwams of the Indians, called them to come out, and after the men, women and children had come out, two of the Engfish fired upon them, their guns being charged with buck shot, and killed one boy upon the spot, and wounded five of the women and children. The murderers, Lorgin and Robins were found Not Guilty by the Jury, as Gookin says,'to the great grief and trouble generally of magistracy and ministry and other wise and godly men."* There being now no safety for them at their home, the entire tribe removed into the wild derness to join Wonnalancet. The English the.n had reason to suppose they had gone to join the enemy, and they ordered Lieut. Henchman to send after them and persuade them to come back. An Indian by the name of Wepcositt was sent upon this embassy by Lieut. Henchman, who found the Indians about Pennacook, but could not persuade them to come back. They were living very precariously-suffering much for want of food, but still they preferred staying in the wilderness. Simon Betogkom, their preacher was with them and preached to them every Sabbath. The first Sabbath he "read and taught the people out Psalm 35; the seccond Sabbath from Psalm 46; the third Sabbath out of Psalm 118."' The 35th Psalm commences with "Plead my cause, 0 Lord, with them that strive with me; fight against those that fight against me." 2d verse. "'Take hold of shield and buckler and stand up for my help.' 3d verse.'Draw out also the spear, and stop the way against them that persecuteth me,' &c. The 46th Psalm commences with "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble. 2d verse. "Therefore will not we fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the sea; 3d verse, "Though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof." It must be confessed these Psalms were very appropriate to their circumstances. It is probable that in the second week — the messenger sent by the Governor of Massachusetts found them —and promised them the protection of the Government if they would return. But they refused to comply with his request, fearing the hostile Indians might bring them into some difficulty. The next and third Sabba.th —Betogkom preached from the 118th Psalm, commencing, "O give thanks unto the Lord: for he is good; because his mercy endureth forever, &c. 5th verse, "I called upon the Lord in distress; the Lord ans See Coll. Amer. Ant, Soc. Yol. II, page 482, 482, WONNALANCET. 75 swered me, and set me in a large place. 6th verse, The Lord is on my side; I will not fear; What can I do."* The Indians sent back a letter to Lieut. Henchman, giving'their reasons for leaving. The letter was doubtless written by Simon Betogkom and was as follows: "To Mr. Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford. I Numphow, and John Line, we send the messenger to you again with this answer, we cannot comne home again, we go towards the French, we go where Wonnalancet is; the reason is, we went away from our home, we had help from the Council, but that did not do us good, but we had wrong by the English. 2dly. The reason is we went away from the English, for when there was any harm done in Chelmsford, they laid it to us and said we did it, but we know ourselves we never did harm the Engo, lish, but we go away peaceably and quietly. 3dly. As to the Island. we say there is no safety for us for many English be not good, and may be they come to us and kill us, as in the other case. We are not sorry for what we leave behind, but are sorry the English have driven us from our praying to God and from our teacher, (Mr. Eliot.) We did begin to understand a little praying to God. We thank humbly the Council, We remember our love to Mr. Henchman and James Richardson. The mark of L. John Line, their The mark of p Numphow, Rulers.t This is a true copy of their letter, and compares well with the epistolary composition of the times. Simon Betogkom wrote a very fair hand, and as a scholar reflected much credit upon his teacher, Mr. Eliot. These Indians missedof meeting with Wonnalancet and in about three weeks after, most of them were forced to return to Chelmsford from fear of starvation. A few lingered about Pennacook and did not come in till some days after. Major Gookin, Major Willard and Mr. Eliot were appointed a Committee to visit and comfort them, and to make necessary provisions for them. On the 6th of February following, the Warlesits petitioned the Governor and Council through Jerathmel Bowers, that they might be removed from Chelmsford "fearing," as they alleged "to stay, because (in all probability) other Indians would come and do mischief shortly, and it would be imputed to them and they should suffer for it."' Their petition being neglected, they fled again "into the woods * See Coil. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 485. t See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page i43. 76 THE: HISTORY O0 MANCHESTEPR, towards Pennacook" leaving only some five or six persons be. hind who were lame and blind. These blind and lame Indians being left together in one wigwam, were inhumanly destroyed -their wigwam was set on fire by people of Chelmsford and they were all burned together! The Wamesits succeeded this time in finding Wonnalancet, not before, however a number of their stout men had perished from hunger. Among the number who perished were Numphow their Sagamon, and Mystic George, a teacher, "besides divers other men, women and children." The remainder went in with Wonnalancet to Dover and were suffered to depart with him, among whom were, for a certainty, Sam Numphow and George Numphow, brothers of the Sagamon who had perished, and Simon Betogkom the Indian preacher. Wonnalancet did not return till after the war was over, and then went into Dover with a messenger sent for him by Major Waldron.* At this time he made the following treaty with the Committee of this Province.'"Piscataqua River, Cochecho, 3 July [1676.] At a meeting of ye Corn appointed by ye Hond Genl. Ct. for to treat ye Inds. of the Eastern parts in order for ye procuring an Honll Peace with yim. Wee wth ye mutll consent of ye Sagamores iUnderwritten in behalfe of themselues and ye men — Indians belonging to them being about 300 in Number, have agreed as followeth: ily. That hence forward none of ye said Indians shall offer any violence to ye persons of any English, nor doe any Damage to theyrs Estates in any kind whatsoever. And if any Indian or Indians shall offend herein, they shall bring or cause to bee brought ye offender to some English authority, there to be prosecuted by ye English Lawes according to ye Nature of ye Of. fence. 21y. That none of said Indians shall entertain at any time any of our enemies, but shall giue psent notice to ys Comte when any one come among them, ingaging to goe forth wth ye English against them (if desired) in order to ye seizing of them. And if any of sd Indians shall themselues at any time bring such or Enemies vuto vs, they shall for their reward haue ~3. for each they shall so bring in. 31y. The Indians performing on their part, as is before expressed, wee ye committee doe ingage in ye behalfe of ye Eng* See Coil, Amer. Ant, Soc. Vol. IL page 492, WONNALANCET. 77 lish not, to offer any violence to any of their persons or estates, and if any injury be offered to said Indians by any English, they [their] complaints to authority, ye offender shall be prosecuted by English Lawes according to ye nature of ye offence. In witness to each and all ye prmises we haue mutually shaken hands and subscribed our names. ( RICHARD WALDERN Committee MNic: SHAPLEIGH TTHo: DANIELL I WANALANSET, Sagamore < SAMPSON ABOQUACEMOKA MR. WM. SAGMAMORE SQUANDO, Sagamore 8 DONT - SEROGUMBA SAMLL NUMPHOW The mark k WarockoMEE* Meantime many of the Indians who had joined in Philip's: war upon the'English, had returned into the wilderness and joined themselves to the Pennacooks, Pequauquaukes, and Ossipees, hoping by that means, that as Wonnalancet had continued at peace with the English, and the Pequauquaukes and Ossipees had made a treaty a short time previous, to escape punish — ment by being taken as of their people. So that in September,. 1676, there had come into Cocheco with Wonnalancet, and through his influence, about four hundred Indians. These had the promise of good usage, and had the advice of Major Waldron been followed, good faith would have been kept with them. But on the sixth of September, Captains Syll and tHath — orne came to Cocheco with the companies under their command, being on their way from Boston into the eastern country, having "order to seize all Indians." They were intent up — on falling upon the Indians at once, but were dissuaded from. this course by Capt. Waldron, as friends and foes would be killed in a promiscuous onslaught. Major Waldron was deserving of' all praise for his prudent course in this matter, and had the In — dians known of his influence in their favor, it would doubtless have prevented the massacre that took place 13 years afterwards at this very place, and in which Major Waldron was sacrificed to avenge the wrongs of this very day, attributed erroneously to him by the Indians. Major Waldron had doubtless,. like most other Indian traders, been unscrupulous in his dealings. * See Drake's Book of the Indians, page 699.. 10 78 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERi with the Indians; and though his fist may have been used as a pound weight as against their furs, yet, having promised them good usage, he did all in his power on this occasion, to redeem his promise, and by his advice, doubtless, saved many of the Indians from certain death. He had to yield to higher authority and what he could not prevent, mitigate in its execution8 By his advice stratagem was used in securing them. A military display was proposed for the amusement of the Indians, in which they were invited to participate. The parties were to unite in a sham fight, the English upon one side and the. Indians upon the other. The Indians entered into the plan with spirit. Tradition says that the Indians were furnished with a cannon mounted upon wheels, which pleased them very much. They were ignorant of its management, and were furnished with gunners by the English. The Indians manned the dragropes, and the sham-fight commenced. In changing the direction of the cannon, the English gunners ranged the piece along a file of Indians upon one of the drag-ropes, andfired, killing and wounding a large number. This was attributed to accident. At the same time, the English troops, by a preconcerted manceuvre, enclosed the Indians on all sides, and secured and disarmed them without loss or injury on their part. Wonnalancet, with the Pennacooks and friendly Pequanquaukes and Ossipees, were dismissed to their homes, while the others, to the number of three hundred who were known to belong to other tribes, and to have been fighting against the English, were taken to Boston, seven or eight of them hanged, and the rest of them sold into slavery. Wonnalancet and his people returned to their home at Wickasauke, where they were ordered by the General Court, and placed under the guardianship of Mr. Jonathan Tyng, of Dunstable, "with Mr. Tyng's consent and under his inspection when at home, and in his absence," * * * *- * "the care of them (was) under one Robert Parris, Mr. Tyng's bayl."* After this outrage,'Wonnalancet seems to have placed but little reliance upon the promises of the English. In fact, their faith towards the Indians may well be called "Punic," as it generally embraced hypocrisy and treachery. It was at this time that Wonnalancet called upon the Rev. Mr. Fisk, of Chelmsford, and enquired of him the news of the day, as to his old acquaintances, and particularly whether Chelmsford had suffered much during the war? ~ Mr. Fisk told him that they had not suffered much, but had been highly favored, and for which * See Coll. American Anit. Soc. Vol, II, page 553. WONSALANCEt. 79 he thanked God.,Else nezt',"- added Wonnalancet; plainly showing that, in spite of his wrongs, he had used his influence to protect his friends in Chelmsford from harm. Wonnalancet stopped about in: the region of Wickasauke, till after the middle of September of the following year, evincing the samle friendly disposition towards the English. In March following the seizure at Dover, Wonnalancet came into Capt. Hinchman's, at Chelmsford, with the word that the "'Mohokes" were up the river near Souhegan. This information was communicated to the Governor and Council by James Parker, "from Mr. Hinchmane's farme ner Meremack," "hast post hast." "To the ilonred Govuer and Counsell. This may informe youer honores that Sagamore Evanalanset [Wonnalancet] came this morning to informe me, and then went to Mr. Tynge's to informe him that his son being one ye outher sid of Meremack River a hunting, and his dauter with him, up the River, over against Souhegan, upon the 22 day of this instant, about tene of the clock in the morning, he discovered 15 Indens on this sid the River, which he soposed to be Mohokes by ther spech. I-Ie called them, they answered, but he culd not understand ther spech, and he having a conow ther in the River, he went to breck his conow that they'might not have ani ues of it, ill the mene time thay shot about thirty guns at him, and he being much frighted, fled and come home forthwith to Nahamcok, wher ther wigowemes now stand. Not Eles at present, but Remain youer servant to comand. JAMES PARKER. Rec'd 9 night 24: muh 76-7.'* But the English had taken his'planting grounds, and had put them under cultivation, and he had "not where to lay his head." Mr. Eliot says, "He (Wonnalancet) was persuaded to come in again; but the English having plowed and sown all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians (of whom someI were of the kindred of this Sachemn's wife) very lately fell upon this people, being but few and unarmed, and partly by persuasion and partly by force carried them away.'t The fact is, Wonnalancet. saw his lands taken up and improved, which the Legislature had granted him, and he saw that he could not settle down upon them again with safety, and he made a virtue of necessity, and retired with a corm* See N. II. Hiis Coll., Vol. III, p'age 100. t See Coil. American Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 520. 80 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERL pany of his friends to reside with them at the Indian settlement of- St. Francis. This was about the 19th of September, 1677. His thus retiring gave cause to his enemies to reproach him with the old story of being hostile, but he lived down this as lie had other calumnies. Major Gookin, the fast friend of Wonnalancet gives the following reasons for his leaving, and retiring to St. Francis: "First, this man had but a weak company, not above eight men; and those, except two or three, remained. Secondly, he lived at a dangerous frontier place, both for the Maqauas that were now in small parties, watching opportunities to slay and captivate these Indians, and had lately done mischief a few miles off; * * on the other side, the Eastern Indians, that were in hostility with the English, might easily have access to this place. Thirdly, he had but little corn to live on for the ensuing winter, for his land was improved by the English before he came in. Fourthly, the Indians that came from the French were his kindred and relations, for one of them was his wife's brother; and his oldest son also lived with the French.. Fifthly, those Indiansinformed him that thewar was not yet at an end, and that he would live better and with more safety among the Indians."* These were cogent reasons, and would be likely to weigh much with a man in the position of Wonnalancet. The only wonder is that Wonnalancet had not retired long before, and made common cause with the enemies of the English, as they and portions of his tribe had repeatedly urged him to do. It is not known how long he stayed at St. Francis. It is probable, however, that as soon as the war was closed, in 1678, and a peace established with the Eastern Indians, that Wonnalancet returned to Pennacook. But he was not in command of his tribe; for May 15th. 1685, we find Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, at the head of the tribe of Pennacook. This Sagamon and Mesandowit, his second, signed the treaty of September 8, 1685, between the Provinces of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and the Indians inhabiting the said Provinces — Kancamagus signing it and assenting thereto, the 19th of September. It is evident from this that Wonnalancet was either not at Pennacook at the time of making this treaty, or if he was, that he was not the Sagamon-Kanlcamagus and Mesandowit appearing for the Pennacooks. Yet, on or about the 17th of September of the same year Wonnalancet was at Pennacook, as is proved by the following grant upon record in the office of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts. * See Coil. American Ant. Sc,. Vol. II. page 521. WONNALANCET. 81 "The Magistrates being informed by Capt. Hinchman that Wonnalancet and other Indians complain of offence offered them by transporting some of their friends, and that ye said Wonnalancet and others are not rewarded for service now done as in ye treaty late with ye Indians at Pennacook. We judge meet that ye treasurer advance ten pounds in money and clothing to be distributed among them by Capt. Thomas Henchman and Mr. Jonathan Tyng. Cont when ye Deputys consenting. Edward Rawson, Sec'y, 17 September 1685, The Deputys have past this our honored Magistrates consenting thereto. Richard Sprague Per order Sept. 18, 1685. Consented to by Magistrates. Edward Rawson Secy."* Again, August 13, 1685, Capt. Walter Barefoot, acting Governor of the Province, was notified by Capt. Francis Hooke, of Kittery, that the Indians about Saco had "gathered all the yre corn and had removed both pack and package." Upon this information, messengers were sent to Pennacook, where the Indians had gathered together. They arrived at Pennacook the 2d of September, and were "kindly received by them." The messengers sent to Governor Barefoote that "Both sagamons of Pennacook, viz. Wonnalancet and Mesandowit, the latter of which is come down, did there declare they had no intention of war, neither, indeed, are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men besides squaws and papooses."t Which sufficiently shows that Wonnalancet was at Pennacook in Sept. 1685; yet his name does not appear to the treaty of Sept. Sth, 1685. Which fact seems to show pretty conclusively that Wonnalancet, when he left with his family for St. Francis, in 1677, was considered by those of his tribe who remained behind, as having abdicated the Sagamonship; and it is highly probable that Kancamagus, the son of Nanamocomuck, and grandson of Passaconnaway was then duly enstalled in the Sagamonship of his grandfather, as the rightful heir of the same. This being the posture of affairs, Wonnalancet, in 1685 was merely upon a visit to his friends, intending to return to * See files in Secretary's Office in N. H. ]t See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H. 82 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. St. Francis again, and hence his name was of no sort of influence to the treaty of September 8th, 1685. Be this as it may, he was politically dead, for his nephew, Kancamagus, was the duly recognised Sagamon of Pennacook in 1685, as early as May 15, of that year, as at that date he appeared at Portsmouth, with the leading men of his tribe, and in certain letters of that date to Governor Cranfield, asking the protection of the Government for his tribe, he signs his name as Sagamon. In 1686 Wonnalancet and the Indians claiming lands on the Merrimack at Wamesit, Pawtucket, Nashua and Natticook, sold the same to Jonathan Tyng and others, for a small sum of money, if we are to judge from the fact that the portion of the purchase money, paid by Dunstable, within whose ancient limits most of the lands were included, was only 20 pounds. This land was purchased sometime in the spring or early part of the summer of 1686, for July 12, 1686, a petition was laid.before the General Court of Massachusetts, from the purchasers, praying that the land bought of Wonnalancet, be made into a new County, to be called Merrimack. The sale of this land is the last important act of Wonnalancet of which we can find any record, and it is probable he returned forthwith to St. Francis; for we find not his name mentioned afterwards till 1696, when he again returned to Wamesit, and in that and the following year, was placed, with his people under the charge of Mr. Jonathan Tyng who lived in that part of Dunstable now known as Tyngsborough; and for taking care of him Mr. Tyng received 20 pounds from the State. As no trace of Wonnalancet is to be found in our ancient records, after this transaction, it is highly probable that, finding himself, as it were, a prisoner in the home of his fathers, he retired to St. Francis, and spent the remainder of his days with his friends of that tribe. In reviewing the life of this Indian Prince, one cannot but' be favorably impressed with his character. He was a good man and an exemplary christian; and had our forefathers, in their conduct towards him, been actuated by the same principles, the old Sagamon, instead of retiring among our enemies for security, might have spent the close of his days, in peace and quietness, in the land of his fathers. Kancamagus, or as he sometimes wrote his name, and was most often called by the English, John Hogkins, was the son of Nanamocomuck, the eldest son of Passaconnaway. Nanamocomuck, as before stated, was the Sagamon of the tribe of Indians living near the Wachusett mountain in Massachusetts, and at one time was an attendant upon the preaching of Eliot, and promised with CO'(M[W 1660 r // PRsENT JODT N~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~'44 WALD1IOX'N YkiD 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0 oCOCHECHO~~l C>~ ~~~~~~~~~~ *':-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,,....~...., /'-" —' —"'~~~~N! ODT I /x COUO\ ~~~~~~OCHCHO KANCAMAGUS. 83 his father to embrace the Christian religion; but the injuries he received at the hands of the English, forced him to forego all his good resolutions, and finally to abandon his Sagamonship, and seek an asylum among the Indians of Maine. From this time, he doubtless became the determined foe to the English, and in all probability took particular pains to instill his dislike and hatred into the minds of his children. We have no means of determining the precise time of the death of Nanamocomuck; but it is probable that he died prior to the decease of his father, as Wannalancet his younger brother succeeded to the Sagamonship' of Pennacook upon the death of Passaconnaway their father, which succession would not have taken place, had the elder brother been living. Upon the retirement of Wonnalancet in 1777, the warlike portion of the tribe remained at Pennacook, without a chief, but this want was soon supplied by the elevation of Kancamagus to the Sagamonship of Pennacook. This chief was a politic, brave and intelligent man. His superior skill, and bravery, had placed him among the foremost of the Amariscoggin warriors, where he was treated as a superior Chief, had his folfowers, and maintained a fort in connection with Worombo. Under the rule of so noted a wari'ior as Kancamagus, the Pennacooks soon became formidable. Their numbers were continually increasing by accession from the disaffected among the southern New England Indians —who were denominated by the English "'the strange Indians," until in 1783, they had become a source of continual alarm and fear to their English neighbors. Many of these "strange Indians" were of the numberso perfidiously taken at Cocheco in 1676, and sold into slavery by the Government of Massachusetts. These had returned, and putting themselves under the control of Kancamagus, were waiting a fitting opportunity to satiate their revenge upon the Colonists. It is also very probable that Kancamagus himself, and some of his Amariscoggin followers, were of the number taken at that time and let go free, as friendly Indians. Under such circumstances, the Indians were very haughty in their intercourse with the frontier settlers, and did not hesitate often to express their hostility to the English, and their determination to seek revenge. The colonists felt greatly alarmed, and Governor Cranfield in 1683 —4, entered upon the perfidious policy of employing the Mohawks to fight against the Indians of New Hampshire. And as early as March 22, 1683, he was authorized by the council to go to New York and treat with "Honorable Colonel T. Dongans," "for procuring such a 84 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER number of Mohauck, Senecar or other Indians to march into this said Province, for defence and security thereof as the Hon-'ble Govern't shall think needful."* Governor Cranfield visited New York and treated for the assistance of the Mohawks, little caring, doubtless, whether the Mohawks killed friends or foes. The Mohawks made preparations for a descent upon the New England Indians, in the Spring and Summer of 1685. Of these preparations, the Pennacooks had word, and were in very great trouble. It would seem that the celebrity of Kancarmagus who succeeded Wonnalancet as a chief, had drawn around him some noted warriors at Pennacook, as well as other noted Indians. Simon Betogkom was there, the Indian preacher; the Robins, the father called "Old," and Peter; Sam Line, Canowa, Mesandowit and the renowned Hopehood or WVahowah, "the broad shouldered." Betogkom and the Robins were of the Wame~its, while Hopehood or Wahowah. was the son of Robinhood, Sagamon of Kennebeck, and had retired to Pennacook for safety. There can be no doubt of the wish of Kancamragus and his companions, to live in peace with the English. Upon hearing that the Mohawks contemplated making an attack upon the Eastern Indians, most of the Indians in and about the Fort at Pennacook fled; but Kancamagus or John Hogkins as he was called by the English, with certain of his companions went to Great Island, (now New Castle) to see the Governor in person, and ask his protection. On the 15th of May, 1685, he addressed the following letter to Governor Cranfield: Honur Governor, my friend. You my friend, I desire your worship and your power, because I hope you can do some great matters this one. I am poor and naked and I have no men, at my place, because I afriad allwayes Mohogs he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake rever called Panukkog and Natukkog. I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want powder and such alminishon, shott and guns because I have forth at my hom and I plant theare. This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble Servant, John Hogkins. Simon Betogkom Joseph K traske * See Files in Secretary's Office, N. I. KANCAMAGUS. 85 King < hary Sam W linis wapeguanatpd Taguachiuwashat old d Robin mamanosques pi andwa peter Ad Robin mr. Jorge p Roddunnonnkgus mr hope k hoth John K Toneh John Canowa John k owamosimmin Natonill Ilndian* The same day Kancamagus sent another letter or petition to Governor Cranfield, which shows he was laboring- under great anxiety. may 15th, 1685. Honour Mr. Governor. now this day I corn your house, I want se you and I bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if worship wheni please, then you Receive my hand, then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because I Remember at old time when live my grant father and grant mother then Englishmen com this country, then my grantfather and Englishmen, they make a good gouenant, they friend allwayes, my grant father leuing at place called malamake Rever, other name hef Natukkog and Panukkog, that'one Rever great many names and I bring you this few skins at this first time I will giue you my friend. this all Indian hand John k hawkins, Sagamon. Simon Betogkom Joseph M traske King q hary his Sam W linis wapeguanat p Taguachuashat old Robin 4 mamanosques k andwa Peter W Robin mr. Jorge A Roddunnonukgus Hope ~ hoth John k Toneh next * See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H. 86 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. John < Conowa John 3d owarnosimmin Natonill p Indian* This letter, doubtless, brought an answer from the Governor, a few beaver skins reaching his ear at once; and Kancamagus was invited to visit the Governor in the evening. At this time, Kancamagus, doubtless, made the following proposition. "please your worship-I will intreat you matther. You my friend now (then) this if my Indian he do you long pray you not put your law because som my Indian foll, som men much love drunk then he no know what he do, may be he do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponishim what he have done you, you my friend if you desire any business then sent me I will help you if I can. Mr. John hogkins."t The Governor was doubtless too busy to attend to the requests of Kancamagus, and being about to leave the place; he turned him over to Mr. Mason of the Council, telling him that whatever Mr. Mason should do, would be the same as though he did it. The next day Kancamagus sent the following letter to Mr. Mason. "mr mason pray I want Speake you a few a words if your worship when please because I come parpos I will speake this Gouernor but he go away So he Say at last night and so far I understand this Gouernor his power that your power now, so he speake his own mouth, pray if you take what I want, pray com to me because I want go hom this day your humble servant John hogkins, Indian Sogamon.4 may 16th 1685. But Mason as well as Cranfield, treated the requests of the Sagamon with neglect, and he retired from New Castle with no very high opinion of English hospitality or justice. It is evident that Hogkins at this time was faithful to the English, and had Cranfield treated him with decency and complied with his desire for protection, he would still have remained friendly and much trouble and blood-shed might have been prevented. * See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H. + See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H. KANGCAMAGUS. 87 But Cranfield depended upon the perfidious policy. he had entered into, of bringing the Mohawks down' upon the Indians within the Province and thus exterminating friends and foes; or rather he had his own safety to consult, as he doubtless left the Province at this. time. Finding his efforts to gain assistance from the English in vain, Hogkins fled with his companions to the eastward, where he built a Fort upon the Amariscoggin river. The Mohawks having sent word from the Iort at Albany that "'they would kill all Indians from Uncas at mouint Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscott," the Indians about Saco, gathered their corn and removed into the wilderness. Netambomet, the- Sagamon of Saco with his people, and the other neighboring Indians, left and fled to Pennacook. This removal of the Indians gave serious alarm to the colonists, as they considered it a signal for war-and messengers were sent to ask the cause of removal. But the Indians had no intention of commencing hostilities, but on the contrary fled because they feared the Mohawks. The messengers followed them to Pennacook and asking the reason why they did not come among the English:as formerly, they answered, "they thought if the Mohawks came and fought them, and they should fly for sue cour to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for harboring them.'.* Wonnalancet and Mesandowit, being at Pennacook assured the messengers that the "Pennacooks had no intention of making war, being in no condition to do so, there not being but about twenty-four men at Pennacook besides squaws and pappooses." Kancamagus was not at Pennacook, and it is probable that most of his men were with him upon the Amariscoggin. Mutual explanations took place, the Sacos and other Indians who had left their homes, agreed to return thither again, and a day was appointed upon which to make a treaty with them. This was done on the 8th of September. At this time some of the Sagamons were present wit-h the Council of New Hampshire and a deputation from Maine, and formed a treaty-which was signed on the part of the Indians by Mesandowit, Wahowah, alias HIopehood, Tecamorisick, alias Josias, and John Nomony, alias Robin. Afterwards another clause was added and the whole was signed by Netambomet, Sagamon of Saco, Wahowah,, alias Hopehood, Ned Higgon, and Newcome. On the 19th of September, Kancamagus alias John Hogkins, came in, together with Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, and sign* See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H. 88 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ed this treaty in the presence of Joseph Rayn the Attorney General of the province, all of which may be seen in the treaty itself, which follows: Articles of peace agreed upon the eighth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1685, between the subjects of his majesty, king James the second, inhabiting the provinces of New Hampshire and Maine, and the Indians inhabiting the said provinces. It is agreed there.shall be for the future, a lasting peace, frendship and kindness, between the English and the Indians, and that no injury shall be offered by the one or the other. That if any Englishman doth any injury to an Indian, upon complaint made to any justice of [the] peace, the Englishman shall be punished, the Indian shall have present satisfaction made him. And if any Indian doth an injury to the Enlglish, or threaten to do any injury, the sagamore to whom that Indian doth belong, shall punish him in presence of one of the king's justices of the peace. That if any other Indian shall design any mischief or harm to the English, the Indians inhabiting the aforesaid provinces shall give present notice thereof to the English, and shall assist the English. That so long as the aforesaid Indians shall continue in friendship with the English, they shall be protected against the Mohawks, or any others, and may freely and peaceably set down by the English near any theyr plantations. Robert Mason, Walter Barefoote, Robert Elliot, Henry Green, John Davis, Francis Hook. The mark of I Mesandowit. The mark W of Wahowah, alias Hopehood. The mark ~ of Tecamorisick, alias Josias. The mark c of John Nomony, alias Upsawah. The mark W of Umbesnowah, alias Robin. We whose names are hereunto written, do freely consent and engage to comply and perform the within written articles, as our neighbors have done, and do further engage as followeth: Lastly, That the Indians shall not at any time hereafter remove from any of the English plantations, with their wives and children, before they have given fair and timely notice thereof, unto the English, from whence they do so remove; and in case the said Indians shall remove. -with their wives and children, without such fair and timely notice given to the English, that then it shall be taken proconfesso that the Indians do XANCAMAG*S. 89 intend and design war with the English, and do thereby declare that the peace is broken; and it shall and may be lawful to and for the English, or any on their behalfs, to apprehend the said Indians, with their wives and children, and to use acts of hostility against them, until the sagamores shall make full satisfaction for all charge and damage that may arise thereby. John Davis, Francis Hooke. The mark V of Netambomet, sagam. of Saco. The markX of Wahowah, alias Hopehood. The mark )of Ned Higgon. The mark D of Newcome. Kancamagus, alias John Hawkins, sagamon, signed this instrumenrt 19 7ber, 1685, his G mark. Bagessoa, alias Joseph Traske, C his mark. And agreed to all within written. Testis, JOSEPH RAYN.* This treaty continued a peace for four years. During the time from 1676 to 1685, many of the "strange Indians," as they were called, who had been taken at Cocheco in 1676, by Capts. WValdron, Frost, Syll and Hathorne, and who had been transported, had returned home with a determination to wreak their vengeance upon the whites. Mindful ever of kindness the Indians never forget an injury. These, with other reckless spirits collected together at Pennacook and being in close intimacy with the Pequuauquakes and Amariscoggins, they made up a formidable force. The Massachusetts Government had word of their gathering and of their warlike threats. Wahowah, alias Hopehood, had become peculiarly obnoxious at this time, and the 24th of April, 1689, "Col. Bartholomew Gedney of Salem is instructed by the Council of Massachusetts to despatch a messenger to Penacook to ascertain the number and sitnation of the Indians there, and to concert measures for securing Hopehood and other hostile Indians."t Nothing was effected towards dispersing the Indians and Kancamagus had soon about him a band of warriors prepared for any enterprise. Some of the friends of the Pennacooks had doubtless been taken at Cocheco and transported. Montowampate, the Sachem of Saugus, and who was a relative by marriage of John Hogkins, had been sold as a slave at Barbadoes, and it may have been he was among those taken at Cocheco. This outrage * See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.. t See Files in Secretary's Office, Mass. 90 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERb alone, to the family of Passaconnaway his "grant father" would have been a sufficient cause of revenge on the part of the Pennacook Chief. Be this as it may, the fact that the strange Indians were under the protection of the New Hampshire tribes — and had gone into Cocheco with them, and been most inhospitably, not to say inhumanly treated by the English, called upon those Indians loudly for revenge. They considered it a most gross injustice on the part of Major Waldron, and their personal feelings prompted them to take most signal vengeance upon him. Added to this, Kancamagus and his companions had been treated with the most pointed:neglect by Cranfield and his Council, and it is not likely that four years of peace even, had blunted their memory of the neglect, or their desire for revenge. The feelings of the Pennacooks were thus exasperated, when the emissaries of the French went among them to induce them to take up the hatchet in the war, known as "King William's'War." They probably needed very little urging-. And one cannot but wonder at this day, that they should not have joined in a general war upon the English. They had been treated with neglect or the most flagrant oppression. Their friends had been sold into slavery, hung upon trees in Boston —shot down in the streets at noonday, and burnt in their wigwams by the dozen in time of peace!'What class or nation of Whites at the present time,l would suffer such wrongs to go unavenged-! And should we expect more of patience, from the rude untutored Red Man! Besides, that haughty op-.pressor, Sir Edmund Andros, had provoked the war on the part of the French, by plundering the house and fort of the Baron Castine, in the spring of 1688 at Penobscot, "leaving only the ornaments of his Chapel to console him for the loss of his arms and his goods." Castine had married for one of his wives, the daughter of Madokawando, the Sagamon of Penobscot, and by adopting the habits of the Indians, had gained very great influence among them. His cause soon became the common cause of all the Indians in the eastern parts of New England. The Pennacooks still brooding over their wrongs-readily entered into a confederacy with the Pequauquaukes, Sacos, Amariscoggins and other eastern Indians, to avenge them. The confederacy had become formidable by the incorporation of the remnants of the Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut tribes, with the several"tribes composing those before noted. Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, was the acknowledged head of the confederacy, while under him, were such noted warriors as Mesandowit, Metambomet and the hated Wahowah. The con TANCAMAGUS. 91 federated warriors had their rendezvous at the Fort at Pennacook, where it was determined in a council holden about the middle of June 1689, to make an attack upon the Garrison of Cocheco. Information of this gathering, and of the intentions of the Indians towards Major Waldron and Capt. Peter Coffin, was communicated to Capt. Thomas Hinchman at Chelmsford, by certain friendly Indfins. This information was forthwith communicated to Hon, Mr. Danforth of the Council in this wise. Hon'd Sir, This day two Indians came from Pennacook, viz. Job Maramasquand and Peter Muckamug, who report that damage will undoubtedly be done within a few days at Piscataqua, and that Major Waldron in particular is threatened; and that Julimatt fears that mischief will quickly be done at Dunstable. The Indians call give a more. particular account to your honor. They say if damage be done, the blame shall not be on them, having given a faithful account of what they hear; and are upon that report moved to leave their habitation and corn at Pennacook. Sir, I was very loth to trouble you, and to expose myself to the censure and derision of some of the confident people, that would pretend to make a sport with what I send down by Capt. Tom, (alias, Thomas Ukqucakussennum.). I am constrained from a sense 1 have of my duty, and from love to my countrymen, to give the information as above. So with my humble service to your honor, and prayers for the safea ty of an endangered people, I am, Sir your humble servant. THO. HINCHMAN. June 22, This 22 June. HIon'd. Sir, This day Captayne Tom and another Indian informed me that there is farther mischief intended by the Indians, which the bearer hereof, Thomas Loud, is able to inform you of.-yrs.. IH. Hon. Thomas Danforth, Esq; at Cambridge.* Mr. Danforth being detained from the meeting of the Council, sent Major Hinchman's notes to Governor Bradstreet enclosed in the following letter. June 22, 1689. Hon. Sir,-The enclosed came to hand last night by the bearer, who has farther to inform, and gives such a character of the Indians, and brings such a report as gives great cause to fear * See Files in Secretary's Office, Mass. 92 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. it too true. He will inform of the names, who they are, and of the manner that they plotted their designs. Something must of necessity be done, or matters will grow worse. I understand that Hawkins is a principal enemy, and that he threatens that whosoever comes to treat, whether English or Indians they will knock them on the head. They are a company of young men, 30 in a company. They have a special design on Maj. Waldron and Peter Coffin, and under pretonce of trade intends to surprise them and that speedily. I am much afraid, if there be no speedy course taken their company will increase. I must beg excuse for my absence to-day, for by the providence of God I am detained. God direct. Your humble servant, THOMAS DANFORTH. N. B. I entreat that Maj. Waldron have speedy notice; better to send on purpose than not at all. The Governor and Council most unaccountably and reprehensibly, seem to have taken no notice of this information until the 27th of June, when they passed the following order. "Considering the present danger of an assault by the Indians, on the county of Middlesex, it is ordered that John Philips, Esq. be commander in chief of the lower regiment, and Maj. Tho. Hinchman, of the upper regiment in Middlesex, and so continue till an orderly nomination of Majors can be made for the said regiments. Consented to by the Governor and Council, ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec'y. June 27, 1689. They then despatched a Mr. Weare to Cocheco with a letter disclosing the Indian plot as follows: "Boston, June 27, 1689. Hon'ble Sir, The Governor and Council having this day received a letter from Major HIinchman of Chelmsford, informing that some Indians are come in unto them who report, that there is a gathering of some Indians in or about Penecooke with designs of mischief to the English. Among these said Indians one Hawkins is said to be a principal designer; and that they have a particular design against yourself and Mr. Peter Coffin. The Council thought it necessary to send you advice thereof, and to give you notice, that you may take care of your safeguard; they intending to endeavor to betray you on a pretention of trade. Please forthwith to signify the import hereof to Mr. Coffin and others as you may think necessary, and advise ATTACK UPON COCHECHO. 93 of what information you may at any time receive of the Indian's motions. By order of Council, ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec'y. For Maj. Waldron and Mr. Peter Coffin, or either of them at Cochecha. These with all possible speed." Some delay of Mr. Weare at the ferry at Newbury, prevented his arrival at Cocheco till the 28th of June, after the threatened attack upon the Garrison had been consummated, and the vengeance of the Indians fully satisfied by the torture and death of Major Waldron, and the killing and capturing of fifty-two men women and children, and the burning of six houses, and the mills of the settlement. This surprisal took place on the night of June 27, 1689, and was executed with great adroitness; and shows that Kancamagus was a warrior of skill, and that his assistants were men of coolness in a time of much peril. Mesandowit was feasted at Waldron's table the evening previous, and foreshadowed the impending attack with the greatest coolness, by asking of his host " What he should do if the strange Indians should come!" The asking of this question shows that the threats of the strange Indians were well known to Waldron-and the reply that " he could assemble an hundred men by lifting his finger," shows that he had schooled his feelings into the most perfect security. Dr. Belknap has -related the circumstances of this massacre: with much of minuteness, as follows: " In that part of the town of Dover, which lies about the first, falls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses: three on the north side, viz. Waldron's Otis' and Heard's; and two on the south side, viz. Peter Coffin's and his son's. These houses were surrounded with timber-walls, the gates of which, as well as the house doors, were secured with bolts and bars.. The neighboring families retired to these houses by night; but by an unaccountable negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, who were daily passing through the town, visiting and. trading with the inhabitants, as usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive eye. Some hints of a mis-. chievous design had been given out by their squaws; but in such dark aiad ambiguous terms, that no one could comprehend their meaning. Some of the people were uneasy; but Waldron, who, from a long course of experience, was intimately acquainted with the Indians, and on other occasions had been ready enough to suspect them, was now so thoroughly secure, 11 94 THE HISTORY OF MANCHItSTR. that when some of the people hinted their fears to him, he merrily bade them to go and plant their pumpkins, saying that he would tell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening before the mischief was done, being told by a young man that the town was full of Indians and the people were much concerned; he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there was no danger. The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the evening, and ask leave to lodge by the fire; that in the night when the people were asleep, they should open the doors and gates, and give the signal by a whistle; upon which, the strange Indians, who were to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long meditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execution, on the:evening of Thursday, the twenty-seventh of June, two squaws applied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently did in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the younger Coffin's, and the people, at their request, shewed them how to open the doors, in case they should have occasion to go out in the night. Mesandowit, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's garrison, and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before. The squaws told the major, that a number of Indians were coming to trade with him the next day, and Mesandowit while at supper, with his usual familiarity, said,' Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?' The major carelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence, the family retired to rest. When all was quiet, the gates were, opened, and the signal was given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed into the major's apartment, which was an inner room. Awakened by the noise, he jumped out of bed, and though now advanced in life to the age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to drive them with his sword, through two or three doors; but as he was returning for his other arms, they came behind him, and stunned him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an elbow chair, on a long table, insultingly -asked him, "Who shall judge Indians now?''They then obliged the people in the house to get them some victuals; and when they had done eating, they cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each one with a stroke, saying, "I cross out my account." They then cut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his mouth; and when spent with the loss of blood, he was fast falling down from the table, ATTrACK UPON COCHECHO. 95 tie of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to his misery. They also killed his son in law Abraham Lee: but took his daughter Lee with several others, and having pillaged the house, left it on fire. Otis's garrison, which was next to the major's met with the same fate; he was killed, with several others, and his wife and child were captivated. Heard's was saved by the barking of a dog just as the Indians were entering:-Elder Wentworth, who was awakened by the noise, pushed them out, and falling on his back, set his feet against the gate and held it till he had alarmed the people; two balls were fired through it, but both missed him. Coffin's house was surprised, but as the Indians had no particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of his family, and contented themselves with pillaging the house. Finding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on the floor, whilst they amused themselves in scrambling for it. They then went to the house of his son who would not admit the squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promising him quarter. He declined their offer, and determined to defend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to kill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his resolution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into a deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners; but whilst the Indians were busy in plundering, they all escaped. Twenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and twentynine were captivated; five or six houses, with the mills, were burned; and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of there plot, that before the people could be collected from the other parts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners and booty. As they passed by Heard's garrison in their retreat, they fired upon it; but the people being prepared and resolved to defend it, and the enemy being in haste, it was preserved. The preservation of its owner was more remarkable. Elizabeth Heard, with her three sons and a daughter, and some others, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They passed up the river in their boats unpercieved by the Indians, who were then in possession of the houses: but suspecting danger by the noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook themselves to Waldron's garrison, where they saw lights, which they imagined were set up for direction to those who might be seeking a refuge. They knocked and begged earnestly for admission;.but no answer being given, a young man of the company climbed up the wall, and saw to 96 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. his inexpressible surprise, an Indian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The woman was so overcome with fright that she was unable to fly; but begged her children to shift for themselves; and they with heavy hearts, left her. When she had a little recovered, she crawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She then perceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his hand; he looked at her and went away; returning, he looked at her again; and she asked him what he would have; he made no answer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more. She kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians were gone; and then returning home, found her own house safe. Her preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more remarkable if (as it 5is supposed) it was an instance of justice and gratitude in the Indians. For at that time when the four hundred were seszed in 1676, a young Indian escaped and took refuge in her house, where she concealed him; in return for which kindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any of her family in any future war, and that he would use his influence with the other Indians to the same purpose. This Indian was one of the party who surprised the place, and she was well known to the most of them. The boldness-skill and success of the attack and massacre, filled the colonies with amazement. The leader, John Hogkixis was outlawed by the General Court'of Massachusetts and a price set upon his head. Capt. Noyes with a party of soldiers, was sent to Pennacook, but the Pennacooks had fled and the soldiers found nothing but some corn, which they destroyed. Another party under Capt. John Wincol, marched to lake Winnepesaukee, where they killed one or two Indians, and destroyed their corn. The whole frontiers were in a state of alarm and excitement. The Indians hovered about in this neighborhood for some time, and soon after made an attack upon the settlement at Oyster River. But most of the Indians engaged in the expedition against Cocheco made directly for Canada, and hence eluded all pursuit. In September following, the fort upon the Amariscoggin was attacked by Capt. Church. It was called Worombo's fort. In it was the sister of Kancamagus, his brother in law, his wife and his children, but the wily Pennacook was not found. His sister was slain,:while his wife and two children were made prisoners. His brother in law was also taken, but escaped. The capture of his wife and children exasperated Kancamagus, and on the 21st of the same month, he with Worombo, attack DEATH OF KANCAMAGUS. 97 ed Church at Casco, and fighting with desperation, were not beaten back till much hard fighting, and seven of Church's party had been killed, and twenty-four wounded. It is probable that his wife and children were returned, for in 1691, the year following their captivity, Kancamagus was one of the Sagamons who formed the truce at " Sackatehock," which was to continue until May, 1692. Kancamagus doubtless, stipulated for Pennacook, Winnepesaukee, Ossipee and Pequauquauke. We find no mention made of Kancamagus after the truce of 1691, and think it most probable that he died soon after that event, for if he had been alive during the remainder of " King William's War," which ended in 169S, or during " Queen Anne's War " which lasted from 1-703 to 1712, this fierce and warlike Sagamon, would have been engaged in some of the conflicts of those times. Kancamagus, or John - Hogkins, was a brave and politic Chief, and in view of what he accomplished, at the head of a mere remnant of a once powerful tribe, it may be considered a most fortunate circumstance for the English colonists, that he was not at the head of the tribe, at an earlier period, before it had been shorn of its strength, during the old age of Passaconnaway, and the peaceful and inactive reign of Wonnalancet. And even had Kancamagus have succeeded to the Sagamonship ten years earlier than he did, so that his acknowledged abilities for counsel and war, could have been united with those of Philip, history might have chronicled another story then the inglorious death of the Sagamon of Mount Hope, in the swamp of Pokanoket; or the success of his renowned conqueror, Major Church. After the affair at Cocheco, in which the warlike portion of the Pennacooks were first and foremost, they made but little tarry in this neighborhood. Some of Wonnalancet's adherents, ever peaceably disposed, were scattered at various points up and down the Merrimack, few in numbers, dragging out a precarious existence in hunting and fishing and scanty tillage. But Kancamagus and his followers quit the valley of the Merrimack entirely, joining the bands at the sources of the Saco, Ainariscoggin and Connecticut, or retiring among their friends at St. Francis. Thus the royal residence of the Pennacook Sagamons at Namaoskeag became comparatively deserted. At Dunstable, a few Indians remained while "' LoVewell's fight" in 1725, and at Namaoskeag and Pennacook, quite. a number remained for some years after that event. Among others there was Christian, 98 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. a well known Indian who lived at Namaoskeag and in this neighborhood as late as 1745. His name was Christian, which was shortened to Christo and Christi. Christo was one of the apraying Indians" and hence doubtless his name. Christo lived at Namaoskeag, upon the bank of a little brook that empties into the Merrimack, from the east, just below the Namaoskeag Falls, and which is now known as Christian's Brook. Here he had his residence, living by fishing and hunting, and upon the -most friendly terms with the whites. He was accused at length of rendering assistance to his brethren in time of war, but with how much of truth we are not able to state, as this charge was usually brought against the "praying Indians," by certain prejudiced persons, whether they were guilty or not. Tradition says, that Christo wassuspected of being in the battle of Pequauquauke, assisting his countrymen, and that soon after that battle, the people from Dunstable and Haverhill camne up to Namaoskeag to wreak their vengence upon him, and not finding him at home, they destroyed his wigwam. But whether this act of destroying his wigwam was soon after the fight at Pequauquauke, or at a later period, we have no means of determining. Of one thing, however, there is no doubt,-his wigwam was destroyed by the whites,, and because of their enmity towards him or his people. And it is probable that tradition is true as to the time of the event, as Gov. Dummer in a letter to Col. Tyng of Dunstable, of that date, expressed a wish that a certain "' Indian of note" whom he sent to him, "should march with him in company with Christian" to bury tile dead who fell in the battle at Peqauauquauke. And it is probable, that when the expedition came to Namaoskeag, Christo may have been absent from his wigwam, and this fact was turned to his disadvantage, and resulted in the valiant expedition from Dunstable and Haverhill against him, wherein his wigwam was burned. But it is more than probable, that this attempt upon Christo's life, and the destruction of his property, was a complete outrage, and that their suspicions of his fidelity to the English at that time, were entirely groundless. This is made apparent, from the fact, that Christo was afterwards in the confidence of the government, and in the subsequent Indian wars, was employed as a scout, his name appearing upon the rolls of the day repeatedly at Canterbury, and.his pay having been allowed by the Legislature, as late as 1745, as appears by the following bill. CHRISTIAN. 99 The Province of New Hampshire to Jeremiah Clough, Dr. To keeping Christo by order of the Captain General, 30 days from the 19th of Dec. to the 19th of Jan.,1745. To Billeting at 3s. per day, ~4 10 0 To his wages, 5 7 0 ~9 17 0 JEREMIAH CLOUGH. Province of? N. Hamp. d In ye House of Repre. Jerh. Clough above sd. made June 19th, 1745. oath to ye truth of the above acct, before ye House. D. PIERCE, Clk. Province of In the House Representitives, N. Hamp, 3 June 19th, 1745. Voted that Capt. Clough be allowed twenty-two shill. and six pence, billetting of ye Indian named Christo, from ye 19th Dec. to ye 19th Jany., and ye sd. Christo for his wages for sd Time, twenty six shill. and nine pence —to be pd out of ye money brot into ye treasury last yeas by Provl Tax for defraying ye charge of ye Government. D. PIERCE,, Clk. June 20 1745 In Council read and concurred. Eodem Die assented to B. WENTWORTH. And Christo's name appears upon Captain Clough's rolls of a scout at that and several other times prior to 1745. After this period, for reasons that have not transpired, Christo seems to have retired to St. Francis with others of his tribe, and to have reckoned himself as a St. Francis Indian, and to have been hostile to the English. In 1747, in company with Sabatis and Plausawa, Christo assisted in the capture of Mrs. McCoy at Epsom, and in burning McCoy's house, and it is possible, that he was of the party that made an attack at Suncook, now Pembroke, and about the same time, killed some cattle, and one Estabrook, at Rumford. 100 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. And again, in 1752, in company with Sabatis, (a corruption of Jean Baptiste,) Christo came to Canterbury, where they were treated in a friendly manner for about a month, saying they were from St. Francis, and when they left the place, they seized upon two negroes belonging to the people who had entertained them, and carried them away. One escaped, and told who his captors were, while the other they sold at Crown Point. Christo probably died at St. Francis. The last we hear of him is in the summer of 1757, when Moses Jackman, a captive taken at Canterbury, in June of that year; and who knew Christo well, saw him at or near St. Francis, and was recognized by him. The spot occupied by Christo's wigwam at Amoskeag Falls, is now shown, where the ashes of his hearth stone, his pipes, arrow heads, and ornaments consisting of bear's teeth, together with his tomahawk, have been ploughed up within the memory of the present generation. And his tomahawk, an iron one, with an eye like that of a hoe, and without any head, is still in possession of the former proprietors of the soil. OPPOSITION OF MASSACHUSETTS. 101 CHAPTER VI. Capt. Mason intends a permanent settlement in New Hampshire.-Opposition of Massachusetts, and its cause.- New construction of their charter.Claim a portion of Mason's grant.-Take possession at Hampton. —Lrds Say and Brook purchase Hilton's Patent, at the suggestion of Massachusetts.Mason attempts to thwart their plans.-Prosecutes his schemes with vigor.Mason's death.-His will.-His tenants and servants divide his personal effects among them, and his affairs are left in confusion.-Massachusetts establish their north line three miles north of the forks of the Merrimack and thus cover Wheelright's purchase.-Certain people at Dover, propose to put Piscataqua under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.-A. committee negotiate a union.-The people reject the treaty.-Capt. John UJnderhill.-His intrigues. —Difficulties at Dover. —Underhill in the interest of Massachusetts,Purchase of lilton'.s Patent of "the gentlemen in England."-Peters, Dalton and another, committee to visit Dover.-Get lost in the woods.-The proprietors arrive from England.-The patents upon the Piscataqua are duly transferred to Massachusetts.-She extends her jurisdiction over them.-Opposition, but it is silenced by force. —Underhill departs to New York, himself and family being sent there at the charge of Massachusetts.-Wheelwright flies to Maine but finally makes his peace.-Massachusetts extends her claim still farther north.-A committee establish their nothern boundary at a point three miles north of the outlet of Winnepesaukee.-The Endicott rock.-She then claims Maine.-Gov. Godfrey and council resist.-Massachusetts carries her point by persuasion and force.-Principal men arrested.-Bonython outlawed.-Massachusetts completes her usurpation of the best part of New Hampshire and Maine. It has been suggested in a preceding chapter, that Capt. John Mason intended making a permanent residence in New Hampshire; but his intentions were frustrated. So long as his settlement at Piscataqua, was prosecuted as a mere mercantile speculation for,he obtaining of fish, furs, and lumber, and that with indifferent success, he received little opposition; but as soon as his trading establishment began to be prosecuted with vigor, and to assume a permanent character, then the colony of Massachusetts began their opposition to him and his little colony. There were two causes of this opposition. One that Mason and his dependants were Episcopalians, and the other, the intention on the part of Massachusetts to claim the most of his grant of New Hampshire, and that of Gorges' grant in Maine, by a forced construction of their Charter. The charter of Massachusetts defined its northern bounds to be a line three miles north of the Merrimack river, and every part of it. It is evident that the grantors supposed the Merrimack had an east and west course, as from Dracut to its mouth, and it is highly probable that the grantees had the same belief at the same time; but after coming upon the grant, finding from the Indi 102 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ans that the Merrimack made an elbow at Pawtuckett, and that from its source to that place it ran nearly north and south, they began to claim a portion of Mason's grant, and to push their rlorthern line father north than the three miles named in their charter. Thus as early as 1631, they took possesion of Winnecowett, the south part of old Hampton and built a " bound house" there, for the purpose of defending their northern limits, or of taking possession of the territory claimed.* And in 1633 or thereabouts, the Lords Say and Brook with others purchas d the Hilton patent. These men were of the same religious views of the people of Massachusetts, the Governor and Magistrates of which colony wrote to them, advising-and encouraging the purchase, for the express purpose of throwing obstacles in the way of Mason and his colony.This they most effectually accomplished as the sequel will show. These proceedings with others, naturally engendered hostilty on the part of Mason and his friends, and he entered into measures with the Government in England, for the purpose of limiting the power, and thwarting the intentions of the Massachusetts colony. Meantime he prosecuted the affairs of his infant colony with renewed vigor and in 1634 sent over a large and valuable accessionD to the settlement, as before suggested, in servants, cattle, and stores But death put a stop to all his schemes of aggrandizement. Capt. Mason died on the 26th of November, 1635, leaving his manor of Mason Hall to his grand son Robert Tufton, and the residue of his property in New Hampshire except two thousand acres of land for the support of a " preacher of God's word," and a grammar-school, to his grandson John Tufton, on condition that they shoild take the name of Mason, which c ndition they complied with.After the death of L er husband, Mrs. Anne Mason, the executrix of his estate, attempted to prosecute the business of the settlement, but the returns not meeting the outlay, she abandoned the attempt, and sent directions to her agent, Col. Francis Norton, to dispose of her personal property.t He succeeded in getting possession of some of it and drove an hundred head of cattle to Boston and sold them; but most of the tenants who had arrears of pay due them, kept the property in their possession, personal as well as real, claiming and holding houses, and lands as their own.t * See Appendix No. 22, Belknap's History. t See files in Secretary's office. + See Farmer's Belknap pg. 23. MASSACHUSETT'S NORTHERN BOUNDARY. 103 Bat in 1636, Mason's affairs being in confusion, the Massachusetts colony began to talk of pushing their northern boundary still farther north than their bound, or possession house, at Hampton. At this time, some of the persons who had been sent out of Massachusetts on account of their Antinomian principles, took refuge at Dover. Upon this, Governor Winthrop wrote to Capt. Wiggin the Governor or Agent of Dover, and the Rev. Mr. Burdet and others of that plantation, that if they received any persons they had " cast out " it would be much resented, and threatening them, if they should receive such exiles, " they should survey their utmost limits and make use of thevm. " * Again in 1638, the Rev. John Wheelwright having been " cast out, " with his associates, and having settled down at Exeter, which tract of land they had previously purchased of Passaconnaway, Runnawit and others, they tound that portion of the territory known as Winnecowett, settled upon by the people of Massachusetts. It seems also that certain Indians still claimed Winnecowett, and to quiet them, as well as to obtain in their estimation a good title to the soil, they purchase d the tract of the Indians for a valuable consideration. After completing their title to the lands at Winnecowett, they notified the people to desist from farther occupying said lands, and also the colony of Masachusetts, that " they intended to lot out all these lands in farms except" they "could show a better title " t Upon this a committee was sent up the Merrimack to examine its source and course, who reported, as Winthrop has it, that they " found some parts of the Merrimack about Penlkook, to lie more northerly than forty-three and a half," and so continues Winthrop, "' We returned answer to them (Wheelwright and his associates) that though we would not relinquish our interest by priority of possession, for any right they could have from the Indians, yet seeing they had professed not to claim any thing which should fall within our patent, we would look no further than that, in respect to their claim. This answer was altogether mysterious, and was probably intended as such, to cover some ulterior design. For if they claimed the land to "3Penkook," as the language of the reply * Winthrop's His. N. E. Vol. 1. pg. 276. t Winthrop's N. E. Vol. 1. pg. 290. $ Winthrop N. i., Vol. 1, pg. 304. 104 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. seems to imply, a line passing east upon the latitude of Pennacook, would take in, not only Hampton, Exeter and Dover, but the greater part of the County of York, in Maine. But this indefinite answer was doubtless made to Wheelwright and his associates, to set them at ease, while by negotiation or otherwise, they might get some color of title to their lands. In 1639, they sent another committee "' to find out the northmost part of Merrimack river."* At this time the north line was established at a great pine, three miles north of the forks of Merrimack, in Franklin. They were induced to take this step doubtless from the fact that the people of )over, in spite of their remonstrances, continued to receive the exiles " cast out" by Massachusetts, and had elected one of the most obnoxious of them, Capt. John Underhill, as their Governor. The people of Massachusetts thought this against good neighborhood, and determined to make good their claim to the lands at Piscataqua, at the first fitting opportunity. Meantime they exercised jurisdiction over the people at Hampton, but left those on the Piscataqua to govern themselves. But policy prevented their pressing their claim any farther north, at this time, as a line extended east and west through the forest, three miles north of the forks of the Merrimack, not only included the most of New Hampshire but a large portion of Maine; and although they might have been successful in claiming New Hampshire, as it were deserted by the heirs of the deceased proprietor; yet in asserting their full claim to that, they must also H.have claimed the south part of Maine, and that was a position they did not wish to assume at that time. The grant to Gorges had lately been confirmed to him by the King, and the Lord Proprietor, as well as the proprietors of Lygonia, were altogether too powerful men, and of too much influence at Court, to be bearded with impunity. Under these circumstances they very prudently refrained from pressing their claim, and entered upon a system of finesse and negotiation, to get the government and the patents at Piscataqua into their own hands. Meantime the policy of Massachusetts in encouraging their friends, Say, Brook, and others, to purchase the Hilton patent began to develop itself, for certain individuals at Dover, comprising those sent over by them, and who were friendly to the interests of Massachusetts, made a proposition to come under the jurisdiction of that government, and in September, 1639, sent a Hutchinson's His., Vol. 1, pg. 104. IDIFFICULTIES AT DOVER. 105 committee of three to Boston, to agree upon terms of union. After some negotiation, terms were agreed upon, and a " treaty was brought to a conclusion," stipulating that Piscataqua "should be as Ipswich and Salem, and have Courts there;" but it was understood that this treaty was not to take effect unless the people of Piscataqua agreed to it.* Upon the return of the committee the people rejected their agreement. Most of the people went against the union, for the reason that the proprietors mostly lived in England, and they wished to consult them upon a matter of such moment to them. Others consulted their own interests in their opposition; among them Capt. Underhill, who had been chosen Governor in place of Burdet, and did not care to lose his place any more than to come under the government of Massachusetts, where he had been guilty of many misdemeanors, for which he had been banished. He, however, true to his character, wrote the Governor of Massachusetts, laying the blame of the rejection upon others at Dover, but his duplicity in the matter was fully exposed.t After the expulsion of Burdet from Dover, and the election of Underhill as Governor of the plantation, he procured the services of Hanserd Knolles to preach at Dover, who was his friend and supporter, and had been prohibited from preaching, by MIassachusetts, and at Dover by Burdet. In the fall of 1640, a Mr. Larkham came to Dover from Massachusetts, where he had arrived during the previous summer, from England. He soon eclipsed Knolles, and raised so much of a party as to displace him. Many of the people became disgusted with: Larkham's arbitrary assumption of power, restored IKnolles to his office, who excommunicated Larkham. Underhill, of course, supported Knolles' party, and through him sought to ingratiate himself with the government of Massachusetts. In fact, as early as December, 1639, Underhill it seems, made the attempt to gain once more the good graces of the people of Massachusetts, and having obtained a safe conduct, repaired to Boston, where he made a public confession of his faults, but with such apparent insincerity that the " Church presently cast him out.' To this he seemed to submit, and while he remained in Boston "he was very much dejected." But upon his return to Dover " he gave not that proof of a broken heart, as he gave hope of at Boston.": Again soon afterwards he repaired to X Winthrop's His. N. E., Vol. I, pg. 319. t Winthrop's His. N. E., Vol. 1. pg. 327. + Winthrop's His. N. E., Vol. 1. pg. 3277 106 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERt Boston " to tender satisfaction to the Church,"' but the Church would not admit him to public speech.'So after one week he returned home."*'' But persevering in his plan, in September, 1640, having obtained another safe conduct, "' by means of the elders and others of the Church of Boston," he repaired to Boston during " the time of the Court of Assistants," and upon a lecture day, by leave of the ministers, again made a public confession, and at its close, asking " the Church to have compassion on him, and to deliver him out of the hands of Satan, was received into the Church again." Soon after, he went into the General Court and there confessed his misconduct, asking pardon, and was released from his banishment.t How Underhill should have obtained a safe conduct to Boston, "by means of the elders and others of the Church of Boston," when they would not permit him to speal in their meeting a few months previous, and how he was so readily received again into the Church, and relieved from his banishment, upon his confession, would be a mystery, were not the fact known, that upon going home, Underhill became a strong advocate for a union of the plantations at Piscataqua with that of Massachusetts!!His proceedings forthwith produced the utmost confusion in the colony, and for their better government, a majority of the people on the 23d of October, 1640, entered into a combination, or "body politic" for the purpose of enjoying " the benefit of his Majesty's laws," and all such laws as should be "concluded by a majority of the free muen."' Underhill attempted to "rend this combination," and "contrary to his oath and fidelity," " went from house to house, and for his own ends, by flattering and threatening, got some hands to a note of their willingness to submit themselves under" the government of Massachusetts.~ Some of the magistrates of Larkham's party cited Underhill to appear before them, and answer for his conduct in " secretly endeavoring to persuade the inhabitants to offer themselves to the government of Massachusetts, whose favor he was desirous to purchase by these means, as he knew that their view was to extend their jurisdiction as far as they imagined their limits * Winthrop's N. E., Vol. 1, pg. 328. t Winthrop's His. N. E., Vol. 2, pg. 13 & 14. 4 Belknap, Appendix No. 13, pg. 438. ~ Ms. letter of Larkham, Waldron, Wentworth, Haynes, and others to the Governor of Musac-husetts, DIFFICULTIES AT DOVER. 107 reached, whenever they should find a favorable opportunity."' Underhill collected together his forces to attack Larkham's party; but they being in the minority, declined a contest. Meantime they had sent to the mouth of the river for assistance, and Williams, the Governor at Portsrnouth,came up to Dover with a party, a Court was formed of which Williams was judge, and Underhill and his party were found guilty of riot, and were fined and banished the colony. Underhill had also sent for assistance, and what was not a little singular, he had sent to Massachusetts for that assistance; which goes to show that he thought he had been engaged in a work pleasing to them, if not with their knowledge and understanding. This was in February, 1640. March 4th following, the leading inhabitants of Dover, sent the following letter to the Governor of Massachusetts, explanatory of Underhill's conduct, and of their objection to coming under the Government of Massachusetts:' NORTHAM, 4 i month. (1. 40.) HONOURFiD SIR:-We, the Inhabitants of Northam, make bould to trouble you wth these few lynes, Certifyinge you that whereas wee suppose Captaine Underhill hath informed you and the rest of your brethren of the Matechusheth baye, that wee are all willinge, voluntarily to submit our Selves to your Government upon fformer Articles propounded; truth it is wee doe very well aprove of your judicious wayes, and shall be very ioyful, yu please God to enlarge us, that w\ee may be free from other ingagements and prmises wch sorme of us are obliged in to the owners or patentees, from whom under his Mat's Letter Patents we enjoy our free liberty, wch causeth us not for present to submit to any other government than that wch wee have already entered into combination to' observe- according to the King's Mat's lawes, until such time as the owners conme over to us, wch wee suppose will be about three ~months hence, and then our prpositions Considered as the Lord shall direct us, wee will labour more to satisfy you. But for the prceedings of Captain Underhill seeking to undermyne us, and contrary to his oath and fidellyty as we suppose intrusted to him, hath went from house to house, and for his own ends, by flattery and threatening, gotten some hands to a note of their willingness to submitt themselves under!your goverument, and some that have no habitation, to bring his purposes to pass; we doubt not but you are to well acquainted with his stratagems in plotting his JBelknap, pg. 26. 108 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERL owne designs, wch wee refer to your grave iudgments. Some of those that subscribed to his note have this day utterly prtested against their owne act, for he hath raysed such a mutinie amongst us wch if we take not Course for the stoping thereof it may Cause the effusion of blood, by reason he hathfby his designes privately rent the combination as much as in him lyeth, Contrary to his Act, that is that wee should continue in the same govmnt except an agreement or cause shewed to the Contrary in open Court, agreed on by the maior p'te. thus Much we thought good to acquaynt your wor'p, wthall beseeching your favourable construction, hoping you will weigh our Case in Equity and Conscience, and not any way to enforce us to any act whereby wee should break pr'mise or Covevant wth the patentees or amongst ourselves whchin soe doinge we should sinne greatly. wee heartyly desire your prayers for us, and comit you to the prtection of the Almightye at yor to be comanded. Thom Larkham, William Waldern, Richard Waldern, William Jones, sign Edward Colcorde, Johnffoll, John [ti Tuttle, ~,~ 1 2 ~of Robert [R] huckins Robert Varney, henry beck, of Thomas Durston, Drk Richard Pinkeom, Thomas Roberts, Thos. [TLayton, Thomas Tricky, Samuel haines, Edward Starbuck, Bartholomew Smith,William Pomfrett, John Dam, William furbur, mrk Barthol'ew [t] Hunt,WilliamS torer, John [H] Hall, of Phillip Swaddon. From this letter it would seem that the leading men of Dover supposed Underhill was in correspondence with the government of Massachusetts, and was doing their work while he " raysed such a mutinie," and was rending ".the combination as much as in him lyeth!" Also that the proprietors of the Hilton Patent were expected from England in about three months. To make sure of a claim of jurisdiction over the patents at Piscataqua, the government of Massachusetts had already entered into a negotiation with the gentlemen in England who owned those patents, for a surrender of the jurisdiction of their patents. This negotiation was nearly completed; but still it was the policy of the Massachusetts government to bring about a voluntary submission on the part of the inhabitants of those patents, to their government. Hence the correspondence with Underhill. DIFFICULTIES AT DOVER. 109 Hence too, upon the application of Underhill for assistance, they sent down a committee of three persons, the noted Rev., Hugh Peters, of Salem, the Rev. Samuel Dalton, and another, to examine into the state of affairs; in the words of Winthrop) " to understand the minds of the people, to reconcile some differences between them, and to prepare therm,)'* Prepare them for what? Why, for the event that Governor Winthrop and the magistrates of Massachusetts had long labored to bring about, the surrender of the jurisdiction of the patents upon the Piscataqua to that government, and which they knew would transpire as soon as the proprietors should arrive from England, whose arrival was expected in a few weeks., The government of Massachusetts managed this affair with much adroitness. Underhill had been playing the part of the blustering emissary, till he had thrown the colony into the greatest confusion, and now milder measures and wiser heads were to be used. Accordingly a committee of ability and standing were sent down to Dover, who had the address to settle the differences among the people, "and to prepare them." The immediate result of their mission was this, "that the one party revoked the excommunication, and the other the fines and banishment." t The prospective result of it was, that the people of Dover were quite willing to agree to the surrender of their jurisdiction to Massachusetts, as soon as the proprietors had arrived in this country, and had made the necessary disposition to carry that long agitated project into effect. This mission was doubtless performed in the early spring of 1641, as snow was upon the ground, and the committee travelling on foot, upon their return, they got lost in the woods; and'wandered two days and one night, without food or fire, in the snow and wet.' I At the same time many of the people of the lower patent upon the Piscataqua, known as Portsmouth, were anxious to come under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The alleged reason of their anxiety was, their want of any stable government; but another reason was doubtless equally weighty with them, and which was, that there was a claimant for the lands upon which many of them lived. It will be borne in mind that Capt. John Mason was one of the principal proprietors of the patent of 1631, as also the pro-, * Winthrop's N. E. Vol. 2. pg. 28. t Belknap, pg. 26. + Winthrop's His. N. E., Vol 2, pg. 295 12 .[10 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. prietor of the whole of New Hampshire, by his patent of 1629 -and that many of the people sent over by him had laid claim upon his death, not only to the personal effects of their employer in their possession, but to the land on which they resided. Now Norton, the attorney of the executrix of Mason's estate, had already been among them, and claimed the personal property belonging to her deceased husband; and the heir to his estate was ready to prosecute his claims whenever fitting opportunity should arrive. Under such circumstances, it was natural that the people who lived upon Mason's territory without title to their lands, and of course were opposed to his claim, should seek the protection of Massachusetts, the people of which government had laid claim to his lands, and, of course, would continue their opposition; hence they readily heard the argu. ments of the partisans of Massachusetts, and were ready to be taken under the jurisdiction of that government. Accordingly when the proprietors arrived from England, about the first of June, 1641, they found the people of their patents fully prepared to pass under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts; and on the 14th of that month an instrument passing the jurisdiction of both the Hilton and Portsmouth or Rendezvous patents to Massachusetts, was duly executed in the presence of the General Court, and provided that Massachusetts should have "'ju. risdiction of government of the said people dwelling or abiding within the limits of both of said patents, to be ruled and ordered in all causes, criminal and civil, as inhabitants, dwelling within the limits of Massachusetts government, and to be subjected to pay in Church and Commonwealth, as the said inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay do, and no other; and the freemen of the said two patents to enjoy the like liberties as other freemen do in the said Massachusetts' government; and that there shall be a Court of Justice kept within one of the two patents, which shall have the same power that the Courts at Ipswich and Salem have." * The contract coming before the General Court in October, 1641, in form, on the 9th instant, the Court passed the following order:' Whereas it appeareth that by the extent of the line according to our patent the river of Piscataquack is within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, and conference being had at several times with the said people and some deputed by the general court for the settling and establishing of order in the * Hutchinson's His., Vol. 1, pgs. 98 & 99.. DIFFICULTIES AT DOVER. 111ill administration of justice there; it is now ordered by the general court holden at Boston this 9th day of the 8th month 1641, and with the consent of the inhabitants of the said river, as followeth. Imprimis, That from henceforth the said people inhabiting there, are and shall be accepted and reputed under the government of Massachusetts, as the rest of the inhabitants within the said jurisdiction are. Also, that they shall have the same order and way of administration of Justice, and way of keeping courts, as is established at Ipswich and Salem. Also, they shall be exempted from all public charges, other than those that shall arise for or from among themselves, or from any action or course that may be taken to procure their own good or benefit. Also, they shall enjoy all such lawful liberties of fishing, planting, and selling timber, as formerly they have enjoyed in the samne river. Mr. Simon Broadstreet, Mr. Israel Stoughton, Mr. Samuel Simnonds, Mr. William Tyng, Mr. Francis Williams, and Mr. Edward Hilton, or any four of them, whereof Mr. Broadstreet or Mr. Stoughton to be one, these shall have the same power that the quarter courts at Salem and Ipswich, have. Also, the inhabitants there, are allowed to send two deputies fromt the whole river to the court at Boston. Also, Mr. Broadstreet, Mr. Stoughton, and the rest of the commissioners, shall have power at the court at Piscataquack to appoint two or three to join with Mr. Williams and Mr. Hilton t) govern the people as the magistrates do here, till the next general court, or till the court take further order. It is further or-. dered, that until our commissioners shall arrive at Piscataquack, those men who already have authority by the late combination to govern the people there, shall continue in the same authority and power, to be determined at the coming of the said commissioners, and not before." Two propositions for union were entertained by the General Court. 1st. If the " patents at Piscataquack were taken under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts upon the voluntary submission of the inhabitants, then they were to choose their own Magistrates." 2d. If they were taken as being within the line of Massachusetts, then they were to "be as Salem and Ipswich," to 1" have such liberties for falling trees, &c., as they had enjoyed," and were 1 to have Courts there as Ipswich and Salem had."* The second propositioll was the basis of their reception, as the a Winthrop's His., Vol. 2, pg. 42. 112 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Government of Massachusetts now determined to put their claim upon record, and that claim would not be recognized by the voluntary submission of these patentees. The year following the commissioners were sent to Piscataaqua, and appointed as Magistrates, some of the leading men in each patent. And thus was consummated a project long under negotiation on the part of Massachusetts, and devoutly desired'by' them, as title to a part, and possession of the whole, were strong pleas against the claim of Mason's heirs, to his grant of New Hampshire. But the union was not effected without opposition. Some of the people who were friendly to Mason, and still adhered to the fortunes of his family, or were opposed to the principles or usurpations of the people of Massachusetts, did not submit quietly to this order of things. Such persons were dealt with in the most summary manner. Those that partisan arguments, or the fear of the Magistrates could not silence, were most summarily brought to terms by the presence of an armed force, But this union was fraught with the most evil consequences to the colony of New Hampshire, as it laid the foundation of a bitter controversy that raged for a century, and greatly retarded its growth, besides sowing the seeds of strife, and engendering ft elings of hatred and hostility, that the lapse of two centuries has hardly obliterated. Soon after the accomplishment of this affair, Underhill, who probably found his situation somewhat unpleasant, accepted proposals for employment by the Dutch upon Hidson's River, and removed thither with his family. It is not a little singular, that the:Government of Massachusetts should have "hired a vessel to transport him and his family thither,"-but it is probable that they thought, his willing duplicity and intrigue in bringing the people of Piscataquack under their jurisdiction, was worthy so -marked a reward. Mr. Wheelwright finding his lands at Squamsauke thus summarily disposed of, and the people of, Exeter also proposing to be taken under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, in 1642 removed to Wells within the patent of' Gorges. But he was not safe there, and Massachusetts pressing their claim, he made his peace with that government and returned to Hampton in 1647. The heirs of.Mason had been no inattentive observers of the state of things, but ~the- civil wars, the death of the residuary legatee, John Tufton, and the minority of the other principal legatee, Robert Tufton,, had prevented any attempt on their MASSACHUSETTS SURVEYS HER NORTHERN BOUNDARY. 113 part to recover their estate in New England. But in 1650, Robert Tufton attained his majority, and forthwith measures were started to recover the estate. Joseph Mason was sent over as agent of the parties in interest. He immediately took legal measures against one of the principal inhabitants at Newichwannock, for the purpose of ejecting him from the lands occupied by him, which were covered by Mason's claim. This suit was brought to settle the validity of the claim. Upon trial at the County Court, it was decided that the court could not take cognizance of the suit, and the legislature, nothing loth, undertook to determine the matter. Their first step was to send another Committee to again determaine the northern boundary. This Committee consisted of Captains Edward Johnson and Simon Willard. Jonathan Ince and John Sherman accompained the Committee, as Surveyors. Having been told by their Indian guides that the head of the Merrimack was at the outlet of the Winnepesaukee, the Committee proceeded to that place, known by the Indians as Ahquedauken. From this spot they measured a line three miles north and at that point established one of the northern bounds of Massachusetts.-A rock in the bed of the river at the outlet of the lake was established as the "head of the Merrimack,"' and upon this rock the Committee doubtless caused to be cut the following inscription which is easily deciphered at the present time. EI SW WP IOHN *ENDICVT GOV which deciphered, doubtless readsEdward Johnson. Simon Willard. Worshipful John Endicvt Governor.* The Surveyors made the following report to the Messrs. Johnson and Willard. * N. H. His., Soc. Coll. Vol. iv. pg. 194. 114 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. " The Answer of John Sherman, serjt. at Watertown, and Jonathan Ince, student at Harvard College, in Cambridge, to Captain Simon Willard and Captain Edward Johnson, Commissioners of the General Court, held at Boston, May 27, 1652, concerning the Latitude of the Northermost pt. of Merrimack River"Whereas wee John Sherman and Jonathan Ince were procured by the aforesaid Commissioners to take the latitude of the place abovenamed. Our Answer is, that at Aquedahcan, the name of the head of Merrimack, were it issues out of the Winnapusseakit, upon the first of August, one thousand, six hundred and fifty two, wee observed and by observation found that the Latitude of the place was fourty three degrees, fourty minutes and twelve seconds, besides those minutes which are to be allowed for the three miles more North wch. run into the Lake. In witnesse whereof, wee have subscribed our names this nineteenth of October, one thausand, six hunnred, fifty two. JOHN SH ERMAN, JONATHAN INCE. Jur. coram me, JOH. ENDECOTT, Gubr.] The; following year, two ship-masters were sent to the eastward to determine the point on the eastern shore of the same latitude as that found by Johnson and Willard, north of the Ahquedauken. This they found to be the northern point of " Upper Clapboard Island " in Casco Bay. An east and west line passing through these points was determined upon as the northern boundary of Massachusetts. This line took in the whole of Mason's grant and a large part of Gorges' grant in Maine. This point established, there was little reserve on the part of the court, and they ordered some lands to be laid off to Mason's heirs at Newichwannock as belonging to Mason's estate by agreement of Gorges', purchase from the Indians, possession and improvement. Thus, comparatively speaking, Massachusettss absorbed Mason's entire claim, and the agent forthwith repaired to England, abandoning all hope of redress for the present. This was an opportune time for Massachusetts to complete her long cherished object ot seizing the best portion of Gorges' grant lying to the south of the line they I ad just established. The royal government at home had become subverted-Cromwell's power was in the ascendant. Gorges had become involved if not ruined, as being a noted royalist and the towns in Maine were weakened bvr divisions, the result of conflicting proprietary grants. Accord MASSACHUSETTS USURPS NEW-HAMPSHIRE AND MAINE. 115 ingly in the Summer of 1652, Commissioners were sent to "treat with the gentlemen at the eastward." A conference was held at Kittery with Governor Godfrey and his council, in which the Commissioners of Massachusetts boldly asserted their claim-and notified of their intention to occupy the Province under that claim. Governor Godfrey denied their right to any part of the Province, and thereupon, on the 9th of July, the Commissioners published a protest against Godfrey's authority, and declaring the Province to be within the limits of Massachusetts, and calling upon the inhabitants to submit to its authority.* A counter protest was issued the same day by Godfrey, and the other officers of the Province-soon after the Commissioners returned home. But a majority of the inhabitants of Maine, after some months of deliberation, and seeing that Massachusetts was determined to press their claim at all hazards, consented to acknowledge their jurisdiction. Accordingly, Nov. 16, 1652, the Commissioners met at Kittery to receive the submission of its inhabitants, and on the 22d of the same month, they received the submission of the inhabitants of Gorgeana. The inhabitants of Saco submitted on the 5th of July, 1653, and those' of Wells on the 6th and 7th of the same -month. But some of the people did not submit so quietly. Of these were three men of note, John Bonython living near Saco, Mr. Jocelyn of Black Point, and Mr. Jordan of Spurwink. These men were active in their opposition to this unjust claim, and Messrs. Jocelyn & Jordan were arrested and required to give bonds for their appearance before the General Court. Bonython escaped and continuing his opposition, in 1758 a decree of outlawry was published against him. Finding opposition fruitless, the following year he made a written submission, and the decree of outlawry against him was annulled by public proclamation. Meantime, Mr. George Cleaves, the agent of Mr. Rigby, proprietor of the Province of Lygonia, attempted to make terms with the Government of Massachusetts, but the General Court answered that their patent had precedence, and they treated his propositions in the most,summary manner. In 1758, the towns in Maine had all submitted, and Massachusetts was in full possesion of a large extent of territory to which she had no just title. And " thus " says Folsom, " the'engrasping' colony of'Massachusetts Bay as it was aptly termed by Godfrey and its sister at Plymouth, divided among them the lawful inheritance H Hazard 1, 568. 116 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of the heirs of Gorges and Rigby."* A more unjust and tyrannical act never was perpetrated upon this continent than this same usurpation by the Colony of Massachusetts of the Provinces of New Hampshire and Maine. It is equalled only by their seizure of the possessions of Gorton in Rhode Island, and neither act was supported by the least shadow of justice, and each, must ever remain a blot upon the moral and political character of the Puritans, without palliation or excuse. CHAPTER VII. Robert Tufton assumes the name of Mason.-Petitions for his possessions.Commission of Carr, Cartwrighr and Maverick.-Randolph's mission.-Massachusetts sends agents to England.-Abandons her unjust claim before the Lord Chief J'ustice, and is restricted to her original bounds.-Purchases Gorges' claim. -New Hampsnire erected into a separate government.-Cranfield.-He leaves his government.-Mason sells "The Million Purchase."-President Dudley.Sir Edmund Andros.-He is seized and imprisoned. -Sale of Mason's claim to Allen.-The Earl of Bellomont.-Judges appointed unfavorable to Allen's claim. -They decide against him.-He appeals,appeal denied-.Petitions the King.King dies.-Governor Dudley.-Allen enters upon the waste lands.-Allen sues \Waldron — The suit decided against himn.-Allen appeals.-Proposes to sell.-Dies.-His son prosecutes his claim. —Judgment against him.-Appeals. -Sells one half his claim to Sir Thomas Hobby.-Dies.-The' Scotch Irish" move to Nutfield.-Potatoes and Linen.'-Apply for a grant of land, —Refused. -Opponents obtain a grant of Chester.-Purchase of Indian title.-Th-y obtain a grant. —Difficulty as to their line. —Emigration continues,-They move to adjacent places.-Harrytown settled by-John Riddell, John McNeil and Archibald Stark. THUS matters remained through the protectorate of Cromwell, but when the restoration of Charles took place, Robert Tufton, at once commenced measures to wrest his inheritance from the hands of Massachusetts; yet with indifferent success. Assuming the name of Mason according to the condition of his Grandfather's will, he petitioned the king for possession of his right. His petition was received with favor and was referred to the Attorney General Sir Geoffrey Palmer, who gave his opinion that his title to the province of New Hampshire was " good and legal." Here the matter rested for awhile. But in 1664, when a Commission was issued to Colonel Richard * Folsom's Saco and Biddeford, pg, 1. RANDOLPH'S MISSION. 117 Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick Esqrs., to examine and determine as to certain complaints brought against the people of Massachusetts, Mason's claim and its bounds came in for especial attention. This commission seems to have had no other effect in New Hampshire than to widen the difficulty between the adherents of Mason and those in the interest of Massachusetts, which were in fact the major part of the people. Upon the return of the commission, without determining any thing in his favor, Mason attempted to sell his claim to the government. Not succeeding in this project, he again petitioned the king to have his property restored. His petition was referred to the Attorney General, Sir William Jones, and the Solicitor General, Sir Francis Winnington, who reported that Robert Mason "had a good and legal title to said lands." Soon after, Edward Randolph a kinsman of Mason's was dispatched by the Lords of Trade "to inquire into the state of the country,"- and he was also the bearer of a letter citing the colony of Massachusetts to appear by agent within six months to answer the complaints preferred against them by Mlason and the heirs of Gorges. Randolph's mission to the colonies was the cause of much excitement. Massachusetts and the people in her interest, treated him very cavalierly and Randolph upon his return in a report to the king and another to the Lords of Trade. animadverted very severely and with much truth upon the course pursued by Massachusetts. Upon Randolph's leaving the colonies, the government of Massachusetts, forthwith made preparations to meet the complaints made against them by Mason and the heirs of Gorges. They found themselves in an unfortunate position. During the civil wars and the protectorate, when the affairs of the royalists were at the lowest ebb, they had seized upon the domain of Mason and Gorges under the shallow and unjustifiable pretence that it was covered by their charter. This injustice the proprietors were in no situation to meet. Of this the government of Massachusetts was well aware and she prosecuted and completed her claim with a high hand. But now the tables were turned. Mason and the heirs of Gorges were in high favor at court, and Massachusetts, more than suspected of disloyalty, was in ill favor with his Majesty and his court. In this delemma, the special council was summoned, and it was determined to meet the complainants by agents. These agents William Stoughton and Peter Bulkley, Esqrs.,-forthwith sailed for England, with proper instructions to guide their con 118 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. duct in the affair. The hearing was had before the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and the agents of:M~assachusetts, in the name of the colony, at once abandoned their unjust claim, by claiming to hold by their charter no lands beyond a line three miles north of the Merrimack, to follow the river as far as it extended. This was virtually abandoning their whole case, and it left Mason and the heirs of Gorges without matter of complaint for the future. This position of the agents left but little for the Judges to determine upon as to New Hampshire; they reported however to the King, restricting Massachusetts to her original bounds and that the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton, were out of the bounds of Massachusetts." In this position of affairs, Massachusetts, through an agent, purchased the interest of Gorges' heirs in Maine, and thus obtained possession of the soil. It is not a little strange that she had not pursued the same policy as to Mason's interest in New Hampshire. Had she pursued that reasonable policy then, or afterwards, much of legislation, expense and acrimony might have been prevented. New Hampshire was forthwith detached from Massachusetts and made into a separate government, mainly for the purpose of establishing courts, in which Mason might legally recover possession of his inheritance. A President and Council were appointed by royal commission for the government of the province. But the officers assumed the government with reluctance, the people being universally opposed to Mason's claim. Before issuing the commission for a new form of government, the King had obliged Mason to agree under hand and seal to demand no rents of the people in possession of lands, for time past, and to quit claim to them and their heirs provided they would pay to him a sixpence on the pound of the value of houses they had and lands they had improved. But when in the last of the year 1780, Mason came into the province, the most of the people refused to take leases from him of these lands. Much of exasperation and excitement followed, till at length Mason was obliged to leave the country. Arrived in England, he had the address and influence to procure from the King a change of the form of government, and Edward Cranfield, Esq. was appointed and duly commissioned Lieutenant Governor and Commander-in-Chief of New Hampshire. To bring about this change in his favor, Mason surrendered one fifth of all quit rents to the King that had, or might accrue to him from his demanded possessions, and by another deed, mortgaged to Cranfield his entire possessions in New Hampshire, THE MILLION PURCHASE. 119 to secure to him, for the term of seven years, the annual payment of one hundred and fifty pounds. Cranfield arrived and published his commission on the fourth day of October, 1682. The government was organized forthwith. Courts were established and suits were brought by Mason against the principal inhabitants to recover lands in their possession. Judgments were rendered against the defendants in the most expeditious and summary manner, for possession and costs. Some claimed appeal to the King, while others acquiesced in the decisions of the courts. The emissaries of Massachusetts were not idle, and soon the colony was in the greatest excitement and confusion; the result of the whole matter was, that Cranfield was obliged to leave his government in a clandestine manner, and Mason's interests were rather retarded than forwarded by this second government formed for his relief. Cranfield's course as Governor cannot be justified. He was disappointed, became exasperated, and carried his measures with a high hand; but still sinning, he was sinned against. He was surrounded by enemies, as a large majority of the land holders were opposed to him and his government. But his most formidable enemy was Massachusetts, and although great pains seem to have been taken to cover up the designs and macchinations of that colony, yet sufficient facts have transpired and such documents have been preserved, as to show that in all the leading measures concocted and carried out against Cranfield and his government, Massachusetts was a good deal more than a disinterested spectator. Finding that he could accomplish nothing with the courts in New Hampshire, Mason sold his claim to a large tract of land in the valley of the Merrimack, to a company of men in Massachusetts, stipulating for an annual rent of ten shillings for himself and heirs. This tract of land had already been purchased of the Indians by this company, extended in width three miles on each side of the Merrimack, in length from the mouth of the Souhegan to Lake Winnepesaukee and was known as the "Million Purchase." This purchase included the ancient c Namaoskeag " as well as the grant to Passaconnaway and was the second sale by the Indians of their birthright in this neighborhood. Mason by this sale, thought to secure the acknowledgment of his claim on the part of the owners of the soil. But in this matter he was mistaken, as the sequel will show. Soon after, Mason returned to England when another form of government was determined upon for the colonies of New 120 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. England. The whole were to be united and put under the control of a Governor General. Accordingly, to smooth the way for such a measure, a commission was issued appointing Joseph Dudley, Esq., President of New England, with a Deputy President and fifteen Councillors. The new government went into operation May 25, 1686. The territory embraced in this commission, comprised Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine and Narraganset Province. On the 10th of June, 1686, an order was issued by the President, organizing the Courts at Law. Massachusetts was divided into four Counties; Suffolk, Middlesex, Essex and Hampshire; while Maine and New Hampshire were recognized as Provinces, and courts established in each, with the right of appeal to the fupreme Court holden annually at Boston. This order of President Dudley was issued under "' the great seal," thus * * See files in Secretary's Office, N. H. SIR EDMUND ANDROS. 121 Namaoskeag and in fact the whole valley of the Merrimack north of the Pawtucket, including The Million Purchase, as being west of a "line three miles north of the Merrimack as the river runs," came within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and was a part of the County of Middlesex. But the new governmenit had hardly been organized, before Sir Edmund Andros arrived at Boston with a commission as Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of "the territory and domaine of New England." It is probable that Mason had very little to do in bringing about the new form of government. If he had, the officers of the new governmetu t proved not his friends, and his interests suffered under their administration. In fact, Graham, the Attorney General gave an oppinion adverse to his right to grant his lands by lease and the courts would not grant him executions on his judgments already recovered. However, President Dudley ordered his causes to be removed before the Supreme Court at Boston, but before the time of the session, Mason himself was removed by death. Upon news of the revolution in England, Andros was seized and imprisoned by the people of Boston, and afterwards was sent with his principal'officers to I England. The government in Massachusetts was administered by a' Committee of Safety," till orders came from England. This "Council of Safety " may be considered as the prototype of the "'Committee of Safety" so prevalent and effective in the revolution a century afterwards. The subversion of Andros' government left New Hampshire again in disorder. Soon, however, a convention was called, and at a second sesssion, it was voted to unite with MIassachusetts. The union was cotslsummated and continued for three years. Meanwhile, April 27, 1691, John and Robert Mason, the sons and heirs of their father Robert Mason, sold their claim to lands in New Hampshire, to Mr. Samuel Allen, a Merchant of London, for the sum of seven hundred and fifty pounds. Allen was appointed Governor of the Province, and his son-in-law John Usher of Boston, Lieutenant Governor, with a council mostly favorable to his claim. Governor Allen continued in England, entrusting the administration of the government to Usher for several years. This was impolitic, as Usher was unpopular and overbearing, and his conduct produced much feeling against the proprietor. At length, in 1797, the Earl of Bellomont was appointed to the government of New York, Massachusetts and New Hampshire. But he not comming eastward to assume the government, and the difficulties in New Hampshire remaining, 122 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. -Governor Allen came over in 1698, and in August of that year commenced the exercise of his office. But Governor Allen's administration gave no better satisfaction, as he was supposed to be under the influence of Usher. The difficulty however was back of this fact; Allen was proprietor of Mason's clain, and it is fair to presume from a history of the whole controversy, that however just Governor Allen might have been in the administration of the government, he could not have satisfied a party opposed to his personal interests and determined to be pleased with nothing he should do or recommend. In July, 1699, the Earl of Bellomont came into New Hampshire and assumed the government of the province under his commission. The new government was immediately organized and the leading opposers of the Masonian claim were appointed to the important offices. A majority of the Justices of the Superior and Inferior Courts were men, who at some stage of the controversy, had been parties in Mason's legal proceedings for the recovery of his estate. Of course Allen had little prospect of success under this governument. He, however, brought a suit against Chief Justice Waldron, which was tried before the Province courts and decided in favor of the defendant. Allen then claimed an appeal, but the court refused to allow it. He then petitioned the King for redress-who granted his appeal by an order in council. Meantime, March 5, 1701, the Earl of Bellomont died at New York, leaving New Hampshire under the executive management of William Partridge, Esq., Lieut. Governor. The following year King William dying, his successor Queen Anne, commissioned Joseph Dudley, Esq. as Governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. During this time Allen's suit had made no progress, but more important affairs being arranged, his appeal came on before the Queen in council, when Waldron had his judgment affirmed, owing to the neglect of Allen's attorney. At the same time however, Allen had petitioned the Queen to be put in possession of the, waste lands of his claim, and upon that petition, the Attorney General had reported that Allen's claim was good and legal to all the lands unenclosed and unoccupied-and that he might enter and take possession of them.. Allen accordingly, in December, 1703, entered upon the waste lands in every township and took possession of them "by twig and turf." This done, by permission of the Queen and order in council, he brought another writ of ejectment against Waldron, and the result of this action, was a verdict for the defendant and for the costs. Allen again appealed, but worn with continual vexation, he MASON SELLS HIS CLAIM TO ALLEN. 123 proposed a settlement to the people of the province, and negotiations for so desirable a result were now entered upon with every prospect of success,-but were prevented by the sudden death of Mr. Allen on the 5th of May, 1705. He left a son and three daughters as heirs of his estate and controversy. His son, Thomas Allen, resided in London, and forthwith resumed the controversy to recover his estate. Upon petition to the Queen, he had leave to bring a new suit of ejectment against Waldron. This was tried in the Inferior Court and the defendant obtained a verdict. It was then carried by appeal to the Supreme Court. Here after a full hearing the judgment of the Lower Court was affirmed. Allen appealed, and gave bonds to prosecute the same, but a hearing was postponed by the ministry on account of the war, and fitlally was prevented by the death of Allen in 1715. The controversy was now in a worse situation, if possible than ever. Thomas Allen, had sold one half of his claim to Sir Charles Hobby,-Usher claimed by mortgage from Governor Samuel Allen, and was constantly endeavoring to sell lands to:ettlers, and thus Usher, the guardian of the heirs of Thomas Allen, the son of Sir Charles Hobby, and the administrator of his estate for the benefit of his creditors, were at one and the same time claimants for the soil of the province. The heirs of Allen however, never prosecuted the claim,-while John Hobby the heir of Sir Charles, petitioning the Assembly to purchase his claim, was treated with inattention. The waste lands however in New Hampshire had been conceded as belonging to Mason and his heirs and assigns, and Allen had taken possession of them. This fact prevented any extension of settlements in the colony. Allen claimed the whole and would not sell a part, and hence there was no effort to make new settlements. True, Usher made repeated attempts to induce settlers to purchase of him, but with no success, as his title was considered doubtful. Under such circumstances, the colony remained weak and possessed little of energy or celterprise. Such a state of things had principally been brought about by the encroachments of Massachusetts and the unfortunate Masonian controversy. But a better day was at hand. In 1718, a colony of Scotch Presbyterians from the north of Ireland landed at Boston in pursuit of a home. Tired of the rents and tythes of King William as well as the illiberal exactions and persecutions of the English Church, these Presbyterians had come to America to find an asylum, where they could enjoy greater freedom both of person and conscience. They were a hardy, industrious race 124 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of men. Persevering and adventurous, they were just the men to commence a new settlement. Hlaving heard of the lands upon the Merrimack, they soon turned their attention towards them, and hearing a good report of an unsettled tract north of that river, known as "'Nutfield" or the "Chesnut Country,'" they determined to obtain a grant there if possible. Accordingly in the spring of 1719, having left their families at Haverhill, sixteen of these hardy " Scotch Irish'" went upon the land and commenced their settlement by erecting some log huts C "upon West-running Brook,"- a stream that empties into Beaver River. HEere they soon gathered their families and commenced their clearings. Their first care was to plant their potatoes the seed for which they had brought from Ireland, and then next to sow their flax-seed, that their wives might have employment for their linen wheels which they had also brought from Ireland. Thus was introduced into New England the growing of potatoes and the manufacture of linen. Understanding that the lands upon which they were settled were within the jurisdiction of New Hampshire, they applied to Governor Shute for a grant, but were refused. Their history and character were not understood. It was supposed they were Irishmen and Catholics, hence certain men, to prevent their obtaining a grant had anticipated these Irish Presbyterians, and petitioned the Governor for a part of the "Chesnut Country which they had already in possession, having placed three of their number upon the land in question for that purpose. They claimed a tract of land ten miles square, which they called " Cheshire " or Chester. The "' Chesnut Country " was a name applied to all that tract of land lying betwixt Exetei and Kingston on the east, Massachusetts on the south, and the Merrimack on the west, from the abundance of chesnuts found upon some parts of it. The knowledge of the country on the part of the petitioners was so indefinite, that they supposed a township of ten miles square would cover all the "Chesnut Country " and thus preclude the Irish emigrants,- but in this they were mistaken. The petitioners being well known citizens were successful in their application, and a township ten miles square was granted them, August 26, 1720. This grant included near one half of the present city of Manchester, and was the second grant of any portion of the land embraced in the limits of the city of Manchester; the first having been made to Passaconnaway hi 1663, as already shown. When the township was laid out, taking in the good lands occupied by them, a large tract SETTLEMENT OF LONDONDERRY. 125 remained between the south line and Massachusetts, and the Irish settlement at "Nuttfield" was left undisturbed. Meantime these emigrants had not been idle. Desirous of getting a title to the land npren which they had settled, they applied successively to Massachusetts and the agent of Allen for a title, but were told that the lands were in controversy, and they could give no title. They then applied to Mr. John Wheelwright of Wells, who 1held the title of the lands in question from his grandfather, the Rev. John Wheelwright, to whom they had been conveyed by Passaconnaway and other Sagamnons in 1629. From him they obtained a deed bearing date October 20, 1719, which they considered as valid in a moral point of view. The tract was described as follows, viz; "A certain tract of Land, bounded as followeth, not exceeding the quantity of ten miles square: beginning at a pine-tree, marked, which is ye south-west corner of Cheshire, and running to ye north-west corner of ye said Cheshire, and from ye north-west corner, running upon a due west line unto the River Merrymack, and down the River Merrymack, until it meets with ye line of Dunstable, and then running eastward upon Dunstable line, until it meet with ye line of Dracut, and continuing eastward upon Dracut line, until it meet with ye line of Haverhill, and Extending northward upon Haverhill line, untill it meet with ye line of Cheshire, and then running westward upon ye syd Line of Cheshire, unto the pine-tree first mentioned, where it began."'* At this time their numbers had greatly increased, as the grantees in this deed were Mr. James McGregore, Samuel Graves, David Cargill, James McKeen, James Greg, and one hundred more mentioned in a list."* These grantees, with their families, constituted a respectable colony, both in numbers and influence, and this fact the government of New HIamp shire were not long in discovering; as, although they had refused to grant them a township of land, they extended to them the protection of the laws, and appointed a justice of the Peace and a sheriff of their number. After the prayer of the petitioners for a grant of the "Chestnut Country" had been answered by the grant of Chester in 1720, farther objection came with an ill grace from them, as they had obtained what they had asked, if they had not gained their ulterior object.So that the emigrants still pressing their claims for a grant, one See Records in County of Rockingham,. 13 126 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. was made them in 1722, embracing a tract ten miles square. The bounds mentioned in this grant were as follows:"All that Tract of Land within the following bounds, being ten miles square, or so much as amounts to ten miles square, and no more: Beginning on the north-east angle at a beach Tree, marked, which is the south-east angle of Chester, and running from thence due south, on Kingston line four miles and a half; and from thence, on a west line, one mile and three quarters; and from thence south, six miles and a half; and from thence west-north-west, nine miles and a half; and from thence north, eleven miles and a half;, from thence north-north east three miles; from thence, east-south-east, one mile; and, from thence south-south-west, to the south-west angle, of Chester, and from thence, on an east-south-east line, bounding on Chester, ten miles, unto the Beach tree first mentioned." The form was very irregular, embracing a strip of land extending from the north-west corner of the main body of the township, a mile in width, and three miles in length. This was intended to cover the gore of land between Chester and the Merrimack River, and to secure the fisheries at Namaoskeag which were covered by their deed from Mr. Wheelwright. But some misapprehension as to the course of the river, or mistake in the original survey, thwarted their design; for upon laying out their township according to the bounds and courses laid down in the grant. the projection or tongue of land that extended three miles north-north-east up the Merrimack, interfered with the westerly line of Chester, and as Chester had been previously granted, her line held good and cut off one half of this strip of land, granted to the proprietors of Londonderry. It is difficult to perceive at this time, how any "chaining according to quantity and quality" even, could have brought this strip of land within their grant, which was to have been "ten miles square, or so much as amounts to ten miles square and no more," as they had their ten miles square, as subsequent surveys have shown, long before they came to this strip of land, or crossed Cohas Brook even. But their anxiety to secure the fishing grounds at Nainoskeag, as well as their actual want of knowledge as to the nature and position of the lands granted them, led to mistakes as to the course of their northwest line and the quantity of land included within the bounds named in their grant. rhese mistakes have proved a source of difficulty and litigation for more than a century and a quarter, and the end thereof is not yet. SETTLEMENT OF LONDONDERRY. 127 This was the third grant of land within the present limits of the city of Manchester. The colony thus established, had a most important bearing upon the interests and character of our State. Emigration still continuing to the little colony, the new comers, if they could not ma-Ake satisfactory purchases from their friends and predecessors in Londonderry, seated themselves in the adjacent towns, or upon the ungranted lands in the immediate neighborhood. Thus many of them moved into that part of Chester nearest to the Merrimack and north of "Cohas Brook;" others moved to the adjoining township of Dunstable, that part of it known as "Brenton's Farm" now Litchfield; others passed over the'Merrimack and settled upon that part of Namoskeag afterwards known as "Souhegan East" or "Narragansett No. 5" subsequently as Bedford, and now in part constituting a portion of the city of Manchester; and still others, important in character, if not in numbers, settled upon the strip of land upon the bank of the Merrimack, lying along the Namoskeag Falls, and which the proprietors of Londonderry had failed to secure within their grant. This tract, in width two miles in no place, but some eight miles in length, extending from Brenton's Farm, now Litchfield, to that part of Chester now knownas Hooksett, was called Harrytown, or at least' that part of it adjacent to the Falls. But this emigration,from Londonderry did not take place until the close of "Lovewell's War." Those of the Scotch Irish who first removed from Londonderry and settled in Harrytown, were James McNeil, John Riddell and Archibald Stark, with their families. These were followed by others at different periods, so that in spite of the occupation of a part of the territory by settlers from Massachusetts at an earlier period, and its subsequent grant from that government, the "Scotch Irish" and their descendants continued to control the affairs of the place for more than a century. 12S THE HISTORY OF MANC HESTER. CHAPTER VIII. History of the "Scotch Irish."-Irish Rebellion of 1599. —Essex sent against Tyrone.-Makes a humiliating truce.-Tyrone breaks the truce and overruns Ulster. —Rebellion suppressed by Mountjoy,-Tyrone carried to London.-Pardoned by Elizabeth.-Raises a new Rebellion in connection with Tyrconnel.-Conspire to seize Dublin.-Discovered, and Tyrone and Tyrconnel flee.-Lands in Ulster forfeited.-Scotch Presbyterrians emigrate to Ulster under the patronage of James the.Frst.-Conspiracy of the Irish.-Massacre of Protestants in 1641.-Cromwell crushes the rebellion. —arnes the II. persecutes the Presbyterians.-Macaulay's description of James.-Scotch Presbyteriansiflee to Ireland.-The Prince of Orange invited to England.Accepts and sails for England with a large force.-James flees to France.Determines to pass over into Ireland.-Finds an obstacle in the Scotch Presbyterians.-They oppose hinm.-Derry. —Grant of sequestered lands to London and London companies.-They fortify Derry and Coleraine.-Name of Derry changed to Londonderry.-A description of it.-Its public square and buildings.-Cathedral, its cupola turned into a battery.-Defencle of in 1689. Siege of Derry.-Antrian marches against the city.-The Apprentice boys close the gates.-The troops retire.-Other troops sent.-Mountjoy and Lundy received into the city.-Mountjoy recalled.-Lundy conspires to surrender the city.-Rev. George Walker.- is Regiment.-Gen. Hamilton with a large army arrives opposite the city, and crosses.-Cols. Cunningham and Richards arrive with a reienforcement.-Lundy contrives to send them back —King James marches from Dublin.-Lundy proposes to surrender. -The people rise and the garrison fire upon the troops.-King James' army.-Lundy deposed and escapes.-Walker and Baker made Governors. — City invested.-Supplies arrive, but cannot come up to the city.-Gen. Kirke.-Suffering from sickness and famine.-Gen Kirke succeeds in sending supplies to the city. —The Irish raise the siege and retire in disorder.-Gratitude of King William.-His exactions and oppressions.-The Scotch Presbyterians determine to emigrate to America. The "Scotch Irish" having been of the first to settle this town, and having for sO long a period controlled its affairs, it seems highly proper that something of their history and the causes of their emigration to this country, should be given in this place. Their history commences in the reign of James the First of England, in 1603. England for centuries had exercised sovereignty over Ireland, but it was uncertain and precarious. So much so, that even as late as the prosperous reign of Queen Elizabeth, in 1599, the entire power of England was near being subverted in Ireland. In that year, the Earl of Essex was sent with a powerful army to suppress a rebellion headed by the Earl of Tyr Owen, or Tyrone, as he is commonly HISTORY OF THE SCOTCH IRISH. 129 called. In this expedition, the British forces were unsuccessful and it was terminated by a humiliating truce with the rebel Earl. In a short time after the departure of Essex, the treacherodes Tyrone violated the truce, subdued the entire province of Ulster, and having received a body of troops from Spain, threatened the complete subversion of the British power in Ireland. In this posture of affairs, the Earl of Mountjoy was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland as successor to the Earl of Essex, and by his energy and skill soon brought the affairs in Ireland to a happy issue. He led his army immediately into the province of Ulster, routed Tyrone and his Spanish allies in a pitched battle, took the rebel Chief, prisoner, and carried him to London. Through a mistaken policy, Tyrone was pardoned and returned to Ireland, where he soon crowned his treachery by raising a new rebellion in concert with the Earl of Tyrconnel. Their object was to seize upon the castle of Dublin, but their plot was discovered and the conspirators took to flight. Tyrone, Tyrconnel and many others fled to Spain, and the principal leaders and rebels being absent, the rebellion was readily crushed. To make sure work, the property of the rebels was attainted, and by this means some two million acres of land, covering six Counties in the Province of Ulster, became the property of the crown-and almost completely depopulated. To operate as a check upon the rebellious spirit of the Irish, James the First conceived the design of colonizing these crown lands with protestant and'loyal subjects. A Scot, King James very naturally looked to Scotland for colonists. But it was some time before he could put his plan in execution. The people of Scotland did not readily accede to the wishes of their sovereign in this particular, as the emigration to Ireland was looked upon as a calamity. At length such inducements were offered by the government, that a respectable colony emigrated from Argyleshire in Scotland, and settled in the Province of Ulster in 1612. These were Scotch Presbyterians. In the next twenty years, many ministers of the same sect, with their congregations, emigrated to Ulster, and the province under the influence of their energy and enterprise, began to flourish. This intrusion of protestants upon the confiscated lands of the rebels soon excited the most intense hatred in the bosoms of their Irish neighbors. Those who had been ruined in their estates, waited only a convenient opportunity for revenge. At length, in the succeeding reign, when a severe contest was raging between Charles the First and his parliament, the Irish leaders entered into the most sanguinary measures for revenge, and to 130 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. recover their estates. Religious bigotry soon led the Irish people into the measures of the conspirators. Their sanguinary project was nothing less than the massacre of the entire protestant population of Ireland. This bloody design was carried out in part in 1641, when some 40Q,000 protestants were massacred in different parts of Ireland. In Dublin the conspiracy was discovered in season to prevent the massacre, but not in season to notify the protestants in other parts of the country. This formidable rebellion was completely crushed by the energy of Cromwell, who very little to his credit, visited upon the catholics, the same cruelties' they had practiced upon the protestants. Cromwell by his severity, so completely crushed the spirit of rebellion in Ireland, that in the succeeding reign of Charles the Second, they were perfectly quiet. Still there existed the most unrelenting spirit of hatred betwixt the Irish catholics and the emigrating protestants, who occupied the lands of which they had been despoiled. During the reign of Charles, his brother James, a bigoted Catholic, was Viceroy of Scotland. The Scotch Presbyterians were the peculiar objects of his hatred and persecution. After he came to the throne, forgetting that he was the sovereign of a protestant kingdom, he determined to make his own religion the established religion of the kingdom, and prosecuted his design of persecution against the presbyterians with renewed determination and energy. To accomplish his design, he had recourse to the. most injudicious and unjustifiable measures. In utter disregard of justice and law, he trampled upon the civil and religious rights of his subjects. The historian Macaulay thus truthfully and graphically describes this despot. "''When fortune changed, when he was no longer afraid that others would persecute him, when he had it in his power to persecute others, his real propensities began to show themselves. He hated the puritan sect with manifold hatred, theological and political, hereditary and personal. He regarded them as the foes of Heaven, as the foes of all legitimate authority in church and state, as his great-grandmother's foes and his grand-father's, his father's and his mother,s his brother's and his own. He, who had complained so loudly of the laws against Papists, now declared himself unable to conceive how men could have the. impudence to propose the repeal of laws against the Puritans.* He, whose favorite theme had been the injustice of requiring civil functionaries to take religious *iis words reported by himself. Clarke's life of James II, i. C56 Orig. Mem. CHARACTER OF JAMES II. 131 tests, established in Scotland, when he resided there as Viceroy, the mn st rigorous, religious test that has ever been known in the empire.* He, who had expressed just indignation when the priests of his own faith were hanged and quartered, amused himself with hearing Covenanters shriek and seeing them writhe while their knees were beaten flat in the boots.t In this mood he became king, and he immediately demanded and obtained from the obsequious Estates of Scotland, as the surest pledge of their loyalty, the most sanguinary law that has ever in our islands been enacted against Protestant Nonconformists. With this law the whole spirit of his administration was in perfect harmony. The fiery persecution which had raged when he ruled Scotland as Vicegerent, waxed hotter than ever from the day on which he became sovereign. Those shires in which the Covenanters were most numerous were given up to the license of the army. With the army was mingled a militia, composed of the most violent and profligate of those who called themselves Episcopalians. Pre-eminent among the bands which oppressed and wasted these unhappy districts were the dragoons commanded by James Graham of Claverhouse. The story ran that these wicked men used in their revels to play at the torments of hell, and to call each other by the.names of devils and damned souls.t The chief of this Tohpet on earth a soldier of distinguished courage and professional skill, but rapacious and profane, of violent temper and of obdurate heart, has left a name which, wherever the Scottish race is settled on the face of the globe, is mentioned with a peculiar energy of hatred. To recapitulate all the crimes by which this man, and men like him, goaded the peasantry of the Western Lowlands into madness, would be an endless task."'~ Such cruel persecutions drove many of the presbyterians from their country to seek safety in other lands. Large numbers fled to Ireland, and joined their friends there. Among these were many of the immediate ancestors of the "Scotch Irish" who came to this country in 1718-and settled in Londonderry in the following year. But while James was playing the tyrant, and exulting in the exercise of arbitrary power, there *Act. Parl. Car. II. August 21, 1681. tBurnet, i. 583; Wodrow, III. v. 2. Unfortunately the Acts o. the Scottish Privy Council during almost the whole administration of the Duke of York are wanting. +Wodrow, III, ix. 6. ~See Macauly, vol. 1, pages 390, 391, 132 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. were causes in operation destined soon to produce his overthrow. His trampling upon the civil and religious rights of his subjects disgusted men of his own party and of his own religious views. The Pope even was displeased at his tyrannical measures. At length people of influence and distinction began to look about them forr an antidote to this tyranny and oppression. Their thoughts were turned to William, Prince of Orange, the nephew and son-in-law of James, he having married Mary the eldest daughter of that monarch.' After some considerable negotiation, seven of the principal men of the realm, Shrewsbury, Devonshire, Danby, Lumley, Compton, Russell, and Sidney signed a formal invitation to Prince William to make a descent upon England. Thus invited, the Prince with a fleet of 500 sail of ships of war and transports-and an army of 14,000 men set sail for England,-where he landed November 5, 1688, and made declaration of his object to be, to restore the church and the state to their rights. He was immediately joined by people of all parties, whigs and tories, and among the latter many high in!the confidence of the unfortunate James. Even his own daughter Anne, with her husband, the Prince ot Denmark, deserted him and went over to the Prince of Orange. In this position, surrounded as usual with bad advisers, disaffection and defection staring him in the face, King James determined upon taking refuge in France, first having sent his wife and child there. The throne thus left vacant, was offered by the Parliament to the Prince of Orange, who accepted it in conjunction with his wife, and they were duly proclaimed king and queen of England. His catholic subjects'still adhered to James in Ireland, where the army under Tyrconnel was steadfast in his interests, and the Earl was straining every nerve to sustain the power of his master. On the other hand, the presbyterian and protestant Irish were equally zealous for the new king. But the catholics were by far the most numerous and had a powerful aimy in their interests. Under these circumstances, James with the advice and assistance of the French king, determined to make Ireland the theatre of a war for the recovery of his throne. His plan was well arranged. He was to pass over to Ireland with the troops furnished by Lewis, join forces with Tyrconnel, march immediately and attack the protestant forces at Ulster, then pass into Scotland, where he was.to have been joined by a large force of partisans under the direction of Graham of Claverhouse. There a descent upon HISTORY OF THE SCOTCH IRISH. 133 England was comparatively easy,-and a battle with William would decide his fate. The plan looked feasible. With his many friends in Ireland, large numbers of Highlanders devoted to his interests in Scotland, and still a large number of English either openly his friends or vacillating betwixt him and his competitor-his prospects were far from forbidding or desperate. But an unforeseen obstacle met him in his successful march to the north of Ireland, and disconcerted his well laid plans. The "Scotch Presbyterians" in Ulster, of Londonderry, threw themselves within the walls of Enlliskillen, anud LondoAderry, and determined to defend them to the last extremity. To determine was to execute. They closed their gates against the forces of king James, and in spite of force and famine held these fortresses till re-enforcemtents arrived, and the besieging forces were obliged to retire in dismay. Derry was one of the principal counties occupied by the protestants in the north of Ireland. Its capital was the city of Derry, situated upon the west bank of the Foyle. Derry was granted to Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, by Edward II., in the early part of the fourteenth century. During the reign of Elizabeth, when rebellion was rife in Ireland, Derry became an important military post. Upon, the flight of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, some of their followers marched upon Derry, took it by surprise, put the garrison to the sword, and mnurdered'Sir George Powlet, its Governor. This was in 1606. Upon the suppression of the rebellion, James immediately set about colonizi —g the lands of the rebels, that had been forfeited to the crown, as before related. The Scotch were good farmers and good soldiers, but they were poor, and had not the means of fortifying their town, against the attacks of their catholic neighbors, in case of' war or rebellion. This was necessary to be done. Accordingly, James hit upon the.;expedient of engaging "the great companies in London" in his plan of colonizing the forfeited lands, and building defences. He granted to'the city of London and those companies, two hundred and ten thousand acres of land upon condition that they should undertake to plant their lands and build and fortify Coleraine and Derry. This proposition was agreed to, and an agreement signed with the crown, January 28, 1609. They set about their work immediately, and under their auspices, the Scotch Piresbyterians emigrated from Argyleshire. Derry was found to be well situated, being uipon a peninsula in a L,ake or Bay upon the i iver Foyle, called Lough Foyle. It was surrounded by water or three sides, and on the fourth was easily fortified. 134 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. The work of colonization and fortification commenced in earnest, and in 1615 a new charter was granted the corporations and Derry took the name of Londonderry. The namne of the County was also changed to Londonderry. In 1636, the city had increased so in power and population, that Charles became suspicious of the power thus in the hands of the Londoners, and a sutit was commenced against them in the noted Star Chamber and their estates were sequestered. In the year following, their lands were leased by Agents of the Crown. In 1640, the Parliament declared the sequestration illegal and all consequent proceedings null and void, and in 1655 their legal rights were restored to the Londoners. In 1662 Charles II, granted them a new charter, —and under this, city and colony began to thrive and attained unusual prosperity. The city, built almost entirely of freestone, is situated upon a gentle eminence in an oval form, in the centre of which is a public square called the Diamond, which,is reached by four streets extending to the four gates of the city. Upon the Diamontd were the public edifices, a Chur ich and Market House. all splendid buildings of freestone. The wall surrounding the city is of the same material. The solid construction of the walls and houses of Londonderry,. accounts in part for the success with which it ha, sustained two memorable sieges. In 1649, the time of a great rebellion, it resisted the united strength of the Irish insurgents, awhen the whole kingdom was in their hands except this city alone, and the Capital, Dublin.' But its noblest defence was forty years later, in the time of the Revolution of 1689, when it successfully withstood a siege, accompanied with the severest famine, against a numerous army, for one hundred and five days! As the immediate ancestors of those'.Scotch Irish" who settled Londonderry and Manchester, as well as some of those settlers themselves, nobly took part in "the siege of Derry," we doubt not we shall be readily pardoned for giving some account of that siege in this place. STEGE OF DERRY. The protestants of Ireland had discovered that James intended to enter Ireland, and for a time at least, to make that the theatre of war in his attempt to recover his throne. This they discovered through the arrangements made by Tyrconnel. The Earl who had been feigning friendship for William that he might the better assist Jamles, in whose interest he had ever been, had lately commenced raising new troops and issuing commissions. This foreboded rebellion or the near approach SIEGE OF DERRY. 135 of James. They determined to prepare for either event, and upon the circulation af a report that the catholics intended a general rising on Sunday the 9th day of December 168S, they commenced making preparations for defence, At length, orn the morning of the 9th of December, they received the astounding intelligence, that a regiment of Tyrconnel's newly raised troops were on their way, under the command of Lord Antrim to occupy their city, and that two companies of the approaching troops were within two miles of the city. This reliable information came from Mr. George Phillips, formerly Governor of the city, a protestant and a fast friend to William. He advised his friends in the city to close their gates and by no means to admit Antri.m within their walls. They had made but little progress in their preparations for defence, and this news filled them with consternation. And well it might, for they had but a few pieces of cannon, and those were indifferently furnished; their garison was composed of undisciplined. troops, and they were furnished with but a scanty stock of provisions. While all was in confusion, some advising or e thing and some another, two companies of Antrim's troops made their appearance upon the east bank of the Foyle, opposite the city, and their officers immediately crossed the river and demanded that the gates should be opened for the admission of their troops. Some were in favor of their immediate admission, while others were strongly opposed to granting their request. While this altercationt and debate was going on within the city, the soldiers became impatient of delay, and suspecting that the gates might be closed against, them, they took to the boats and crossed the river, without waiting for orders.Some apprentices to.the manufacture of linen, hearing the discussion among the officers of the city, and perceiving the soldiers crossing the river, with more decision and resolution than their masters or the officers of the city, ran to the guard, seized the keys, drew up the bridge, and locked the gate of the city next to the river. They then with equal plomptness fastened the remaining three gates. The die was cast. The resolution of these'Prentice Boys' as they were called, decided the fate of the city, and very probably the fate of James the Second and William and Mary. The opinion soon became general that the city should be defended at all hazards. The soldiers outside the gates became still more impatient and urgent for admission. They'were peremptorily ordered to retire, but they paid no attention to the request, and continued nursing their wrath and indignation. Upon this one of the citizens cried 136 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. out in a loud voice,'bring about a great gun here," which command had the desired effect. Antrim's soldiers being new recruits did not care to wait for'the bringing about "a great gun" and they re-crossed the river, in the utmost disorder.Thus the siege commenced December 7, 1687. The day following, the soldiers of Antrim became panic struck, by a discharge of cannon from the city, and the sight of some boys going through mimic evoltutions upon the opposite side of the river, and made a precipitate retreat. The cowards thought the boys playing upon the river's bank, the advance of a sortie about to be made from the town, and the report of two guns, fired as a mark of joy at the reception of good news from King William, as the commencement of a cannonade, under cover of which the troops were to cross the river and attack them. Soon after some two or three hundred cavalry and a company of infantry came: into the city from the country, but then, the effective force of the city altd immediate neighborhood did not amount to more than a thousand men, and among them not an engineer to direect their operations. Added to this, there were not more than six or seven bar;els of powder in the magazine; their muskets some twelve hundred in number, were out of repair; and of their cannon, not more than twenty were fit for service. With such preparations, there was little prospect of effectual opposition to the forces of James. In the month of January, Tyrconnel sent orders to Lord Mountjoy and Colonel Lundy, to march immediately from Dublin with six companies of troops, and take possession of Londonderry. The Earl gave this peremptory order, aware of the importance of that fortress in a military point of view; and to be sure of carrying his point, he detached a body of troops, a large portion of whom were protestants, under a popular leader and who, of course he thought, would be more likely to be received into the fortress. In this he conducted with shrewdness. Mountjoy and Lundy both had the confidence of the protestants, but the latter undeservedly, as he was a mere tool of Tyrconnel, and sent with Mountjoy as a foil in any arrangements unfavorable to the cause of James. The people of Londonderry hearing of the appr ach of these troops, determined to shut the gates against them, but after farther deliberation, such was their distrust of their preparations for defence, and such their confidence in Mountjoy and Lundy, that upon the arrival of the troops before the city, they made a compromise, with their leader, by wvhich it was stipulated that Lord Mountjoy and Colonel Lundy with two protestant' companies, might SIEGE OF DERRY. 137 come within the walls of the city. while the other four companies should retire to quarters at some distance from the walls. It was further stipulated, that the garrison should be entirely Protestant, land that all citizens should retain their arms. The last provision was the more necessary as the Irish population in the neighborhood all went armed,-if with no other weapon, with the skein knife. Lord Mountjoy entered the city and Governor Phillips resigned his authority to him, who requited this confidence in his every act. Under his judicious adminsitration everything began to assume a different aspect. The fortifications were repaired and strengthened, the guns were mounted, the muskets were repaired, and every measure taken to put the city in a position to withstand a siege. But in the midst of this preparation, Mountjoy was re-called and the command of the city left in the hands of Lundy. Tyrconnel was displeased with Mountjoy's conduct, bWtin Lundy as a commander, he had a willing tool. The people -of Londonderry upon their first closing their gates against the troops of Antrirn, had sent a messenger to London to inform King William of the step they had taken and to ask supplies of arms and munitions of war. The King gratified at the stand they had taken, promised supplies of all kinds, and orders were given to that effect. But they did not arrive till near the last of the month of March, when eighty barrels of powder, and two thousand stand of arms arrived for their use, and much to their gratification, as they soon expected to have use for them, as the army of,'l'yrconnel had already marched into Ulster under Hamilton, and had laid siege to Coleraine, a large town some thirty miles to the north-east of Londonderry, built by the Protestants. Meantimrne Col. Lundy had made such disposition of affairs as clearly showed he was in the interest of James, and would be glad of the opportunity of surrendering the city to him.' He had not as yet committed any act that would demand his deposition. Still his motions were strictly watched, and in a short time his treachery was fully exposed. Rev. George Walker, Rector of the parishes of I)onaghmore land Erigal Keeroge, entered most warmly into the cause of King William. Although far advanced in years, yet he had raised a regiment, aIld early in March led it into Londonderry.: e brought the news that the Irish army was approaching Londonderry. Col. Lundy affected not to believe this report, and made no preparation for defence. However, within three days, the army of Gen. Hamiltoli appeared upon the opposite 138 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. bank-of the Foyle, but was prevented from landing by the height of the water. Had Lundy not been a traitor, he might have prevented the pasqage of the troops, but he made no attempt to oppose their crossing, and on the 15th of March they passed the Foyle without opposition. About the 15th of April, troops and supplies arrived from England, and on that date the Governor of Londonderry was informed, that two well appointed regiments had arrived in Lough Foyle, under command of Colonels Cunningham and Richards, and were waiting his orders for their embarkation. Upon this information, a council of war was held, which under the influence of the treacherous Lundy, came to the conclusion- that the defences of Londonderry were imperfect, and that the place with the addition of the two regiments in waiting, would be untenable, against the force approaching under Gen. Hamilton. Upon this result of the deliberations of the council, the commanders of the regiments thought it not advisable to disembark their troops, or even to land the ammunition sent for the use of the city. Meanltime, King James' was advancing from Dublin with an army, fifteen thousand strong, and now was within a few miles of the city, and under the perfidious influence of Lundy, the council on the 17th of April, determined upon the surrender of the city, upon promise of idemnity for the past. King James at once assented to this condition, as he thought it would readily remove the only obstacle to his passing into Scotland and uniting with the forces of Claverhouse, impatient of his delay. Accordingly on the 19th of April, the royal forces were dravwn up.in order, upon an eminence, in plain view, and under the guns of the city. to receive the surrender and submission of the city. But King James was destined to a different reception from what he anticipated. The people of Londonderry had become infuriated at the treachery of L'undy, and elated by the arrival of Capt. Murray with a company of cavalry, as well as incited by his words and example, they marched to the walls, and inspired the soldiers with such enthusiasm, that they opened a furious fire of cannon and musketry upon King James' army, and oblig,-d him to retreat to Johnstown in disorder. In spite of this turn of affairs, Lundy still persevered in his attempts to surrender the city. But the people had now the complete control of affairs within the city, and determined to depose Ihe Governor, and overawe his council. Lundy seeing that the people were in earnest. did not watt for any overt act on their parr, but forthwith made his escape in disguise,'dressed as a porter, with a load of match SIEGE OF DERRY. 139 upon his back." Rid of this incumbrance, the people forthwith chose the Rev. George Walker and Major Baker as joint Governors of the city. These gentlemen would not accept the office until it had been offerd to Col. Cunningham, the next in rank to the deposed Governor; but he refused to accept the office, and with Col. Richards went on board their ships and returned to England, where they were deprived of their commissions. Governors Walker and Baker entered upon the:r duties with zeal and energy. The die was cast, and they must make the best defence possible against the army of King James, until the promised succor should come from England. Their situation was desperate. The ordinary population of the city could not have gone beyond ten thousand. There was but liitle more than an ordinary supply of provisions. The whole area within the walls was only about two thousand feet in its largest diameter, and six hundred feet in its smallest. Yet such had been the rush to the town of the people in the neighborhood for protection, at the approach of the royal army, that the small city at this time contained seven thousand soldiers and twenty thousand men, women and children. Aside from the probability of famine, there was danger that in the approaching hot weather, so many people crowded upon so small a space, and deprived of their usual air and exercise, would beget some fearful epidemic. But added to this was a positive evil of the greatest import. The most bitter feuds existed betwixt the people in the city. They were made up of Episcopalains and Dissenters, and at such a time they were so filled with sectarian animosity, that they came near having an open rupture. However these disturbances were quelled by the ministers, and all united for the common defence of Protestantism. The siege was,commenced on the 20th of April in earnest by the royal army under Gen. Hanmilton, numbering twenty thousand men. The city was completely invested on every side, except next the river. The batteries were soon in opperation, and the most impetuous assaults were made upon the walls, but the assailants were usually repulsed with loss. The besieged were not however content with acting upon the mere defensive; they made several sorties and always with the most decided advantage. At length by the middle of June, an alarming epidemic broke out in the city, from want of pure air and water, as well as from a scarcity of provisions. The people were dispirited, and says Dr. Smollet, "they were even tantalized in their distress; for they had the mortification to see some ships which had arrived with supplies from England pre 140 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. vented from sailing up the river by the batteries the enemy had raised on both sides, and a boom with which they had blocked up the channel. At length a re-enforcement arrived in the Lough, under the command of Gen. Kirke, who had deserted his master, and been employed in the service of King William. He found means to convey intelligence to Walker, that he had troops and provisions on board for their relief, but found it impracticable to sail up the river; he promised however, that he would land a body of forces at the Inch, and endeavor to make a diversion in their favor, when joined by the troops at Inniskilling, which amounted to five thousand men, including, two thousand cavalry. He said he expected six thousand men from England, where they were embarked before he set sail. He exhorted them to persevere in their courage and loyalty, and assured them he would come'to their'relief at all hazards. These assurances enabled them to bear their miseries a little longer, though their numbers daily diminished. Major Baker dying, his place was filled with Col Michelburn, who now acted as colleague to Mr. Walker. IKing James having returned to Dublin, to be present at the parliament, the command of his army devolved upon the French General Rosene, who was exasperated at such an obstinate opposition by a handful of half starved militia. He threatned to raze the town to its foundation, and destroy the indabitants, without distinction of age or sex, unless they would immediately submit themselves to their lawful sovereign. The Governors treated his menaces with contempt, and published an order that no person on pain of death, should talk of surrendering. They now consumed the last remains of their provisions., and supported life by eating the flesh of horses, dogs, Cats, rats, mice. tallow, starch, and salted hides, and even this loathsome food began to fail. Rosene, finding them deaf to all his proposals, threatened to wreak his vengeance on all the Protestants of that country, and drive them under the walls of Londonderry, where they should be suffered to perish by famine. The bishop of Meath, being informed of this design complained to King James of the barbarous intention, entreating his Majesty to prevent its being put in execution. That Prince assured him that he had already ordered Rosene to desist from such proceedings. Nevertheless, the Frenchman executed his threats with the utmost rigor. Parties of dragoons were detached on this cruel service. After having stripped all the Protestants for thirty miles round, they drove these unhappy people before them like cattle, without even sparing the en SIEGE OF DERRY. 141 feebled old men, nurses with infants at their breasts, tender children, women just delivered, and some even in the pangs of labor. Above four thousand of these miserable objects were driven under the walls of Londonderry. This expedient, far from answering the purpose of Rosene, produced quite a contrary effect. The besieged were so exasperated at this act of inhumanity, that they resolved to perish rather than submit to such a barbarian. They. erected a gibbet in sight of the enemy, and sent a message to the French General, importing that they would hang all the prisoners they had taken during the siege, unless the protestants whom they had driven under the walls should be immediately dismissed. This threat produced a negotiation, inconsequence of which the protestants were released, after they had been detained three days without tasting food. Some hundreds died of famine or fatigue; and those who lived to return to their own habitations found them plundered and sackedby the papists, so that the greater number perished for want, or were murdered by the straggling parties of the enemy; yet these very people had for the most part obtained protection from King James, to whom no respect was paid by his generals." In July the most intense suffering existed. People were reduced to eating the meanest food to sustain life, and it was seriously supposed that they would have to resort to the eating of the dead. Many died from actual starvation. Horses, dogs, cats, rats and mice commanded the highest prices, and were eaten with avidity. The following is the tariff of prices: Horse flesh, each pound, one shilling and eightpence. A quarter of a dog, fattened by eating dead bodies, five shillings and sixpence. A dog's head, two shillings and sixpence. A cat, four: shillings and sixpence. A rat, fattenedby eating human flesh, one shilling. A mouse, sixpence. A pound of greaves, one shilling. A pound of tallow, four shillings. A pound of salted hides, one shilling. A quart of horse-blood,:one shilling. A horse pudding, sixpence. A handful of seawreck, twopence. The same quantity of chickenweed, one penny. A quart of meal, when found, one shilling. A small fluke taken in the river could not be purchased for money, and was to be-got only in exchange for meal.* *Siege of Derry, pages 213, 214. 14 142 THEHISTORY OF MANCHESTER. At length such was the sickness and severity of the famine, that the most hardy and sanguine began to despair. The people were dying by scores, and the garrison had become reduced to four thousand four hundred and fifty-six men. The reports of the commissary's department showed that there was not more than two days' provisions on hand for the garrison, and there was no prospect of relief. In this state of things, Gen. Kirke, who had remained inactive thus far, determined to make the attempt to succor the city. Accordingly, on the 28th of July, he ordered two ships laden with provisions to proceed up the river under convoy of the Dartmouth. The Rev. Mr. Graham thus describes the scene:'Immediately after divine service, the ships in the Lough were seen to approach the distressed city, now in the last extremity to which famine and disease could reduce it. * * * * The defenders of the city discharged eight pieces of cannon from the steeple of the cathedral, and slowly waved their crimson flag, to signify the extremity of their distress. With a fair wind, a favorable tide to facilitate the approach of relief before their eyes, NOW OR NEVER was the simultaneous cry of the feeble and emaciated multitude on the walls. The ships approaching were the Mountjoy, of Londonderry, Captain Micah Browning, commander, and the Phaenix, of Coleraine, Captain Andrew Douglass, master. They were both laden with provisions, and were convoyed by the Dartmouth frigate, commanded by Captain Leake. The enemy fired incessantly on the ships from the fort of Culmore, and from both sides of the river, as they sailed up, and returns were made with the greatest bravery and effect. They passed the fort without sustaining any material injury, and the expectation of the besieged rose into transports of joy, which were almost instantaneously succeeded by despair, when the Mountjoy, repelled by the boom, was run aground, and the enemy, who had crowded in multitudes to the water-side, raised a loud huzza, as they launched their boats to board her. The terror which prevailed in the city at this moment, is not to be described. The multitude on the-wall stood petrified in the silent agony of grief too great for utterance; a faint and shrill cry from a few women and children alone broke the silence, as it added to the horrors of the scene. The pallid indications of fear suddenly disappearing, were succeeded by a darkness of color, like that which marks the countenance seen by the light of sulphurous flames. All features gathered blackness, and the general despondency was at its greatest height, when the Mountjoy fired a broadside at the SIEGE OF DERRY. 143 enemy, rebounded from the shore, and the reaction of the vessel, aided by the sudden swell of the rising tide, floated her again into deep water in the channel. Captain Douglass, of the Phcenix, was at this time warmly engaged as he passed up on the breaking of the boom by the gallant Browning, who while his vessel lay aground, was killed by a musket ball from the enemy, which struck him upon the head, as he stood upon the deck with his sword drawn, encouraging his men to the contest. King William afterwards settled a pension upon the widow of this gallant man, and in the presence of the court, placed a gold chain about her neck. X * * Four of Browning's gallant crew shared his fate, just as the vessel got afloat; and then the Dartmouth opened a heavy, well directed fire upon the enemy's batteries, diverting them so from both vessels, that, amidst a desponding yell from the crowds on each side of the river, the.y sailed up slowly, indeed, by a reason of a failure in the wind after they had passed Culmore, but steadily and majestically, to the utter confusion of their baffled enemies. It was ten o'clock in the night when they anchored in the shipquay, upon which a general shout of acclamation was raised by the soldiers on the walls, and reiterated several times, while two guns were fired from the steeple, to give notice to the fleet of the safe arrival of the relief."* This opportune relief was received with joy and transport by the distressed people of Londonderry. And well it might have been, for their provisions had become reduced to "nine lean horses, and a pint of meal to a man," and the garrison had become reduced to four thousand and three hundred, of whom, one fourth part were unfit for service. By sickness and famine, the garrison had lost near three thousand men during the siege of one hundred and four days, or nearly thirty a day! Yet from the time of the deposition of Lundy on the 18th of April, to the 28th of July, the word surrender had not been lisped within the walls of Londonderry! On the night of the 28th of July, finding the city replenished with supplies, the royal army fled from the walls in disorder, having lost nine thousand men and one hundred officers since they invested the city. This successful defence of Londonderry disarranged the entire plan of King James, and may be considered the first link in the grand chain of successful events closing at " Boyne water" and Aghrim, that passed the throne of England from King James to King William. *Siege of Derry, pages 217, 218, 219, 220. 144 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Such were the men, and the fathers of the men, who settiled Londonderry, Harrytown-Derryfield. i They had been tried, most severely tried, yet never flinched in the path of duty. Such constancy has seldom been witnessed-more steadfast and persevering, never. But their sufferings availed them but little. True, William and his Parliament, at'the time, looked upon the defence as one of great importance, and besides specific grants made to them, every man who bore arms within the city during the siege was exempted from taxation throughout the British dominions. But their services were soon forgotten. As pertinently and beautifully says a writer, * "never were a people more unfortunate after all their efforts, than were these brave Presbyterians? They had held the troops of King James in check, while they defended successfully the last stronghold of King William in Ireland; and until Claverhouse had been attacked and destroyed in Scotland. They had freely mingled their blood with the waters of the Boyne. They had consecrated the'billowy -Shannon,' that' river of dark mementoes,' by the sacrifice upon its banks, of their dearest friends, before the gates of Limerick and Aithlone. They had, in short, expelled James and his allies from the land, and were looking with great confidence for something like tolerance in religious belief and religious worship, from William of Nassau and his Protestant wife. But they were doomed to the sorest disappointment, and ultimately became so disgusted with the calculating and selfish policy of William, his unreasonable and unjust demands of rents and tythes, as well as with the exactions and persecutions of the Anglican church, which now came to be regarded by them, as little better than the Roman Catholic, that they determined, once and forever, to abandon their country, and seek refuge in the wilds of America." * I. 0. Barnes Esq's. Address. History of Bedford, 33-4. INDIAN WAR. 145 CHAPTFR IX. Alarm from Indian War.-, Lovewell's War. "-Cause.-Encroachment o0 English settlers.-Indians excited.-French influence. —Sebastian Ralle.His settlement at Nanrantsouack.-Expedition under Westbrook to seize him.-Indians attack Merry Meeting Bay, Fort George and Brunswick.Destruction of Nanrantsouack.-Death of Ralle.-Continued attacks upon the settlements L New Hampshire. —Attack at Dunstable.-Massacre of French and his party.-Capt. Lovewell.-His first expedition.-Intended against the Pequauquaukes.-Their location.-Paugus and WVahowah.Lovewell attacks a party at East Pond. Destroys the entire party.-Second Expedition. —Goes against Pequauquauke.-Arrives at Pequauquauke. — Discovers an Indian.-Kills him and retires.-Our men ambushed-The fight.Their fort deserted. —Some of the men arrive at Dunstable. —Benjamin Hassel.-Col. Tyng marches to Pequauquauke. —Gov. Wentworth sends a company to Pequauquauke.-Col. Tyng finds the battle ground and buries the dead. The little colony of Scotch Presbyterians had hardly got quieted in the possession of their lands at Londonderry, before the alarm of war broke upon their ears; a kind of war for which their sad experience in war had made no preparation, save in courage and energy. There were those among them, who had witnessed the fierce attacks of King James' army upon the walls of Londonderry, who had assisted in repelling those assaults, while the booming cannon from the tower of its cathedral sent havoc among the troops of the besieging armythus adding a terrific grandeur to the scene. Yet the warwhoop of the Indian reverberating through the dense, still forests of the Merrimack valley, struck terror into such hearts even. The Indians had remained comparatively quiet for some years subsequent to the close of " Queen Anne's War," in 1713. But the gradual encroachment of the English settlers upon lands claimed by the Indians in the valleys of all the great New England rivers, became a source of continued and growing irritation. This feeling on the part of the Indians was undoubtedly fomented by the French. At length the Indians became so exasperated, that they broke over all bounds of restraint, and kept up a continual series of 146 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. annoyances against their English neighbors, "killing their cattle, burning their stacks of hay and robbing and insulting them." The English settlers attributed all these annoyances to French influence, and particularly to Sebastian Ralle, a French Jesuit, who resided among the Indians at Nanrantsouack or Norridgewog. This was an Indian village at the head of canoe navigation on the Kennebec, inhabited by people of the tribe, called by the French, Abnakis. Here Father Ralle, who had spent thirty years of his life as a missionary among the Indians of North America, had built a chapel, formed a church, and was the religious teacher of that portion of the tribe upon the Kennebec. The English settlers supposed that if Ralle were out of the way, the annoyances from the Indians would cease. They therefore determined to seize him. For this purpose an expedition was fitted out under Col. Thomas Westbrook, which in the winter of 1722, proceeded to Nanrantsouack for that purpose. Ralle however fled from his home at the approach of the English troops and escaped. The expedition was fruitless, except that in Ralle's " strong box" they found letters from the Governor of Canada, clearly proving that the missionary was really engaged in exciting the Indians against their English neighbors. The Indians could not excuse this attempt upon the person of their spiritual father and they determined upon revenge. Accordingly, early in the succeeding Summer they made a successful attack upon a settlement at Merry Meeting Bay at the mouth of the Kennebec —and attempted to take the fort at St. George, but were repulsed. In July, they attacked and destroyed Brunswick, a town upon the Amariscoggin. The Indians having thus seriously commenced hostilities, war was declared against them and proclamation made to that effect at Portsmouth and Boston. The Indians did not make their appearance in New Hampshire till the following year, when they made several serious and successful attacks in the valley of the Piscataqua. Upon this it was determined to destroy the village at Nanrantsouack, and thus get rid of the influence of Father Ralle. An expedition was forthwith planned, and in August 1.624 two companies under Captains Moulton and Harman received orders to march against the devoted town. "The captains Moulton and Harman, both of York, each at the head of a company of one hundred men, executed their orders with great address. They completely invested and surprised that village; killed the obnoxious Jesuit with about eighty of his Indians; recovered three captives; destroyed the INDIAN WARI 147 chapel, and brought away the plate and furniture of the altar, and the devotional flag, as trophies of their victory. Ralle was then in the sixty-eighth year of his age, and had resided in his mission at Norridgewog twenty-six years; having before spent six years in traveling among the Indian nations, in the interior parts of America."* This successful expedition did not stop the hostilities of the Indians. On the contrary, the Fall of 1724 was marked by more than ordinary vigilance and boldness in their attacks upon the settlements in New Hampshire. The greatest fear and excitement existed among the settlers along our whole frontier, and even in our most thickly populated towns. In this state of excitement, a clamor was raised against the government for alleged inefficiency in meeting these inroads of the enemy and it was thought, and without doubt truly, that a volunteer system of raising troops, leaving the soldiers at liberty to choose their own officers, would produce a more effective corps of fighting men than the one adopted by the government, that of forced enlistments under officers appointed by the Governor, and oftentimes under those men who possessed few other recommendations, than that,they happened to be in favor with the appointing power. While this excitement ran the highest, an attack was made upon the town of Dunstable, in that part of "old Dunstable," now Nashua, and two men were taken captives and carried to Canada. These were Nathan Cross and Thomas Blanchard. These men it seems had been engaged in making turpentine on the north side of the Nashua river, and while at work, were seized by the Indians. After securing the prisoners, the Indians stove their casks of turpentine and departed. Knowing that the men would be missed at night, and rightly conjecturing that they should be followed, with Indian cunning, they determined to wait in ambush for any party that might be sent in pursuit. At night, Cross and Blanchard not arriving at their place of sleeping, which was a sawmill upon the Salmon Brook, in Nashua, it was at once supposed they had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and the alarm was given through the neighborhood. "A party consisting of ten of the principal inhabitants of the place, besides their leader, started in pusuit of them, under the direction of Lieut. Ebenezer French. In this company was Josiah Farwell, who was next year Lieutenant at Pequau*Belknap, page 206. 148 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. kett under Lovewell. When this company arrived at the spot where these men had been laboring, they found the hoops of the barrels cut and the turpentine spread upon the ground. From certain marks made upon the trees with wax mixed with grease, they understood that the men were taken and carried off alive. "In the course of the examination, Farwell perceived that the turpentine had not ceased spreading, and called the attention of his cQmrades to this circumstance. They concluded that the Indians had been gone but a short time, and must be near, and decided on instant pursuit.'Farwell advised them to take a circuitous route to avoid an ambush; but unfortunately he and French a short time before had a misunderstanding, and were then at variance. French imputed this advice to cowardice, and cried out, "I am going to take the direct path: if any of you are not afraid let him follow me." French led the way and the whole of the party followed, Farwell following in the rear. "Their route was up the Merrimack, towards which they bent their course to look for their horses upon the intervals. At the brook near Lutwych's (now Thornton's) Ferry they were way-laid. The Indians fired upon them and killed the larger part instantly. A few fled, but were overtaken and destroyed. French was killed about a mile from the place of action under an oak tree lately standing in the field belonging to Mr. John Lund, of Merrimack. Farwell in the rear seeing those before fall, sprung behind a tree, discharged his piece, and ran. Two Indians pursued him. The chase was vigorously maintained for sometime, without either gaining much advantage, till Farwell passing through a thicket, the Indians lost sight of him, and probably fearing he might have loaded again, they desisted from farther pursuit. He was the only one of the company that escaped. " A company from the neighborhood immediately mustered, and proceeded to the fatal spot to find the bodies of their friends and townsmen. Eight of them were found and conveyed to the burying place. "Coffins were prepared for them, and they were decently interred in one capacious grave." The names of these persons given in the Boston News Letter, were Lieut. Ebenezer French, Thomas Lund, Oliver Farwell and Ebenezer Cummings, who belonged to Dunstable, and all of whom excepting the last, left widows and children, Daniel Baldwin and John Burbank, of Woburn, and Mr. Johnson, Plainfield.'* *Col. Bancroft's narrative-N. H. His. Coill., Vol, I, page 109-Fox's His. of DunstableO LOVEWELL S FIRST EXPEDITION. 149 This attack produced the greatest excitement, and a few of the bold spirits in the neighborhood determined to fight the Indians on their own ground, and in their own way, if they could get proper encouragement from the government. Accordingly, John Lovewell, Josiah Farwell and Jonathan Robbins, three men of approved courage and skill in hunting and border fighting, were selected as leaders of the proposed expedition, and were requested to petition the government for encouragement in their undertaking. In pursuance of this plan, they sent to the General Assembly of Massachusetts, the following petition, the original of which is now on- file in the office of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts. "The Humble memorial of John Lovewell, Josiah Farwell, Jonathan Robbins, all of Dunstable. sheweth: "That your petitioners, with nearly forty or fifty others, are inclinable to range and to keep out in the woods for several months together, in order to kill and destroy their enemy Indians, provided they can meet with Incouragement suitable. And your Petitioners are Imployed and desired by many others, Humbly to propose and submit to your Honors' consideration, that if much soldiers may be allowed five shillings per day in case they kill an enemy Indian and possess their scalp, they will Imploy themselves in Indian hunting one whole year; and if within that time they do not kill any, they are content to be allowed nothing for their wages, time, and trouble. JOHN LOVEWELL. JOSIAH FARWELL. JONATHAN ROBBINS. Dunstable, Nov. 1624.* In answer to -the petition of Lovewell, the Legislature gave permission to'raise a company to range, and to keep out in the woods in order to kill and destroy their enemy Indians," and voted to pay a bounty of ~.100 per scalp. With such encouragement, Lovewell soon raised a company of which he was-appointed Captain, Josiah Farwell, Lieutenant, and Jonathan Robbins, Ensign. Various expeditions had been set on foot before this, but with, indifferent success; some had been ambushed by the enemy, and others had returned without meeting the enemy, so that Lovewell could only raise thirty men of the "near forty or fifty others" he had spoken of in his petition. But with these, he boldy marched into the wilderness for the enemy's country, in the vicinity of the Winnepesaukee. They met with no enemy till the 19th of De*See files S'ecretary's Office, Mass. 150 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. cember, when -falling upon a track, they soon found a wigwam containing a man and a boy. The man was killed upon the approach of the party, and the boy was taken prisoner. For some reason the party were content with this small success, and returned forthwith to Dunstable. The boy, with the scalp, having been carried to Boston, the promised reward of ~200 was paid, and a gratuity of two shillings and sixpence per day, was voted each man by the Legislature, by way of encouragement! Such encouragement started up the hunters of the region round about "old Dunstable," and when it was known that Lovewell intended to start again in quest of the "enemy Indians" at the earliest opportunity, there was no lack of recruits. Eighty-seven men mustered at Dunstable, on the 29th day of January, and under the command of the intrepid Lovewell, crossed the Merrimack, and camped on the eastern bank of the same. Their destination was the Indian country, north and east of the Winnepesaukee, a section of country occupied by the Pequaquaukes, or as they were commonly called, the Pigwockets. These Indians, made up of the remunants of the various tribes or bands of the Pennacook confederacy, had located themselves upon the branches of the Saco, where was an abundance of fish and game; and from the fact that their main village was upon the Saco, near where that river makes a noted bend or circuit of some thirty-six miles, principally in what is now known as Fryeburg, Me., returning within a mile or two of the Indian village, where it commenced its detour, were called. Pequauquaukes, or Indians at the crooked place; Pecluauquauke, being derived from the adjective pequauquis, crooked, and auke, a place. This name, thus received, was applied to the Indians of all that region of country, and has ever since been applied to the region of country itself. The Pequauquaukes were under the control of two powerful Sagamons, Paugus, (the oak) and Wahowah, (the broad-shouldered) and from their numbers, as well as from their ready communication with the French, by whom they were furnished with arms, had become quite formidable. It was Lovewell's intention to penetrate the very heart of the Pequauquauke country, if he did not find the enemy sooner, but chance threw hirn upon the trail of a party of Indians fresh upon the war path, that diverted him from his original intention. On the 20th of February, the tracks becoming fresher, the scout marched Wvith more wariness but five miles, and came upon a wigwam but lately deserted, and pursuing "two miles LOVEWELL S FIRST EXPEDITION. 151 further, discovered their smokes." This was near sunset, and the Indians were encamped for the night. Lovewell's party laid in " concealment till after midnight, when they advanced," as says Dr. Belknap, " and discovered ten Indians asleep round a large fire, by the side of a frozen pond." "Lovewell now determined to make sure work; and placing his men conveniently, ordered a part of them to fire, five at once, as quick after each other as possible, and another part to reserve their fire; he gave the signal, by firing his own gun, which killed two of them; the men firing according to order Ikilled five more on the spot; the other three starting up from their sleep, two -f them were imniediately shot dead by the reserve. The other, though wounded, attempted to escape by crossing the pond, but was seized by a dog and held fast till they killed ]him. Thus in a few minutes the whole was destroyed, and some attempt against the frontiers of New Hampshire prevented; for these Indians were marching from Canada., well furnished with new guns, and plenty of ammunition; they had also a number of spare blankets, mockaseens and snow-shoes for the accommodation of the prisoners whom they expected to take, and were within two day's march of the frontiers. The pond where this exploit was performed is at the head of a branch of Salmonfall river, in the township of Wakefield, and has ever since borne the name of Lovewell's pond. The action is spoken of by elderly people, at this distance of time, with an air of exultation; and considering the extreme difficulty of finding and attacking Indians in the woods, and the judicious manner in which they were so completely surprised, it was a capital exploit.'T.'he brave company, with the ten scalps stretched on hoops, and elevated on poles, entered Dover in triumph, and proceeded thence to Boston, where they received the bounty of one hundred pounds for each, out of the public treasury.*" Penhallow adds: " Tfheir arms were so new and good, that most of them were sold for seven pounds apiece, and each of them had two blankets, with a great many moccasons, which were supposed to be for the supply of captives that they expected to have taken. The plunder was but a few skins; but during the march, our men were well entertained with moose, bear and deer, together with salmon trout, some of which were three feet long, and weighed twelve pounds apiece." t *Belknap, pages 200, 209. +N. H. His. Coil. Vol. I. page 113 152 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. This success was hailed with joy and triumph throughout the Provinces. Other expeditions were set on foot, but without success, among them, Col. Tyng of Dunstable, headed one and marched into the country betwixt Pemegewasset and Winnepesaukee, but after a month's absence, returned without taking a scalp. The ill success of Tyng and others, only excited Lovewell to greater efforts, and he soon raised another company of men with the avowed object of penetrating the Pequauquauke country, and attacking bold Paugus in his own home. Paugus had frequently been at Dunstable, and was personally known to,most of the hunters of the valley of the Merrimack, as a bold and wily chieftain, at the head of a band of fierce warriors, who, instigated by the French, had taken part in many of the attacks upon the frontiers. Lovewell's company consisted of forty-six men besides himself, including a chaplain and surgeon. Upon the eve of marching, a friend and neighbor warned Lovewell to be upon his guard against the ambuscades of the Indians; but Lovewell, flushed with the excitement of the occasion, and confident of his own knowledge in Indian warfare, replied, " That he did not care for them," and bending down a small elm sapling, by which he was standing, continued, "that he could treat the Indians in the same way."* The expedition started about the 16th of April, 1725, answering to 27th of April, new style. It is probable, but not certain, that they followed the route of the preceding expedition. When out but a short time, Toby, a friendly Indian attached to the expedition, becoming lame was sent back with great reluctance on his part. At Contoocook, William Cummings, of Dunstable, became so lame in consequence of a wound received from the enemy some time previous, that he was obliged to return home, a kinsman, possibly Josiah Cummings, returning with him to assist him on his way. They then marched without any unusual incident, to Ossipee lake, where one of their number, Benjamin Kidder of Nutfield, now Londonderry, being sick, they built a small fort, as a place of refuge, in case of mishap. While the fort was building, a portion of the men were kept out on scout duty, and discovered the tracks of Indians. After a tarry of two or three days, leaving the sick man, the doctor to take charge of him, and Sergeant Nathaniel Woods, of Dunstable, with seven men to hold the fort, Lovewell and his men, now reduced in number to thirty*Fox's History of Dunstable. LOVEWELL S SECOND EXPEDITION. 153 four, boldly marched for Pequauquauke, distant some twenty miles. The names of these thirty-four men were: Asten, Abiel, Haverhill. Ayer, Ebenezer, Barron, Elias, Groton, Chamberlane, John, Davis, Eleazer, Concord. Davis, Josiah, Farrah, Jacob, Farrah, Joseph, c' Farwell, Josiah, Lieut. D1unstable. Frye, Jonathan, Chap. Andover. Fullam, Jacob, Serg. Weston. Gilson, Joseph, Groton. Harwood, Jno., Ensign, Dunstable. Hassel, Benjamin, Corporal, Jefts, John, Groton. Johnson. Ichabod, Woburn. Johnson, Josiah, Johnson, Noah, Serg. Dunstable. Jones, Josiah, Concord. Kies, Solomon, Billerica. Kittredge, Jonathan, Lakin, Isaac, Groton. Lingfield, Edward, Corp. Nutfield. Lovewell, John, Capt. Dunstable. Melvin, Daniel, Concord. Melvin, Eleazar, Robbins, Jona., Ensign, Dunstable. Richardson, Thos., Corp., Woburn. Richardson, Timothy, Usher, Robert, Dunstable. Whiting, Samuel, Woods, Daniel, Groton. Woods, Thomas, Ensign, Wyman, Seth, Woburn. 34 The company continued their march in a northerly direction, with great caution, fancying they had been discovered by the Indians. On Friday, the 7th of May, they heard a gun as they approached the Saco, but coming to the river, they met with no Indians, although they discovered their tracks. They struck the Saco, probably in the eastern part of Conway. Taking an easterly course they passed upon the high ground down the Saco, and diverging south, struck the basin of Pe 154 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. quauquauke, south of what is now called Stark's hill. Here they had a full view of the basin, and of Saco pond, just at their feet. This was near night, and they cautiously descended the hill and encamped upon the shore of the pond. In the night the sentinels thought they heard the noise of Indians about the encampment, and alarmed their companions, but it was very dark, and they could make no further discovery. It was probably the noise of some wild animal, a moose perhaps, as they were near the spot where these animals usually took to the water. This incident confirmed their suspicions that the Indians were dogging them, and these suspicions led to a fatal error, as the sequel will show. On the next day, May 8th, (May 19th new style) about 10 o'clock in the morning, while at prayers, they heard a gun across the pond, and Capt. Lovewell discovered a solitary Indian upon a stony point of land running into the pond from the east. This Indian was hunting ducks. It is possible he might have gone from the village to the pond, duck-shooting, but it is quite as probable, that he was one of a scout of Indians that had been down the Saco; and was returning, and had been sent forward to this point to get a shot at ducks in sight. Be this as it may, Lovewell and his men, supposing they had been discovered the night previous and before, at once suspected that he was sent out as a decoy, and popular tradition has kept up the suspicion, as the point on which the Indian stood is called "Decoy Point" to this day. They accordingly held a consultation to determine whether they would proceed to attack the enemy, which they supposed was in waiting for them on the north shore of the pond, or whether they should retreat. The question being put, the men boldly answered, says the Rev. Mr. Symmes, " We came to see the enemy; we have all along prayed God we might find them; and we had rather trust Providence with our lives,: yes, die for our country, than try to return without seeing them, if we might, and be called cowards for our pains." It was determined, unanimously, to fight, and they commenced preparations in earnest. In order to be entirely disencumbered, Lovewell ordered his men to leave their packs behind, and they were accordingly left in the woods, but without a guard. The spot where they left their packs was some thirty rods west of the little brook that empties into the pond, southeast of the present village of Fryeburg. Lovewell then led on his men cautiously towards the Indian, who was seen upon BATTLE OF PEQU'AUqUAUKE. 155 the point, a distance of about a mile and a half, principally, for the first half of the way, through a pitch pine wood, clear of underbrush, and the brakes but just started. The Indian got within five or six rods of them before they discovered him, having two gmns and a brace of ducks in his hands. Upon discovering him, Lovewell and his men squatted upon the ground; but as they did so, the Indian discovered them, and dropping his extra gun and his game, he quickly fired upon them and with fatal effect; for his gun being charged with large shot, he wounded Capt. Lovewell and Mr. Whiting, the former severely. Ensign Wyman then fired upon the Indian and killed him, and Mr. Frye, the chaplain, and another scalped him. Tradition says that young Frye fired at the Indian and missed him, and this misfire made him the more zealous to take his scalp. Meantime, a scout of Indians, some forty in number, under Paugus and Wahowah, coming up the pond from a scout down the Saco, crossed the trail of Lovewell's men, and following it, discovered their packs, and finding their numbers less than their own, they at once determined to attack them. Accordingly, securing their packs, they proceeded to the brook before described, and under its banks, formed an ambuscade for Lovewell and his party. Passing east from this brook, you immediatelycome upon the highest part of the pitch pine plain, lying north of the pond. This part of the plain, terminates at the pond, in a ridge or bold shore, against which are piled up boulders of rock, evidently the effect of ice. East of this point of rocks, is a ridge of sand, extending parallel to the water, some 50 or 60 rods to another brook, emptying into the pond from the north-east, and now known as " Fight Brook." This sand ridge was from 4 to 6 rods wide, having upon it some scattered pines, and limited on the north, the most of its length by a swamp, extending west from the aforesaid brook, and which, in the spring, is filled with water, forming of this sand ridge, a long, narrow peninsula, only accessible from the plain at its western extremity, in the vicinity of the aforesaid'point of rocks. Lovewell and his men were leisurely returning upon their trail, and probably with less caution than usual, as they had not found the enemy they went out to meet, when coming to the bank of the little brook before named, the Indians rose from their ambush and fired upon them in front and rear, rushing upon them with shouts and yells of defiance. Capt. Lovewell was killed the first shot, and our men were struck with surprise at the suddeness of the attack. But they 156 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. immediately returned the fire with deadly effect, killing nine of the enemy upon the spot. The company then dispersed, each one getting behind a tree, and firing upon the enemy as he got a chance. The firing continued brisk; but soon, Capt. Lovewell and eight others being killed, and Lieut. Farwell and two others being wounded, and the Indians attempting to surround them, the party determined to retreat to the shore of the pond, " hoping to be sheltered by the point of rocks that ran into the pond." Here, behind this "'ridge of land," and barrier of rocks they continued the fight to advantage, gradually extending themselves across upon the sand before described, and protecting themselves behind the scattered pines. Here was an excellent position for an attack, but a very bad one for a siege, and had the Indians known their advantage, they could easily have destroyed the whole company. If; instead of immediate attack, they had quietly seated themselves at the only approach to the peninsula, hunger would have done its work, and not a man of Lovewell's gallant band could have escaped. But the Indians could not brook delay, and confident of success from superior numbers, they continued the attack, firing at any one of the little band who happened to expose a part of his body. Under the direction of Ensign Wyman, the firing was kept up with spirit on the part of our men, and with decided effect. Tahe Indians kept up a continual shout, at one time howling like wolves, again barking like dogs, or mimicking other wild beasts. And the English were nothing loth in this kind of defiance, but returned their howling with shouts and huzzas. Towards mid-afternoon, the Indians ceased firing, and drew off among the pines, at a little distance, to pow-wow over their success. They had got earnestly engaged in the ceremony, dancing, jumping, howling and beating the ground, in a word, pow-wowing, when the intrepid Wyman crept up behind the rocks and trees, and fired upon the principal actor, killing him upon the spot. This man may have been Wahwah, or Wahowah, as we hear nothing of him afterwards. Be this as it may, the fight was renewed with greater ferocity, under the immediate direction of Paugus. Ensign Wyman continued to cheer on his men, and they fought with all their skill and the energy of desperation, but with terrifying disadvantage, as the Indians were near twice their number, and had them completely at their will. To add to their misfortune, their chaplain, Jonathan Frye, about this time fell mortally wounded, as also Lieut. Jonathan Robbins, who had been wounded at the first fire, and Jacob Farrar. Young Frye, though unable BATTLE OF PEqUAUQUAUKE. 157 to stand, continued to pray audibly for the success of his companions, at intervals, during the remainder of the fight. Thus disheartened, the firing on their part became less brisk; and the Indians, confident of their success, came forward, and holding up ropes, to show they had them in their power and ready to be bound, offered them. quarter. The intrepid Wyman replied that "they would have no quarter but what they won at the point of their muskets." The fight was then renewed, and towards night the enemy succeeded in getting upon the peninsula or beach, some of them at least. Among this number was Paugus -their chief, who took refuge behind a pine within: talking distance of John Chamberlain, one of the best shots in Lovewell's party. They looked at each other from behind their trees, each endeavoring to detect an exposed part in the person of the other, and at length, each one thinking he had the other at an advantage, aimed his musket to fire; each gun flashed in the pan, and their attempts were in vain! Their guns had become foul from frequent firing during the day, and were useless. In this dilemma, these bold men, who were acquainted with each other, agreed to go down to the water's side, and cleanse their guns, and then take their places and renew the fight.: No sooner said than done, and they deliberately went down to the water, and commenced washing their guns, the warriors on both sides understanding their motives and leaving them to themselves! In cleansing their guns and charging them, Paugus got the advantage; his ball was so small as to roll down his barrel, while Chamberlain had to force his down with his rod. Paugus seeing his advantage, quickly said, "Me kill you," and took up his gun to prime! Chamberlain threw down his rod, and bringing the breech of his gun a smart blow upon the hard sand, brought:it to his face, and fired! Paugus fell pierced through the heart! Chamberlain's gun being worn from long use, primed itself, and the knowledge of this, saved the bold hunter's life. After the death of Paugus, their Chief, the Indians gradually ceased firing, and soon after sunset drew off into the woods, leaving the field to our men, who remained quiet for some time, fearing their return, or that they were lying in wait for them. It was supposed and confirmed by reports afterwards, that the Indians' loss, in killed and wounded. included the entire party except about twenty. About midnight, our men hearing no more from the Indians, 1 58 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. assembled together, and inquired into their respective situations. It was then found that there were twenty-three men upon the peninsula, of whom Jacob Farrar was just " expiring by the pond," and Lieut. Robbins, and Robert Usher, were unable to travel.. The Rev. Mr.. Symmes says: "Lieut. Robbins desired his companions to charge his gun and leave it with him, which they did; he declaring that, " As the Indians will come in the morning to scalp me, I will kill one or more of them, if I can." There were eleven more of the English, who- were badly wounded, viz: Lieut. Farwell, Mr. Frye, Sergeant Johnson, Timothy Richardson, Josiah Johnson, Samuel Whiting, Elias Barron, John Chamberlain, Isaac Lakin, Eleazer Davis and Josiah Jones; but they, however, marched off the ground, with the nine others who received no considerable wounds, viz: Ensign Wyman, Edward Lingfield, Thomas Richardson, the two Melvins, Ebenezer Ayer, Abial Asten, Joseph Farrar, and Joseph Gilson. These all proceeded on their return to the fort, and did not perceive that they were way-laid or pursued by the enemy, though they knew our men had no provision, and must therefore be very faint.. 1 Four of the wounded men, viz: Farwell, Frye, Davis and Jones,. after: they had traveled about a mile and a half, found themselves unable to go further, and with their free consent, the rest kept on the march, hoping to find a recruit at the Fort, and to return with fresh hands to relieve them. As they proceeded on, they divided into three companies one morning, as they were passing a thick wood, for fear of making a track by which the enemy might follow them. One of the companies came upon three Indians, who pursued them sometime: meanwhile Elias Barron, one of the party, strayed from the others, and got over Ossipee river, by the side of which his gun case was found, and he was not heard of afterwards. Elev-.en, in another party, reached the fort at Ossipee; but to their.great surprise found it deserted. The coward who fled in the 1beginning of the battle, ran directly to the fort, and gave the amen posted there such a frightful account of what had happenved, that they all fled from the fort, and made the best of their;way home. Sdl1omon Keyes also came to the fort. When he had fought,in.the battle till he had received three wounds, and had become so weak by the loss of blood that he could not stand, he crawled up to Ensign Wyman in the heat of the battle, and told him he rwas a dead man; but (said he) if it be possible, I will get out BATTLE OF PEqUAUQUAIUKE. 159 of the way of the Indians, that they may not get my scalp. Keyes then crept off by the side of the pond to where he providentially found a canoe, when he rolled himself into it, and was driven by the wind several miles towards the fort; he gained strength fast and reached the fort as soon as the eleven before mentioned; and they all arrived at Dunstable on the 13th of May at night. On the 15th of May, Ensign Wyman and three others arrived at Dunstable. They suffered greatly for want of provisions. They informed -that they were destitute of all kinds of food, from a Saturday morning till the Wednesday following; when they caught two mouse squirrels, which they roasted whole, and found to be a sweet morsel. They afterwards killed some partriges, and other game, and were comfortably supplied till they got home. Eleazer Davis arrived at Berwick, and reported, that he and the three who were left with him, waited some days for the return of the men from the fort, and at length, despairing of their return, though their wounds were putrified and stank, and they were almost dead with famine, yet they traveled on several miles together, till Mr. Frye desired Davis and Farwell not to hinder themselves any longer on his account, for he found himself dying, and he laid himself down, telling them he should never rise more, and charged Davis, if it should please God to bring him home, to go to his father, and tell him that he expected in a few hours to be in eternity, and that he was not afraid to die. They left him, and this amiable and promising young gentleman, who had the journal of the march in his pocket, was not heard of again. Lieut. Farwell, who was greatly and no doubt deservedly ap plauded and lamented, was also left by Davis within a few miles of the fort, and was not afterwards heard of. But Davis getting to the fort, and finding provisions there, tarried and refreshed himself, and recovered strength to travel to Berwick. Josiah Jones, another of the four wounded who were left the day after the fight but a short distance from the scene of action, traversed Saco river, and after a fatiguing ramble, arrived at Saco (now Biddeford) emaciated, and almost dead from the loss of blood, the putrefaction of his wounds and the want of food. He had subsisted on the spontaneous vegetables of the forest, and cranberries, &c., which he had eaten. He was kindly treated by the people of Saco, and recovered of his wounds. Lieutenant Josiah Farwell of Dunstable, and Elias Barron 160 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of Groton, were wounded, and died by the way in attempting to return home."* The soldier who fled from the battle field so ingloriously, was Benjamin Hassel, a corporal in the company. Hassel was of Dunstable, and a grandson of Joseph and Anna Hassel, who were killed by the- Indians at Dunstable, in September, 1691. His uncle Richard Hassel had also been taken prisoner by the Indians. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that Hassel should not care to fall into the hands of the Indians. So, in the earliest of the fight, seeing Capt. Lovewell fall by his side, the company surrounded by the Indians, and becoming separated from his companion in their retreat to the pond, he made the best of his way to the fort, and by his imperfect and exaggerated intelligence, so wrought upon the fears of the soldiers left in charge of the same, that they at once determined upon a retreat. This probably was an act of prudence under the circumstances, although as it turned out, it was very unfortunate. According to Hassel's account, the entire command of Lovewell had been cut off, and the Indians in overwhelming numbers were in full pursuit. The fort was a mere temporary affair, with no provisions, forty miles from any white inhabitant, no prospect of relief in case of attack or siege, and the little garrison including Hassel, Kidder the sick man, and the physician, amounted to but eleven persons all told. Under such circumstances, retreat was the only alternative. At first, some little blame was attached to Hassel, but people soon began to think that he should be excused, and only two years after, when the grant of Suncook was made to those who were in this expedition under Lovewell, Hassel was one of the grantees, without any exception being taken on account of his conduct in, or subsequent to the battle. The men who were left in the fort with Kidder, were Nathaniel Woods, of Dunstable, sergeant; Doctor Wm. Ayer, of Haverhill; John Goffe, of Londonderry, brother-in-law of Kidder; John Gilson, of Groton; Isaac Whitney, and Zachariah Whitney, of Concord; Zebediah Austin, of Haverhill; and Edward Spooney, and: Ebenezer Halburt, of Dunstable. The party probably arrived at Dunstable on the 11th of May, 1725. Upon hearing of this disastrous news, Gov, Dummer forthwith despatched a company under Col. Eleazer Tyng of Dun*Farmer & Moore's His. Coll. Vol. 1, pages 31 and 32. BATTLE OF PEQUAUQUAUKE. 161 stable, to search for the enemy and to find and bury the slain. Col. Tyng marched with his company on the 17th of May, and encamped at Namaoskeag, now Manchester, the first night. The next day being rainy, they continued at their encampment. Col. Tyng, having taken all the effective men from Dunstable, leaving the settlers in an exposed situation, wrote to Governor Dummer the following letter informing him of their condition, and asking protection for them: "May it please your Honor. This day I marched from Amoskeag, having 55 of my own men, and 32 of Capt. White's. (?) The men are well and proceeded with a great deal of life and courage. Yesterday I was forced to lie still by reason of the rain. I would humbly offer something to your Honor in the behalf of our people who are left very destitute and naked, that you would be pleased to consider their circumstances and order what you shall think proper for their defence till we return. I am Your Honor's Most Ob't Servant, ELEAZER TYNG. Amoskeag, May 19, 1725."'* Governor Dummer, it seems, had anticipated Col. Tyng's request, and issued the following order. "To Col. Flagg. Sir, These are to empower and direct you forthwith to detach! or impress out of the Reg't whereof you are Lieut. Coll., A Sergeant and Twelve effective able bodied men, well armed for his Magisteys service, for the Security and Reinforcement of Dunstable, until the return of Col. Tyng and his company. They must be posted at the Garrisons of Joseph Bloghead, Nathl. Hill, John Taylour, and John Lovewell, and three Centinels in each Garrison, and the Sergeant in that of the four that is nearest the Centre. The Sergeant must be very careful to keep the men well upon their duty, so as to be a good Guard and protection to the People, and you must give him directions in writing accordingly. Let this matter be effected with all possible despatch. WILLIAM DUMMER. Boston, May 19th. 1725."t Gov. Dummer had also written Gov. Wentworth at Portsmouth, informing him of the mishap to Lovewell's party, and *See Letter Secretary's Office, Mass. tSee order in Secretary's Office, Mass. 162 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Gov. Wentworth, by advice of the Council, dispatched a company to Pequauquauke, under Capt. Chesley, but they did not succeed in meeting with any of the wounded men. They went as far as Ossipee lake,- and found Lovewell's fort, into which they hastened, having on Thursday, the 20th of May, discovered the trail of a large party of the enemy as they supposed. Under these circumstances, Capt. Chesley and his men were fearful they should " meet the same fate" of Lovewell's party, and they returned forthwith to Cocheco, from whence anl express was dispatched to Portsmouth, to inform the Governor of the failure of the expedition. But Col. Tyng and his party were more successful. They " went to the place of action where they found and buried the following men, viz:Capt. John Lovewell, Ensign Jonathan Woods, Ensign John Harwood and Robert Usher, of Dunstable: Jacob Fullam, of Weston; Jacob Farrar, and Josiah Davis, of Concord; Thomas Woods, Daniel Woods, and John Jefts, of Groton; Ichabod Johnson, of Woburn; Jonathan Kittredge, of Billerica. Col. Tyng found where the Indians had buried three of their men which were dug up, and one of them was known to be the bold Paugus, who had been a great scourge to Dunstable.* Dr. Belknap observes of: Lovewell's Fight," " This was one of the most obstinate battles which had been fought with the Indians. They had not only the advantage of numbers, but of placing themselves in ambush, and waiting with deliberation the moment of attack. These circumstances gave them a degree of ardor and impetuosity. Lovewell and his men, though disappointed of meeting the enemy in their front, expected and determined to fight. The fall of their commanders, and more, than one quarter of their number, in the first onset, was greatly discouraging; but they knew that the situation to which they were reduced, and their distance from the frontiers, cut off all hope of safety from flight. In these circumstances, prudence as well as valor dictated a continuance of the engagement, and a refusal to surrender: until the enemy, awed by their brave resistance, and weakened by their own loss, yielded them the honor of the field. After this encounter, the Indians resided no more at Pequawket, till the peace.*" *Farmer's edition, page 212. INDIANS LEAVE PEqUAUqUAUKE. L63 CHAPTER X. Indians retire from Pequauquauke to Coos. —To St. Francis. —Settlements extended. —Great Earthquake.-First Constitution of New Hampshire.-A triennial Assembly.-Reforms.-Difficulty between Lt. Gov. Wentworth and the Assembly. —Gov. Burnet.-His death. —Gov. Belcher.-Quarrels with LIt. Gov. WVentworth.-Lt. Gov. Wentworth's death. —His friends unite against Belcher.-First settler at Namaoskeag Falls. —John McNeil —Re V. Mr. McGregore visits the Falls. —First fish given to Minister. —Road to Namaoskeag. —People from Massachusetts at Namaoskeag. —Vote as to them. —Ferry established at Namaoskeag. —Massachusetts people here. —Benjamin Hadley, Benjamin Stevens, Nathaniel Martin, Ephraim Hildreth, Charles Emerson, William Perham, Edward Lingfield, Benjamin Kidder, Benjamin Blodgett, and John Goffe, Jr.-First inhabitants within the present limits of Manchester.-Londonderry people.-John Riddell, Archibald Stark, John'Hall, Thomas Hall, Win. McClintock, Alexander McMurphy, David Dickey. Biographical sketch of John Goffe, Esquire.-Major Gen. Wm. Goffe.- Of the Court to try Charles I.-Comes to America with Gen. Edward Whalley. Their wanderings, concealment and death.-John Goffe of Londonderry not a lineal descendant of the regicide.-Moves to Cohas Brook.-Death.-Edward. Lingfield.-In Lovewell's Expedition.- Commissioned as Ensign for his conduct at Pequauquauke.-Benjamin Kidder.-In Lovewell's Expedltion.-Sick.-Probable death. —Archibald Stark.-Settles at Londonderry.Removes to Harrytown.-Builds a fort.-His children, and death.-John Hall.-Moves to Harrytown. -His services and death.-John McNeil. —Dan, iel McNeil.-Of the Council of Londonderry.-John flees to America.-His strength.-His wife Christian.-" Old McNeil."-He moves to Suncook.Death.-Daniel his son.-John his son.-Mortally wounded at Bunker Hill. Major Gen. Solomon McNeil. —Brig. Gen. John McNeil.-His services.Leads his regiment at the battle of Chippewa.-Wounded at the battle of Niagara.-Difference in manners and customs of the people of Derryfield.Disadvantage to the settlement.-The throat distemper. After the close of Lovewell's War, the people had rest for a season. The attack upon the Pequauquaukes completely humbled the haughty spirit of the Indians, not only of that tribe, but of all those in the north of New Hampshire and Maine. They had been taught that they were not safe in their homes, that the adventurous whites would seek them there, and be avenged of them. In consequence of this state of feeling, the Indians retired from Pequauquauke to the head-waters of the Connecticut, —and afterwards to St. Francis. The colonists, thus relieved of their fears of Indian depreda 164 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. tion, forthwith began to extend their settlements in every direction and the province of New Hampshire began to assume new importance in population and enterprise. In the last few years prior to 1730, her population exclusive of the Irish at Londonderry, had increased by one third, and including them, amounted to some over ten thousand. In the night of October, 29 and 30, 1727, occurred what has been designated as "the great earthquake." It was more violent in the valley of the Merrimack, than in any other part of New England. Its startling effects in this and other towns upon the Merrimack, have been handed down as among the choicest specimens of fireside tradition. The shocks were very violent. jarring houses to their foundations, throwing down chimneys, and " scattering the pewter dishes from the dressers." The consternation attending such a scene may be imagined, but not described. Men and women aroused from their slumbers, ran about their houses in the wildest alarm and the immediate end of the world was anticipated. Nor was alarm confined to man alone. "The brute creatures ran roaming about the fields, as in the greatest distress." * This year is remarkable, also, for the enactment or forming of what may be called the first constitution of Ne:w Hampshire. His Excellency, Samuel Shute, Governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, had been absent in England for some years, so that affairs in Massachusetts had been managed by Lt. Governor!Wm. Dummer, and in New Hampshire by Lt. Governor John Wentworth. Governor Wentworth had managed the affairs of the Province much to the satisfaction of the people. There was one source of dissatisfaction. The Assembly called by Gov. Shute in 1722, had been continued in existence during his absence, Gov. Wentworth believing that he had no right to dissolve them and call a new one. The people were greatly dissatisfied and demanded a triennial Assembly. Gov. Wentworth was disposed to favor their demands when opportunity should offer. Accordingly in 1727, upon the death of George I, the Assembly ceased to exist: with him. A new Assembly was forthwith called, and one of its first acts was, to limit its own existence to three years. They provided also that writs of elections were to issue at least fifteen days prior to the election; a representative was to have a freehold of three hundred pounds in value; an elector was to have a freehold of fifty pounds, within the town for which there was an election; but habitancy *N. H. His. Coll. Vol. IV, page 94. i.,'iiii"'~-~":'JWN iii,:Aa_~ i~ iiii ii~~~~i j Ui i -jI-: iir! ~~~~~~~~~j Jlj j iii,,;.:~~.~!~1~'""'~"~'-'" r ""~~ Jrr ie" PROVINCIAL REFORM. 165 was not required on the part of the elected, and the selectmen, with the moderator, were constituted the judges of the qualifications of electors, from whose decision an appeal was allowed to the House of Representatives. This act was approved by the Lieutenant Governor, and receiving the royal approbation, became the law of the Province. This may be called the first constitution of New Hampshire established by the people. But this was defective, though a move towards a popular government. Its defects were the cause of long and acrimonious controversy betwixt the Lieut. Governor and the people. It did not determine who should issue the writs for the election, or name the places to which the writs were to be sent, or how many inhabitants should entit.e a place to a representative. The Assembly having accomplished so much, set about other reforms. One was the remodelling of the Courts. An appeal was allowed in the civil suits, from the inferior to the Superior Court; if the amount in controversy exceeded one hundred pounds, an appeal was allowed to the Governor and Council; if above three hundred pounds, an appeal was allowed to the King in Council. The objection to the Superior Court, then and for a long time after, was the fact, that the Judges were generally of the' Council, and had the decision of cases on appeal, which had been appealed in consequence of their supposed erroneous decision in the inferior Courts. In after time great injustice was practiced by this Court, the large landed proprietors being of the Council, and cases of their own, directly or indirectly, coming by an appeal from the inferior Courts, were not unfrequently decided according to the interests of the members of the Court, rather than according to justice. It was a great nuisance and the people called for its abatement. But the Council opposed the proposition of the house to repeal the laws establishing this Court, and this opposition soon produced an open rupture. The Lieut. Governor, perhaps thinking he had already approved of reforms sufficient for one Assembly, or perhaps opposing the proposed reform, dissolved the Assembly agreeable to power conferred upon him by their late act. This proceedure produced an excitement among the people, and upon the calling of a new Assembly, the towns, with a few exceptions, re-elected the old members, and of course adhered to their old measures. They chose for their Speaker, Mr. Nathaniel Weare who being obnoxious to the Governor, was negatived by him. The House adjourned from day to day, until the 166 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ninth day of the session, when they chose Mr. Andrew Wiggin, who was approved by the Lieutenant Governor. But ill feeling was rife, and but little business was done during the session. However, they united in appointing a committee to wait upon Mr. Burnet, the new Governor, who was expected at Boston. The committee which, in company with Lieut. Governor Wentworth, met Governor Burnet at Boston on the 22nd of July, 1728, and complimented him upon his appointment and arrival. This was the only time Governor Burnet came into New England, for getting into a quarrel with the General Court of Massachusetts about his salary, he died after a few months, it is said, of chagrin and disappointment at the opposition he had to encounter on the part of Massachusetts. Upon his death, Jonathan Belcher and Mr. Shute were applicants for the vacant office. Lieut. Governor Wentworth wrote friendly letters to both of them,-and Belcher having the most Court favor was appointed Governor. He was a native of Boston, wealthy and overbearing in his deportment. On his first visit to this province, he put up with Wentworth, but hearing of the fact that Wentworth had written a courteous letter to his competitor, Shute, he took the matter in high dudgeon, and when next in the Province, refused to call upon the Lieut. Governor, and not content with this neglect, he limited his fees to fifty pounds, and displaced many of his friends in office. This was very impolitic in Belcher, for the Lieutenant Governor was very popular in spite of his late difficulties with the Assembly, and Belcher's opposition to Wentworth and his friends, only added to his popularity.; And the diplacing Atkinson, the son-in-law of Wentworth, one of the most popular and talented men in the Province, raised an opposition that soon told to the disadvantage of Governor Belcher. It is possible, that this conduct on the part of Governor Belcher, had its effect upon the Lieut. Governor's health; be this as it may, Wentworth fell into a lethargy and died on the 12th day of December, 1730, in the 59th year of his age. The death of Lieut. Governor Wentworth, tended rather to increase the opposition to Belcher, and Mr. David Dunbar succeeding to the office of Lieut. Governor, united with the opposition, and thus it became so formidable as to be a source of disquiet to the Governor and his friends. Soon after the arrival of Dunbar in Portsmouth, a formal complaint was made against Belcher, accusing him of being arbitrary and oppressive in his government, and duly forwarded to the King, with a prayer for his removal. There was some ground for the com SCOTCH IRISH EMIGRATION. 167 plaint, and the result of the whole matter was, that after a continued strife of ten years, in which many other matters were mixed up with the original quarrel, the friends of Lieut. Governor Wentworth had the satisfaction of seeing Governor Belcher removed from office, New Hampshire erected into a distinct Province, and Benning Wentworth appointed as its Governor. The emigration from Ireland at this period was so rapid, that the number of Irish in this neighborhood amounted to a thousand, as appears by answers from New Hampshire to the Board of Trade, of date Jan. 22, 1730, in which it is said, " the inhabitants have increased almost four thousand within this few years last past, a thousand of which (at least) are, people from Ireland, lately come into and settled within the province."* These emigrants soon moved upon the land adjacent to Londonderry. In fact, the fear of the Indians had not prevented their extending themselves up the Merrimack as far as Pennacook, and as early as 1724 they had built a fort there, probably with the idea of a permanent settlement upon the rich intervales at that place. This fort is mentioned in the Journal of Col. Tyng, of a scout to the Winnepesaukee made in the spring of 1725, with a company under his command, in pursuit of the Indians. Col. Tyng quartered there the 5th and 6th of April of that year, the snow being so thick upon the bushes that they could not travel without injuring their provisions. He called it the " Irish Fort."t. But their intention of settling at Pennacook was doubtless fiustrated by the grant of these lands by Massachusetts to a large body of actual settlers from Essex county, who took possession of their lands in the spring of 1726, and had made such regulations among themselves as to prevent the settlement of an Irishman within the limits of Pennacook.t There were others of these Irish emigrants who had become dissatisfied with their locations in Londonderry, or thought they could better their condition by removal. Of this number were many of the original settlers of the territory now known as Manchester, and prominent among them John McNeil and Archibald Stark. McNeil moved upon the gore then known as Harrytown, and located himself upon the lot now known as the Kidder Farm, and is said to have been the first white settler at the Falls or upon that part of Harrytown within the thickly settled parts of the city of Manchester. *N. H. His. Coll. Vol. I, page 229. tTyng's Journal, Mass. Archives. SAnnals, Concord, page 7. 168 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. McNeil's house stood near McNeil street, and about midway betwixt Elm and Canal streets. The cellar of his house, and the bounds of his garden patch are now plainly visible. McNeil commenced this settlement probably in 1733. He doubtless moved upon this spot on account of its proximity to the Namaoskeag falls, where was most excellent fishing, and it is quite probable, that his removal and settlement was under the patronage of the people of Londonderry, who claimed the gore upon which he settled by virtue of their deed from Wheelwright and for years after continued to assert their claim as against all intruders. The fishing at Amoskeag was of the greatest importance to the people. Tradition has it that the Rev. Mr. McGregore was the first person of the Londonderry settlement to visit the Falls, led thither by curiosity, and prompted by information obtained at Andover as to their grandeur, and the abundance of fish to be found near them at certain seasons of the year. From this fact originated the custom of presenting Mr. McGregore and: his successors, the first fruits of the fishing season. The first fish caught by any man of Londonderry, salmon, shad, alewife or eel, was reserved as a gift to " the minister." As early as 1729 a road was laid out and built from Ninian Cochran's house (in Londonderry) "then keeping by or near the old path to Ammosceeg Falls."* And another road was laid out at the same time intersecting the c" Ammosceeg road," for the accommodation of other sections of the town. This undertaking of building a road some tell miles through the wilderness, in the infancy of that colony, shows of how great importance the "fishing at Ammosceeg" was considered by the people of Londonderry; and it was natural that they should be strenuous in maintaining their claim to the lands adjacent. Accordingly we find their claim to the lands and the subject of the fisheries connected with them, matters acted upon in their town meetings at an early date. As early as 1729, people had moved upon these lands probably for the purpose of holding them for Massachusetts, she claiming to a line three miles east of the Merrimack by her charter. This was a serious matter for the people of Londonderry, and in the warrant for a town meeting bearing date January 8th, 1730-1 there was the following article. " 11thly. To see whether they will allow a Lawyer to be consulted about those persons that are settling at Ammosceeg," And at the meeting this article was thus disposed of. *Londonderry Records, Vol. II. SETTLEMENT AT NAMAOSKEAG. 169 "11thly. Voted that they are willing to leave the consulting of a lawyer about the settlement that is carried on at Ammosceeg to the selectmen and the committee that is appointed for the defence of the propriety."* It is not known what action was taken by the selectmen and committee upon the matter; but it is to be inferred as the records are silent upon the subject, that no legal action was taken at that time. The people from Massachusetts continued to occupy the lands in this neighborhood at intervals, and it is probable that some of them had a continuous occupation from this time under the authority of their government. Under such circumstances it is probable that. after " consulting a lawyer," the people of Londonderry concluded to take quiet possession of the land and wait the result of the hearing about to be had in England as to the claims of Massachusetts. That the people of Londonderry continued in control of the business here is shown by the records of the following year,-wherein is found the warrant,-one article of which reads thus:"4thly. To see whether they will be at the expense of two canoos to be kept at Ammosceeg for the safety of the people at the fishing." On the day of the meeting, April 22, 1731, the following action was had on the 4th article. "4thly., That in order to the safety of our town's people at the fishing at Ammosceeg the selectmen is impowered to allow and pay out of the public charge or rates of the town three pounds in Bills of credit to such person or persons as shall be obliged to make two good sufficient canoos, the selectmen obliging the aforesaid undertakers to serve the Inhabitants of the town the whole time fishing, before any out town's people and shall not exceed one shill pr hundred for all the fish that they shall ferry over from the Islands and the owner of the fish and his attendants is to be ferried backwards and forwards at free cost."t It is probable that some one was found to accept so favorable a proposition, and it may be that John McNeil was employed for that purpose. But whether settling at the Falls of his own accord, or sent there to hold possession of the land, or continued there as ferryman, John McNeil was the man suited to such border service, and Christian, his wife, was a fit companion for such a borderer. CLondonderry Records, Vol. II. +Londonderry Records, Vol. I. 170 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. After the settlement of McNeil at Namaoskeag, many others followed from Londonderry, and from Litchfield, Dunstable, and other towns down the river. It is impossible at this day to tell the precise time or the order of settlement of the different families. The Massachusetts people seem to have settled near the Merrimack and mainly upon or near the Cohas Brook. But several of them settled near the Namaoskeag Falls. Thus Mr. Benjamin Hadley lived upon the farm since known as the " Barrett farm," lying below Central street, and upon which the depots of the Concord Rail Road are located. Benjamin Stevens settled upon the farm belonging to the Anmoskeag Manufacturing Company, near which the Gas Works are located. It is probable, that these may have been the men to whom the people of Londonderry referred in their vote of January 8, 1730-1, as "those persons that are settling at Amosceeg." Nathaniel Martin, owned the farm occupied by Peter Mitchell; Ephraitn Hildreth lived upon the farm now owned by Jonas Harvey and sons; Charles Emerson lived where James Emerson now lives, the farm still being in the name; William Perham lived where John Young now lives; and Edward Lingfield, Benjamin Kidder, Benjamin Blodgett and John Goffe, Jr. lived upon the Cohas Brook near its mouth. Goffe lived near where Nathaniel Moore now lives, on the north bank of the Cohas, nearly opposite Goffe's Falls, which receive their name from him.'I'hese people, doubtless, moved here under the auspices of Massachusetts prior to 1735. It is certain that Hildreth, Perham and Blodgett were here in that year, and that Goffe, Lingfield and Kidder were here prior to 1725, as in April of that year these men were in Lovewell's Expedition and were placed down as from Nutfield, subsequently Londonderry. Both Lingfield and Kidder married daughters of John Goffe, Senior, and it is highly probable that they settled upon the Cohas Brook, soon after their father-in-law came to Londonderry with the Scotch Irish settlers. John Goffe, Junior settled at the " Cohas," before or about the same time with his brothers-in-law, Lingfield and Kidder; probably in 1722, at which time he was married, and also was named in the Charter as one of the grantees of Londonderry. Thus John Goffe, Junior, Edward Lingfield and Benjamin Kidder were the first known inhabitants within the present limits of Manchester. The Goffes, with Kidder and Lingfield their connections, settled at the Cohas Brook by virtue of grants in the charter of Londonderry, but being Massachusetts SETTLEMENT AT NAMAOSKEAG. 171 men, and it turning out that much of their land was without the chartered limits of Londonderry, it is more than probable, that in act and thought, they assimilated with their neighbors from Massachusetts who emigrated hither soon after LoveWell's war. The emigrants from Londonderry, settled in various parts of the town wherever were found eligible locations. Thus John Ridell settled upon what is called the Ray farm'; Alexander McMurphy, Jr., lived next above McNeil's, opposite the Amoskeag Falls bridge, his farm being betwixt McNeill and Ridell's; Archibald Stark settled upon what is now known as the Stark place, and owned by the Campbells; John Hall settled at' the Centre,"' upon land now owned by George Porter, Esq.; Thomas Hall, his brother, lived upon the Merrimack, next below McNeil's, upon land since known as the "Philip Stevens Farm,'" being that part of the city embraced mainly betwixt Bridge and Merrimack streets, where he had a ferry; the McClintocks, occupied the farm now owned by the heirs of the late Gen. James McQueston; Alexander McMurphy lived upon the farmn at the outlet of the Massabesic, now occupied by the Websters; David Dickey lived where David Dickey, 2d, now lives; William Gamble owned the farm now owned by Samuel Gamble and Isaac C. Flanders, Esq.; Robert Anderson lived where the late Daniel Hall lived; Barber Leslie lived on the farm now owned by James McQueston; and William Nutt lived on the River road, on the farm, a part of which is now owned J. G. Eveleth. Of these people, thus settled upon territory now within the limits of Manchester, most were active enterprizing men, and some were possessed of marked ability, and became identified with most of the public enterprises of their time, in this section of the Merrimack valley. Some of them deserve more than a passing notice. JOHN GOFFE7 ESQUIRE. John Goffe, senior, came to Londonderry from Boston, with the first Scotch Irish emigrants to that town. He was born in Boston in 1679. John Goffe, his father, was a member of Dr. Increase Mather's Church as early as 1676, and is said to have come to this country in 1662 or 63. It has been often suggested that he was related to Gen. William Goffe, the regicide. Major Gen. William Goffe was a man of note in Cromwell's time. A writer in the Fasti Oxonienses, thus speaks of him:"He was the son of Stephen Goffe, Rector of Stanmore in 1.72 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Sussex, and younger brother to John Goffe, mentioned among the writers, An. 1661, and to Stephen Goffe, mentioned in the Fasti, An. 1636. While William was a youth, and adverse to all kinds of learning, he was bound an apprentice to one Vaughan, a salter in London, brother to Col. Joseph Vaughan, a Parliamentarian, and a zealous Presbyterian; whose time being near, or newly out, he betook himself to be a soldier for the righteous cause, instead of setting up his trade, went out as a Quarter-Master of Foot, and continued in the wars till he forgot what he had fought for. At length, through several military grades, he became a Colonel, a frequent prayer maker, preacher, and presser for righteousness and freedom, which in outward show, was expressed very zealously, and therefore in high esteem in the Parliament army. In 1648, he was one of the Judges of King Charles I., sate in judgment when he was brought before the High Court of Justice, stood up as consenting when sentence passed upon him for his decollation, and afterwards set his hand and seal to the warrant for his execution. Afterwards, having, like his General (Cromwell) an evil tincture of that spirit that loved and sought after the favor and praise of man, more than that of God, as by woeful experience in both of them it did afterwards appear, he could not further believe, or persevere upon that account, by degrees fell off from the- anti-monarchical principles of the chief part of the army, and was the man, with Colonel William White, who brought Musqueteers, and turned out the Anabaptistical members that were left behind of the Little, or Barebones Parliament, out of the house, An. 1654. Complying thus kindly with the design and interest of the said General, he was by him, when made Protector, constituted Major-General of Hampshire, Sussex and Berks, a place of great profit, and afterwards was of one, if not of two Parliaments; did advance his interest greatly, and was in so great esteem and favor in Oliver's Court, that he was judged the only fit man to have Major-General John Lambert's place and command, as Major-General of the army of foot; and by some to have the Protectorship settled on him, in future time. He being thus made so considerable a person, was taken out of the House to be a Lord, and to have a negative voice in the other House, and the rather for this reason, that he never in all his life (as he says) fought against aniy such thing as a single person, or a negative voice, but to pull down Charles and set up Oliver, &c. in which he obtained his end. In 1660, a little before the restoration of King Charles II. he betook himself to his heels to save his neck, without any re JOHN GOFFE. 173 gard had to his Majesty's proclamation, wandering about, fearing every one that he met should slay him; and was living at Lausanna in 1664, with Edmond Ludlow, Edward Whalley, and other regicides, when John L'Isle, another of that number, was there, by certain generous royalists dispatched. He afterwards lived several years in vagabondship, but when he died, or where his carcass was lodged, is as yet unknown to me." This account, though redolent of enmnity, is correct in its main facts. Yet it is a mistake that he or Whalley was in Lausanna in 1664, or at any time after 1660, as in that year they came to New-England. Hutchinson, who had access to Goffe's papers, says:"In the ship, Capt. Pierce, which arrived at Boston from London, the 27th of July, 1660, there came passengers, Colonel Whalley and Colonel Goffe, two of the late King's Judges. Colonel Goffe brought testimonials from Mr. John Row and Mr. Seth Wood, two ministers of a church in Westminster. Colonel Whalley had been a member of Mr. Thomas Goodwin's church. Goffe kept a journal or diary, from the day he left Westminster, May 4, until the year 1667; which together with several other papers belonging to him, I have in my possession, almost the whole in characters, or short hand, not difficult to decypher. The story of these persons has never yet been published to the world. It has never been known in New-England. Their papers, after their death, were collected, anid have remained near an hundred years in a library in Boston. It must give some entertainment to the curious. They left London before the King was proclaimed. It does not ap pear that they were among the most obnoxious of the Judges: but as it was expected vengeance would be taken of sonle of them, and a great many had fled, they did not think it safe to remain. They did not attempt to conceal their persons or characters when they arrived at Boston, but immediately went to the Governor, Mr. Endicot, who received them very courteously. They were invited by the principal persons of the town; and among others, they take notice of Colonel Crown's coming to see them. He was a noted Royalist. Although they did not disguise themselves, yet they chose to reside, at Cambridge, a village about four miles distant from the town, where they went the first day they arrived. They went publickly to meetings on the Lord's day, and to occasional lectures, fasts, and thanksgivings, and were admitted to the sacrament, and attended private meetings for devotion, visited many of the -174 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. principal towns, and were frequently at Boston; and once when insulted there, the person who insulted them was bound to his good behaviour. They appeared grave, serious and devout; and the rank they had sustained commanded respect. Whalley had been one of Cromwell's Lieutenant-Generals, and Goffe a Major-General. It is not strange that they should meet with this favorable reception, nor was this reception any contempt of the authority in England. They were known to have been two of the King's Judges; but Charles the second was not proclaimed, when the ship that brought them left London. They had the news of it in the Channel. The report afterwards, by way of Barbadoes, was that all the Judges would be pardoned but seven. The act of indemnity was not brought over till the last of'November. When it appeared that they were not excepted, some of the principal persons in the Goverment were alarmed; pity and compassion prevailed with others. They had assurances from some that belonged to the General Court, that they would stand by them, but were advised by others to think of removing. The 22d. of February, 1661, the Governor summond a Court of assistants, to consult about removing them, but the Court did not agree to it. Finding it unsafe to remain any longer, they left Cambridge, the 26th following, and arrived at New-Haven the 7th: of March 1661. One Captain Breedan, who had seen them at Boston, gave information thereof upon his arrival in England. A few days after their removal, a hue and cry, as they term it in their diary, was brought by the way of Barbadoes; and thereupon a warrant to secure them issued, the 8th of March, from the Governor and Assistants, which was sent to Springfield, and other towns in the western part of the colony; but they were beyond.the reach of it." The Governor adds in a long marginal note, "They were well treated at New-Haven by the ministers, and some of the magistrates, and for some days seemed to apprehend themselves out of danger. But the news of the King's proclamation being brought to New-Haven, they were obliged to abscond. The 27th of March they removed to Nlew-Milford, and appeared there in the day time, and made themselves known; but at night returned privately to New-Haven, and lay concealed in Mr. Davenport, the minister's house, until the 30th of April. About this time news came to Boston, that ten of the Judges were exe.cuted, and the Governor received a royal mandate, dated March 5th, 1660, to cause Whalley and Goffe to be secured. This greatly alarmed the country, and there is no doubt that the JOHN GOFFE. 175 court were now in earnest in their endeavors to apprehend them; and to avoid all suspicion, they gave commission and instruction to two young merchants from England, Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirk, zealous royalists to go through the colonies, as far as Manhados, in search of them. They had friends who informed them what was doing, and they removed from Mr. Davenport's to the house of one Jones, where they lay hid until the 11th of May, and then removed to a mill, and from thence, on the 13th, into the woods, where they met Jones and two of his companions, Sperry and Burril, who first conducted them to a place called Hatchet-Harbor, where they lay two nights, until a cave or hole in the side of a hill was prepared to conceal them. This hill they called Providence Hill: and there they continued from the 15th of May to the 1 I1th of June, sometimes in the cave, and in very tempestuous weather, in a house near to it. During this time the messengers went through New-Haven to the Dutch settlement, from whence they returned to Boston by water. They made diligent search, and had full proof that the regicides had been seen at Mr. Davenport's and offered great rewards to English and Indians who should give information, that they might be taken; but by the fidelity of their three friends they remained undiscovered. Mr. Davenport was threatened with being called to an account, for concealing and comforting traitors, and might well be alarmed. They had engaged to surrender, rather than -the country or any particular person should suffer on their account; and upon intimation of Mr. Davenport's danger, they generously resolved to go to New-Haven and deliver themselves to the authorities there. The miseries they had suffered, and were still exposed to, and the little chance they had of finally escaping, in a country where every stranger is immediately known to be such, would not have been sufficient to have induced them. They let the Deputy-Governor, Mr. Leete know where they were; but he took no measures to secure them; and the next day some persons came to them to advise them not to surrender. Having publicly shown themselves at New-Haven, they had cleared Mr. Davenport from the suspicion of still concealing them, and the 24th of June went into the woods again to their cave. They continued there, sometimes venturing to a house near the cave, until the 19th of August —when the search for them being pretty well over they ventured to the house of one Tompkins, near Milford meeting house, where they remained two years, without so much as going into the orchard. After that they took a little more liberty, and made themselves known 176 HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. to several persons in whom they could confide, and each of them frequently prayed, and also exercised, as they termed it, or preached at private meetings in their chambers. In 1664, the commissioners from King Charles arrived at Boston. Upon the news of it, they retired to their cave, where they tarried eight or ten days. Soon after, some Indians in their hunting, discovered the cave with the bed; and the report being spread abroad, it was not safe to remain near it. On the 13th of October, 1664, they removed to iHadley, near one hundred miles distant, travelling only by night; where Mr. Russel the minister of the place,, had previously agreed to receive them. Here they remained concealed fifteen or sixteen years, very few persons in the colony being privy to it. The last account of Goffe, is from a letter, dated Ebenezer, the name they gave their several places of abode, April 2, 1679. Whalley had been dead sometime before. The tradition at Hadley is, that two persons unknown, were buried in the minister's cellar. The minister was no sufferer by his boarders. They received more or less remittances every year, for many years together, from their wives in England. Those few persons who knew where they were, made them frequent presents. Richard Saltonstall, Esq., who was in the secret, when he left the country, and went to England in 1672, made them a present of fifty pounds at his departure; and they take notice of donations from several other friends. They were in constant terror, though they had reason to hope, after some years, that the enquiry for them was over. They read with pleasure the news of their being killed, with,other Judges, in Switzerland. Their diary for six or seven years, contains every little occurrence in the town, church, and particular families in the neighborhood. They had indeed, for five years of their lives, been among the principal actors in the great affairs of the nation: Goffe especially, who turned the little Parliament out of the house, and who was attached to Oliver and to Richard to the last; but they were both of low birth and education. They had very constant and exact intelligence of every thing that passed in England, and were unwilling to give up all hope of of deliverance. Their greatest expectations were from the fulfilment of the prophecies. They had no doubt, that the execution of the Judges was the slaying of the witnesses. They were much disappointed, when the year 1666 had passcd withoult any remarkable event, but flattered themselves that the Christian era might be erroneous. Their lives were miserable and constant burdens. They complain of being ban JOHN GOFFE. 177 ished from all human society. A letter from Goffe's wife, who was Whalley's daughter, I think worth preserving. After the second year, Goffe writes by the name of Walter Goldsmith and she of Frances Goldsmith, and the correspondence is carried on as between a mother and son. There is too much religion in their letters for the tastes of the present day; but the distresses of two persons, under there peculiar circumstances, who appear to have lived very happily together, are very strongly described. Whilst they were at Hadley, February 10, 1664-5, Dixwell, another of the Judges, came to them; but from whence, or in what part of America he first landed, is not known. The first mention of him in their journal, is by the name of Colonel Dixwell; but ever after they call him Mr. Davids. He continued at Hadley some years, and then removed to 1N'ew Haven.' He was generally supposed to be one of those who were obnoxious in England; but he never discovered who he was, until he was on his death-bed. I have one of his letters, signed James Davids, dated, March, 23, 1683. HI- married at New Haven, and left several children. After his death, his son, who before had been called Davids, took the name of Dixwell, came to Boston, and lived in good repute; was a ruling elder of one of the churches there, and died in 1725, of the small pox by innoculation, Some of his grandchildren are now living. Colonel Dixwell was buried in New-Haven. His grave stone still remains with this inscription, —" J. D. Esq., deceased March 18th in the 82d year of his age, 1688." It cannot be denied, that many of the principal persons in the colony greatly esteemed these persons for their professions of piety, and their grave deportment, who did not approve of their political conduct. Mr. Mitchel, the minister of Cambridge, who showed them great friendship upon their first arrival, says in a manuscript which he wrote in his own vindication; " Since I have had opportunity, by reading and discourse, to look a little into that action for which these men suffer, I could never see that it was justifiable." After they were declared traitors, they certainly would have been sent to England, if they could have been taken. It was generally thought they had left the country; and even the consequence of their escape was dreaded, lest when they were taken, those who had harbored them should suffer for it. Mr. Endicot, the Governor, writes to the ~Iarl of Manchester, that he supposes they went towards the Dutch at Manhados, and took shipping for Holland; and Mr Bradstreet, then Governor, in 178 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. December 1684, writes to Edward Randolph, " that after their being at New-Haven, he could never hear what became of them." Randolph who was sent to search into the secrets of the government, could obtain no more knowledge of them than that they had been in the country, and respect had been shown them by some magistrates. I am loth to omit an anecdote handed down through Governor Leverett's family. I find Goffe takes notice in his journal of Leverett's being at Hadley. The town of Hadley was alarmed by the Indians in 1675, in the time of public worship,'and the people were in the utmost confusion. Suddenly, a grave elderly person appeared in the midst of them. In his mien and dress he differed from the rest of the people. He not only encouraged them to defend themselves, but put himself at their head, rallied, instructed, and led them on to encounter the enemy, who by this means were repulsed. As suddenly the deliverer of Hadley disappeared. The people were left in consternation, utterly unable to account for this strange phenonemon. It is not probable they were ever able to explain it. If Goffe had been then discovered, it must have come to the knowledge of those persons, who declared by their letters that they never knew what became of him." Gen. Whalley died about the year 1678, and Gen. Goffe the year following. It has been claimed that John Goffe of Londonderry was a grandson of Gen. Goffe, but this is altogether improbable. The connection, if any, must have been collateral. True, Gen. Goffe had one or more sons, but there is no evidence showing that a son of his was ever in this country. Unerring circumstances show to the contrary. The retreat of the father was well known to his family, certainly to his wife, and as the utmost pains had been taken to apprehend him on the part of the royalists, it is not at all probable that his son would have been permitted to come to this country, openly bearing his father's name, and almost in daily contact with those who would have been glad to have destroyed the regicide, lest the presence of the son should have led to the apprehension of the father. And it is not at all probable that either of his children came to this country; on the contrary, it is evident from a letter, written by Gen. Goffe to his wife, in 1674, that his son was then in England. Now John Goffe, of Londonderry, came to this country in 1662 or 1663 and was amember of Dr. Increase Mather's church in 1676. These facts show that he could not have been a son of Gen. Goffe. JOHN GOrFE. 179 Yet he may have been a nephew, and the fact, that his immediate descendants continued the family names of Stephen, John and William, would seem to indicate that he might have been a descendant of Rev. Stephen Goffe, of Stanmore, who had those names in his family. John Goffe came to Londonderry as an agent for the Scotch Irish emigrants. He was a man of some considerable business capacity, and performed his stipulated duties to the satisfaction of his employers, as is shown by the fact that he had a special grant in the charter for his'"good services in promoting the settlement of said town," the closing stipulation of the charter reading thus: "Moreover and above what is already given in this schedule, is added, To Mr. McGregore, 250 acres. "' - NtMr. McKeen, 250 " - r l" Mr. David Cargill, 100 " Mr. James Gregg, 150 " Mr. Goffe, 100 " for good services, and to the last two mentioned, namely Gregg and Goffe, a Mill Stream within the said town for their good services in promoting the settlement of said town." Mr. Goffe was the first town, or rather proprietors' clerk. He was chosen in 1719 and served in that capacity until March 1723, having been chosen Town Clerk at the organization of the town under. the charter of 1722. Soon after the organization some difficulty ensued betwixt him and a portion of' the proprietors, in relation to his acts while Agent and Clerk. It was alleged that his'son John Goffe, Jr.-'s, name was introduced improperly among the grantees and that a i transcript of land" was improperly recorded in his own favor. The subject of the alleged improper record was referred to a Committee, March 5., 1731, with directions to commence a suit at law against him, but it does not appear that the committee had any action upon the subject, or that a suit was commenced against him. This fact would seem to show that upon investigation, there was no cause of action, The difficulty however in relation to the insertion of his son's name in the schedule attached to the charter, continued, and the town refused to lay out any land to John Goffe, Jr. Upon this he brought a suit against the town. This action was brought some time prior to May 18, 1731, as on that day a warrant was posted calling a town meeting to act upon the subject. This was the first notice of the matter on record. The town defended the suit stoutly, but after six 180 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. years of litigation, Mr. Goffe obtained a judgment against the town, and in 1738 they adjusted the matter with him by laying him out a home lot of sixty acres, and paying his costs, amounting to twMenty-six pounds and eight shillings. This result, coupled with the fact that the committee to prosecute the father, never took any action in the matter, shows pretty conclusively that the whole charge against John Goffe, Senior, had no foundation in substance. Yet his enemies made the most of the matter and succeeded in keeping him out of any public employment. Mr. Goffe's farm in Londonderry proved to be next to worthless, as upon making a clearing, its position was such, that it was subject to frosts, and he could: not succeed in raising Indian corn, to him a Massachusetts man, an indispensible product. Upon this, his son, John Goffe, Jr., invited him to move to the Cohas Brook and live with hilnm where he had plenty of good land for corn and other purposes. He accepted the invitation, taking the principal charge of the farm of his son, who from his connection with public affairs, had little time to devote to farming.@ This was probably in 1722, as before suggested. He resided with his son until his death, August 9, 1748, a; the age of 69 years. His only son, John, became a distinguished officer in the French and Indian wars. BENJAMIN KIDDER. Doubtless came here about 1722, with his father-in-law, John Goffe, as he was a grantee of Lorndonderry in that year. He probably was originally of Billerica. He entered in the Company under the famous "Captain Lovewell," in the expedition against Pequauquauke, and while on' the march and in the neighborhood of Ossipee Lake, was taken sick, as related in the preceding chapter. It is probable, that he did not long survive the hardships and exposure of this expedition. His son, John Kidder, was named as a legatee in the will of his grandfather, John Goffe, Esq., made in 1748. EDWARD LINGFIELD. Of Edward Lingfield, very little is known. He married a daughter of John Goffe, Esq., and settled here about 1722, as before suggested. He was a corporal in Lovewell's expedition, was one of the thirty-four men who marched from Ossipee Lake to Pequauquauke, and took part in that famous battle; where. he fought with great bravery. He was one of the nine men in that battle "who received no considerable wounds." After his return from that expedition, he received an Ensign's commission, as a reward of his heroic conduct in the battle of ARCHIBALD STARK. 181 Pequauquauke. The time of his death is unknown. His son Benjamin was a legatee named in. his grandfather Goffe's will, and it is probable that his father had died before that time. ARCHIBALD STARK. Archibald Stark, was born at Glasgow in Scotland in 1693. Soon after graduating at the University, he moved to Londonderry in the north of Ireland, becoming what was usually denoted a " Scotch Irishman." There he was married to, a poor, but beautiful Scotch girl, by the nane of Eleanor Nichols, and emigrated to America. He at first settled in Londonderry, where he remained until somen time in 1736, when having his house burned, he removed to that portion of land upon the Merrimack, then known as Harrytown, upon a lot that had been granted to Samuel T'haxter, by the government of Massachusetts, and which was situated upon the hill upon the east bank of the Merrimack, a short distance above the falls of Namaoskeag. Here he resided until his death. An educated man, Stark must have had a strong desire that his children should enjoy the advantages of an education; but in a wilderness, surrounded by savages, and upon a soil'not the most inviting, the sustenance and protection of his family, demanded his attention, rather more than their education.,His children. however were instructed at the fireside, in the rudiments of an English education, and such principles were instilled into them, as accomnpanied with energy, courage and decision of character, made them fit actors in the stirring events of that period. His education fitted him rather for the walks of civil life, but yet wae find him a volunteer for the protection of the frontier against the ravages of the Indians in 1745 —and for the protection of the people in this immediate neighborhood, a fort was built at the outlet' of Swager's' or Fort Pond, (near Rodnia Nutt's, ) which, out of dompliment to Mr. Stark's enterprise in building, and garrisoning,, the same was called Stark's fort. Mr. Stark had seven children, four sons, and three daughters. His four sons, William, John, Archibald and Samuel were noted soldiers in the Indian and French wars, and the three oldest had distinguished themselves as officers in the notable corps of Ranger's, prior to'their father's death. The second son, John, became the famous partisan officer in the Revolution, and as a Brigadier, won unfading laurels at the battle of Bennington. Mr. Stark died the 25th day of June, 1758, aged 61 years. JOHN HALL. John Hall came to this country probably after 1730. He tarried some time in Londonderry, and then moved upon a 182 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. lot of land, near the west line of Chester, and in that part of the town, afterwards set off to form the town of Derryfield. He was an energeiic business man, and for a series of years, transacted much of the public business of this neighborhood and town. His farm comprised the farms now owned by Messrs Wilson & Cheney, Isaac Huse, and George Porter. His first house, a log one, was built upon land now owned by George Porter. He kept a public house until his death. The original framle house built by him, but added to according to business and fashion, until little of the original could be recognized, was standing until 1852, when it was destroyed by fire. It had always been kept as a public house and generally by some one of the name. Mr. Hall was the agent of the inhabitants for obtaining the charter of Derryfield in 1751, ard was the first town clerk under that charter. He was elected to that office fifteen yearsand in one and the same year, was Moderator, first Selectman, and Town clerk. These'factsshow the estimation in. which he was held by his fellow townsmen. The time of Mr. Hall's arrival in this country, or of his removal to Chester is not known. He married in Lon1doderry.Miss Elizabeth IDickey, January 4, 1741. Upon his marriage, he moved into a house with Colonel Samuel Barr, where he lived some years, and dur. ing which time some three or four of his children were boln. He then moved to Chester, probably in 1748 or 1749. While living at Londonderryinl the house with Mr. Bart, his son Daniel Hall was born, Jul'y, 28th 1744J. This event had been anticipated some months, by the birth of a daughter to Mr. Barr, January 4th, of the same year. The intimacy thus commenced by the parents was continued, and their children, Daniel Hall and Jean Barr, at mature age, were united in marriage. Their offsprmng comprises most of the'people by the name of Hall in this neighborhood. Samuel Barr, with'two brothers, John, Gabriel, and a nephew, James, came to this country about 1723, from Bellymony, county of Antrim, Ireland. He was a man of ability and soon became of much influence in the town. He was frequently Moderator and Selectman and in 1741-2 was representive at the Provincal Assembly; and again elected to the same office in 1761 and the six years next following. He also had command of the Regiment in this section, when such a command was an honor, and conferred alone for merit as a man and a soldier. John Barr, the elder brother of Samuel, was in the celebrated iege of Derry, and for services there rendered in common with JOHN HALL. 183 the other defenders of that city, was exempted from'taxation by act of Parliament throughout the British dominions. In consequence of this honorable tribute to his courage, John Barr's lands in Londonderry were exempted from taxation until the subversion of British power in this Province by the Revolution. There were several other men of Londonderry-who were in the siege of Derry and entitled to like exemption from taxation. Of these were Rev. Matthew Clark, William Caldwell, and Abraham Blair. The -farms owned by these soldiers, and their descendants were known as the'- exempt farms." Au heir loom is now in-the, possession of the Barr family, obtainedwin the following manner. After the, siege' of Derry many of the soldiers were marched out of the city by orders of Gen. Kirk, under the pretence that a certain amount of money was to be distributed among them, but they were disbanded without pay or provision, and had to get homethe best way they could. John Barr was among them and started for Bellymony, weak from the effects of a long siege, and faint for sant of food. In the evening-he came to a house, went in and requested to stay all nlight. The woman of the house said. she could not entertain him. " But,"' says he "'I have got in and unless you'are stronger than 1, I shall stay." He noticed two fowls roasting before the fire. The woman became very pleasarnt and full, of conversation. She said she wanted tonmake a. rope, and asked if he could assist. He said he could. She got the fax and crank, and they awent to work. He twisted and stepped back toward the door. When he got to the. door, he asked if it was not long enough. She said no, he stepped out of the door; at which she threw the rope out and shut the door, fastened it, and put his gun and pack out of the window., Well, thought he, I am outwitted: but he travelled on,' and seeing an old deserted mill, he thought,he Would turn:in there for the night, and he concluded the safest place to sleep would be in the hopper. He had not been.there long, before he saw a light approaching the mill, and' soon there entered a man and woman, with two cooked fowls and a silver tankard of beer, The man and woman being very familiar, the soldier thought that he would like to see what was going on, and raising his head for this purpose, the hopper fell and came down with a crash. The two persons fled, leaving the' fowls and. the tankard of beer. Our hero got up, made a good supper of the fowls, put the remainder in his pouch, and with morning departed on his journey. 184 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. WILLIAM GAMBLE AND MICHAEL MCCLINTOCK. William Gamble came to this country in 1722, aged fourteen years. He and two elder brothers, Archibald, and Thomas, and a sister, Mary, started together for America, but the elder brothers were pressed into the British service upon the point of sailing, leaving the boy, William, and his sister to make'the voyage alone, William was saved from the press-gang, alone by the ready exercise of " woman's wit.";,The Gambles had started under the protection of Mr. and Mrs. Michael McClintock, who resided in the same neighborhood, and were about to emigrate to New England. Upon witnessing the seizure of the elder brothers, Mrs. McClintock called to William Gamble, " Come here, Billy quickly," and upon Billy's approaching her, she continued,"snuggle down here Billy,"'and she hid him under the folds -of her capacious dress! There he remained in safety, until the gang had searched the house for the boy in vain, and retired in high dugeon at their ill success. Upon coming to this country, theMcClintocks came to Londonderry, and finally settled in that part of Chester' near Londonderry, upon the farm now owned by the heirs of Gen. McQueston. They were industrious, thriving people, and Michael and William, his son, built the first bridge. across the Cohas, and also another across the Little Cohas, on the road'from Amoskeag to Derry. These bridges were built in 1738 and were probably nearwhere bridges are now maintained across the same streams, on.the "old road to Derry." The NcClintocks were voted twenty shillings a year for ten years for the use of these bridges. Alexander, son'of William McClintock, subsequently married Janet Gamble, daughter of William'Gamble, whom his grandmother by. her great presence of mind had saved from the cluthcches of the press-gang. The McClintocks moved to Hillsborough where their decendants now reside. William:Gamble upon his\arrival in.Boston; went to work on the ferry from Charlestown to Boston. Here he remained two years. During this time, he had no more than supported himself, and lie went back into the country and worked at farming for some years. At this -period he made a visit to Londonderry where he married a widow Clark. At Londonderry, he found a cousin, Archibald Stark, and concluded to' remain in this neighborhood. Accordingly he " made a pitch," upon the west side of the Merrimack, in what is now Bedford; but after a short time he determined to- settle in Chester, and "spotted out," the farm now owned by S amuel Gamble, his great grand JOHN MCNEfIL. 185 son, alid Isaac C. Flanders, Esq. This was probably about 1733. Here he built a log house, upon the east side of the brook that passes through the farm of Samuel Gamble, Esq. The path from'Namaoskeag Falls to Londonderry, and running by spotted trees, passed near his house, and crossed the Cohas below tile Hazeltine Mills. Here he resided laboring incessantly upon his farm'until the:. -reaking out of the Indian -war of 1745. During this war he joined several "scouts," and upo.n the commencenlent of the " old Frenchi War," in 1755, haying lost his wife, he enlisted in the regular:service, and was in most of the war, being under Wolfe on the " Plains, of Abraham." After the fall of Quebec, he came back to Derryfield, and went to work- upon his farm.' Soon after, he married Ann, the eldest child of Archibald Stark. By, her he had two sons, William and Archibald. William Gamble, Senior, died suddenly of cramp, Dec. 28th 1785, aged 77 years. His wife Ann, died Jan. 25th 1805, aged'84 years, being unfortunately burned with the house-, then owned by her son Archibald. Archibald and Thomas Gamble, the elder brothers of William, after serving some time in the British army, deserted, came to this country and settled in Virginia, where their descendants reside at the present day. Mary, the sister, that came over'with William, married William Starret, and settled near her brother, upon the farm now owned by Archibald Gamble, Esq. Their son, David Starret, was an active business man; was town clerk from 1767 to 1775, and then again from 1777 to July 1779, when he removed to Francestown. JOHNf MCNEIL. John McNeil came to Londonderry with the first emigrants in 1719. The McNeils of Scotland and in the North of Ireland were men of known reputation for bravery, and Daniel McNeil was one of the council of the City of Londonderry, and has the honor, with twenty-one others of that body, of withstanding the duplicity and treachery of Lundy, the traitorous Governor, and affixing their signatures to a resolution, to stand by each other in defence of the city, which resolution, placarded upon the market house, and read at the head of the battalions in the garrison, led to the successful defence of the city. John McNeil was a lineal descendant of this councilor. Becoming involved in a quarrrel with a person of distinction in his neighborhood, who attacked him in the'highway, McNeil knocked him from his horse, and left him to be cared for by 186 THE HISTORY OF MINCHESTER. his retainers. This encounter, though perfectly justifiable on the part of McNeil, as his antagonist was the attacking party, made his tarry in Ireland unpleasant, if not unsafe, and he emigrated to America, and settled in Londonderry. Here he establiS'hed a reputation not only as a man of courage, but one of great strength, and neither white or red' man upon the borders, dared to ris'\ a hand-to-hand encounter with him. Measuring six feet and a half in height, with a corresponding frame, and stern unbending will, he was a fit outpost, as it were, of civilization, and many are, the,traditions of his personal encounters during a long and eventful border life. -His wife, Christan, was well mated with him, of strong frame and great eniergy and courage. It is related that upon one occasion a stranger came to the door and enquired for McNeil.'Christian told him that her "'gudemolan" was n'ot at home: Uipon which the stranger expressed much regret. Christian enquired as to the business upon which he came, and the stranger told her he had heard a great'deal of the-strength of McNeil and his skill'in wrestling, and he had come some considerable distance, to throw himn. "An troth mon," said Christian McNeil, " Johnny is gone, but I'm not the woman to se ya disappointed, an' I think if ye'll try mon, I'11 throw ya meself." The stranger not liking to be thus bantered by a woman, accepted the challenge, and sure enough, Christian tripped his heels and threw him upon the ground. The stranger upon getting up,'thought he wsould not wait for "Johnny," but left without deigning to leave his name. A large rock in the bed of the Merrimack directly west of the north end of No. I, Amoskeag Never Mills, and about four rods from the east bank of the river, is now known by the name of " Old McNeil." It received its naine from John McNeil, and in this wise. McNeil in attempting to cross the river at this place, in the spring of the year. when the ice was thin and weak, fell through into the river near this rock. With the utmost presence of mind he waded towards the shore until' e could touch both the bottom and the ice, when bracing his broad shoulders against it, with an almnost superhuman effort, he raised the'surrounding ice, broke through it,'and getting upon the firm ice, thus escaped-from drowning. This incident, together with the fact thaL this rock, from its height usually protruded thro'ugh the ice, suggested and continued to it, the name of "old McNeil." This rock was a noted mark and guide for the rivermen. When "old McNeil" was out of sight, six or eight " shots"'of lumber could be run over Merrill's falls. 31 | -~~~~~~~~-~~~~~~~B~~ -~~~~~~~~~~~~~: 5v(83 wi-XtX~~~f -X> "-> < g\X-C.5xf-C 4 S~: JOHN MCNEIL. 187 When. he showed his head three inches, four "shots" could be run, and when his head was out of water six inches, but one could be run. Thus has John McNeil been kept in remembrance; but not thus alone, for his name, borne by a lineal descendant, himself possessing many of the traits of his ancestor, has become identified with one of the brightest pages of American history'. John McNeil moved to.Suncook, (now Pembroke ) and was a resident there in 1747, the 26th of May -of which year Ihis name,: is found attached to a petition to the Governor and Council for assistanlce against the Indians, who had- made an attack upon that settlement on Monday the 26th -previous. It is probable that he lived there with John Knox who had married his daughter, and that he died and was buried in Suncook. His son Daniel, moved to Hillsborough in 1771, where his descendants are among the most respectable citizens of that town.. John-McNeil, son of Daniel, was: borni in:Derryfield, in March 1757,five years after the. incorporation of the town, and moved to Hillsborough with his father. John was aprivate i-n Capt. Isaac Bald:winl's company which was of S:trk's regiment- inr the memmorable battle of Bunker!s Hill, and assisted Capt.. Baldwin from the field when he was mortally wounded- Lieut. McNeil served in the war several<' years;. He died, Sept..' 29,- 1836, aged 79 years.-'He married.Lucy, oldest'daughter of Isaac' Andrews, Esq.,'of illsborough.: Their children were:Mary, born'..July, 6, 779;.,Solomon, born January 15, 1782;. John, born March 25,. 784, and Lucy,'born April, 1786, and, who died in infancy. Mary. married James Wfilson Esq., of.Hillsborough. Solomon, Major General, is now living at' Hillsborough. General- Soloman McNeil, married Nancy..M. the second daughter of Gov. Benjamin Pierce. Gen. John McNeil married Elizabeth' A.' the eldest daughter of Gov. Pierce-"she is. still. living. Gen. John'McNeil was -a distinguished o-fficer` in the'war of 1812. He entered the service as a Captain, March 1.2th 1812" August 15, 1813, was promoted to Majority; July 15, 1814, was breveted a Lieut. Colonel " for his intrepid behavior on the 5th of July in the battle of Chippewa;" was breveted a Colonel July 25, 1814, " for his distinguished valor as a commander of the l1th regiment of infantry on the 25th day of July in the battle of Niagara;" was promoted to the rank of Lieut.'Colonel, Feb. 24, 1818; to the rank. of Colonel, April 28, -1826; and was breveted Brigadier en~erali July 25, 1824;after ten years of faithful seivice as brevet Colonel. In April 1830, Gen. Mc 188 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Neil retired from the service, having been appointed by Gen. Jackson, Surveyor of the port of Boston. This last office he held nutil the day of his death, which happened at Washington, Feb,, 23, 1850. At the battle of Niagara, at the head of "the bloody 11th," Gen. McNeil, then a Major, received a wound in the knee, from a grape shot. The limb was dreadfully shattered, still McNeil retained his saddle, and cheered on his men, until fainting from the loss of blood, his situation was observed by his soldiers, who held him in his saddle and thus took him from the field. This wound crippled him for life. Atthe battle of Chippewa, only twenty days previous, Major McNeil led his regiment into battle. It is a fact worthy of note, that a Captain of thirty should have been promoted to a Majority, and have received two brevets in less than a year, and the brevets of Lieut. Colonel and Colonel in the, brief space of twenty days. Gen. McNeil was about six feet and six inches in height, of good proportions and a military air, which was not lessened' by a stiff knee; and when in the saddle or on foot, was one of the best looking officers in the service. Of his bravery and gallantry no mention need be made,'as the honors of his government eloquently speak of both of these qualities. The only son of Gen. John McNeil was a graduate of West Point and was wounded in the Florida War, while leading an attack upon an Indian Camp, on the 10th of September 1837. He lived till the following night when he expired at the age of twenty years'and six months, lamented by a large circle of friends. Lieut. Benjamin P. McNeil, the second son of Gen. John, was attached to the U. S. service, a Lieutenant in the artillery corps, and died at Boston, June 12th, 1853. Gen. McNeil had two daughters, Elizabeth Andrews Benham, who married Capt. G. W. Benham, of the United States Army and who now resides at Hillsborough, and Frances who also resides with her mother at Hillsbo'rough. In October 1735, the throat distemper prevailed in this town. This was the most fatal epidemic that ever prevailed throughout New England. We have no means of knowing how many deaths occurred in this town, and only know from tradition that it prevailed here. Aged people have told of its victims here, and the number of graves, as well as their apparent size in the Burying Ground near the first meeting house, and which was first used in this year, and used only a few years for such purposes, would seem to agree with tradition, that there was a THROAT DISTEMPER. 189 fatal epidemic among the Children of the township at this period. The throat swelled with white and ash colored specks, an efflorescence appeared on the skin; there was a great debility" of the whole system, and a strong tendency to putridify. Its first appearance was in May, 1735, at Kingston in this State. "It was said to have originated with a man by the name of Clough; who in April of that year had a swine taken sick with a c9mplaint in his throat, and died. Mr. Clough skinned the hog and opened it. Soon aftel he was taken sick with a comrplaint in hiss throat and died. Early in May the same year two children of Dea. Elkins were taken with the cynanche maligna and died suddenly. Immediately after some children of a Mr. Webster died with it. From these points it soon spread every way, raging through most of the families, not according to the effects of contagion, or qualities of soil, but to appearances entirely fortuitous, until most of the families lost nearly all their children under ten years of age. The disease was so suddenly mortal'that death often took place -in twelve hours after the attack., It ijs related of children that while sitting up at play they would fall and expire with their play.thing in their hands. "* "During the summer, it spread throtgh the town; of the first forty who had it, not. one recovered. In August, it appeared in Exeter, an adjacent,town, where 127 died; in September, at Boston, fifty miles south; where 114 died'; in Byfield, fifteen miles south -of Kingston, >October 23d; nor -was it known in Chester, an adjoining town, till this month. At Byfield, only one died in October, in November two died, in December tel, in January -seven, iin February three, in March six, in April five, inrl May seven, in June four,.in July nine, in August twenty-five, in September thirteen, in Octbber eight in' November four; the last of which died on, the 23d, so that in just thirteen months 104 persons died, which was about the seventh. part of the population of: the parish. Eight children were buried from one family, four of them in the same grave:; another family lost five children. In other places, from three to six children were lost out of a family. In some towns one in three, and others one in four, who were.sick, died. In Hampton Falls, 20 families buried all their children; 27 persons were lost out of five families, and more than a sixth part of the inhabitants died. In the province of New Hampshire alone, which theni had only fifteen towns, not less than 1000' *Farmer & Moore's His. Coll. p. 143. 17 190 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. persons, of whom nine hundred were under twenty years of age, fell victims to this terrible malady."* Thus near one tenth of the entire population of the Province was cut off in a single year, a melancholy blow, from which the colony was long in recovering. CHAPTER XI. Controversy with Massachusetts.-Commission meet at Hampton.-Committee from New Iampshire report. —Another attempt to state the lines.-Failwre to accomplish the object.-The Scotch. Irish take part in the controversy.-Appeal to the King.-Massachusetts commences granting townships in New Hampshire.-Grant of Pennacook.-The Narraganset townships.-The grantees meet in Boston.-Grant of five additional townships to them.Location of these townships.-Narraganset No. II, III,IV, V, & VI.Grants of Bow and Canterbury.-Grant of Tyngstown.-Petition of Hildreth and Shepley.-Tyngstown annexed to'Middlesex'County. —Excise upon the fisheries at Amoskeag.-Major Hildreth builds the:first: mill.-First Meeting house.-Its location.-New Hampshire sends an agent to England.His instructions.-A Commission appoinwed by the King to settle the question of the lines.-It meets.-Legislatures meet at Hampton and Salisbury. Gov. Belcher and suite visit', Skeag."-Finesse about the lines.-Appeals carried before the King.-The lines established. At this period, the controversy with Massachusetts as to our southern and western lines, had become one of absorbing interest throughout the Province. Massachusetts had pursued a vacillating policy as to her claim; at one time extending her north line nearly to "Mr. Weare's house"' in Hampton, at another. as far north as Pennacook, again to the " Endicott tree" three miles north of the forks of the Merrimack at Franklin, a fourth time to a point three miles north of the outlet of Winnepesaukee, and then before the Lord Chief Justices of the King's Bench, abandoned all claim to any land three miles north of the Merrimack to the farthest head thereof. This hearing before the Chief Justice, was in 1677, and as the decision dispossessed Massachusetts of all the settled part of the territory, little was said as to the subject of lines for some years. The less so, *History of New England, pages 309 and 310. tORDRt DItPFFCULTIjESt 191 as the excitement and confusion conequent upon varieut changes in the government of both Provinces, and an W]inn war, left little opportunity) had the desire existed, to t.end to. that subject. But in 1696, the matter of the divisional lines. began to be, again agitated. The inhabitants living upon the sou.th, boundary were much excited upon the subject. Muany of them were; claimed and taxed by both Provinces, and the result was, that. most of the people thus situated, refased to do service, or pay taxes any where, To remedy the e vil the government of New Hampshire made a proposition to that of Massachusetts to run the line, and a committee was chosen for that purpose,. tlnt Massachusetts refused to accede to the proposition. The: committee on the part of New Hampshire, proceeded with competent surveyors to run the line according to the charter, and afterwards took legal measures to enforce the laws of the Province against all delinquents above the line so established. lBut matters only became worse, as officers were often resisted, and difficulties even arose between the officers themselves of the two Provinces. At length, pending the suit between Allen and Waldron in 1706, a proposition was again made to run the line, and a committee from Massachusetts, met one from New Hampshire for that purpose, but not agreeing as to the construction of the charter, they parted without, accomplishing their object. At length, the troubles with the people near the line of M\fassachusetts, growing more frequent and serious, in 1708, New Hampshire again proposed to settle the difficulty as to the lines, and chose the same committee on tlheir part, that had acted in that capacity two years previous. Massachusetts acceded to the proposal, and chose on their part the same men who had acted upon the last committee. The Commission met at Hampton, on the 4th of May 1708, but the gentlemen from Massachusetts clainmed "to ye brooke at Widow lHeathe's" in Hampton, far beyond three miles north of the Merrimack. This was in direct opposition to their disclaimer before the Chief Justice of the King's Bench in 1677, and a renewal of their original claim. The committee from New Hampshire made three distinct propositions for settling the border difficulties, but neither was accepted, and the commission broke up without accomplishing anything. The committee from New Hampshire made the following report to the Governor and Council. PR2OVINCE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. To the Governor and Council of the province above sd, we 192 HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. whose names are underwritten being ordered to meet a Committee of the province of the Massachusetts bay, to consider and Judg of the distance from the brink of the River unto the families sayd to be in dispute and to propose to which of the provinces we think it Reasonable sd families should pay taxes and doo service during the war as more at large appears. by the order bearing Date may 26 1708 &c. Persuant to sd order we met the Committee of the other province on the fourth day of this instant July 1708 at the house of Mr. Henry Ambros, and after some debate we found the proposals made by the Committee for the other province to be such that we Could not Comply with, nor any way agreeable to playn words of the Royal Charter, after which we the Committee for this province made our proposals, which we here offer to lay before the Government of this province together with the Reasons of the same &c. 1. That the line Run Eleven or twelve years since, (by a warrant from the Government of this province,) shall be the parting line between the provinces until the Massachusetts Goverment Consent to state the bounds according to the Royal Charter, for the Reason following, viz: for that the Government of this provintce did sundry times Request the Government of the Massachusetts bay to Impower a Committee to Join the Committee of this province to Run the line above sd: which they saw not good to doo, whereupon the government of this province ordered a Committee to meet their Committee at a certain Day and If they would not attend, then to proceed to Run the parting line between the provinces, and we the subscribers were part of the Committee for this province, and are now assured it was done with all the care Immaginable we having good artizans to survey and perform- that affair, and made Return thereof to the Governor and Council of the province, the charge whereof was not less than ten pounds and that the Massachusetts would not Cum to se their measure was their fault and not ours, Ergo, that bounds ought to be the bounds until they Consent to Run a new which we ever offer to do on our part at their demand &c., this offer they accept not off. 2dly. About two years since we the Committee of this province met the Committee of the other province who were the same persons, (viz) Col. Noyse, and the other gentlemen at the house of sd Ambros in order to proceed to state the bounds, but could not agree about the meaning of the charter, whereupon we made our application to his Exc llency the Governor together with our aligation Requesting that the words of thcr Charter might be interpreted &c. BORDER DIFFICULTIES. 193 But we the Committee for this province did then and doo still offer to Joyn with them of the other province in measuring out the land three miles in latitude on the north side of the River to Run a paralell line with the brink of the sd River as we understand is the plain meaning of sd Charter, the dooing of which will not take more time than 2 or 3 days, to extend to the westward of the houses said to be in dispute and we will proceed to perform the same with artists and Instruments and men to attend the dooing of the same as soon as they choos, this they Refi;sed to accept off, Ezrgo, the ould line oug' t to stand, no blame on our side. 3dly. for sake of peace we offer to Joyn w ith them to measur from any of ye houses in dispute upon a south point to the River, and if ye house or houses be not more theni three miles from sd [liver then to pay taxes and do service to their province, if more then ye like to this province, the measuring might have been done in 3 or 4 hours the same day, this also they refused to accept. By all which it is most evident that the Reason of the bounds not being stated, is the Gentlemen sent as a committee from ye other province is not willing to do it and that the forementioned bounds ought to be the bounds until they Consent to Run a new is our opinion;. and further yt the town of Hamn)ton.do assert their town bounds, being ye bounds of ye province, by assessing and other service imposed on the families sd to be in dispute, unless inhibited therefrom by authority. It farther appears that both Salsbery and Newbery Counts them not to belong to Salsbery on this side of the forementioned line, for that by a contract with ther ferry the Inhabitants of Salsbery are to pass ferry free but they will not let those families have that privilege by Reason they belong to another town &c. Thus having done our honest Indeavor to propose as near as we Could such methods for knowing what distance the families in dispute were from the brink of sd River according to ther order and then proposed to which of the provinces they should pay, the Gentlemen of the Committee for the Massachusetts would not accept of our proposals, and so the end of our meeting not attained &c. Dated at Hampton in New Hampshire this Eighth day of July 1708. Nathll. Weare. Joseph Smith. James Philbrick." If the government of Massachusetts had been anxious to nave settled the difficulties connected with the line, it would 194 THE HRTTOR QoF MANCHEWSTER seem that either of the propositions made by the committee on the part of New Hampshire might have been accepted without prejudice. But the truth is, the government of Massaehusetts did not care to have those difficulties settled, preferring to have the line remain an open question. This course of policy was dictated by various considerations. It wras the interest of the governor of Massachusetts and his friends to let the lines remain unsettled, because Massachusetts claiming a large portion of the territory of New Hampshire, and that claim unsettled, the chances were greater that New Hampshire, and Massachusetts would remain under the same general governor, at a harndsome salary and many perquisites. And it was the interest of the speculators, because they were obtaining grants of the best lands for tillage and lumber in the province of New Hl;mpshire. An adverse policy, of course, obtained in 1N'ew Hampshire. ) Here the people were sanguine, that the settlement of the lines would bring an independent government; that prosperity must follow such a state of tthings, and that at least, New Hampshire lands would be secured to New Hampshire people. Hence their settled policy was, a settlement of the lines and a separate government. Accompanying the report of the committee in 1708, was a letter from Mr. Smith, one of the committee, which was as ~follows: Hampton, 12 of July, 1708. Mr. Story Sir, Inclosed is ye Report of ye Committee for this provmce, directed to ye Governor and Council, you'll find we did nothing in ye affair, they demand almost to mr. Weares house, I mean to ye brooke at widdow Heaths and nothing will be done before ye Government direct how ye line shall be run dC3' Sir, I am your servant, Joseph Smith. The closing sentiment of this letter foreshadowed the future policy of New Hampshire. They had attempted for years to obtain all amicable settlement of che lines with Massachusetts, without avail, and now their only hope was in an appeal to the King. Accordingly, their agent was instructed to press the subject upon the attention bf the Loids of traJe. But Indian hostilities soon diverted them from this minor subject, and very little attention was paid to it until after the year 1713. However in 1716, the troubles upon the southern line, betwixt New Hampshire and Massachusetts had become so serious, that both Provinces united in another attempt to settle the lines. The committee from New Hampshire were specially instructed to BORDER DIFFICULTIES. 195 unite in running the line three miles north of the Merrimack as far as the river extended. This was according to the decision of the Lord Chief Justice in 1677, and was surrendering to Massachusetts all they then claimed, and all they could claim by any possible fair construction of the language of their charter. But notwithstanding this fair proposition, the Commissioners from Massachusetts, continued to form objections, and the Commission again broke up without accomplishing. anything. The affair had now become so notorious, that the Lords of trade interfered and sent orders to have a map drawn for their use, upon which the boundaries should be delineated, and that the most authentic accounts and vouchers should be returned with the map, in illustration of the matters in controversy. Upon this, in 1719, Commissioners from both Provinces met at Newbury. The Commissioners from Massachusetts putting in objections as usual, the Commission cotuld do nothing, and the Commissioners from New Hampshire went forward and stlrveyed the line according to the decision of 1677, and made a return of the survey to the Lords of trade. It was at this point of time in the history of this controversy as to the lines, that the Scotch Irish emigrants settled at londonderry. The excitement ran high, and these emigrants naturally enough sided with the people of New Hampshire. l1aving thus takern sides, their interest afterwards led them to become strong partisans in the controversy, for full one quarter of their land granted in their charter of 1722, and near thirty square miles of their land purchased of Wheelwright, were cut off by the line claimed by Massachusetts. It is not altogether improbable, that the Government of New Hamlpshire was induced to make the grant of Londonderry, somewhat by the prudent forethought of having a colony of these sturdy Scotch Irish to assist in carrying on this border controversy. Whether so or not, the Scotch Irish of Iondonderry were in the thickest of the filht, and continued the controversy in the Courts of Law for half of a century, long after the line had been decided by the King in Council. New Hampshire was now in earnest as to the settlement of the lines. Having made every reasonable offer of adjustment without avail, she nowv apt ealed to the King, and went on to put the people in possession of the lands int controversy by granting Chester and Londnderry, whose western boulnds extended to the Merrimack River, or nearly so. T'hese granits were made to actual settlers. Massachusetts had before this made repeated grants of land east of the Merrimack, but'being made to speculators, the lands had not been settled. She now 196 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. entered upon a different policy and commenced a series of grants to actual settlers. She adopted this policy, in order to hold possession of the soil. It had become apparent not only that the lines must be settled, but that the claim of Massachusetts would be greatly restricted. Fearing this result, the legislature of Massachusetts commenced granting the lands in controversy to actual settlers from Massachusetts, in order that, if she should lose the jurisdiction over the lands, her people would have the fee in the soil. Accordingly, in 1725, Pennacook, now Concord, was granted to actual settlers from Andover, Bradford, Haverhill, and other towns in tie immediate vicinity of the line so much in dispute. and who needed but very little inducement to take an active part in the controversy. A comtnittee was sent to lay out the township in May, 1726, and while thus engaged, the Governor of New Hampshire sent a committee to remonstrate against their proceedings. About the sanie time, it was proposed in the Legislature of Massachusetts to grant a range of towns from the Merrimack to the (lonnecticut, under the pretence of having a line of settlements on the frontier, as a protection against the Indians, bhilt in reality to secure the lands to the people of that Province. Massachusetts at this time became so alarmed at the prospect of an unfavorable decision of the King, that she proposed a (ommission for the amicable adjustment of the line, which proposition was met by the assembly of New Hampshire with the decided answer, we have appealed to the King and will abide his decision. After this decided refusal. Massachusetts immediately set about securing the lands in controversy by grants to her people. Attempts were made to cover their sinister intentions with the veil of patriotism, but they could not be kept out of sight. They proposed these grants as rewards to those who had performed military service in the Indian wars, tut their intention was so apparent, that Hutchinson even, the historian of Massachusetts, in speaking of the grants made about 1728 says: "The government, under the old charter and new, had been very prudent in the distribution of the territory.' "' But all on a sudden, plans are laid for grants of vast tracts of unimproved land, and the last session of Mr. Dummer's admirnistration, a vote passed the two houses appointing a committee to lay out three lines of towns," &c. "Pretences were encouraged, and even sought after, to entitle persons to become grantees. The posterity of all the officers and soldiers who served in the famous Narraganset expedition, in 1675, were the first NARRAGANSET TOWNSHIPS, 197 pitched upon, those who were in the unfortunate attempt upon Canada, in 1690, were to come next."' And again Douglass, in speaking of this same policy says:'" About the middle of the last century, the General Assembly of Massachusetts, was in the humor of distributing the property of much vacant or Province land; perhaps in good policy and forethought,-to secure to the Massachusetts people, by possession, the property of part of some controverted lands." * * * "Our Assembly, at that time were in such a hurry to appropriate vacant lands, that several old towns were encouraged to petition for an additional new township; and when they were satiated, the Assembly introduced others, by way of bounty to the descendants of the soldiers of the Indian War of King Philip, so called in (1675,) and these were called Narraganset townships; and others to the soldiers in Sir William Phipps' expedition into Canada, (1690,) which were called Canada townshijps."* The subject of granting lands to the soldiers who had served in the Narraganset war ot 1675, was first broached in the Legislature of Massachusetts in June 1728, at which time, a committee was appointed to lay out two townships for them. The same year the Legislature granted a township seven miles in width, and extending upon both sides of the Merrimack from " Hooksett Falls," to " Pennacook Falls," to the soldiers, and the heirs of such soldiers as fought in the battle of Pequauquauke. Upon the meeting of the grantees of the Narraganset townships in Boston in June, 1729, it was found that their numbers were greater than had been supposed, amounting to eight hundred andforty. They therefore petitioned the Legislature for a further grant of land. " So that every sixty claimers might have a township six miles square." Upon this petition, the House in June 1732 granted them five townships, so that every one hundred and twenty claimers, should have a township six miles square. But the Governor did not approve the grant and of course it was not passed. But in April of the following year the claimants were more successful. They presented their petition and the following action was had by the Legislature. " At a great and General Court or Assembly, for his Majestie's Province of the Massachusetts Bay, begun and held at Boston, upon Wednesday, the Thirty-first of May, 1732, and *Summary, Historical andPolitical, &c., of the British Settlements in America, by William I)ouglass, M. D. 8vo.2 vols, 1755. 198 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. continued by adjournment, to Wednesday, Fourth day of April 1733, and then met. April 26, 1733.," A Petition of a Committee for the Narragansett Soldiers, showing that there are the number of Eight Hundred and Forty Persons, entered as officers and soldiers in the late Narraganset War. Praying that there may be such an addition of Land granted them as may allow a Tract of six miles Square, to each one hundred and twenty men as admitted. " In the House of Representatives, Read and Ordered that the Prayer of the Petition be granted, and that Major Chandler, Mr. Edward Shove, Col. Thomas Tilestone, Mr. John Hobson and Mr. Samuel Chandler, (or any three of them,) be a committee fully authorized and empowered to survey and lay out five more Tracts of Land or Townships, of the Contents of Six miles Square each, in some of the unappropriated lands of this Province; and that the said land, together with the two towns before granted, be granted and disposed of to the officers and soldiers or their lawful Representatives, as they are or have been allowed by this Court, being eight hundred and forty in number, in the whole, and in full satisfaction of the Grant formerly made them by the General Court, as a reward for their public services. And the Grantees shall be obliged to assemble within as short a time as they can conveniently, not exceeding the space of two months, and proceed to the choice of Committees, respectively, to regulate each Propriety or Township, which is to be held and enjoyed by one hundred and twenty of the Grantees, each in equal Proportion, who shall pass such orders and rules as will effectually oblige them to settle Sixty families, at least, within each Township, with a learned orthodox ministry, within the space of seven years of the date of this Grant. Provided always, that if the said grantees shall not effectually settle the said number of families in each Township, and lay out a lot for the first settled minister, one for the ministry, and one for the school, in each of the said townships, they shall have no advantage of, but forfeit their respective grants, anything to the contrary contained notwithstanding. The Charge of the Survey to be paid by the Province. In Council read and concurr'd. Consented to, J. BELCHER." "A True Copy of Record: Examined Per SIMON FROST, Dep. Sec'y. "It is hereby Certified, that by an order of the Great and NARRAGANSET TOWNSHIP. 199 General Court, pass'd the eighteenth of April, 1734, Steven years from the first of June, 1734, was allow'd the Narragansett Claimants. Attest: SIMON FRost. Dep. Secr'y. These seven townships were laid out immediately, and were designated as Narraganset townships No. I, II, III, &c. Narraganset townships Nos. III, IV, V, and VI, were located in this immediate neighborhood. Narraganset No. III, was also called Souhegan West, and was situated on the North side of Souhegan river. It was incorporated by the name of Amherst, in 1760. Narraganset No. IV, was located on the west side of the Merrimack at "Amoskeag Falls".* It was laid out to 120 grantees living in 41 towns in Massachusetts; viz: Northampton, Hadley; Suffield, Enfield, Deerfield, Worcester, Woodstock, Oxford, Brookfield, Killingly, Lebanon, Mansfield, Nlorwich, Pomfiet, Windham, Bristol, Taunton, Swanzey, Rehoboth, Little Compton, Dighton, Attleborough, Norton, Freetown, Barrington, Bridgewater, Middleborough, Plympton, Kingston, Rochester, Pembroke, Marshfield, Ashlord, Colchester, Haddam, Hebron, Wrentham, Bellilngham, Horseneck, North Kingston, and Walpole. It was described in the order, "One Plat laid out to the Narraganset Grantees called by them Numrber Four,. laid out on Merrimack River, of the contents of six Miles square, exclusive of fifty acres allowance for the use of the Fishery at Amoskeag Falls and three thousand and seventy acres for poor lands and Ponds, in the whole 26,160 acres, beginning at the pitch pine tree standing on the westerly side of MVierrimnack River at the foot of Annahooksett Falls on Suncook Line." This township extended down the river to Narraganset No. V, and took in the Amoskeag Falls as the records say, "Reserving such quantity of land as the Conrt think proper, for fishery at Amoskeag Falls." And at the same time it was "Ordered that John IBlaisdell. Mr. Samauel Chandler and Mr. Hutchins be a Committee to repair to Amoskeag Falls, take a view of the lands and report what land may be separated for the public and common benefit of His Majesty's Subjects, in smoking and packing Fish there."t The committee reserved fifty acres for the fisheries at *As this word at this period, began to be pronounced. and written nearly a; it is at the present tihme, it will herealter be written in this work, Amoskeag, although its derivation, the pronunciation of the Indians, and its orthography in the early' writers, show that the original word is Nainaoskeag, tCol. Journals of Mass. p. 127, THx HISTORY OT MANCHESTER. Amoskeag, and the township was surveyed and return made of the survey as follows, to wit: "This plan discribeth a tract of Land Laid out for the Narragansett Soldiers Being the Second Town Ship for Said Soldiers Laid out on Maranack, and Contains the Contents of Six miles Square and fifty acres Allowance for Fishery at Amasceag Falls, and Three Thousand and Seventy acres allowed for Poor Lands and Ponds. In the whole place is 26,160 acres boun:ded as followvs, Beginning at a pitch pine tree Standing on the westerly side of Maramack River at the foot of Hannah Hooksetts Falls, Being In Suncook Liine and Running on said Suncook Township four miles West Seventeen Degrees:SoLth to a white pine tree, being the Soutlv west Corner of Suncook, then Running West four miles and.40 Rods on a Township on the West of Sguncook and penycook Laid out for the Naraganset Soldiers, (to a heap of stones) then Rlunning North Five miles and one hundred and forty Rods on Province Land to a white pine Tree being the'North west Corner of ye Ist Naraganset Towvn on Maramack River, then Running on Said Town Ship Six miles and one hundred and ten Rods (East) to Maramack River. then on Maramack as sd River Runs light Miles and 145 Rods to the pitch pine Tree at the foot of Hannah Hooksett falls before mentioned. Surveyed and Plan'd by order of the Great and General Court's Committee. In October, A. D. 1733. Per STEPHEN HosVMER JR. Surveyor * The grantees became dissatisfied with their grant, and in 1737 secured other grants instead of it within the limits of Massachusetts. Narraganset No. IV covered very nearly the same ground formerly embraced within the limits of Goffstown, which was incorporated in 1761. The southeastern section of what was Narraganset No. IV, and subsequently Goffstown, including the village of "Amoskeag," is now a part of AManchester. This part of Narraganset No. IV, belonging to Manchester, was the fourth grant of land within the present limits of Manchester. Narraganset No. V, also called Souhegan East, comprised the part of Manchester west of the Merrimack taken from Bedford, the whole of Bedford, and the north part of Merrimack. TPhe grantees to whom it was assigned, belonged to Boston, Roxbury, Dorchester, Milton, Braintree, Weymouth, Hingham, *See Filer Secreta)' Office. Mass. SETTLEMENT OF TYNGSTOWN. 201 Dedham, Stoughton, Brookline, Needham, Hull, Medfield, Scituate, Newport, New London and Providence. The committee for the township, were Colonel Thomas Tilestone, Jonathan Williams, and Joseph Ruggles. Merrimack, comprehending part of this township, was incorporated April 2, 1746. Bedford was incorporated in 1750. Meantime, the Government of New Hampshire had not been idle, In 1727 the Governor, with advice of Council, granted several townships, among them Canterbury and Bow, that interfered directly with the claim of Massachusetts, or townships she had granted. Thus the west line of Canterbury extended to the Merrimack River, overlapping some thirty square miles of land claimed by Massachusetts. While in the grant of Bow they went a step farther, and granted a township containing eighty one square miles, by such metes and bounds as not only covered a large part of Suncook, lying on the east and west sides of the Merrimack and just granted by Massachusetts, but covered a large part of Pennacook, granted by that government in 1725, and already settled! This was looking the controversy full in the face, if not taking it by the lorns But Massachusetts soon followed the example, and in 1735 granted the township of Tyngstown, to Ephraim Hildreth, John Shepley and others, three miles in width upon the east side of the Merrimack, and extending from the north line of Litclhfild to the south line of Suncook.'I'his grant over.apped large pcrtions of Chester and Londonderry, already granted by New Hampshire in 1720 and 1722. It is probable that Hildreth,,7bG7k,J/I~U to..:. ]'/Con a~.. a'lecwe~ &I-rdina to t,.oA~.. ll,, -4. 1 9cei:e!s Sw 7rJ"r.teo.to J /o> allpalht-k 4sWuJ. S2artsrwow/ tAe zA f eg j~rtsrwK/h dam i-e 7'znthe Salisbury Fort in building batteaux for the transportation of their stores along the navigable waters; and Capt. Rogers with his company of Rangers and a detachment from the other companies was sent foward to Coos, to build the Fort. It was located on the east bank of the Connecticut, south of the mouth of the Upper Amonoosuck in what is now the town of Northumberland, and was called Fort Wentworth, in honor of the Governor. Meantime the Governor had discovered the error as to the course of the march, and messengers were sent to Blanchard, and Rogers, to march directly to Number Four, and thence to Albany. Accordingly leaving their employment, the troops repaired to Number Four, and thence by a fatiguing march through the wilderness to Albany. Soon after their arrival' the army was sent forward under Gen. Lyman some six miles in advance, to the carrying place, where was a fortress, built the previous summer by Gen. Lyman, and called Fort' Lyman, in honor of that officer. This was subsequently called Fort Edward. On the 26th of August, Capt. Rogers with his compauny of Rangers was detailed to escort the provision wagons from Albany to Fort Edward, and about the samre time Gen. Johnson joined his command at the same place, when the army was immediately set in motion, and marched to the south end of Lake George, a distance of about fifteen miles. Col. Blanchard with the regiment from New Hampshire, was left in charge of Fort Edward. While Gen. Johnson was thus encamped in supposed security, making preparations to pass down the lake to Crown Point, his scouts brought in word of the approach of a French force against Fort Edward. This force was under the command of Baron Dieskau, who 298 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER, was on his way to reduce Oswego, on Lake Ontario; but having heard of the expedition of Johnson against Crown Point, he had been diverted from his original intention, and had turned his course up Lakes Champlain and George in search of the English, and had landed his army, consisting of 3000 Canadians and Indians at the head of South Bay, in which is now the town of Whitehall, only some 25 miles north east from Johnson's encampment. From hence he pushed on against Fort Edward, but upon approaching this fortress, his army became panic struck, and refused to attack it, his raw militia and the Indians having the greatest dread of cannon. However they expressed their willingness to go against Johnson's army on the Lake, as that as they had learned, was without cannon or fortifications. Dieskau had no alternative but to accede to their proposition, or retreat upon South Bay, and he forthwith coinmenced his march towards Johnson's position. Meantime, on the night of the 7th of September, Gen. Johnson learned from a scout, that Dieskau had advanced four miles on the road from Fort Edward to Lake George, and the next morning he sent a force of 1200 men under Col. Williams of Massachusetts to meet him. Dieskau having knowledge of the approach of this force placed his men in ambush by forming a half moon across a valley covered with dense wood, and through which Col. Williams was to pass. The place of ambush was only about four miles from Johnson's encampment, so wary had the French been in their march, and so remiss had the English been in keeping out scouts. The English marched on without fear or watchfulness, until they were almost completely enclosed by the ambuscade, when the French and Indians rose from their covert, and threw a most murderous fire upon the centre and flanks of the astonished English. Col..Williams the commander of the force, and Hendrick the noted Mohawk Chief, who with 200 of his warriors formed a part of the English force, were killed at the first fire, together with manyt of their soldiers. Lieut. Col.. Whiting took command of the discomfited troops, and by tact and skill alone, in ccnducting an immediate retreat, saved them from almost sure extermination. Dieskau had calculated upon driving the shattered force upon their main encampment, and amid the alarm and confusion, to carry J'ohnson's position. But in this he was frustrated. For hearing the firing, and judging that Williams' detachment was BATTLE.OF LAKE. GEORGE. 299 retreating, Johnson had the good judgment to send out another detachment to cover their retreat, and commenced forming some sort of a breast work for the protection of his troops, by felling trees and placing them with the provision wagons in front. This hasty structure formed a very good protection for the New England sharp shooters and kept from view a few pieces of cannon, which they had dragged in haste from the Lake side, and which proved the salvation of the army. Soon- the retreating troops came in sight and in tolerable order. They had somewhat recovered from their panic and took their place behind the breastworks to assist their comrades. Soon after eleven o'clock, A. M. Dieskau advanced with his force in admirable order. He had sent a body of Indians to attack the rear of the right flank of the English, and a part of the Canadians to attack the rear of the left at the same time that he should attack their front with his regular troops. When within some one hundred and forty yards of the breastworls, he halted some moments for the flanking parties to gain their positions. Dieskau had no knowvledge that the English had any cannon, and a discharge of grape and shell upon the Indians who first came up in the rear, not only scattered them and filled the Canadians with panic, but convinced Dieshau and his regular troops, that they were to meet a severe resistance. The Baron however led his troops upon the centre with the utmost coolness, but with little effect, as they fired volley after volley at so great a distance as to do little or no execution. Soon however they advanced and the action became general. Col. Johnson was wounded at the commencement of the action, and retired to his tent. The command devolved upon Gen. Lyman, who proved himself every way worthy the position and greatly contributed to the successful issue of the battle. The French kept their ground in front for some time, but the fire from the artillery and well aimed musketry made sad havoc in their ranks, and they soon retired from that position and formed for an attack upon the right oi the English. But here again they failed, for after a severe fire for an hour, the English and Indians, leaped the breast works, and using their bayonets, or clubbing their guns, drove the enemy in the utmost confusion. The pursuit was continued for a short time, and many of the French were slain, and a few taken prisoners. Among the latter was Baron Dieskau. He was found wounded, and leaning upon a stump, his officers and soldiers having left him to his fate. Seeing a soldier approach, he felt for his watch to give to him, but the soldier suspecting that he was 300 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. about to draw a pistol, immediately fired upon him, wounding him severely in the hips. He was carried into the camp and cared for, and soon after removed to Albany. Carried to England as a prisoner, he died of his wounds soon after his arrival. Col. Blanchard having learned from a scout, that wagons were seen burning in the direction of the Lake, detached Capt. Folsom of his regiment with 80 men and Capt., McGennis of New York with 40 men, to. look into the matter. Hearing the report of guns in the direction of the Lake, they pressed forward, and when within about two miles of it, fell in with the baggage of the French army protected by a guard, which they immediately attacked and dispersed. About four o'clock in the afternoon, some 300 of the French army appeared in sight. They had rallied, and were retreating in tolerable order. Capt. Folsom posted his men among the trees, and as the enemy approached, they poured in upon them a well directed and galling fire. He continued the attack in this manner till prevented by darkness, killing many of the enemy, taking some of them prisoners, and finally driving them from the field. He then collected his own wounded, and securing them with many of the enemy's packs, he brought his prisoners and booty safe into camp. The next day the rest of the baggage was brought in, thus securing the entire baggage and ammunition of the French army. In this brilliant affair, Folsom lost only six men, but MlcGennis was mortally wounded, and died soon after. The loss of the French was very considerable. Thus ended the battle of Lake George, one of much moment at the time, as it raised, the flagging hopes of the country, and furnished the British nation one topic of rejoicing, connected with a campaign that had covered the British arms with anything but honor. After the battle, Col. Johnson proceeded to erect a fort near Lake George. which was called Fort William Henry. In this occupation he whiled away the autumn. Reinforcements having been called for, a regiment marched to Fort Edward from New Hampshire, under the command of Col. Peter Gilman, of Exeter. Attached to this regiment, was a company from this neighborhood, under the command of Capt. James Todd of Londonderry. The roll of this company was as follows; James Todd, Captain; Thomas Hazelton, Lieutenant; William Read, Ensign; Samuel Thompson, James Archibald, Jonas Clay, Alexa. Miller, Thomas Hillands, John Loggan, Joseph Farmer, John Moor, John Wilson, William Aken, Robert Weatherspoon, Win. Wilson, David Wilson, Daniel Clyde, Hugh Dunlap, BATTLE OF LAKE GEORGE 301 Thomas Lewis, William Thompson, James Akin, Nathaniel Aken James Adison, Edward Logan, Timothy Ingalls, Benj. Bachelder, John Gage, Jona. Worthing, James Hamilton, Rob't Morrell, Robert McCormick, Samuel Gilmore, Alexander Parker, Epha. Butterfield, James, Blotchet, Jer.. Hill, John Foster, John Carkin, Robert Cunnicum, Charles Butterfield, John Brown, Aaron Wiman, Alexa. Todd, James Wilson; David Blair, James Brodick, Jona. Malloon, Joseph Ordway, James Harwood, Samuel Perls, Thomas Gregg, Eben Richardson. Upon the approach Iof winter, Johnson dismissed his army, retaining but six hundred men under Col. Jonathan Bagley, to garrison Forts Edward and William Henry. Connected with this force, was retained a company of Rangers, under the command of the intrepid Rogers who rendered most essential service during the winter, in scouting and keeping up a comrnunication between the forts. This company was mostly from this neighborhood and consisted of the following men; Robert Rogers, Captain; Richard Rogers, Lieutenant; Noah Johnson, Ensign; James Archibald, Sergt.; John McCurdy, Sergt.; James McNeal, Corp.; Nathaniel Johnson Corp.; John Michel, Isaac Colton, James Henry, James Clark, Timothy Hodscase, John Wadleigh, Stephen Young, Joshua Titwood, James Adison, Jonathan Silaway, John Brown, Elisha Bennett, Rowling Foster, James Grise, James Morgan, James Welch, Matthew Christopher, James Simonds, Charles Dudley, John Kiser, John Hartman, John Frost, James Mars, Samuel Letch, David Nutt, William McKeen, Nathaniel Smith, Philip Wills, Win. Cunningham, Wum. Aker, John Leiton, William W-heeler,:Simon Toby, Benj. Squanton, Pileh Simpson, Piller Mahanter. These operations of the English at Lake George, while they failed of their object, incited the French to great exertions and exasperated their allies, the Indians. These made repeated inroads upon our frontiers killed several persons and took a number of prisoners in the valleys of the Merrimack and Connecticut rivers. In 1756, another expedition was set on foot by GAen. Shirley against Crown Point. A regiment was raised for this expedition in New Hampshire, under the command of Col. Meserve. Attached to this regiment was a company from this neighborhood, under the command of John Goffe, Esq., who was also Major of the regiment. The soldiers in the regiment were Nathaniel Martin, Lieut.; Thomas Merrel, 2d Lieut.; John 24 302 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Goffe Junior, Ensign.; Samuel Martain, Sergt.; Joseph Eastman, Sergt.; Ebenezer Martain, Sergt.; Thomas McLaughlin, Sergt.; John Wortly, Corp.; John Straw, Corp.; Jacob Jewell, Corp.; Josiah Canfield, Corp.; Benjamin Kidder, Drummer.; Joseph Ordway, Joseph George, Benjamin Hadly, Thomas George, William Keneston, Ebenezer Coaston, John McClellen, Jona. Fifield, James Blanchard, Paul Fowler, Plumer Hadley, John Fowler, Peter Moose, Joel Mannuel, George Sheppard, Samuel Sheppard, James McCaughlin, Ebenezer Ordway, Isaac Walker, James Peters, Jacob Sawyer, Daniel Flanders, Daniel Emerson, William Barron, Timothy Barron, Andrew Stone, Caleb Emary, Zebediah Farnum, Luther Morgan, Joseph Pudney, John McLaughlin, John Kedder, Caleb Daulton. Col. Meserve joined the army with his regiment and was put in charge of Fort Edward. Soon Shirley was superseded by the Earl of Loudon, and the army was suffered to remain in inactivity, being employed in erecting fortifications, and building batteaux. Capt. Rogers and his Rangers, who had remained at Fort Edward during the winter, had been actively employed. In April, by authority of Gen. Shirley, he had recruited an independent corps of Rangers, and passed the summer and fall in prosecuting various and important expeditions. This new company was officered principally from Amoskeag, and being enlisted from the New Hampshire regiment, most of the men were from this neighborhood. The Earl of Loudon, not being able to leave England immediately, Maj. General Abercrombie was ordered to precede him and to take command of the English forces until his arrival. Gen. Abercrombie reached Albany the 25th of June, with two regiments of regular troops, and considering the force inadequate to carry out the plans of the campaign, he sent the Provincial troops, under General Winslow to Fort William Henry and determined to await the arrival of the Cormander-inChief. However he wisely sent a detachment with provisions to strengthen Fort Oswego. The detachment consisted of 300 boatmen undler the gallant Colonel Bradstreet, who accomplished his object. On the return of the expedition up the Onondaga, it was ambushed by the French and Indians and a severe engagement ensued. The enemy were repulsed again, and again. A third time they rallied with desperation, and fighting from tree to tree, seemed determined upon victory; but the gallant Bradstreet and his stout boatmen met them with equal determination and after a severe and bloody fight, put them to SCOUT OF THE RANGERS. 303 flight. Many were killed in the woods and still more were driven into the river, and perished by the unerring bullet, or were drowned in the turmoil of crossing. Whllle at Albany, at the' recommendation of Capt. Robert Rogers, Gen. Abercrombie had the good sense to order the organization of another company of Rangers. It was raised in 28 days and ready for duty. The officers were all from this neighborhood, Richard Rogers, of Starkstown, being Captain, Noah Johnson, of Dunstable, 1st. Lieutenant; Nathaniel Abbott of Pennacook, 2d. Lieutenant; and Caleb Paige, of Starkstown, Ensign. The privates were mainly from the Valley of the Merrimack. To show the nature of the service performed by the Rangers, the following extracts are given from "Rogers' Journal." "Oct. 22. The greater part of the army now lay at Fort Edward under General Abercrombie, and Lord Loudon arriving at this time, it was supposed that notwithstanding the season was so far advanced, an attempt would be made upon the French Fortresses. PBut his Lordship supposing that the Lakes would freeze, (as they generally do in December,) and that no communication could be kept up with William Henry, contented himself with keeping the field until Mons. Montcalm retired to winter quarters. This morning we embarked in two whale boats, with a party of 20 men, being crdered to bring a prisoner fromi Ticonderoga. We passed the narrows twenty miles from our embarkation, when Capt. Shepherd, (who had been taken August last) hailed our boat. I knew his voice, and took him on board with three men, one of whom was taken with him. He left Canada fifteen days before. WVe continued on our course, landed on the night of the 27 on on the, west shore, concealed our boats, and travelled by land, within a mile of the Fort. The next day we discovered two videttes to the piquet guard of the French Army, one of whom, was posted on the road leading into the woods. I marched directly down the road in the middle of the day, with five of my party, until we were challenged by the sentry. I answered in French signifying friends; he was thereby deceived, till we came close to him, when perceiving his mistake, in great surprise he called out'"Qui etes vous?" I answered "Rogers," led him from his post in great haste and with our party reached William Henry, Oct., 3 1st. From this time we were constantly patrolling the woods about Fort Edward, until November, 19, 1756, when we made an excursion down the Lake. Capt. Abercrombie, aid-de-camp and 304 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER, nephew to the General, had the curiosity to accompany the expedition; and although nothing was effected excepting to obtain a viewof the French garrison, he was delighted with the novelties of a scout; and with the romantic and noble scenery through which we conducted him. He treated us handsomely on our return to quarters at Foit Edward, on the evening of the 25th. About this time, his Lordship drew off the main body of his troops from Fort Edward, to be quartered at Albany and New York. Both armies now retired to winter quarters. The Rangers were stationed at Forts William Henry and Edward; and were augmented by two new companies under Captains Hobbs and Spikeman. These two companies were posted at Fort William Henry-and our two at Fort Edward. Capt. Richard Rogers was sent to New England for recruits. He waited upon the Boston Government to obtain pay for our services in the winter of 1755, but could obtain none, though Lord Loudon generously supported the justice of the claim. January 15, 1757. Marched with Mr. Stark my Lieutenant, Ensign Paige, of Richard Roger'scompany and fifty privates to Fort Winm. Henry, where we were employed in providing provisions, snow shoes, &c. until the 17th, when being joined by Capt. Spikeman with Lieut. Kennedy, Ensign Brewer and 14 men of his corps, together with Ensign James Rogers with 20 men of Hobb's company, and Mr. Baker a volunteer of 44th Regiment of the line, we proceeded down Lake George on the ice, and at night, encamped on the east side of the first narrows. Next morning some of our party who had become lame in consequence of the exertions of yesterday, were sent back. This reduced our numbers to seventy four men officers included. The 18th encamped 12 miles down the Lake on the W est side. 19th marched 3 miles down the lake, then took to the land with our snow shoes, travelled eight milles N. W. and encampped three mile from the Lake. 20th marched N. E. all day and encamped on the west side three miles from Lake Chainplain, January 21. We marched east until we came to the Lake half way between Crown Point and Ticonderoga, where we discovered a sled passing from the latter to the former. Lieut. Stark with twenty men was directed to head the sled, while I with my party, cut off its retreat, leaving Spikeman with the centre. Ten other sleds were discovered following down SCOUT OF THE RANGERS. 305 the Lake; and I endeavored to give Mr. Stark notice of it before he shew himself upon the Lake, but could not. He sallied out, and they hastily turned towards Ticonderoga. We pursued them, took seven prisoners, three sledges and six horses; the remainder escaped,. The captives were examined seperately, who reported: "that 200 Canadians and 45 Indians had just arrived at Ticonderoga and were to be reinforced that evening by 50 Indians from Crown Point; that there were 600 regular troops at the Fortress, and:350 at Ticonderoga, where they expected a large army who in the spring were to beseige our Forts; that they had large magazines of provisions that the troops were well equiped and in condition to march at a moments warning, and intended to waylay and distress the convoys between our Forts." From this account ofthings, and knowing that those who escaped would give immediate notice of us, I gave orders to march with all expedition to the fires we had kindled the night before and to prepare for battle if offered, by drying our guns, it being a rainy day. This was accordingly effected. We. then marched single file, myself and Lieut. Kennedy in front, Lieut. Stark in the rear and Captain Spikeman in the centre; and Mr. Brewer between the centre and the rear, Sergeant Walker having command of the rear. In this manner, we advanced half a mile over broken ground, passed a valley of fifteen yards breadth, when the front having gained the summit of the opposite hill on the west side, fell in with the enemy drawn up in the form of a crescent to surround us, and were immediately saluted with a volley of 200 shot at a distance of five yards from the nearest, and thirty yards from the rear of the party. This fire took place about 2 o'clock P. M. and proved fatal to Lieut. Kennedy, Mr. Gardiner, a volunteer besides wounding several, and myself in the head. I ordered my men to retire to the opposite hill, where Lieut Stark and Mr. Brewer had made a stand with forty men to cover our retreat. We were closely pursued,-Capt. Spikeman and others were killed and several made prisoners. Lieut. Stark repulsed them by a brisk fire from the hill, killing a number, and affording us an opportunity to post ourselves to advantage. Mr. Stark then took a position in the centre, with Ensign Rogers; sergeants Walker and Phillips* acting as reserves, to protect our flanks, and watch the enemy's motions. Soon after we had thus for*Phillips was a half Indian, he was afterwards thought by Rogers to have been killed in the battle of March, 13, 1758, but he escaped, went with Rogers in his expedition against the St. Francis and led his party home in safety from that expedition. He lived in Concord after the war, and married Eleanor East 306 THE HISTORY OF MANdHESTER. med for battle, the enemy attempted to flank us, but the reserve bravely attacked them, giving the first fire, which stopped several from retreating to the main body. We were then pushed closely in front, but havihg the advantage of the ground, and being sheltered by large trees, we maintained a continual fire upon them, which killed a number of them, and compelled a number of to them retire upon their main body. They attempted to flank us once more, but were again gallantly repulsed by our reserve. In this affair, Mr. lalk er was killed. We kept up a constant fire until sunset, when I received a shot through my wrist which disabled me from loading my gun. The action however, continued until darkness prevented our seeing each other. Our men gallant!y kept their position till the fire of the enemy ceased and he retired. The enemy during the this action practised several stratagems to induce us to submit; sometimes assuring us, that they had reinforcements at hand, wnich would cut us into pieces without mercy; and that it was a pity so many brave men should be lost; that in case of surrender, we should be treated with compassion; calling me by name, they assured me of their friendship and esteem; but the brave men who fought by my side, were neither to be dismayed by their threats nor flattered by they professions, and determined to conquor or die with arms in their hands. After the action, we had a great number so severely wounded that they could not travel without assistance; but as we were near to the French garrison, it was thought best to take sadvantage of the night, and retreat, which we did, keeping up the spirits of the wounded as well as possible, and reach ed Lake George six miles south of the French advanced guard, next morning. Our wounded men were now exhausted and could march no farther. Lieut. Stark there voluntered with Thomas Burnside and another to proceed to Fort William Henry, and procure sleighs for the wounded. They reached the Fort that night, and the next morning the sleigh arrived though the distance was nearly forty miles. Iieut. Buckly of Hobb's corps of Rangers, came out with fifteen men, and met us at the first narrows of Lake George. Our party which consisted of forty eight effective and six wounded men, arrived at William Henry with the prisoners the same evening, being the 23d of January, 1757. man of Rumford,daughter of Ebenezer Eastman. She joined the shakers and Phillips wandered about from place to place. In his last days he was maintained by the town of Concord. TAKING OF OSWEGO. 307 The number which attacked us amounted to 250 French and Indians. We afterwards had an account from the enemy that their loss of those- killed on the spot, and who afterwards died of their wounds amounted to 116 men. The officers and soldiers who survived the first onset, behaved with the most undaunted bravery and vied with each other, which should excel in their respective stations." But the French were more active than ever. The FieldMarshal, Marquis de Montcalm had arrived from France, and their military, operations were carried on with skill and energy. Arriving at Quebec, Montcalm hardly stopped for rest, but immediately pushed on to examine the military posts of the interior. Having reached Ticonderoga by, forced traveling, and completed its examination, he forthwith determined to send an expedition against Oswego. To plan, was to execute. He forthwith ordered three regiments from Quebec, and on the evening of the 5th of August, 1756, his expedition anchored in Sackets Harbor. On the 12th of the same month, at midnight, he opened his trenches upon Fort Ontario, a fortress upon the left bank of the Onondaga, built by Gen. Shirley, and which commanded Oswego, situated upon the opposite bank of the river. The'fire was kept up with spirit on both sides during the following day, when the garrison spiked their cannon, and retired to Fort Oswego. Montcalm took possession of Ontario, and turned its guns on Oswego. On the 14th, he prepared to storm the Fort, but the garrison, composed of Shirley and Pepperell's regiments, of 16,00 men, their commander Col. Mercer having been slain, and a practicable breach having been made in the walls of the fort, offered to capitulate. Terms were agreed upon, the public property was to be surrendered and the garrison was to be protected from the savages. But the capitulation was broken in the most shameful manner. The Indians were permitted to plunder at will. Several of the men were killed upon the parade; Lieut. de la Court, lying wounded in his tent, was also inhumanly murdered, and the sick in the hospital were permitted to be scalped! And as a fitting finale to such barbarity, Montcalm delivered twenty of the garrison to the Indians, in lieu of twenty Indians who had been slain, and these were put to death with all the inhuman barbarities the savages know so well how to invent. The Forts were both demolished, and the French forces returned to Montreal. The dilatory Webb who was on his way to relieve Oswego with a force of 900 regulars, and 700 boatmen, met the news 308 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of its disaster, and immediatety commenced a precipitate retreat. The Earl of Loudon superseded Shirley, as Commader-inChief, of the English forces. The most sanguine hopes were cherished for his success. Of the nobility, no British commander had come to the Colonies with so much of popularity, or repuitation. Such a commander gave great eclat to.the campaign, and the cabins of the borderers resounded with his praises. Recruits were readily enlisted among the Scotch Irish of this neighborhood, while the recruiting Sergeant, or some old crone employed for the occasion, sat by their hearth stones and appe'aled to their family and national pride in a song beginning with,-' "Recruit me none but the old clans, "The Frazers, McKenzies the Campbells and the Grants, "For they are men trailled up to the sword, C'Such warlike men Lord Loudon wants." But London was by no means equal to his reputation, and his career in this country, may be placed down as a complete failure. He did not arrive at New York with his forces till the end of July, when it was too late to enter upon any new enterprise, and he could do little else than strengthen the English fortifications, and prepare for the spring' campaign. Thus the year 1756, brought little -else than dishonor upon the British arms. After the battle of "'Lake George" won by Gen. Johnson, but fought by Gen. Lyman, on the 8th of September, 1755, our troops had proceeded to erect a fortress near the southern extremity of Lake George. This was completed during the autumn, and was called Fort William Henry. It was a wooden fortress 6f no great pretensions, but in the hands of the English, commande4 Lake George, and with Fort Edward, was an effectual barrier against any offensive operations of the French in that quarter. In consequence, the taking of Fort William Henry became an object of great importance with the French Commander-inChief, the Marquis. de Montcalm. In the winter of 1757, he sent an expedition of fifteen hundred men to surprise it. Their troops marching upon snow shoes, and hauling their baggage upon sleighs were led by Rigaud de Vaudreuil and the Chevaner de L(cngueuil. Their orders were to surprise the Fort, but failing in that, they were to destroy the out buildings and ATTACT ON FORT WILLIAM HENRY. 309 store houses beyond the protection of the Fort, and the shipping and batteaux on the Lake. Many of the troops under -Major Eyers, who held the fort, were Irish, and the company of Rangers then in the fort, were many of them of Amoskeag, and of that class of men known as "Scotch Irish," who though of Ireland, were yet not Irish, nor particularly in love with Irish customs, but had no objections to, uniting in a celebrationin. honor of St. Patrick. This company was under the command of Capt. John Stark, of Amoskeag, a son of a Scotch Irishman. His knowledge of Irish customs, doubtless, saved the fortress. The garrison had determined upon celebrating "St. Patrick's Day" which is the 17th: of March. Stark upon the alert, determined that the Rangers at least should'be sober, and commanded the sutler, Samuel Blodgett of Amoskeag, to deliver no rum to the Rangers;without a written order from him; and he refused all solicitations for orders, under the pretence of a lame hand. Thus on the night of the 17th of March, the Rangers were ready for any emergency, while the rest of the garrison were in the greatest excitement from deep potations in honor of St. Patrick and his wife,' Shelah! The French leaders, aware of the character of the troops in the English fortress; had laid their plans to attack it upon St. Patrick's night, supposing that amid a bacchanalian, carousal, it could readily be surprised. Accordingly on the night of the 17th of March, the French forces crossed the crackling ice of Lake George, with their scaling ladders, confident of easy success in escalading the fortress, from which sounds of deep debauch were wafted upon the air. They advanced near the fort in silence, preparing to adjust their ladders, when a flash struck their eyes, and the rattling of small arms and'the booming of cannon filled their astonished ears, while their ranks were thinned and broken by a shower of shot from well directed musketry and cannon from the walls of the fort. They retreated astonished, but not disheartened. The foresight and prompt action of Stark saved the fortress. The crackling of the ice under the heavy tread of the French soldiery, fell upon the practiced ears of the Rangers and gave them timely notice'of the approach of the foe. They seized their muskets and gave the alarm. The ramparts were filled with such of the garrison as were fit for service, the guns were manned, and in perfect silence, except the noise of the revellers, who were allowed or requested to continue their debauch, the better to deceive the enemy, their approach was 310 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. awaited. They were suffered to approach within half musket shot, when the terrific fire was opened upon'them. The next day the enemy invested the place in form, and twice again attacked it, and were as often repulsed. At length after having attacked the fort for a fifth time and been repulsed, they retired, contenting themselves with destroying the huts of the rangers, and the store' houses as well as the batteaux and sloops on the lake. The spring of 1757' was spent by Loudon in preparing for an attack upon Louisburg, in conjunction with a powerful British fleet, and a large force of Infantry and Artillery, under Maj. Get. Hopson. Troops were called for from New Hampshit'e, and a regiment was raised and put under the command of Col. Meserve. Maj..lJohn Goffe of Derryfield was commissioned as its Lieut. Colonel. A. company was attached to this regiment from this nieghborhood, the roll of which was as follows; Richard Emary, Captain.; Nathaniel Martain, Ist Lieut.; Pallata. Russell, 2d Lieu t.; John Moore, Ensign.; Darby Kelley, Sergt.; Joseph Pearsons, Sergt.; Benj. Kidder, Sen. Sergt; John Little, Sergt.; Caleb Emary, Sen. Corp.; Robert Murdock, Corp,; Micajah Wynn, Corp.; John Hutcbenson, Corp. George Berry, Drummer.; Josiah Bean, Jona. Prescutt'i, Benj. Roberts, John Moore, Joseph WhicherWeed, James Dunlap, Edward Bean, Wm. Batchelder, Edward Critchet, Joseph Hillayerd, Ebenezer Hutchenson, Samuel Iliardie, Henry Hutchenson, Jos. Ekerson, Jona. Melcher, Samuel Ring, Elijah Ring, Hezekiah Swaine, Wm. Towle, Joseph Webster, John Burnes, Jona. Corlis, Jun., Asa Corlis, James Clough, Caleb Daulton, Caleb Emary, Jun. Daniel Emerson, John Griffin, John Gorden, Thomas George, Thomas Kennady, Robt. Keunady, Benj. Kidder, Jun. John Kidder, Wm. McDugall, for B. Linkfield, John Merrill, James Patterson, Benj. Pettingal, Ezekiel Stevens, James Titcomb, Leond. Blanchard, Timothy Barron, Wnm. Butterfield, James McCalley, Samuel Gibson, Thomas Lancey, Josiah Parker, Simon McQuestin, Peter Bussell, Samuel Chase, John Davis, Benj. Davis, Win. Hutchenson, David Parker, Henry Parker, William Sillaway, Jno. Webster, for D. Allen, William Drought, Lazarus Rowe, Daniel Darling, Stephen Gilman, Tristram Quimby, John Sandburne, Gideon Young, Samuel Young, Stephen Webster, Solomon Prescutt, Thomas Parker, Ceasar Nero, John Corlis, David Nutt, Ebenezer Coarston, Moses Chase, John Stell, Jacob Bridgham, Patrick Clark. One battalion of the regiment, under the command of Col. SIEGE OF FORT WILLIAM HENRY. 311 Meserve, joined the expedition against Louisburg, while the other battalion under Lieutt. \Colonel Goffe, rendezvoused at Number Four. This battalion afterwards joined Gen. Webb at Albany, and was posted at Fort William Henry, under the command of the veteran Col. Munroe. On the 20th of June, Loudon sailed from New York with a considerable force, taken from the proper defences of the colonies. Among these troops in addition to the battalion, under Col. Meserve, there were from New Hampshire two companies of rangers, under the command of Captain Robert Rogers, and John Stark. This absence of the Commander-in-Chief with so many of the English troops, left opportunity for the French to take aggressive measures, which did not go long unimproved. For aside from the opportunity, the failure of the French in their winter expedition against Fort William Henry, incited Montcalm to more determined action. The absence of Loudon, hastened his movements, and in July he concentrated an army of 8000 strong at Ticonderoga, and the lastlof the month pushed a large force, under the command of M. de Levi, along the shores of the Lake, guided by, their Iroquois allies, against the coveted fortress. Immediately upon hearing of the presence of the French army upon Lake Champlain, Gen. Webb, who was in commahd of the English army near Lake George, and who had just arrived at Fort William Henry, with a want of foresight reconcilable only with pusillanimity or cowardice, fell back with his troopsupon Fort Edward, leaving Fort William Henry to be defended by about 2000 men, under the brave Col. -Munroe. His troops were composed of Regulars and Provincials, and of the latter was a battalion of 200 men from New Hampshire, under Lieut. Col., John Goffe, of Amoskeag. They were left at the PFort to do scout duty, and to keep up a communication with Fort Edward. Besides those, there was a company of Rangers there from New Hampshire, under the command of Richard Rodgers. These men were mostly from the Merrimack valley, and many of them from Amoskeag. On the 1st of August, Montcalm advanced with the remainder of his army, up the Lake in canoes and batteaux. The next day, both divisions united on the shores of the Lake within two miles of the fort. Here Montcalm first heard of the imprudent retreat of Webb, and determined forthwith to attack the fort. -On the morning of the 3d, he sent by one of his aids, a written communication to Col. Munree, demanding the 312 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. surrender of the fortress. To this demand, Munroe laconically replied to Sieur Fantbrune, the messenger of Montcalm, "Tell Monsieur Montcalm, that I reject his proposal with disdain, and that I will defend the Fort, while I have a man able to fire a gun." This answer of defiance was given by the brave Munroe, under the full expectation that- Gen. Webb, who was only fifteen miles distant, with an army of 4000 men, would send him immediate assistance. Montcalm prosecuted his operalions with activity, through the 4th and 5th, pushing his -trenches-close to the walls of the fort, and- at day-break on the 6th, broke the stillness of the morning, by the discharge of shot and shell, from ten guns and a mortar, upon the invested fQrtress. Meantime, the Indians and sharp shooters of" the Canadians, were posted behind every stump and tree that would afford protection, andi furnish an unerring aim at such of the beleaguered garrison, as should expose themselves upon the walls. The besiegers redouble'their energy, the defences give way under the. effective fire of the French guns'; the fire from the ramparts decreases from scarcity of ammunition,- the Indians send forth their appalling yell over their anticipated prey; the pusillanimous Webb remains in stolid indifferance to the fate of Munroe and his brave companions! At length'their ammunition completely fails, cannon and muskets are.silent, useless upon the ramparts, and to cap the climax-of their misfortunes, Montcalm sends into the ill-fated fortress, an intercepted letter from Webb, advising Col. Munroe to capitulate upon the best possible terms, as he could afford him no present relief! Farther resistance was in vain, and the garrison forthwith capitulated upon the main conditions that all public property should be surrendered to the French, that the garrison should march out with the honors of war, With their arms, baggage, and a field piece; and that they should be protected from the outrages of the savages. This latter stipulation was the more necessary, as the outrage at Oswego was fresh in mind, where the plunder and massacre of many of the garrison, had been permitted by Montcalm, in gross violation of the capitulation:; and farther as if to outrage outraged humanity, twenty English prisoners had been delivered into the hands of the Indians by Montcalm, for the purpose of torture, and the cannibal feastings of the "Cold Country Savages." But as at Oswego, this article of the capitulation of Fort WVVilliam Henry was most grossly broken. Before the English had left the fort, the Indians in large numbers had gained access, in search of plunder and strong drink. To prevent the latter MASSACRE AT FORT WILLIAM HENRY, 313 falling into their hands, the liquor casks were stove in, and the rum settled in pools upon the ground. The sharpened appetites of the Savages led them to prostrate themselves upon the ground and drink without stint or measure, to madness. Then commenced promiscuous plunder and outrage within the walls. The evacuation of the troops was.hastened, and they had marched but a short distance from the fort, the Provincial troops last in- order, and the battalion from New Hampshire in the rear of the whole garrison, when as if by a preconcerted signal, hordes of savages rushed from the woods in their war paint, and with their horrid yells, commenced a promiscuous onslaught upon the Provincials,'many of whom had already been plundered at the fort! The English troops were paralized. No guard had beenfurnished by Montcalm. There was not a single round of powder among them, not a bayonet among the Provincials, and the regular troops who had them, being in advance and unmolested by the savages from fear of that instrument, were feign to make the best of their way from the danger that was besetting the unarmed Provincials in the rear. The tomahawk and scalping knife reigned supreme, without let or hindrance. Many were killed, scores were wounded and hundreds, were taken prisoners. Of these latter, numbers were, put to death the following night by the most excruciating tortures. The loss cannot be ascertained. Eighty, of the two hundred men composing the battalion from New Hamqshire, were either murdered or taken prisoners. The transaction filled the public mind with horror —as well it might, for it finds no parallel in history, save in the equally horrid outrage at Oswego-perpetrated by the same parties! Yet there are those at the present day who would feign palliate the conduct of Montcalm. And a late writer* has said: "He may, indeed, still be censured for not having provided a sufficient escort for the surrendered garrison. Surely, however, he may well have deemed 2000 men, such as those who had before' defended themselves with becoming bravery against his host, might hold their ow/n against an inferior number of savages. When the onslaught began, he used his utmost endeavor to arrest it; he rushed into the bloody scene, and strove earnestly to stop its progress. Baring his breast, he called upon the savages to slay him, their father, but to spare the English for whom his honor was plighted. Then, finding his interference useless, he called upon the prisoners to defend them*Warburton's Conqaest of Canada. 314 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. selves, and fire upon their pursuers; it was in vain, howvever, so overpowering were the terrors of the Indian tomahawk." This writer seems forgetful of the fact that by acknowledging that Montclam "may, indeed, still be censured for not having provided a sufficient escort," he yields the whole question at issue. For had he furnished a sufficient escort, as he was bound to do by the articles of capitulation, the massacre could not have taken place. He had the ability to have furnished such escort, as he had 7000 troops at his command, and that he did not do it, with the horrors of Oswego fresh in recollection, is pretty conclusive testimony that he did not intend to do it, and that he connived at the massacre, as he had done at Oswego, about which there is no controversy and no attempt at palliation. But the writer might have spared his implied charge of cowardice against the ill-fated garrison, contained in the paragraphs "surely, however, he (Montclam) may well have deemed 2000 men, such as those who had before defended themselves with becoming bravery against his host, might hold their own against an inferior number of savages," * * * "finding his interference useless, he called upon the prisoners to defend themselves, and fire upon their pursuers; it was in vain, however, so overpowering were the terrdrs of the Indian tomahawk." I say, this implied charge of cowardice may have well been spared, as adding insult to'injury, and having not the least shadow of foundation in fact to sustain it. "Surely," * * *' "2000 men, such as those who had before defended themselves with becoming bravery," might have obeyed Montclam's call to the prisoners to defend themselves,'and fire upon their pursuers," had they had the means within their power! But the same writer says, speaking of the beseiged, "At length their amunition failed," and it is a well authenticated fact, that there was nct a single round of ammunition among the prisoners. Under such circumstances, the conduct of Montclam cannot be excused or palliated. Of the prisoners, the wounded, and the slain in this inhuman massacre, there were a number Irom Amoskeag, while others from the samro place escaped by the greatest good fortune. Thus, JOHN POLLARD. was at the same massacre, but escaped captivity or injury. As the troops tnarct ed from the fort they had so bravely defended upon the plain, the New Hampshire battalion was in the rear. A single Inldian rushed from the woods in his war paint, and leaping upon a stump gave the terrific War Whoop., This MASSACRE AT FORT WILLIAM HENRY. 315 was immediately answered by hundreds of his companions in the woods who instantly rushed upon the plain and commenced an attack upon our troops, who were without ammunition, and could not defend themselves. The whoop of the Indian from the stump attracted Pollard's attention, the rush of Indians in their War Paint, excited his suspicions of their'intentions, and thus on his guard, at the first attack, he rushed for the woods and fortunately escaped to Fort Edward. And so of JOHN DINSMORE. of Goffstown, he was at the same massacre, and escaped from an Indian who had seized him by the shoulders, somewhat like Joseph of old, not by leaving his coat, but his hunting shirt, in the hands of the enemy. Thus rid of his upper garment, he had freer use of his limbs, and taking to the woods soon distanced his pursuer. Passing two nights in the wilderness, swimming the Hudson several times, on the third day, the morning gun of Fort Edward, directed his steps, and he arrived at the fort in safety. A bible in his pocket, its leaves saturated with the waters of the Hudson, was long kept by him as a memento 6f his escape. Then William McDougald of the same town, and John Moor of Bedford, were taken captives by the Indians at the same time, sold to the French in Canada, and returned home by the way of France. SAMUEL BLODGETT, of Goffstown, but subsequently of Derryfield, the Sutler of the New Hampshire battalion; escaping from the melee, he ran to the shore of the Lake and secreted himself under a batteaux. Here he tarried until he thought all risk at an end, when leaving his hiding place, he was discovered by some prowling savages, and stripped of every vestige of clothing. In this plight he escaped his captors, ran into the woods, and got safely into Fort Edward! But EZEKIEL STEVENS, of Derryfield, was not so fortunate. He escaped to the woods but was overtaken by some savages, and plundered of most of his clothes. This was not done without a severe struggle, and the Indians; becoming infuriated at his resistance, knocled him down, took the scalp from his entire head, and striking him with a tomahawk, left him for dead! After a time he revived, and crawling upon a log seated himself upon it. In this position he was found by another 316 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Indian, who claimed him as his prisoner. Bleeding profusely from his wounds and faint from the loss of blood, Stevens resisted the attempts of the savage to remove him from his seat. While this altercation was going on, some French soldiers passed them, who heard to the wounded man's request for assistance, and told him, upon their return, which would be in a short time, they would pass near. the log, and he must rush in among them, and they would save him from the'clutches of the savage. Accordingly, they were as good as their word, and returning in a short time passed near to Stevens and his savage claimant.' Upon, this Stevens summoning all his remaining strength, rushed among the. French soldiers, at the same time claming their protection. A part of them led him to the Fort while the others succeeded in pacifying the Indian, who.was enraged at theloss of his prisoner. At the Fort, Stevens was well cared for, his wounds healed and in a few months he arrived at his home in Derryfield, where'he died at. a good old age. ilis scalp was removed almost from the entire head save a line around it upon the limit betwixt the hair and the smooth skin of the face and neck. To protect'his head thus exposed, he always wore a close knit cap upon it. This memento of the "Massacre of Fort William Henry" is well remembered by many of the original citizens of Manchester at the present day, who have often heard from his own lips an account of his thrilling adventure. But JOHN MCK-EEN, of Amoskeag, then of Amherst, was not so fortunate. Taken by the savages after a desperate struggle for his liberty, he, was retained by his savage captors -to add to the horrid orgies of their triumph. The night following, amid their triumphal dance, the actors maddened with excitement and fire-water, the ill-fated McKeen was brought forth, stripped of his garments, and bound to a tree. In this position he stood as a mark for the keen edged knives and tomahawks of the infuriated warriors. -At length when his body had become gashed at every point, and the victim was: becoming insensible to their inhumanity, his wounds were stuck with pitch-wood splints, and as a climax of their cruelty, set on fire! He was his own funeral pyre! a fitting accompaniment of savage barbarity and French- perfidy. The expedition against Louisburg proved an entire failure, through the dilatoriness and pusillanimity of its leaders, and Loudon returned to New York. On his way, he met the news DEFEAT OF THE RANGERS. 317 of the loss of Fort William Henry. Upon his arrival, he went immediately to Fort: Edward, gave some orders as to its defence and returned to Albany for winter quarters. The following spring Lonudon was recalled, and the command of the forces devolved upon. Maj.. Gen. Abercrombie. Like Abercrombie, Loudon had the good sense -to discover the great value of the Rangers, and augmented their number by the adition of five companies of 100 men each. Four of these companies were from New England and one from the Indians. Capt. Rogers was ordered toraise and:organize the companies, and the appointment of the non-commissioned officers was left to. hie judgement. The companies were raised in theshort space of twvo months, and in mid. winter, the order to Rogers for their organization, bearing date, January 11, 1758, and the companies being at Fort Edward and ready for duty, the 15th day of March following. Capt.,.Rogers, as: senior officer, had the command ol the- Rangers, and in. April following, after the recall of Lo0udon,. he was promoted to.a.Majority by Gen. Abercrombie and had the entire control of the, discipline of this noted and efficient corps. -Both' Loudon and'Abercrombie'could but discover. the. great advantage of this corps;. as their arduous duties were. ever performed-.with- skill,. and promptness, and the skirmishes and battles fought. by them, were the only -relief from the disgraceful inactivity and:cowardly defeat that marked the campaigns:under these Generals. Their services were in requisition to watch the movements of the French and their Indian allies, and in performing this duty, they not unfrequently came in collision with them, when severe and obstinate battles often ensued. One of'these occurred March, 13,- 1758, while-: Loundon was lying- inactively at Albany. It isgiven in Major Rogers own words. "March. 10, 1758. I was ordered'by Col. Haviland to the neighborhood of Ticonderoga,'not' with four hundred men as was first given out, but with one. hundred'and eighty officers included. We had one Capt., one Lieut., and one Ensign of the line as volunteers, viz. Messrs. CrGeed, Kent, and]Wrightson: also one Sergeant and one -private', all of the 27th Rigiment; a detachment from the four companies' of Rangers quartered on the island near Fort Edwvard; viz.' Capt. Bulkley, Lieutenants,- Phillips,. Moore, Campbell, Crafton, aud. Pottinger; Ensigns, Ross, Waite, McDonald, and White with 162 privates. I acknowledge that I; entered'upon this service, with this small detachment. of brave men, with no small uneasiness of mind. 25: 318 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. We had every reason to believe that the prisoner and deserter above nramed, had informed the enemy of our intended expedition, and the force to be employed; yet my commander knowing all this, sent us out with 180 men. He probably had his reasons; and canrdoubtless justify his conduct; but there, is no consolation to the friends of those,brave men who were thus thrown in the way of an enemy, of three times their number, and of whom one hundred and seven never returned to tell their story. We first. marched to the half way brook, in the road' leading to Lake George and there\ encamped for the night. March 11. Proceeded as far as the first narrows of Lake George, and encamped that evening on the east shore. After dark, a party went three miles down, to ascertain if the enemy were coming towards our Forts, who returned without my discovering them. We were however upon our guard, and kept parties walking up and down the lake all night, besides sentries at all neccessarry places upon the shore. March 12. Left our camp at sunrise, and having made about three miles, perceived a dog running across the Lake, and sent a party to recconoitre the island, supposing the Indians were there in ambush. But not finding any, it was thought proper to take to the shore, and thus prevent our being discovered from the surrounding hills. We halted at a place called Sabbath day point, on the west shore, and sent out parties to look down the Lake with perspective glasses., As soon as dark, we proceeded down the Lake. Lieut. Phillips with fifteen men, some of whom preceded him on skates, acted as an advance guard, while Ensign Ross flanked us on the left, under the west shore near which we kept the main body, marching as closely as possible, to prevent separation, the night being extremely dark, In this manner we came within eight miles of the French advance, when Mr. Phillips sent back a man on skates to desire me to halt: upon this the men were ordered to sit down upon the ice. Mr. Phillips soon after came to me. informing that he had discovered what he supposed a fire on the east shore, but was uncertain. I sent him, accompanied by Mr. White to ascertain the fact. They returned in an hour, fully persuaded that a party of the enemy were encamped at that place.. The advance guard' was called in, and we marched to the west shore, where in a thicket we concealed our sleighs and packs. Leaving a small guard with our baggage, we marchQd to attack the enemy's encampment if we should find one. DEFEAT OF THE RANGERS. 319 On reaching the place where we supposed the fire to have been seen, and finding no enemy', we concluded Mr. Phillips had mistaken some patches of snow or pieces of rotten wood for fire, (which in the night and at a distance resembles it,) we therefore returned to our packs, and passed the night without a fire. On the morning of the 13th, a council of the officers determined that our better course was to proceed by land on snow shoes, lest the enemy should discover us on the Lake. Accordingly we continued our march on the western shore, keeping on the back of the mountains which overlooked the French advanced guard, and halted at 12 o'clock, two miles west of them, where wexrefreshed ourselves until three. This was to afford the day scout from the Fort,, time to return home before we advanced, as our intehtion was to ambush some roads leading to the Fort that night, in order to trepan the enemy in the morning. Our detachment now advanced in two divisions, the one headed by Capt. Bulkley and the other by myself. Ensigns White and Waite, led the rear guard, the other officers being properly posted with their respective divisions. On our left, at a smalldistance,; wewere flanked by a small rivulet, and by a steep mountain on othe right.'Our main body kept close under the mountain, that the-advance guard might better observe the brook, on the ice'of which they might travel, as the snow was now four feet deep, which made tavelling very bad even with snow shoes. In this manner, we proceeded a mile and a half, when our advance informed us that the enemy were in sight; and soon after, that his force consisted of ninety-six, chiefly indians. We immediately'threw down our knapsacks and prepared for; battle, supposing that the whole of the enemy's force, were approaching our left, upon the ice of the rivulet. Ensign McDonald was ordered to take command of advanced guard, Which as we faced to the left became a flanking party to our right. We marched within a few yards of the bank, which was higher than the ground we occupied; and observing the ground gradually descend from the rivulet, to the foot of the mountain, we extended our line along the bank, far enough to command the whole. of the enemy at once. Waiting until their front was nearly opposite our left wing; I fired a gun as the signal for a general discharge. We gave them the first fire, which killed more than forty and put the remainder to flight, in which one half of my men pursued, and cut down several more of them with their hatchets and cutlasses. I now imagined they were totally defeated, and ordered 320 THE HISTORY OF iMANCHEISTER. Esign McDonald to head the flying remains of them, that none of them should escape. He soon ascertained that the party we had routed, was, only the advanced guard of 600 Canadians and Indians, who were now coming up to attack the Rangers. The latter now retreated to their own ground, which was gained at the expense of fifty men killed. There they were drawn np in good order and fought with such intrepidity, keeping up a constant and well directed fire, as caused the French, though seven to one in number, to retreat a, second time. We however being in no condition to pursue, they rallied again, recovered their lost ground, and made a desperate attack upon our front, and wings, but they were so well received, that their flanking parties soon retreated to their main body with great loss. This threw the whole into cofusion, and caused a third retreat. Our numbers were now too far reduced, to take advantage of their disorder, and rallying again, they attacked us a fourth time. Two hundred Indians were now discovered ascending the right to possess',themselves of the rising ground and fall upon our rear. Lieut. Phillips with 18 men was directed to gain possesion of it before them, and drive the Indians back.,'He succeeded in gaining the summit and repulsed them by a well directed fire, in which every bullet killed its man. I now became alarmed less the enemy should go round on our left, and take post on the other part of the hill, and sent Lieut. Crafton, with 15 men to anticipate them. Soon after I sent two gentlemen who were volunteers, with a few men to support him which -they did with great bravery. The enemy pressed us so closely in front, that the parties were sometimes intermixed, and in general not more than 20 yards asunder. A constant fire continued for an hour and a half, from the commencement of the attack, during which time we lost eight officers and 100 privates killed upon the spot. After doing all that brave men could do, the Rangers were compelled to break, each man looking out for himself. I ran up the hill followed by about 20 men, towards Phillips and Crafton, where we gav\e the Indians, who were pursuing in great numbers, another fire which killed several and wounded others. Lieut. Phillips was about capitulating for himself and his party, being surrounded by three hundred Indians. We came so near, that he spoke to me and said if the enemy would give good quarters he thought it best to surrender, otherwise he would fight while he' had one man' left to fire a gun. I now retreated, with the remainder of my party, in the best manner possible; several of whom were wounded and fatigued DEFEAT OF THE RANGERS. 321 were taken by the savages who pursued our retreat. We reached Lake George in the evening, where we were joined by several wounded men, who were assisted, to the place where our sleighs han been left. From - this place an express was despatched, to Col Haviland, for assistance to bring in the wounded. We passed the night here without a fire or blankets, they having fallen into the enemy's hands, with our knapsacks. The night was extremely cold, and the wounded men suffered much pain, but behaved in a manner consistent with their conduct in the action. In the morning, we proceeded up the Lake and at Hoop Island six miles north of William Henry, met Capt. John Stark coming to our relief, bringing with him provision, sleighs, blankets. -We encamped on the Island, passed the night with good'fires; and on the evening of the next day. (March 15,) arrived at Fort Ed-ward. The number of the enemy which attacked us was 700, of which 500 were Indians. From the, best accounts, we after wards learned that we killed 150 of them, and wounded as many more, most of whom died. I will not pretend to say, what would have been the result of this unfortunate expedition, had our numbers been 400 strong, as was contemplated; but it is due to those brave officers and men who accompanied me, most of whom are now no more, to declare that every man in his respective station, behaved with uncommon resolution and coolness, nor do I recollect an instance during the action, in which the prudence or good conduct ofone of them could be questioned. The killed and missing in this engagement, amounted to'125 out of a detachment of 180 all told! This was a terrible disaster to Rogers and his party, and is to be attributed to the want of forethought in Col. Haviland, in sending out so small a force upon so hazardous an' expediton.* *It is stated in a note in "4Rge6's Journal"' that Lieut. Phillips was killed in this battle, he and his party being "tied to trees, and hewn to pieces in the most barbarous manner." This is a mistake. Lieut. Phillips escaped, lived toga good old age, and died in Northfield somewhere about the year 1819. The writer of this, has often heard Lieut. Phillips relate this and other of his escapes in the Seven Years War. 32X THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XVI. Expeditions againstLouisburg, Crown Point, and Fort du Quesne.-Gen. Abercrombie's defeat.-Bradstreet's success against Fort Frontenac. -Forbe's success against Fortdu Quesne. —Expeditions against Niagara, Montreal, and Quebec. —-Col. Lieut. Colonel of the. New Hampshire Regiment.Fall' of Ticonderoga and Crown Point.-Expeditions of the Rangers.Destruction of St. Francis.-Disasters to the captors. —Lt. Phillips.-Sergeant Evans. —iLt. Catmpbell. —Benjamia Bradley.-Amherst returns to Crown Point.-Fall of Niagara.-Wolfe gains the Plains. of fAbraham.-Battle.Death of Wolfe and Montclam. —Fall of Quebec.-The French attempt to retake Quebec.-DeLevi approaches that city.- Gen. Murray gives him battle, and is driven into the city.-City invested by the French.-British fleet arrives, and the siege is raised.-Gen. Amherst goes against Montreal.N. H.. Regiment under Col. Goffe. —Rendezvous at Litchfield.-Dress,Origin of Yankee Doodle.-Regiment marches up the Souhegan to Peterborough.-Thence by the way of Keene to Number Four.-Cut a road to Crown Point.-Join the division under Col. Haviland. —French Fort at "Isle aux Noix."-Shipping destroyed.-Fort abandoned.-Rogers sent in pursuit, of the enemy.-The division is joined by Gen. Amherst.-Pass down the St. Lawrence.-Gen. Murray marches up the St. Lawrence.-Forms a junction with Gen. Amherst.-Invests Montreal.-The French Capitulate, and their power is at end in the Canadas.-Major Rogers sent up the Lakes to take possession of the French posts.-Retuins to New York. Pitt had been placed at the head of the government in England, and he had determined to cripple the power of the French in America, by expeditions against three important forts, Louisburg, Crown Point, and Fort du Quesne. Against Louisburg, a powerful land force under Generals Amherst and Wolfe, and an equally powerful naval force under Admiral Boscawen, were destined, while Gen. Abercrombie was to march against Crown Point, and Gen. Forbes against Du Quesne, with a few battalions of regulars and the Provincial troops furnished for the occasion. Before Louisburg, union, skill, and bravery triumphed. What the cowardice of Loudon and Holborne'had left unattempted the summer preceding, the bravery of Amherst, Wolfe and Boscawen accomplished in this campaign. Louisburg, on the 27th of July, 1758, after a brave defence, under its gallant commander, the Chevalier de Drucour, again surrendered to the British arms. By the middle of June, the colonies had sent their quotas of men to Albany, and Gen. Abercrombie had under his command the largest and best appointed army that ever had been mus N. H. REGIMENT. 323 tered in America. It consisted of 6360 troops of the line, and 9000 of the Provincial militia. 9the object of this formidable force was the reduction of Ticonderoga, and Crown Point. About the end of June this vast force marched'for Lake George and encamped around the ruins of Fort William Henry. Of this force, besides the Rangers, of whom more than one half were frotn New Hampshire, she furnish'ed a regiment of 800 men under the commanrid f Col. John Hart of Portsmouth. John Goffe, Sen., was Lieut. Colonel in this regiment, while his son, John Goffe Jlun., was 1st Lieut. in one of the compaaics. Capt. Alexander Todd, of Londonderry, was of this regiment, and commanded a company from this neighborhood. His roll was, as follows: Alexander Todd, Captain; Wilder:Willard, ]st Lieut.; John Parker, 2d Lieut.; IBenjamin Sawyer, Ensign; William Adams, Sergt.; Willard Wilson, Sergt.; James McMurphy, $ergt.; Joseph Parks, Sergt.; David'Dickey, Cor p.; Joseph Bagley, Corp.; William Hill, Corp.; John Chandler, Corp. William McDugal, John Loggan, William Johnson, Hugh Quinton, Thomas Wason, Andrew Cockran, Alexander Parlher, Robert Walker, John Mills, Joseph Linn, James Ligget, James Broddock, Moses Canaird, Benjalnin Crossett, Robert McKnight, Mathew Templeton, Robert Rankin, Hugh' Shirley, Robert Mc Kinley, William Gambell, Mathew Wallace,-Joseph Moore, Enoch Moore, John Kenny, James Aiken, James Gilmore, John McCalaster, John Robinson, John Wadley, James Robinson, James Chase, John Bryanit, Nathaniel Meloon, Amaziah Dulittle, James Wallace, Solomon Drown, Samuel Megoon, John McDuggall, Robert Gilmore, Edward Chapman, David Edgerly, Thomas Dearborn, -Elisha Bean, Jonathan Kinniston, Benj. Mason, John Roberts, Thomas George, Williarnm McMaster, Janes Hornar cr Conner, Timothy Blazdell, Isaac Grove. John Hazen of Haverhill Mass., afterwards of Haverhill, N. H. commanded a company in this regiment, all from this State and a large portion of them from this neighbohood. Nehemiah Lovewell of Dunstable also commanded a company in the same regiment, and in his company were a number of soldiers from this neighborhood. Captain Hazen's roll was as follows; John Hazzen, Capt.; John Goffe Jun., 1st Lieut.; Joseph White, 2d Lieut.; Wm. Richardson, Eusign; Jabez Hoight, Sergeant; Benja. Stone, Sergt.; Matthew Bryant, Sergt.; James 324 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Bryant, Sergt.; Jona. Kemble, Corp.; Benj. Batchelder, Corp.; Stephen Page, Corp.; Stephen Dow, Corp. Aaron Copps, Thomas Crafford, Bond Little, Joseph Sawyer, David Copps, Caleb Emery, John Gage, Joshua Chase, Joshua Gile, Joseph Gage, Robert Cannada,. Joseph Webster,.Thomas Cannada, James Dustan, Stephen Prescutt, Nathan Colly, Silas Flood, Richard Dow, Richard Knight, Jeremiah Kent, John Lovewell, Daniel, Flood,. Parish Richardson, Caleb: Marble, Jessa Wilson, Win. Whittaker, Noah Emery, Joshua Howard, James Dow, Jeremiah Dow, Amos Pollard, Jona. Stevens, Daniel Clifford, Abner Sawyer, Jonas Clay, Abel Wright, Win. Heath, Henry Benson, Wmin. Flanders, Enoch Hale, Peter Whitteker, John Tarbox, Phillip -Emerson, Levi Wyman, Asa Curtis, Jona. Colby, John, Giles, Jona. Worster, Edmund Colby, Abner Wheeler,- Asa..Worster, John Foster, Robert Young, Jona. Hunt, Robert'Greenough, Jona. Stickney, Josiah Heath, Benoni Coburn, Micajah Morrill, Timothy Page, Benoni Rowell, Nathl,. ood, Francis Knowlton, Joseph, Lovewell. On the'5th of July, 1758, this formidable force embarked on the waters of the Lake, in ten hundred and thirty-five boats, together with rafts for the artillery. The sight was grand and imposing, beyond description. Early on the morning of the 6th, the army. disembarked on the west side of the lake. The Rangers were sent foward to scour the woods, and open the way for the army. They accomplished this object, and placiug 150 men to watch the movements of the Fench, Rogers returned to report his proceedings, and for further duty. The British army was.formed into four columns, and the advance sounded. The forest was so dense. that the march was difficult, and the columns. became disordered. In this disorder they fell in with a detachment of 500 French, who were retreating upon their main army, and had lost their way. A sharp and bitter fight immediately ensued. The gallant Howe, the soul of the army, with his Light Infantry and the Rangers, advanced and broke the enemy. Being in advance of his troops he was shot down, in the moment of success. Such was the disorder, that it is doubtful whether he fell from a shot of the enemy, or from the.random fire of our own troops. The next day Rogers was sent forward to secure the bridge betwixt Lake Geoige and Ticonderoga. It was held by a party, of French and Indians. Rogers ordered a halt to reconoitre their position, which brought the rear upon the front. Capt. John Stark was in the rear, and not understanding the cause, rushed forward and asked the cause of the delay. Receiving no answer, he DEFEAT OF ABERCROMBIE. 325 rushed forward upon the bridge followed by the troops. The French retired with precipitation,' and left the bridge clear for the passage of the English army. Major Rogers held the position with 450 men, while Capt.: Stark with the remainder of the Rangers went with Capt.'Abercromnbie and: Col. Clark the engineer, to reconnoitre the enemy's works. They returned in the evening, Col.. Clark reporting, that the enemy's works were of, little importance. Col.. Stark however was of a different opinion, and did not hesitate to say, that the French had formi.dable preparations'for defence. Stark was but a woodsman, and Clark, was a British engineer, and the opinion of the former was unheeded, whileimost unfortunately tha.t of the latter wvas followed, Early on: the morning of the: 8th Abercrombie relying upon the report of his engineer, as to the flimsy nature of the French defences, determined to commence the attack without bringing up his artillery. Accordingly as'says Major Rogers; -'"At 7 o'clock the':Rangers were ordered to march. A Lieutenant of Capt. Stark led the, advanced guard, which when within 300 yards., of the entrenchments were ambushed and fired u.pon by 200 French. I immediately formed a front to support them, and they maintained their ground till the enemy retreated.- Soon after this, the batteau-men formed on my left and the light Infantry on my fight. This fire of the enemy did not kill one of our, men. Soon after, two Provincial Regiments, formed in: my rear, at 200 yards distance. While the army was thus forming, a scattering fire was kept up between our flying parties.and those of the enemy without the breastwork. At half pastten the greater part of the armny being drawn up, a sharp fire commenced'on the left wing, where Col. De Lancy's New York men and the batteau-men were posted. Upon this,, I was ordered to drive. the enemy within their works, and then to fall -down that the piquets and grenadiers might march through. The enemy soon retired within their works; and Major Proby with his piquets marched within a few yards of the works, whtere he unfortunately fell. The enemy keeping up a steady fire, the sol diers were drawing back, when Col. Haldiman came- up with the grenadiers, to support them, followed by the battalions of the line." The Grenadiers followed by the Highlanders, with unflinching courage dashedagainst the abattis, with which the approach to the frent of the fortress had been covered. Here brought to a stand, or: slowly feeling their way among the sharpened limbs of the trees, they were literally mown down by the dead 326 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ly fire from the ramparts. The Highlanders with light clothing and armour, found less difficulty in approaching, and some ot them passing the abattis, rushed upon the parapets only to die from the thrust of the bayonet. Nearly half of this gallant corps bit the dust. As those in front fell, their places were immediately filled from the rushing columns, but with the same result, sure but unavailing death. Thus was continued for near four hours, rthis useless slaughter. At length Gen. Abercrombie from his place:of safety at the sawmills, ordered a retreat, and this large force still four times out numbering the enemy, retreated in confusion and dismay. The retreat was covered by the gallant Rogers and his Rangers or it would have became a complete route. As it was, Abercrombie did not consider his position safe till he had retreated to the place of landing, and then the presence of the intrepid Col. Bradstreet, alone prevented the troops from rushing into the boats, and perishing in the Lake. Through his exertions order war restored, and the troops held their position for the night, but on the 9th they retreated across the lake to the site of Fort William Henry. Thus this expedition was a complete failure through the doggedness and cowardice of the commander. Had he followed the opinion of Stark, he would have attackked the strong-hold with his artillery, and distroyed it in an hour's time.. But full of British doggedness, and cowardice, he must blindly follow the report of his engineer, made the attack with musketry, and suffered an inglorious and ignoble defeat. This state of things was somewhat relieved, by the events that followed. At Col. Bradstreet's earnest solicitations, he was sent by Abercrombie with a strong detachment against Fort Frontinac; on Lake Ontario. On the 25th of August he landed with his force within a mile of the Fort, and forthwith proceeded to invest it. On the 26th he had pushed his works so near the defences, that he was able to open upon them a most vigorous and effective fire. Early on the morning of 27th of August the garrison surrendered, having neither hope of reinforcement or successful resistance. Thus this important fortress, commanding Lake Ontario and its shipping, and filled with provisions and peltries, fell into the hands of the British and this without the loss of a single man! And the expedition against Fort du Quesne, was equally successful. Gen. Forbes had been delayed by various causes, and so ill as to be carried on a litter; he did not arrive at Loyal Hanning within fifty miles of the Fort till the 5th of October. EXPEDITIONS AGAINST NIAGARA, MONTREAL AND QUEBEC. 327 There a Council of war was held, and it was determined to advance no farther that season. However,'Washington was permitted to push foward on the 12th with a brigade of Provincials. At the head of these troops he hesitated not for sleet or snow, but pushed on into the valley of the Ohio. The French commander, M. de Lignieres, being warned of his approach by his scouts, dismantled the fort, and setting it on fire retreated down the Ohio to the French settlements. On the 25th of November, Washington entered the long coveted, hut now smouldering fortress, and planted thereon the British flag. He immediately set about repairing the fort, and gave it the name of Pittsburg, in honor of the man who had infusse soul and spirit into the British Colonists. Thus ended the campaign of 1758, brilliant in achievment, save alone the defeat before Ticonderoga, attributable to the incapacity of a General, selected by Court favor, rather than any merti of his own. The British ministry determined upon an enegetic campaign for 1759. Gen.'Amherst had been appointed Commander-inChief, and arrived at New York the 12th of December, and took command of the English forces. His success in the preceding campaign, promised much for the future. The confidence of the colonies was restored, and they readily responded to Mr. Pitt's call for troops. New Hampshire in spite of her former losses and disappointments, raised a regiment of a thousand men for the campaign. This regiment was commanded by Col. Zaccheus Lovewell, of Dunstable. One or two companies were from this1 immediate vicinity, and Amoskeag was well represented in them. Col. Goffe, of Derryfield, was second in command. The regiment marched across the country, andjoined Gen. Amherst at Lake George. The plan of the campaign was to send three expeditions against Niagara, Montreal, and Quebec. These strongholds were to be attacked at one and the same time, by powerful forces, thus dividing and distracting the forces of the French. The expedition against QQuebec was under the command of Gen. Jaines Wolfe, assisted by Admiral Saunders, with a powerful fleet; that against Niagara, was headed by Brig. General Prideaux; while Gen. Amherst, lead the forces against Mon — treal. During the winter Gen. Amherst was actively engaged in preparations for the campaign, and in reconnoitering the posts of the enemy, and watching their movements. This last ser 328 THE tISTORY OF MANCHESTER, vice of course devolved upon the Rangers. The weather durring this winter was severely cold, and -the snow in the neighborhood of the lakes, averaged four feet in depth, and; the duty of scouting was not only dangerous, but extremely laborious. It was performed upon snow-shoes, mostly in the night, without fire when near the enemy's posts, and without covering when encamped, save of pine or hemlock boughs. So that aside from the hazards of the fight, the Rangers had to run the risk of frost-bitten.limbs, or death itself, from the same cause. On the 3d ofi March orders were sent to Major Rogers to proceed with a detaQhment of Rangers, Regulars and Indians, to reconnoitre the enemy's works at Ticonderoga, and Crown Point.. Mr. Brheme the engineer was in attendance. - The detachment numbered 358 men. Major Rogers commenced his march the same day, andj encamped for the night at Half-way Brook. His journal of this scout is as follows; "On the 4th marched within a mile and a half of Lake George, and halted, until evening that we might pass the enemy undiscovered, if any should be on the hill. We then continued our march until two o'clock in the morning, and halted at the first narrows; whence several of- our party being frost bitten, were sent back in charge of a careful:sergeant to Fort Edward. At eleven o'clock on the evening of the 5th, we reached Sabath-day point, almost overcome with cold. At two o'clock continued our route, and arrived at the landing place at eight A. M. Here a scout was sent out, and reported that two working parties were to be seen on the east side, but none on the west. I judged this a suitable time for the engineer to make his observations; and leaving Capt. Williams in command of the Regulars, proceeded with the engineer, forty-nine Rangers, Capt. Lottridge, and forty-five Indians, to the isthmus, which overlooks the, Fort, where he made his observations. We then returned to our party, leaving five Indians and one Ranger, to observe what numbers crossed the Lake from the east side, in the evening, that I might know how to attack them next morning.. At dark the engineer went again to the entrenchments, with Lieut. Tute, and a guard of 10 men. He returned at midnight, having finished his business to his satisfaction. Upon this, I ordered Capt. Williams and the Regulars, back to Sabbath-day point, they being so distressed with the cold, and having no snow-shoes, it appeared imprudent to march them any farther. Lieut. Tute and thirty Rangers, were sent with them, with orders to kindle fires upon the point. At three SCOUT OF THE RANGERS. 329 o'clock, I marched with three Lieutenants and forty Rangers, one Regular, and Capt. Lottridge's Indians, to attack the working parties when they crossed the Lake early in the morning. We crossed the South Bay, eight miles south of the Fort, and at six o'clock bore down opposite'to it, within half a mile of the French parties employed in cutting wood. A scout of two Indians and two Rangers soon brought intelligence that they were forty in number, and at work close upon the Lake shore nearly opposite the Fort.' We ran down upon them, took several prisoners, and destroyed most of the party in the retreat. Being discovered by the garrison, we were pursued by eighty Canadians and Indians, backed by 150 Regulars, who ina mile's march commenced a fire upon our rear. We halted upon a rising ground, repulsed the enemy before their whole party came up, and resumed our line of march abreast. Proceeding half a mile further our rear was again attacked, but we gained anll advantageous post, upon a long ridge, where we made a stand on the side opposite the enemy. The Canadians and:Indians, came very —close, but receiving a warm fire from the Rangers and Mohawks, they broke imm'ediately, were pursued, and: entirely routed. before' their Regulars could come up. We now marched without opposition., In these skirmishes one Regular and two Rangers were killed, and one Indian wounded, and thirty of the enemy left dead upon the field. At twelve o'clock at night we reached Sabbath-day point, fifty miles from the place we left in the morning. Capt. Williams was up and received us with good fires, than which, nothing could be more acceptable to my party, several of whom had their feet frozen, the'weather -being exceisively cold, and the snow four feet deep., Next morning, the whole detachment marched to Long Island, on l,ake George, i and encamped for the night. During our march, some of the Rangers and Indians had leave to hunt on the Lake shore, and brought us plenty of venison. At Lake George, we met the sleighs, and a detachment of 100 men, with whom we all arrived safe at Fort Edward." Gen. Amherst arrived at Albany the first of May, and the army was organized for the field. On the first of June the first division under Gen. Gage, advanced to;he Lake. Capt. John Stark with three companies of Rangers accompanied this division, feeling the way through the wilderness for the advance. On the 20th of June the second division followed, accompanied by the Commander-in-Chief, Rogers and his Rangers forming a part of the advanced guard. 330 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. The army remained in position near the Lake while the 21st day of July, when it embarked for Ticonderoga, numbering 11,130 men. It crossed the Lake in four divisions, the Rangers leading the advance and first effecting a landing. The army disembarked without molestation, and the Rangers were ordered across the mountains in the isthmus to secure the well known bridge at the saw-mills. The enemy were posted on the rising ground beyond the bridge, to dispute the passage, but Rogers and his party pushed on across the bridge, in spite of resistance, attacked the enemy in their, position, and killing sone, and taking several prisoners, routed.the whole, before the advance of the main army under Col. Haviland, crossed the bridge. Soon after the main army came up and encamped for the night upon the heights near the saw-mills. The army was early in motion, on the morning of the 23d of July, and Major Rogers was ordered across the plain, to Lake Champlain, to take and maintain a position betwixt the lake and the enemy's breast-work. Meantime Gen. Amherst sent a detachment to attack the main breast-work upon the hill, which they carried without opposition, the enemy falling backd upon the neighboring fort. The Rangers.were equally successful, and took possession of a small entrenchment near the lake, with but little loss. The enemy thus hard pushed, and satisfied that the present Commander-in-Chief, had the will and the ability to accomplish -his unde.rtaking; during the following night, deserted the fort and proceeded down the lake, leaving a detachment of 400 men to continue the defence, and thus mask tihe retreat of the main army. These 400 men performed -their part with the greatest gallantry, and the better to cover the retreat of their comrades, made a sortie from the, fort and attacked the English in their entrenchments, putting them in the greatest confusion and disorder. Through the 24th, 25th, and 26th they kept up a continual fire upon the English works. On the 26th the English had advanced their works within -600 yards of the fort, and Major Rogers with his Rangers and some Indians kept up a most galling fire from them. The besieged could not work'their guns without being picked off by his sharp shooters.' Thus pressed, the gallant band determined upon retreat. To secure a retreat, the French had stretched a strong boom of logs across the lake opposite the fort. This effectually stopped the passage of the English boats down the lake, and prevented pursuit. On the afternoon of the 26th, Major Rogers and 60 Rangers went up to Lake George, and carried two SURRENDER OF CROWN POINT. 331 whale boats, and one flat-boat across!the land to Lake Champlain. With these they embarked upon the lake after dark, fi r the purpose of-sawing off the boom, and thus clear the way for cutting off the retreat of the French down the Lake. Accordingly about 9 o'clock in the evening, they approachedithe. boom upon the eastern' shore'of the lake. Just at that moment there came a flash, then forked flames shot into the sky, illuminating the whole horizon, followed by a deep, deafening report, and anon the crashing of timbers, the falling of rocks, the splashing of fragments,'and the booming of cannon, revealed the fact that the coveted fortress had been blown up! The French had deserted the fort, but to- render the fortress useless to the English, and to do them as much damage as possible, they had left every gun charged and pointed; had mined the walls; and had connected these mines with the magazine by a lighted fuse! The scene was horrid and terrific. The retreat would have been accomplished without loss, had it not been for Rogers and his party. After their surprise at the terrible explosion was over, lighted by the flames from the burning fortress, Rogers and his Rangers discovered the retreating party and immediately crossed the lake and attacked them to considerable advantage, compelling them to run their boats ashore, and take refuge in the woods in large numbers. This attack was so successful, that on the following morning, ten boats were taken, on the eastern shore, in which were 50 barrels of powder, a quantity of shot and shells, and a large amount of baggage. Gen. Amherst took possession of the fort, and at once set about repairing it. Meantime, August 11, he sent to Major Rogers the following order. "You are this night to send a Captain with a proper proportion of subalterns, and 200 men to Crown Point. Where they will post themselves in such a manner as not to be surprised and if attacked they are not to retreat, but to maintain their position until reinforced. JEFF. AMHERST. Major Rogers sent Capt. Brewer with this detachment, who after some skirmishing, secured a commanding position, and maintained it. But this precaution was needless, as the Rangers soon discovered that the main part of the French army had abandoned Crown Point. This fact was made known to Gen. Amherst on the morning of the 12th, and he forthwith sent foward a detachment and took possession of the Fort. Soon 332 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. after he followed with the main body of his army, and encamped, and.on the 13th commenced building a new Fort. While thus employed, Capt. John Stark wvith 200 Rangers was detached tl;o cut a road from Crown Point to Number Four, now Charleston.: This was for the purpose of:transporting troops and baggage from:Charleston, it being the rendezvous for men enlisted in New Hampshire and Massachusetts. During the same time, Gen. Amherst sent Capt. Kennedy with a flag of truce to the Indians of St. Francis, proposing to make peace with them, but these haughty Indians perfidiously retained this officer as a prisoner. The British General hearing of this treachery determined to chastise them. He accordingly issued the following order. "You are this night to join the detachment of 200 men which were yesterday ordered out, and proceed to Missisqui Bay, from which you will proceed to attack the enemy's settlements on the south side of the St. Lawrence, in such a manner, as shall most effectually disgrace and injure the enmy, and redound to the honor and successof his Majesty's arms. Remember the barbarities committed by the enemy's Indian scoundrels on every occasion, where they have had opportunities of showing their infamous cruelties, towards his Majesty's subjects. Take your revenge, but remember that although the villians have promiscuously murdered women and. children, of all ages, it is-my order that no'women or children should be killed or hurt. When you have performed this service you will again join the army wherever it may be. Yours, &c. JEFF. AMHERST. Camp at Crown Point, Sep.l 13, 1769. To MxAJOR ROGERS. Major Rogers started immediately upon this perilous expedition. His way lay hundreds of miles through the enemy's country, and the same an unb6rken wilderness. None other than Roger's Rangers, would ever have been thought capable of such an undertaking, and none but them would ever have accomplished the object of the expedition. On the 22d day after the scout left Crown Point, they arrived in the vicinity of St. Francis, the village having been discovered from a tree by one of the Rangers, when three miles distant. His party had now become reduced by various causalities to 142 men. These were ordered to refresh themselves, while Rogers with Lieut. ATTACK ON ST. FRANCIS. 333 Turner and Ensign Avery went forward to reconnoitre the town. They found the Indians:in the greatest glee, celebrating a wedding. Rogers remarks, that they "saw them execute several dances with the greatest spirit." He returned to the camp about two o'clock in the morning, having made a complete reconnoisance of the village. At three o'clock the whole party advanced upon the village and halted within 500 yards of it. There they left their packs and prepared for action. Divested of every incumbrance, the party formed in three divisions, and just as the day broke, they marched steadily upon the right, left, and centre of the devoted village. In perfect security, not a sentinel set, the entire village was wrapped in the depths of bacchanalian slumbers. The Rangers marched up to the very doors of the wigwams unobserved, and the several squads made choice of the wigwams they would attack. At length the wished for signal was given, and the attack commenced. There was little use of the musket, the Rangers leaped into the wigwams, and made-sure work with the hatchet and knife. Never was surprise more complete. They had no time to recover frorntheir surprise, or make any defence. They were almost all completely destroyed. Some few ran to the river and attempted to escape:in their canoes, but they were pursued, their canoes sunk,;:and they themselves shot or drowned. They then fired the village, and burned every hut except three, reserved for their own use. Many were burned with their houses, being secreted in the cellars and lofts. Among these were doubtless many women and children,- as they made prisoners of only twenty of such, and destroyed none in any other way. Fifteen of the prisoners were suffered to depart, while three girls and two boys were retained. Never was work more thoroughly accomplished. And- with but very little loss, as upon parading it was found that only one officer, and six privates were wounded, and but a single private, a Stock-bridge Indian, killed. From the prisoners, Major Rogers learned that his path had been waylaid, and a council of war:having been held, it was determined to return;by the way of Connecticut River. This contingency had been provided for, and Gen. Amherst had, at Rogers' request, ordered provisions from Number Four to the mouth of the Amonoosuck River. The party immediately set out on their return, and marched in a body for eight days towards the sources of the Connecticut. At length upon the shores of Lake Memphramagog, their provisions failing, the 26 334 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. party was divided into companies, each with a competent leader, and ordered to make the best of their way to the Amonoosuck River. Major Rogers with his party reached the place of rendezvous on the 5th of PI'ovember. On the way he had been joined by Ensign Avery, whose party had been overtaken by the enemy. They had taken seven of his men plisoners, but two of them escaped and joined their friends. The rest came in safely with Rogers' party. Upon arriving at the Amonoosuck, they found no provisions. Lieut. Stevens, who had charge of them, tarried but two days and then passed down the river, foolishly taking with him all the provisions. Most of Rogers' party were unable to proceed any farther. In this dilemma, he left them for Number Four, promising to return with relief in ten days. He was accompanied by Capt. Ogden, a Ranger, and a captive Indian boy. The passage down the Connecticut was dangerous in the extreme. Major Rogers in describing it says, "Captain Ogden, myself and a captive Indian boy, embarked upon a raft of dry pine trees. The current carried us down the stream in the middle of the river, where we kept our misserable vessel, with such paddles as could be split, and hewn with small hatchets. The second day we reached White Riv_ er falls, and very narrowly escaped running over them. The raft went over and was lost; but our remaining strength enabled us to land, and march by the falls. At the foot of them Capt. Ogden, and the Ranger, killed some red squirrels, and a partridge, while I attempted to construct another raft. Not being able to cut the trees I burnt them down, and burnt them at proper lengths. This was our third day's work after leaving our companions. The next day we floated down to Wotoquichie falls, which are abouf fifty yards in length. Here we landed, and Capt. Ogden held the raft by a wythe of hazle bushes, while I went below the falls, to swim in, board and paddle it ashore; this being our only hope for life, as we had not strength sufficient to make a new raft, should this be lost. I succeeded in securing it, and the next morning we floated down within a short distance of Number Four. Here we found several men cutting timber, who relieved and assisted us to the fort. A canoe was immediately dispatched up the river with provisions, which reached them in Coos in four days after, which according to my agreement was the tenth after I left them. Two days after, I went up the river with two other canoes, to relieve others of my party who might be coming that way." The leaders of the several parties besides Major Rogers, were RETREAT OF THE RANGERS. 335 Lieutenants Phillips, Campbell, Cargill, and Farrington, Ensign Avery, and Messrs Dunbar and Turner. Lieut. Phillips brought his party in without the loss of a man. Phillips was a half blood, his mother being a MIowhawk Indian. He was commissioned by the Earl of Loudon as a Lieutenant, for his meritorious services, and throughout the "Seven Years War," did good service as a leader of the Rangers. His party suffered very severely from hunger and were reduced almost to the terrible alternative of starvation or eating human flesh. One of the prisoners taken at St. Francis was with this party, and they had determined to kill the prisoner the night following, and thus filrnishthemselves with the means of sustaining life. In the afternoon however, they killed a muskrat, which divided among the party, relieved them of the horrible alternative. Sergeant Evans and his party, were not so fortunate. They wandered about in the woods for days, without food save the bark of the birch and other trees. At length they came across the mangled remains of some preceding party of their companions, and most of them took portions of them, for food! Evans' better feelings revolted at the idea of eating human flesh and he refused his portion. However, a night or two afterwards, he laid aside all scruples, and in the night appeased the gnawings of hunger, by eating a steak from human flesh, filched from the knapsack of a sleeping soldier! And pronounced it the "sweetest morsel he ever tasted!" The party led by Lieut. George Campbell, suffered quite as severely. "At one time they were four days without a morsel of food; they had wandered from the direct route and knew not whither they went. The weak in mind went mad froml suffering and despair; the weak in body sank. They had already devoured their leather straps, and the covers of their cartouch boxes; no resources, and but a faint glimmering of hope remained. At length on the 28th of October, in crossing a small stream dammed up with logs, they espied some human bodies scalped, and horribly mangled, probably the remains of their companions. Their furious hunger knew no restraint; they did not even wait for a fire to prepare their ghastly banquet, but ate like beasts of prey; then collecting carefully the remnants pursued their journey. A squirrel and a few roots helped to keep them alive till the 4th of November, when to their unutterable joy, they saw a boat on the Connecticut River, sent 336 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. by Rogers to their relief. On the 7th they rejoined their companions."' Benjamin Bradley of Rumford, (now Concord,) came in safe to the Amonoosuck river. After recruiting for a day or two, he and two or three others started for home. After their packs were slung, Bradley remarked, "In three days I'll be in my father's house." The party then started, and this was the last that was ever heard of them. They lost their way, wandered through the wilderness in the neighborhood of the White Mountains, and perished from hunger. Sometime after, the bones of Bradley were found in that neighborhood, by certain hunters, from the Merrimack Valley, and identified by the hair and by the leather -ribbon with which it was tied. Robert Pomeroy of Derryfieldc, was killed by the Indians or perished in the woods on a scout during the Indian Wars. The tradition in the family at the present day is, that he was out with a mlan by the name of Bradley, of Concord, or its vicinity, on a scout, that he was killed or perished, and that his bones were found years after about the sources of the Merrimack, and were identified by his hair, and some personal effects that had not decayed. It is probable that Pomeroy was one of Bradley's companions in this retreat from St. Francis and that he shared his fate. Amherst had been thus far successful, beyond expectation, but he had to encounter new elements. The enemy had retired to Isle aux Noix, in the Sorelle river, a little north of Lake Champlain. His way lay through the length of this iake, and upon it the French had a greater force. He immediately set about building rafts for heavy guns, and a sloop, in order to be able to meet the enemy. But these were not able to join the brig already built at Ticonderoga until:the 10th of October. On the 11th the troops embarked for Isle aux Noix in batteaux preceded by armed vessels. Towards evening the next day, there came on boisterous weather, and the batteaux with the troops were forced to take refuge in a bay, and the men were landed. Captain Loring however kept down the lake in quest of the enemy, determined to bring them to action. Discovering, a French schooner, he made chase, but ran two of his own vessels ashore. With difficulty they were got off, and then *Wa.burton's Conquest of Canada, Vol. II. p. 157. EXPEDITION AGAINST NIAGARA. 337 standing out into deeper water, Capt. Loring discovered three French sloops, crowding all sail; he soon gained upon them, and they ran one vessel on shore, sunk the two others, and then took to the woods. The storm continued till the 17th of October, and then Gen. Amherst again embarked his troops, but he had only made the bay where the French vessel had been seen on shore, when another gale arose, and the General and his troops were obliged to take refuge upon the shore. Winter had now nearly set in, and the English General completely foiled by the elements, wisely set his face for Crown Point, where he arrived on the 21st of October, and took up his quarters for the winter. Thus ended the expedition against Montreal, with but little credit to the British commander, or the regular troops. The actual service of the campaign, all as it were, of the skirmishing, and hard fighting, had been done by the Rangers, principally from New J1 amnpshire. The expedition against Niagara, entrusted to Gen. Prideaux, an officer of skill and judgment, was more successful. With a competent force of Regulars and Provincials, and a large body of Indians under Sir William*Johnson, the second in command. Gen. Prideaux left his rendezvous at Schenectady on the 20th of May 1759. On the 7th of July he landed his force within six miles of Niagara and at once commenced his operations for investing the fortress. A peremptory demand,vas made upon M. Pouchot. the commander of the Fort for its surrender, which was as peremptorily refused. Prideaux then commenced erecting his batteries and soon opened a terrible fire upon the fortress. The besieged fought stoutly in hopes of speedy relief and on the 11th made a sortie upon the English trenches, but were repulsed. On the 19th, Gen. Prideaux, while issuing orders in the trenches, was mortally wounded by the premature bursting of a shell fired from his own works. But the work went steadily on under Sir William Johnson. On the 23d, the reinforcement expected by the French garrison, approached under M. de Aubry. It consisted of 1200 men. Johnson had knowledge of its approach through his scouts, and made a mrost judicious disposition of his troops to meet the enemy. On the evening of the 23d, he pushed forward a reliable force into the woods on either side of the approach to the fort. Early on the morning of the 24th, he sent out a strong detachment of Grenadiers to strengthen his advance, while another detachment kept open his communication between his advance and 338 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the party in the trenches. About 9 o'clock De Aubry's force was formed, and a laige body of Indians immediately rushed upon the British lines with terrific yells, but a few rounds from the Grenadiers, aimed with terible effect, completely discomfitted them and thev took shelter in the woods and did not again venture from their lurking places. De Aubry, then pushed for ward his regulars, but only to meet sure destruction. He was soon overpowered by Johnson's fire and his troops broke and fled in utter rout. De Aubry, and many of his officers and a large number of his troops were taken prisoners, and many of them that escaped from the battle field, were pursued and taken or put to death by the Indians in the wilderness. All hope being cut off, the gallant commander of Niagara capitulated and marched out of he Fort with the honors of war. Thus ended with complete success the expedition against Niagara, which passed into British power the control of the Western lakes. The expedition against Quebec under the command of Gen. Wolfe, terminated in the mnost triumphal success. The squadron left England for Louisburg, about the middle of February 1759. It numbered twenty-two ships of the line, five frigates and nineteen smaller war vessels, besides ~ large number of transports. This fleet entered the harbor of Halifax about the last of April. As soon after as the ice would permit, the fleet sailed to Louisburg, where the organization of the land forces was completed. Three companies of Rangers from New England, which had been left at Louisburg by Gen. Amherst, were added to Wolfe's command, as were also certain companies of the regular garrison, under the name of -the Louisburg Grenadiers. Of the Rangers, there was a company from this neighborhood, under the command of Capt. William Stark of Derryfield. In this company was quite a number of soldiers from Derryfield. The land forces all told amounted to a little less than 8000 men. On the 1st of June, the British forces began to weigh anchor, and on the; 6th had entirely left the harbor of Louisburg. On the 26th of June the entire armament arrived off the Isle of Orleans, from whence a little south of west, the precipitous and embattled cliff of Quebec was to be seen some eighty miles in the distance. On the 27th the troops landed on the Island of Orleans without opposition, a company of Rangers the night EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC. 339 previous, having driven the inhabitants from the Island in the utmost confusion. Gen. Wolfe with an engineer, escorted by a detachment of Light Infantry pushed on to the point of the Island nearest Quebec, for the purpose of reconnoitring that position. The result was anything but favorable to that impetuous and gallant soldier. The enemy's entrenchments extended from the Montmorenci river, their extreme left flank, a distance of eight miles, to the citadel of Quebec, that stronghold forming their right flank. Every favorable position along this line was defended by works arranged under the eye of Montcalm, one of first soldiers of the time; while Quebec, with its cliffs, at every assailable point, above or below, was covered with batteries bristling with guns. To hold this position, strong by nature, and strengthened by science and art, Montcalm had a force of 12,000 French and Canadian troops. About midnight of the 28th, a fleet of five ships was sent down by the ebbing tide to destroy the English fleet at anchor off the Island. The ships were fired prematurely, and their conflagration had no other effect than to alarm the British land forces, while the gallant sailors of Admiral Saunders coolly took to their boats, and grappjling to the burning ships, gently towed them past their fleet down the current. On the night of the 27th of June, Gen. Monckton with his brigade was sent against.the enemy's position on Point Levi, across the' St. Lawrence from Quebec, and only about a mile distant. After some delay the enemy were driven from their position on the morning of the 30th, and Monckton forthwith proceeded to erect batteries, and plant mortars and cannon. From them hot shot and shells were thrown, and the lower town of Quebec was destroyed, and the upper town considerably injured. But no advantage had been gained. On the ninth of July, Wolfe crossed the north channel and encamped on the east bank' of the Montmorenci, which was higher than the position occupied by Montcalm. Still the river Montmorenci was betwixt him and the enemy. The British General became impatient, and on the 18th reconnoitered the shore, from the Montmorenci, above the citadel, in quest of some point of attack, but found none favorable. Meantime on the night of the 28th of July, the enemy again attempted the destruction of his fleet, by means of fire rafts, but the attempt was a failure. Wolfe could no longer brook delay and he determined upon an engagement. His plan was to ford the Montmorenci at ebb tide, near its junction with the St. Lawrence, at the head of two Brigades, while 340 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Monckton should cross the St. Lawrence from Point Levi. in boats to attack the enemy's entrenchments. The signal was given, the parties took to the river, the boats vied with each other, shot and shell filled the air, a portion- of the boats struck _a reef and were destroyed, Wolfe found a landing place, the Grenadiers and Royal Americans leaped on shore; filled with excitement and: over confident, they pushed on without forming and waiting for orders, the enemy met them with a determined fire, and they were driven back with disorder. The attack was a failnre. The rashness of the Grenadiers had lost all. Monckton's troops landed and formed with the coolness of a parade, but the Grenadiers could not be again formed, and Wolfe had the good sense to make a timely retreat. This unfortunate attempt lost him four hundred lives. At length, worn by fatigue and harrassed by -anxiety, Wolfe was prostrated by fever. But on a bed of sickness and pain, he planned attacks upon the enemy's works. These plans were rejected by his generals, and they advised the landing of a large force above the town, and thus bring Montcalm to an open action. Wolfe acceded to their advice, and as soon as he was able to leave his bed, proceeded to carry the plan into execution. He immediately commenced a personalreconnoisance, of the north shore above Quebec. This was conducted with the closest scrutiny, and the General was so fortunate as to discover a narrow and circuitous path leading up the cliff from a small cove in the river below. His, ready eye at once saw from the number of tents at the top, that the path could not be guarded by more than 100 men. At this place now known as Wolfe's cove, he determined to land his force, and reach the table land above, by this narrow path. This table land reaching some eight or nine miles from the batteries, and betwixt the top of the path and the defences, comparatively level, was known then as now, as the PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. Here Wolfe determined to decide the fate of Cannada. To deceive the enemy, the heavler ships of the fleet arnchored near the shore opposite Beauport, as if to cover an attack upon the enemy's lines at that place. Meanwhile all were actively engaged in the British camp. Every officer knew his appointed duty, and every soldier knew that there was serious work to be done, still the object of the expedition was a profound secret, confided to the principal officers alone. At length his last circuit made, and his last orders issued, Wolfe, about one o'clock in the morning of the 13th of September, accompanied by Monckton and Murray with 1600 men, embarked on WOLFE ON THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. 341 board their boats, and fell down the river with the tide. Wolfe led the way, beguiling the time in reading "Gray's Elegy in a Country Churchyard," and at the selected spot, leaped on shore followed by the troops with him. A portion of the Highlanders were carried by the force of the current, some rods below the pathway, they landed however, and rushing up the pathless precipice, supporting themselves by the bushes, fired upon the picket guarding the height and dispersed them. The rest of the party ascended by the pathway. As soon as the boats had discharged the first detachment, they returned for the remainder of the troops, and under the cover of the fleet, anchored opposite the place of landing, the entire force was disembarked, and the earliest dawn found Wolfe and his adventurous battalions on the PLAINS OF ABRAHAM. Montcalm'could hardly credit his senses, the surprise was so complete. HIowever his determination was taken at once. Upon receiving conclusive information, he replied, "We must give battle, and crush them before midday." If his troops had been equally determined and confident, history might have told another story than defeat. Before ten, the armies were fronting each other marshaled for the fight. Montcalm waited for a time for a reinforcement of 1500 men, that he had ordered up under De Vandreuil, but messenger after messenger failed to bring it. Treachery had followed ill blood. Meantime a brisk cannonade was kept up on. both sides with the-field pieces on the field, and the French commander attempted to flank the British line, and force them down the declivity, but the movement was promptly counteracted by Wolfe. At length Montcalm led his forces on to the attack, but with such impetuosity, that impeded somewhat by the uneveness of the ground, his columns broke and gave their fire in a desultory and defective manner. Wolfe ordered his xmen to stand their ground, and not fire a gun till the enemy were within forty yards; he was obeyed to the letter. They stood the attack with the utmost coolness, and when the enemy's rank had come within that distance, at Wolfe's command of "'Fire," they opened upon them a regular rapid and effective discharge of musketry. Discharge followed discharge in quick succession, literally mowing down officers and men. The Canadians wavered, and Wolfe heading a charge, drove them in confusion across the field. While leading this charge, Wolfe received a wound in the wrist, but he hesitated not and urged on his men; a second shot struck him in the body, but no one knew of the mishap; still pressing onward, a ball from the redoubt struck him in the 342 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. breast, he faltered, and said to an officer near him, "support me, let not my brave followers see me fall," and he was carried to the rear mortally wounded. But the battle was won, and the French soldiers gave way in every direction; "They run, they run," said the officer who supported him. "Who run? asked Wolfe with animation. "The French give way every where,' replied the officer. "Go, one of you to Col. Burton," said Wolfe, "tell him to march Welch's regiment down to the St. Charles river, and cut off their retreat." This was his last order, his voice grew faint in giving it, and he added as he turned to find an easier position, "Now God be praised, I die happy." His eyes closed, his body was slightly convulsed, and the Hero of the PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, passed to immortality. The fate of New France was decided. Montcalm was mortally wounded. When told that he could not live, "more than ten or twelve hours, perhaps less," the gallant officer replied, "So much the better, I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." He refused further attendance to business, saying "I shall pass the night with God, and prepare myself for death." The following morning at five, he expired. On the 14th of September, Gen. Townsend upon whom the command of the British army now devolved, pushed foward the works against the city. At a council of war, but one solitary captain of Artillery, among all the French officers, was found to favor further defence of the tated city, and on the 8th day of September, De Ramsey the commander of the garrison SURRENDERED THE CITY OF QUEBEC. The Fench rallied the following spring and De Levi left Montreal in April with a showy force to retake Quebec. Arriving within a few miles of the city, on the 27th day of April, 1760, with 10,000 men, De Levi forced Gen. Murray's advance to retreat. The next morning De Levi advanced within three miles of Quebec and halted. There Gen. Murray unfortunately determined to give him battle, although his disposable force amounted to no more than 3000, not a third of the number of his enemny. With Murray, to determine, was to act. He led his troops to the onset on the morning of the 28th and for his rash valor, was most ingloriously forced to retreat within the walls of the city, after an obstinate battle, in which he had 700 men wounded, and left 300 dead upon the field! The French commander, then invested the city in form, but on the 17th, (ef May, a British fleet having arrived in the river under Admiral Swain N. H. HREGIMENT. 343 ton, and destroyed the French vessels, De Levi at once raised the siege, and made a precipitate and inglorious retreat, abandoning to the enemy, his guns, ammunition, intrenching tools, stores, and provisions. Gen. Amherst made most formidable preparations for the approaching campaign in the winter of 1760. He determined to approach Montreal by three routes. Gen Murray was to move up the St. Lawrence, Col. Haviland was to approach by the way of the Sorelle, while Gen. Amherst himself was to pass across to Lake Ontario, and approach Montreal from that direction, by the way of St. Lawrence. The Provinces were called upon for troops, and New Hampshire firnished a regiment of 800 men, under command of Col. John Goffe. This regiment had their rendezvous at Litchfield. These troops, brave and fearless as they were, yet had been subject to little military restraint, and in dress must have made rather a grotesque appearance, judging from the fact, that Col. Goffe was under the necessity of issuing an order from which is taken the following extract. "Collo. Goffe Reccommends it to the officers, to examine the state of the men's shirts; shoes and stockings, and further acquaint them, that they are to be answerable that the men shirt twice every week at least, that such as have hare that will admit of it, must have it constantly Tyd, they must be obliged to comb their hair and wash their hands every morning, and as its observed a Number of the men acustom themselves to ware wollen night Caps in the Day time, he ailows them hats. They are ordered for the future not to be seen in the Day time with anything Besides their hats on their heads, as ye above mentioned Custom of wearing night Caps mUSt be Detremental to their health and Cleanliness, the men's hats to be all cockt or cut uniformly as Collo. Goffe, pleases to direct." The men, dressed in coats, long and short, homespun and of various colors, their hair long and flowing, or tied in a queue, and surmounted by woolen night caps of every hue, must have been fair subjects of criticism to military men, and we can readily forgive Dr. Shackburg, for exercising his musical talents at the expense of the Provincal soldiers of the "Seven Years War," particularly when they did the most of the fighting in that war, and the humor of the witty Doctor furnished us with our popular and national air.* *Dr.' Shackburg, a surgeon in the British regular army, wrote'.Yankee Doodle," in 1755, after witnessing the grotesque dress of the New England 344 THE. HISTORY OF- MANCHESTER. Col. Goffe marched his regiment up the Souhegan, through Amherst, Monson, (now Milford,) "No II," (now Wilton,) over the Pack Monadnock to Peterborough then up the Contoocook, through'Molnadnock No. I," (now Dublin,) and down the Ashulelot, through Monadnock No. V, (now Marlborough) to Keene. From there they marched up the Connecticut to "No. IV," (now Charlestown). From Monson to Keene, was mostly a wilderness, and this distance the regiment cut a road for the transportation of their baggage and,provisions. From the Connecticut River, above Number Four, they also cut a road across the mountains, until it met the one cut by Capt. Stark the year previous. This was called Goffe's Road. The Regiment arrived at the Lake in season, and was attached to the army under Col. Haviland, which proceeded down Lake Champlain and the Sorelle to Montreal. Gen. Amherst had already marched with a strong force by the way of Lake Ontario, and the St Lawrence. On the 11th of August, the army under Col. Haviland embarked and proceeded down the Lake. On the 20th he arrived opposite the French Fort at Isle aux Noix, and in the forenoon, Col. Darly landed with a body of Infantry Grenadiers and Rangers to invest the Fort. The Rangers were in advance, and took possession of the ground over against the Fort. The next day batteries were erected and shot and shell were thrown into the Fort. On the 24th Col. Darly proposed to destroy the enemy's shipping, and four companies of Rangers under Major Rogers, two of Regulars and some Indians, were detached for this purpose. They dragged two howitzers, and a sixpounder through the woods, and so silently, that a discharge of shot and shell was the first intimation the astonished sailors had of an expedition against them. At the first discharge a shot "cut the cable of the great Rideau," and becoming unmanageable, she floated over to the eastern shore. The other vessels then weighed anchor, and made for St. Johns, but two of them grounded in rounding a point about two miles from the Fort. Major Rogers immediately passed down the east shore with a party of the Rangers and commenced a sharp fire upon the grounded vessels, while some of his men with hatchets in their teeth swam to the nearest of them, and leaping on board troops as they arrived at Albany, the head quarters of the army. ThelYankees wanted "a tune to march by,' and he humorously complied with their wishes, and furnished, "Yankee Doodle," as a burlesque. It afforded infinite amusement to the wits of the British army, and it is possible that some of them might have lived to have heard its stirring notes twenty years after, at Bunker's Hill or to have marc ied after it when Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown. EXPEDITION OF THE RANGERS. 345 drove the astonished crew down the hatchway or into the water. Meantime Col. Darly had taken possession of the Ri — deau and manned her, and now came up, and took the other; and soon after took a third. The night following, the enemy thinking their position no longer tenable, abandoned their Fort, leaving their sick and wounded, in their great haste to gain the main land. M. de Bougainville the commander of the garrison, retreated down the Lake to St.-John's, and firing that place continued his flight towards Montreal. On the 28th Col. Haviland ordered Major Rogers to follow the French as far as St. John's and there wait until his arrival. Rogers with his whole force of 600 Rangers and two companies of Indians, started in pursuit that night and arrived at St. John's at the break of day, the town then being on fire. Learning from some prisoners that the Bougainville left that place only the preceding evening, and that he would encamp half way on the road to Montreal, Rogers could not forego the chance for a fight, —disobeyed his orders, left 200 of his Rangers to take care of his boats and baggage and with the remainder of his forces by 8 o'clock was in hot pursuit of Bougainville and his army, now amounting to 1500 French and 100 Indians. Rogers pursued them with so much diligence, that he overtook, attacked and broke their rear guard before they reached their encamping ground. He then pursued on after the main body of the army, which did not stop to encamp, or even make a stand against their pursuers, but crossing the river in hot haste, broke down the bridge, and did not consider themselves safe until they were within the breastworks previously built for their reception. Rogers not being able to cross the river, contented himself with encamping upon the bank, and waiting the arrival of Col.'Haviland. Meeting with no farther opposition, the force under Haviland, arrived on the Island of Montreal on the 8th day of September, when he joined Gen, Amherst, -who had arrived with his army two days previous and had occupied the Island. Gen. Amherst with an army near 11000 strong, arrived at La Galette, on the St. Lawrence from Ontario, the 13th of August. They then passed down the river to Isle Royal, where was a French fort called Fort Levi. This was invested on the 20th, and on the 23d it was determined to storm the fort. A brisk cannonade then commenced, which was returned with spirit from the fort, when the storming parties were delayed to another day. Mearitimethe French commander surrendered on the 24th at discretion, and the fort was destroyed. Amherst 346 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. met with no other opposition, and landed his army on the 6th of September. on the island of Montreal, nine miles from the city. Meantime on the 2d of September, Col. Haviland detached Major Rogers with, a competent force of Rangers, to open a communication with Gen. Murray, who was advancing up the river from Quebec. He fell in, with Gen. Murray's camp a few miles below Montreal, and reported to him. Gen. Murray had left Quebec on the 14th of June, and his voyage up the St. Lawrence had been met with continuous opposition, not however such as to materially retard his progress, -ad he arrrved opposite Sorel on the 12th of August. Here he had waited a reinforcement while the 27th; then he had again sailed up the river, and on the 6th of September, had encamped on the shore of the St. Lawrence. On the next day hearing of the arrival of the other forces, through Major Rogers, Gen. Murray at once sailed up the river, disembarked his forces, and on the 8th encamped to the northeest of the city. Thus these three expeditions arrived at their point of destination within two days of each other, and presented a combined force of 16,000 men before the walls of Montreal, on the 8th of Septtember. On the same day the Marquis of Vaudreuil signed the articles of a capitulatiion, and the French power was at an end in New France. On the day following the capitulatiofi, Gen. Amherst gave orders to Major Rogers to proceed with 200 Rangers and take possession of the French forts in the west as far as Michilimackinac. On the 13th of September, Rogers embarked at Montreal on this hazardous duty having Lieut. Brheme of the Engineers and Lieut. Davis of the Royal Artillery, in company. The detachment performed this service in whale boats, and reconnoitred all the points of interest up the St. Lawrence and through lakes Ontario, Erie, St. Clair to Huron. On the shore of Lake Erie, Major Rogers met with various tribes of Indians, and smoked the calumut with the far-famed warrior Pontiac. This chief refused permission at first for the party to pass through his country, and treated Rogers with the haughtiness of an Emperor whose territory had been invaded. At the second interview, however, he was very complaisant and smoked the calumut and furnished Rogers with an escort of warriors. On the 29th of November, Rogers and his party came within a few miles of Detroit, and sent a flag to the counmander of the Fort informing him of the capitulation. On the 30th he landed his party within a half a mile of the Fort, and immedi SOLDIERS OF AMOSKEAG. 247 ately formed in front of it. Upon this Capt. Beleter the commander, sent an officer to Major Rogers informing him that the garrison was at his command. Possession was immediately taken of the Fort and the French colors taken down, and the British flag run up in its place,-amid the shouts of a large number of Indians who were looking to witness the result of the unlooked for visit. At the entrance of Lake Huron, Major Rogers, who was proceeding to Michilimackinac with Lieut. Me Cormick and 37 men, found ice making in the Lake. This was on the 12th of December. He proceeded up the Lake for 100 miles, when the passage of the boats became so obstructed by the ice, that he was forced reluctantly to abandon the expedition and return to Detroit. Leaving Capt' Campbell in command at Detroit,on the 23d of December, Major Rogers and his party started down the Lake for Pittsburg. where thery arrived Jan. 23d, 1961. Hence, Lieut McCormick marched to Albany with the Rangers, while Rogers proceeded over the mountains to Philadelphia and thence to New York, where on the 14th of February, he reported to Gen. Amherst the proceedings of the first English expedition to Detroit. It was no small credit to old Amloskeag, that the Commander in this important expedition and many of his party, should have been from among her sons. But through the entire "Seven Years War," she received repeated distinctions of the kind, and it is not assuming too much to say, that during that war, and the Indian war preceeding it, she furnished more fighting officers, and fighting men, than any other place or territory of equal extent in New England. 348 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XVII. Thrift of the Colonies.-Settlements extend. —People of Derryfield do not thrive. —Causes.-.Fishing and strife.-Vote to build a Meeting House.-Difficulty as to location.-People divide into parties.-Meeting House located.Frame of house raised.'-Boarded and shingled.-Vote to hire money to pay bills for same. —Vote to record names and amount paid.-Hall accused of retaining money.-Vote not to iave preachnig. —Vote to have preaching through the year.-Quarrel personal.-The Hall Party elect Town officers. Petition to the Legislature to vacate the Town officers,.-Bill of the Legislature.-Warrant for Town Meeting.-Return on same.-Town Meeting.Officers chosen.-Hall Party succeed.-Another Town Meeting. -Opposition succeed.-Annual Meeting in March. —Officers chosen.-Vote to settle with Mr. Hall.-He presents a claim.-Town votes not to pay it.-He brings a suit.-Town voteto settle the suit.-Last of the suit.-Town second best in the suit. I1ll effects of quarrel.-Rev. Mr. Pickle's preaching. After the submission of the French power in Canada, the people of the colonies had a season of rest. Thrift followed in the footsteps of peace. Nowhere was this result more apparent than in the Province of New Hampshire, Its people had had little respite from the horrors of Indian war since it had been made a separate Province,-a period of-twenty years. Of course there had been little opportunity for developing the resources ot the Province, or the advantages sanguinely foretold and anticipated from its separation from Massachusetts. On the contrary, its settlements had been curtailed, its resourcesrestrained, and its treasury depleted. But no sooner did permanent peace arrive than the Province assumed more than its wonted prosperity, Settlements were extended in every direction. The various scout:, and expeditions that had traversed the Province in every direction during the late wars, had made known the good lands in the upper valleys of the Salmon Falls, Saco, Amariscoggin, Merrimack and Connecticut, were soon teeming with a hardy and industrious population. The people of Derryfield shared less in this prosperity than most other towns, for obvious reasons. The fisheries at the Falls took up a large share of the attention of many of the inhabitants at a time, when their labor could ill be spared from their farms. Hence their farms became neglected. Excitement, and money in hand at the Falls, was too often thought better than money in prospect from the farm. Thriftless farms were too often the result. Then the old element of discord, difference of races, had lull play. Fear of the Indian and hatred of the French PROPOSE TO SETTLE A MINISTER. 349 had led Scotch Presbyterian and English Puritan to march shoulder to shoulder up to the cannon's mouth; —this fear aside, they had leisure, opportunity and disposition to quarrel with each other, and there is not wallting proof to show that they embraced 9the opportunity. As early as 1752, the subject of settling a minister in this town seems to have been agitated, and in the Warrant calling the annual March meeting, of date, February, 12, 1753, there was the following article;'"6thly. to see if the town will Joyn with the town of Bedford In Giving mr. mcDoel a Call to the worke of the ministry Between the two towns and to Do and act in that affair that the town shall think proper." At the meeting March 5, it was "Voted, to give mr. mcDouell a Cauell to the- work of the ministry, Eather to Joyen woth Bedford or by our selves. Voted, John Ridill Alexander' mcmurphey, John Hall, a Cornitey to prosequt the given of mr. mcDoul a Cauell to the work of the mninestery to Joyn woth the town of Bedford or seprat and Distink by our selves." At another meeting held April 26 1753, the town "'Voted, tow Houndred poundes old tenor for yearly solery to mr. mcDowall Provied he Excpts of our Call to Joun woth the town of Bedford." Nothing further appears on our town records relative to this call to Mr. McDowell. By the records of Bedford it appears that a call was given by Bedford to Mr. McDowell. March 28, 1753, It was unanimously "Voted, to present a call for Mr. Alexander McDowell to the Revd Presbytery for the work of the ministry in this town." But the records of the town show nothing further in relation to hin. He had probably been employed to preach [some time before this in these two towns. The name of no other miniser employed in this town is found in our records to this time. As early as 1754 the town voted to build a meeting house, and to locate the same on the land near John Hall's house. 27 350 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. This location produced much ill-feeling, and on the 3d of February, 1755, thirty of the inhabitants petitioned the Selectmen to call a meeting on the 20th of the same month, to reconsider the vote locating the meeting house anid raising money to build the same; but the majority of the selectmen refused to call the said meeting, thus denying the aforesaid in*habitants a plain and legal right. This refusal of the selectmen produced great excitement, and the inhabitants aggrieved, petitioned Joseph Blanchard and Matthew Thornton, Esquires, two Justices of the Peace for the Province, to call a meeting of the inhabitants as provided by law. They complied with the wishes of the petitioners and issued the following warrant to the Constable of Derryfield. "Province of New Hampshire. To Benja. Hadley of Derryfield in the sd Province, Constable of said town,-Greeting, Whereas it has:been mead to appeer to us the Subscribers, two of his Majestes justes of the Peace of sd Province, Qurom Unues that Thirty of the freeholders and Inhabitants of the sd town of Derryfield, by their Request signed by ye sd Inhabitants and freeholders made to the maj'r Part of the Selectmen of D)erryfield aforesaid. When together did on ye third Instant Deliver and present such application in writing for the Calling a meeting of the Inhabitants of sd, town to be held on the 20th Day of Feby, Cur't for the following Articles. First to see if the town would Reconsider ye Vote, Relating to the choice of a meeting house place and make the same null and void. Also to see if the town would Reconsider that vote for Raising mony for Building a meeting house and order that ye Constable Omit his Collecting the Same and discharge the Severall freeholders and Inhabitents from such part of the Taxes in some proper method as shall then be thot Best and that the sd Select'n did on the said 3d day of Feby, Cur nt Unreasonably refuse and deny the Calling a meeting for the Propritors aforesd and ye sd freeholders and Inhabitants have applyed unto us for warat, for the Calling of a meeting of the freeholders and Inhabitants of Derryfield aforesd for ye doing of the Busness aforesd to be held on ye first Day of march next, —at ye house of John Goffe, Esqr. These are Therefor in his majyt name to Require and Command you the sd Constable to Notifie and warn the free PROTEST OF CERTAIN INHABITANTS. 351 holders and Inhabitants of sd town of Derryfield, that they assemble at the house of John Goffe Esqr. in Derryfield, afores'd on Saterday the first day of march nixt at ten o'clock, forenoon then and there to act on the following artrcles. First to see if the town will Reconsider the Vote Relating to the choice of a meeting. house place and make ye same null and void. Also to see if the town will Reconsider that vote for Raisaing money for Bulding a meeting house and order the Constable omit his Collecting the same and discharge ye Severall freeholders and Inhabitants from such part of the taxes in Some proper method as Shall then be thot best here of faile not and make due return, Given Under Our hands and Seal at Merrymac this six day of Feb. 1755. Joseph Blanchard, Jusces of ye peace. Matthew Thornton, 5 Qrormis Unes." The meeting was duly held on the first.day of March, 1755, and it was voted to reconsider the vote "making choice of a meeting house place", and also to reconsider the vote raising money for building the meeting house. The following protest was presented and enterd upon the record. "Derryfield, March, ye 1st 1755. Wee ye under Subscribers freeholders and Inhabitants of ye town of Delryfield, for Divers and weighty Reasons do Enter our Desent against the proceedings of this meeting which wee will make apeear at time and pleace Convenent. Robert Dickey. Robt. Anderson. Alexe. McClintock.. Nethenell Boyd. WVillni. Llott. Willinm McClintoct. John Cochran. Walter It acffarland. Saml Macffarland. Willm Gamble. James Mac, Neall." The majority at this meeting were not opposed to building a, meeting house, but they were opposed to locating it near Mr. Hall's, and would have it at some more convenient place, near 352 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the Merrimack. The war soon claimed their attention and limited their resources, and nothing was done towards building a meeting house until 175S when the following paper was presented to the Selectmen. "Derryfield Anguest ye 27 1758. To the selectmen of the town of Derryfield, Gentlemen, Freeholders and Illnhabitants of said town, We the under Subscribers loking upon ourselves as under a great Disadvantage for want of a pleace of Public Worship, as we have rising fameleys which cannot atend at other places andas it would be encoragement to ministers to Comn and preach unto us if we were forward in getting a place for the public worshipe of God oursslves. Capt. Alexr. McMurphy. Mickell McClintock. John Hall. Robrt Dicky. Robert Andrson. John mirrall. James Riddell. James Pitirs. Samuel Boyd. William Petiers. John Dickey. William Nutt. Binjimin Stivens. James peirse. John Riddell. John Hairvey. James humphrey. Wm perham, Jr. Hugh Stirling, Thoms Hall." On the second of September, 1758, a warrant was issued for a town meeting, at the barn of John Hall, on the 21st, of the same month: "To see if the freeholders and inhabitants of the town would vote to build a meeting house this present year. To see what spot of ground the town would vote to build said meting house on. To see how much'money the town would vote to raise for building the said meeting house. To see what dimensions they would vote to build said meeting house. To see if the town would vote to choose a committee to carry on the building of said meeting house. To see if the town would vote to raise any money for preaching this year and how much." At the meeting Captain Alexander McMurphy was Moderator, and it was "Voted to build a meeting house this present year. Voted to build the meeting house on John Hall's land joining BUILDING MEETING HOUSE. 353 the road leading to Thomas Hall's ferry, and the Amoskeag Falls. Voted to raise six hundred pounds to carry on the building the said meeting house, Voted to raise the said meeting house forty feet in length, and thirty-five feet in breadth. Voted Capt. William Perham and Lt. Hugh Sterling and John Hall the committee to carry on the building of the above said meeting house." The Hall party prevailed and he was placed upon the BuildCommittee. The committe proceeded with the work and put up a frame, but nothing el se was done. People neglected or refused to pay their taxes, and the committee couild make no farther progress. Portions of the taxes were to be paid in labor and lumber, and those opposed to the location of the meeting house,continued to leave their taxes unpaid. At a meeting July 15, 1759-It was,"Voted to collect five hundred pounds old tenor this present year to be applied towards Boarding and Shingling of our meeting house, said sum is to be taken out of the five hundred pounds new tenor that was voted in the year 1757 for building the above said meeting house. Voted Capt. William Perham, Lieut. Hugh Sterling and John Hall a committee to spend the five hundred pounds old tenor, towars boading and shingling the meeting house. Voted that John Hall apply to the Gentlemen that have land not cultivated or improved in Derryfield, for money to help us in building our meeting house in said town. Voted that whoever pays any money to the above said meeting house shall have their names and sums of money they pay rocorded in Derryfield town book of records." Among other gossip, the Building Committee was accused of mismanagement and at a meeting Nov. 15, 1759, "Voted 3 men a committee to examine the accounts of the committee that was chosen to build our meeting house in said town. Voted Michael McClintock, John Harvey, and David Starrett, the committee to examine the accounts of the meeting house so far as they have proceeded in building of said house. Voted to record the six hundred pounds old tenor that was collected in 1755, and the following sums as they are collected for building the aforesaid meeting house aWd each man's name and sum what he pays to the aforesaid house. 354 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Voted to allow all the committee's accounts, as they brought them in be before the town, in time and money spent by them in building our meeting house in said town, so far as they have proceeded in said building. Voted not to underpin our meeting house at present but to make one door this year." At a town meeting Dec. 3, 1759, it was "Voted not to co'lect any more money from the town this year towards the meeting house. Voted to borrow what remains due for the meeting house to clear off the committee's accounts, and to pay the interest for the same. Voted that the present Selecitmen for the year 1759 borrow money to pay off the committee for building the meeting house so far as they have proceeded, and the Selectmen in the year 1760, shall be equally bound to pay the money borrowed as the present Selectmen and shall have full power in law to collect the said money fromn the freeholders and inhabitants of the tOWI]." At an adjourned meeting It was "voted to reconsider the vote that the Selectmen borrow the money, and voted that Capt. William Perharn, Levt. Hugh Stirling and Levt. John Hall are impowered by the freeholders and inhabitants ot the town of Derryfield to borrow the sum of four hundred and twenty three pounds six shillings old tenor, and to pay interest such as they can hire the above money for, and all their time and expenses paid by the said town as well as the above sum of four huLndred and twenty three pounds six shillings old tenor. N. B. Till such time as the above sum is paid to them by the aforesaid freeholders and inhabitants -of said town." The money was hired, and -the accounts paid off. In August 1760, the Selectmen were authorized to underpin the house'and to put doors in the same. I)ecember 15, 1760, the town voted that the names of those should be recorded who had paid for building the meeting house, and the amount paid by each. The record is as follows. " Agreabel to a vote of the free houlders and Inhabitantes of Derryfield at a meeteing held in the meeting House of Sd town, Novm'15, 1759, Voted, one ye third artical of the Warrent to Record. the inoneay that was Corlected In the year 1758 and the following Soumes as they are Corlected for the Bulden the meeting houes In Derryfield and eache mans name & Some of TAXES FOR BUILDING MEETING HOUSE. 355 monay what hie Peayes to the a for Sd meeting houes which ]'ache mans and Soum is hiear Set Down In the folloxwe order. this fierst colome is for ye This is for for ye year 1758. year 1759. ye year 1760. ~ s sd s d Coln. John Goffe, 30 18 19 7 21 13 10 Capt. Wim. Perhamj 18 4 15 3 21 L0 2 Capt. Alex. McMurphy, 29 23 16 4 23 17 6 Capt. John Starks, 10 10 10 7 1 19 3 2 Lieut. Hugh Shirlea, 10 14 9 15 4 9 0 6 Lieut. John Moorrs, 7 4 7 4 8 10 8 Ens. DanielNiell, 22 13 7 13 3 6 Ens. Robt. Andrson, 13 13 18 1 5 Sergt. Win. McClintock, 21 12 20 2 24 11 10( Sergt. Abraham Miral, 30 10 24 7 4 18 1 Sergt. Ebenr. Stivins, 14 5 12 11 12 13 8 Sergt. James Ridell, 7 8 9 10 9 1 4 Binjmin Stivens, 22 10 15 9 4 13 1 2 Binjrrin hidley, 23 10 18 10 WiliiamQuimby, 10 2 John Ridell, 13 5 8 4 7 12 Mikel McClinto, 9 8 9 9 4 9 5 6 Chairels Emerson, 11 12 10 14 5 11 7 2 Thomas Russ, 9 10 8 17 5 11 4 10 Elizer Robiens. 9 6 8 19 10 12 10 James McNight, 23 12 19 2 4 20 2 2 William Tagourt, 20`5 18 16 S 1S 3 10 William Gemble, 16 15 14 1 9 18 11 6 John Harve, 19 2 15 15 9 17 5 10 Neehmie Me Nil, 10 15 11 2 12 2 8 James Umphra, 10 15 7 13 4 8 18 10 Adam Dickey, 10 15 9 1 4 9 0 S Thomas Gillis, 10 5 John Dickey, 10 16 9 17 1 8 13 10 James Pirces, 7 17 7 14 8 James Piters, 16 10 14 18 9 6 10 Joseph Gorge, 9 5 8 14 2 David McNight, 7 10 6 7 8 Willram Nutte, 10 14 10 1 4 9 8 S Robrt Dicky, 8 8 15 5 7 6 8 John Cunagham, 9 8 Moses Carnerd, 9 *8 6 [9 1 7 6 8 356 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Widow Boyd, 3 18 4 7 2 1 2 Samul Boyd, 10 19 6 17 8 6 8 Alex. McClintock, 10 15 6 8 7 17 2 William Perham, 10 3 9 16 5 10 14 4 John Secomb, 7 8 6 6 6 8 Levt. John Hall, 16 2 15 8 10 12 8 Thomas Hall, 11 10 8 12 8 Levt. John Goffe, 13 17 4 19 William Smith, 9 16 8 11 2 James Moors Ears, (heirs) 17 1 5 8 1 4 5 Sizer Grifen, 8 3 7 8$9 7 8 10 Ezekiel Stevens, 6 6 4 8 2 James Willson, 10 8 Davit Stiret, 6 7 9 13 5 John Mirall, 6 6 8 Samuel Quimby, 18 11 11 John Tagourt, 6 6 8 Obide Huess, 6 19 4 Wm. Willson, 8 17 4 Stifen Gorge, 6 6 8 MIr. Thomnas Parker of Litchfield, 6 James Willson in Lo. Derry, pd. if South, 10 John Stuard in Lo. Derry, haf a thousand of B,-ards 10 Recorded per me, JOHN HALL, Town Clark. March ye 2, 1761." Still the house remained unfinished. Meanwhile Mr. Hall was accused of retaining the money given by the non-resident land-holders, and at a special meeting held the 15th of December, a committee was chosen "to call John Hall to account for the money that he received from gentlemen that has land not settled in Derryfield." As this committee made no report, and theie was no further action upon the subject, it is fair to presume, that they found no such money in Mr. Hall's hands. Thus there was a continual quarrel kept up between the parties, sometimes one controlling the affairs of the town, and sometimes the other, as the partisans happened to be present at the town meetings, matters pertaining to the meeting-house, and to preaching being the. subjects of contention. And at TAX LIST OF DERRYFIELD. 357 an adjourned meeting held April 2, 1764, the opposition on these subjects was carried so far, as to vote not to raise any money for preaching for the year, anld not content with this vote, at a special meeting on the 29th of October following, they voted to apply the money already raised.for preaching the preceding year, and in the hands of a committee, to pay the debts of the town. Their opposition to the location of the house, not only prevented the finishing it, but they would not have preaching in it! However, the other party mustered at the annual meeting March 4, 1765 in full force, and carried things with a high hand, voting that the Selectmen furnish preaching for the current year, at the cost of the Inhabitants. Thus there was more preaching in the house for 1765; than ever be fore. Such continual strife had a most deleterious effect upon the prospects of the town. Emigrants of respectable character were very careful to avoid a place of so much contention, and the inhabitants themselves had less inducement, and less time for industrious pursuits. What with the spring fisheries, neighborhood canvassing, personal altercations, and town meetings, there was little attention paid to agricultural pursuits. At this time there were sixty three polls in the town, as appears from the tax list, which was as follows. "The copay of the Lieste In Lawfull mony, 1765. ~ s d John Hall, 1 15 8 Widdow Sarah Andrson, 6 IBbnezer Stavens, 11 1 Joseph Masten, 9 9 Levt. Daniel McNieal, 12 1 Samuel Stark, 6 3 Ensign James McCallow, 9 2 Capt. John Stark, 1 8 8 Levt. Archabald Stark, 9 10 John Riddell, 6 9 James Riddell, 7 8 Thomas Russ, 10 8 Johnathan Russ, 9 5 Parash Richordeson, 6 6 Henry Blasdel, 7 8 Benjamin Steaviens, 9 9 Ezekile Stlvens, 9 7 Sergt. Abraham Merrell, 10 5 355 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Abrham Merrell, Junr. 7 10 Josephe Gorge, 7 7 John Griteng, 7 4 William Nutte, 7 7 Capt. John Moors, 14 11 Conl. John Goffe, 1 6 Samuel Moorrs, 7 6 Thomas Ne w man, 6 6 William Tagert, 11 James McNight, 12 1 David McNight, 8 5 William Hall, 6 10 Elizer Robens, 9 6 William Pirhamn, 12 11.Tohn Pirham, 7' 7 Charless E'merson, 16 9 John Harvey, 11 2 William Pirham Junr. 9 5 Michael McClintock, 14 5 Samuel Boyd, 8 I Nathainel Boyd. 7 4 Widdow Marget Boyd, 6 Isabeld McFarlon, 5 Capt. Alixander McMurphy, 19 James Hornor. 6 1 Alexander McClintock, 7 1 William Gembel, 13 4 John Heron, 9 7 James Perces, 6 7 Davit Stiratt, 10 6 Sergt. William McClintock, 18 9 John McClintock, 8 15 William McClintock Jun. 6 John Dickey, 9 5 Davit Been, 6 Davit Been, Junr. 6 James Ramiesy, Londonderry, 6 En. William Bller, 2 William Smith, 6 John Eacken, Londonderry, 5 Robt. McCluer, Londonderry, 4 Capt. John Goffe, Jun. Bedford, 6 Edward Barry, 6 Johnathan Mirall, 7 10 MEaTING HOUSE qUARREL. 369 John Crown, 6 John McCallon, 6 Joseph Moorrs, 6 Ebinezer Noyes, 4 6 James Graves, 1 6 Joseph Quimby, 1 6 Samuel Quimby, 1 6 Joseph Jouens, 1 6 But a year of preaching did not produce any better state of feeling, and both parties prepared for a severe contest at the annual meeting in March, 1766. The quarrel had now become almost entirely personal, and the object of both parties was to elect certain leading men to office. True, these men were in favor of, or against certain measures, but the men of one party at least, seem to have been more cared for than measure'. On the 3d of March, the annual meeting came off at the meeting house, and the Hall Party taking time by the forelock, were present in force at the time appointed for.the meeting, and proceeded to organize and to choose officers. The following officers were chosen, viz; John Hall,.Moderator. John Hall, Town Cle ck. Alexander McMurphy, Ebenezer Stevens, Selectmen. John Hall, ) James McNight, Constable. After this successful manceuvre in the choice of the principal town officers, the meeting was adjourned for a half hour, to John Hall's Tavern. The object of the adjournment is not set forth, but as MI. Hall kept a Tavern, it may be that they adjourned to enjoy some element of rejoicing not found in the meeting house. The adjournment over, they proceeded te elect':Mickael McClintock, I Hendry Blaisdel, Surviers of Charless Emerson, H zigwayes. Joseph Gorge, J Joseph Marsten, l'ythingWilliam Nutt, men. 360 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. The Selectmen, Fence viewer s. Elizer Robbins, Deer James Riddell, Keepers. Ebinezer Stevens, Survier of Lumber. Thomas Russ, Sieler of Leather. Mickeal McClintock, I Committee to settle with SeElliezer Robns, lectmen oJ 1756. The Selectmen, Takers of Invoice. Joseph Gorge, John Perham, Hog Reeves. Samuel Boyd, William Perham, Clerk of the &llarket." The meeting then adjourned to the 31st day of March. The business was all transacted before the arrival of the other party. When they arrived, there was no little excitement, and they forthwith proceeded to organize the meeting, and to choose officers. After the choice of a complete set of town officers, this meeting was adjourned. Thus there were two sets of Town officers. The last set of officers are now unknown, as their names were not recorded in the Town Records, they being in the possession of the opposite party. Both set of officers entered upon their duties and with a Wrill. The utmost confusion was the consequence. To add to the excitement, a special town meeting was held on the 27th day of June, at which it was voted to finish in part the meeting house, and fence tho grave yard near it. At this time, the better part of the community began to look about themn in all seriousness and examine the state of things; and well they might. The quarrel was fast driving people fromn the town. We have already given the Tax List for 1765 the first one recorded in our ancient Town Records. We now subjoin that of 1766. "The Copy of the List in lawful money for ye year, 1766 of she polls and Estates. ~ s d David McNight, 8 James McNight, 10 5 TAX LIST OF DERRYFLIED. 361 John Rand, Esq. 5 4 John Goffe, Esq. 1 5 9 Samuel Moors, 7 4 Capt. John Moors, 11 8 William Nutte, 6 John Grifen, 5 4 Benjamin Backer, 4 3 1-2 Josephe Gorge, 4 5 1-2 Sergt. Abraham Mirall, 6 1 Johnathan Mirall, 5 7 Ezekiel Stivens, 9 1-2 Benjamen Stivens, 7 H1andrey Bllisdal, 7 3 Thomas Hall, 6 Thomos Russ, 6 4 John Riddell, 4 6 Sergt. James Ridell, 7 1-2 Capt. John Stark, 17 1-2 Ensign James McCawallow, 6 10 Ensign Samuel Stark, 4 5 John Hutchen, 4 Levt. Daniel McNieall, 11 4 Sergt. Ebinezer Stivens, 9 3 Joseph Masten, 6 5 Levt. John Hall, 1 9 Daniel Hall, 4 5 1-2 Samuel Hall, 5 1-2 Alix. McClintock, 5 8 James Hornor, 4 1-2 David Stirrate, 8 5; 1-2 William McClintock, 13 11 John McClintock, 7 4 1-2 John Dickey, 6 10 William Gembeal, 20 10 Capt. Alexander McMurphy, 11 7 Samuel Boyd; 5 11 Sergt.: Nathaniel oyd, 5 9 Widow Boyd, 1 1 Mickel McClintock, 10 8 ames~ Pirceas, 5 William Hall, 4 7 Capt. William pirham, 8 4 John Pirham, 8 4 Elizer Robens, 7 -1 1-2 362 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Chrles Emersbn, 12 0 Joh, Harve, 13 31-2 William Pirham, Junr. 5 7 James Ramseyr Londonderry, 4 Robrt McClure, Lond( nderry, 3 John Eacken, Londonderry, 4 William Smith, 6 Ensign Alex. Bller. 9 9 Recorded Feb. 7, 1767, pr me JOHN HALL, -Town Clark. From a comparison of the town lists it will be seen, that during the year preceding the making of the Tax List of 1766, there had been a decrease of twelve polls in the town. The list of 176 ) contained sixty-three, while that of 1766 contained but fifty-one. Eighteen men had deceased or left town, and six had been added to the town. But the case was still worse that this. Two of the men added to the list of 1766, Daniel and Samuell Hall, were men of the town just come of age, or never before taxed, so that in reality there had been a decrease of fouerteen polls, or more than one fifth of the polls of the tovn! In this state of things a petition'was forwarded to the Legislature for redress. The petition was as follows, viz; "To His Excellency Benning Wintworth Esqr & Commander In Cheiff of His Mayestye's Province of New Hampshier, the Honorable his majestyes'Councell And House of Representatives In General Assembly Convened. The Pettetion of A number of the freeholders & In Habitants of the town of Derryfield Humbly Sheweth, that the first monday of March annually is appointed by charter to be the Day for chusinlg of Town offecers for the Currant year and the usual Costom of sd town has been to warn the Town of time and plate and I)esigr of holding said meeting with the Several articles to be acted upon on sd Day, by posting up a Coppy of Said warrant at three several places in said Town, (viz.) one at John Goffe Esqr's, one at John HIall, & one at Lr. lrusses at Nameskeeg, which was a vote of Said Town, but so it was that neither of the places had any Notification Set: up, and one of them Particularly Nameskeeg had no Coppy Set up iln that part of the town, So that they kne ir not the time of PETIITION FROM DERRYFIELD. 363 Day the meeting was to be held; yet notwithstanding two of the Selectmen and town Clarke did contrary to form r Costom, with about ten or a Dozen of the Inhabitants and boys and unqualified voters, did Enter and in about five menuits time Chouse all the principal offecers for the town, Notwithstanding one of the Selectmen and the Constable & Several of the Inhabitants opposed them and told them it was not fair to hold the meetin before the Inhabitants came, and that it was not the usual time of day that the meeting vse to begin &, that the inhabitants that must pay the Greatest part of the Taxes that shall corn upon the town were not presant & that they would be here presantly, yet they proceeded as afore Said, and at five minutes after eleven o' the clock a considerable number Came & in halfe an hour the Inhabitants Cheifly Came & uppon hearing that the principal offecers were Chosen by a Small Number of voters and many of them not Qualified, they Concluded as that was the Day by Charter to Chuse town offecers they being the Larger part of the Qualified voters belonging to Said Town, maid proclamation that they were going to hold the town meeting & all were Desired to attend and they went to the meeting house and maid Choise of a moderator & Town Clark & Selectmen & -all Town offecers, & they were sworn to the faithful discharge of their Duty as the Law Directs, So that their is two Set of offecers in Said town which makes Confusition; we most Humbly therefore Pray your Excelency & Hon'rs to take our Case under wise Considration and Grant that there may be a Regular town meeting in Said town &' that we may have town offecers Choisen as the iaw directs and that our Confusion may be brought into order, and might be Inabled to Raise the provence taxes, mend high ways & do the nessesery business of the town and that your Pettetioners may bring in a bill for that End-& your Petten'ors as in duty bound shall Ever Pray. Dated at Derryfield first of May, 1766. John Goffe, Samuel Stark, William McClintockl, Daniel McNeale, David Starrett, Thopnas Russ, Samuel Boyd, John Rand, Nathaniel Boyd, John Hervey, Charles Emerson, Samuel Moor) William Nutt, John Moor, John Griffin, John Stark, James Me Calley, 364 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. It will be seen that some of the men who had generally acted with the Hall party, signed this petition. They were doubtless dissatisfied with the unfair proceedings of that party at the annual meeting. In fact Capt. W. McClintock was present at that Meeting, and told them that they were proceeding in an unfair manner. He was one of the Selectmen for 1765, elected by the Hiall party, and had hitherto been with them. While the matter of the petition was progressing, a meeting was called of the town June, 27, 1766, at which it was "Voted to Re-ear the meeting House in part thies year. Voted to Lay a good filor in the Meeting House and make three Good Dores and Hinge them one said House and shout upe the ounder windows and a Commadate the Meeting House with forms Suitable for to Sit on." Meantime the petition came up for consideration before the House of Representatives on the 3d of July, and. the petitioners had leave to bring in a bill. On the Sth the Bill passed the House and was as follows; "An Act for Vacating the meetings of the Town of Derryfield for the year 1766 held there by the Inhabitants for the Choice of town offecers and for Deriecting & authorizing a meeting & the Choice of town offcers for Said year. Whereas Sundry of the Inhabitants of Said Derryfield have Pititioned the General Assermbly Respecting that Some designing rpen of Said Inhabitants Having Some purpose to effect Relative to the affairs of Said town which they Could not otherwise accomplish, huried on the annual meeting Sooner in the Day then is usual & before many of the principal Inhabitants were Come to the place of Sd meeting whereby a Set of offcers were Chosen who were Disagreabel to the principal Inhabitants that afterwards when the said Inhabitants Come they maid Choice of another Set of town offcers who on bothe Sides were Sworn & have proceeded to act in their respective offces whereby the greatest Confusion was like to Ensue in the town & therefore they prayed that both of Said meetings might be.Vacted and maid void and a new meetinge Called for the Choice of town offcers for this year which having been Examined and both partys heard thereon and it appearinge that the affairs of Sd town are by this means Involved in Confusion & perplexity which' would Isue in Disortion of all the Legal Rights & Priviliges of Sd town; For Prevention ~Whereof; Be it Enacted by the Governor ACT OF THEE LEGISLATURE. 365 Counseil & Assembly that both the Said meetings & all the Elec tiones their made and the whole proceedings of Each of them be and heareby is declairred null, void and of none Effect but are utterly Vacated and Destroyed and that the persons Chosen to any office at Either and Each of Sd meetings are Hereby Disqualified & Rondered wholly uneable to act in them or any of them and it is hereby further Enacted that a new meeting of Said Inhabitants shall be Called for the Election of town officers for the Currant year and all parsons Quallifyed as the Law Directes for the Qualification of Such as are authorized to vote in the Choies of town offcers in the annual town meetings Shall be permitted Wednesday 13 Day of august at 2 clock in the afternoon if they Shall Se caues to Vote at Sd meeting but all others & all minors are hereby Excluded from Voting at Said meetings as they ought to be in all such Cases and John Sheepard Juner of amherst Esqr is Hereby appointed to Call and Govern Sd meeting till the Whole busness thereof Shall be Ended & that no Parson Concerned may Justly Coomplain of want of notices the Sd John Sheepard is hereby Derected to Give a Notification to the Last years Constable of Sd town seting forthe the time and place Designs of holding of Sd meeting with the purpous therof and that Sd meeting is Called by the authority of this act which shall be Delivered to Said Constable at least fifteen Days before the Day appointed for holding Sd meeting and Sd Constable Shall Give parsonal notice to all the Qualfied Voters of Sd Town as has Some Customary times ben the there or leave a Coppy of the Sd Notifiction at the Last usual place of the abod of such of said persons as he Cannot meet with at least ten Days before the meeting And all the Town officers which shall be Chosen pursuant Heieunto Shall have the same Power& Authority as any other Town officers have Relative to the Duty of their Respective offees And the Said Constabel is hereby subjected to a penalty of three pounds for Refilseing or Neglecting his Duty herein to be Recovered by the Selectmen that shall be Chosen by Said town, for the use of Said town. Province of In the House of Representatives, July, New Haripshire, 8th, 1766. The foregoing Bill having ben three times Read Voted that It pass to be Enacted. 6YJ2961wZn4 Speaker 28 366 THE HISTORY OF MANCH-ESTER. In Council July 9th, 1766, The foregoing bill Read a third time & past to: be enacted. tCd~Jal < - See. Consented t, In accordance with this Act,; Mr. Shepherd on the 15th of July issued the following Warrant. Province of: To the Constable of Derryfield in Said New Hampshire. 5 Provinee for the year 1765. Whereas by a Special Act of the General Court for Sd province, passed at their Session this pris Instant July I am authorized to Call and Govern a meeting of the Inhabitantes of Derryfield- in order to Reform Some disorders that they have lately thrown themselves into Relative to town officers; Wherefore you are hereby Required in his Majestys.Name forwith to warn the Inhabitants of Said Derryfield Qualified by Law to Vote in- Chusing town offcers, to Convene at the meeting House in Derryfield Qualified by Law to: Vote, on Wednesday the 23th day of August next at two of the clock in the afternoon, to Chuse Common & ordinary town officers for the Currant year as the Law Directs, and you are to give ten days Notices at least to each person Qualified as aforesaid which notice must be personal or left at the persons Usual place. of abode; hereof you may not fail & mack Due return. N B by the above Vested Act you are Subjected to the penalty of three pounds for your Refusal or Neglect. JOHN SHEPARD, June'r. Dated July 15th 1766. Recorded Feb. 28th 1767. JOHN HALL, Town Clark." Upon this Warrant the Constable made the following return; TOWN OFFICERS. 367 NeProvince of Pursent to the foregoing precept I have Ne w Hampshire. i Warned the Inhabitants of Sd Derryfield to Meet at time and place & for the purpose as mentioned in Sd precipt. ) Constable CHARLES EMERSON. ~for Derry)field 1765. Dated August 13th 1766. Recorded Feb. 28th 1767. pr me (JOHN HALL, Town Clark.' At the- meeting thus notified and called on the 13th of August, the following officers were chosen, viz; John Hall, Town Clerk. David McNight, Ebenezer Stevens, > Selectvmenx John Hall, ) James McNight, Constable. Mickael McClintock, eis Hendry Blaisdel, Surveirs of William perham ( Higwayes. Joseph Gorge, J Joseph Marsten, ) William Nutte, TaythingDavid McNight, ) men. The Selectmen, Fence viewers Sppraysors of Damige in the town as the Law Direckes. Elizer Robbins, Deer James Ridall, 5 Keepers. Ebenezer Stevens, Survier of Lumber. Thomas Russ, Sieler of Leather. Mickel McClintock, Committee to settle with SeElliezer Robens, lectmen of 1766. The Selectmen, Take the Invoice of the polls and Estatesof the town of Derryfield for ye year 1766.' Joseph Gorge, John Perham, e Samuel Boyxd, Houg Reefs James perces, J 368 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. William Perham, Clerk of the Jlarket. Recorded Feb. 28, 1767, JOHN HALL, Town Clark." Thus it will be seen that the Hall Party was completely triumphant, having elected Mr. Hall to the two most important offices in town, and his friends to the other offices. But this by no means settled the difficulty as to the meeting house, or in the town, for at a special meeting called on the 22d of December following, to vote en the following articles, viz: "istly. to Chues amoderator to Reglate Said meeting. 2dly. to See if the town will Rease any money for prechin then what the Select men hies all Ready provided this year. 3dly. to See How much monay the town will Reaes to Defray the contingent Charges of the town for the present year. 4thly. to See if the town will Complay with the Law of the Goverment to provied wightes and mishures or if not to Defend the present Select men of any Coste or troble for not providing the afore Sd wights and mishers as the Law hies provided in that Kasse. 5thly. to heair the Reporte of the Commitey that was Choseen to Examing Sundry years accounptes in behalfe of the town, to wite, Conel John Goffe, Capt. Alex McMurphey, & mr Neathainel Boyd Commlitey men." The opposition rallied and voted the four business articles down. The Record stands thus.,'Voted one the 2 artical not to Reaies any monay for Prieching this year. Voted note to Reaise any money for Necrisey Charges In Behaif of the town for theis year. Voted one the fourth artical in the warrant not to Reaise any monay to provide wightes & miushers for the town. One the fifth artical the accoumptes was Read but now Vot was paste one them and they remaien on Sitled." This action of course increased the excitement. TOWN OFFICERS. 369 At the annual meeting, March, 2, 1767, the Goffe party carried the day, and elected their officers, as follows: David Starret, Moderator. David Starret, Town Clerk. Elizer Robins, Alexander McClintock, Selectmen. Nathaniel Boyd, John Harvey, Constable. James McColley, James. McNight, Charles Emersn, Surveyors of Highways. Charles Emersn, John McClicntock J The Selectmen, Fence Viewers. Charles Emerson, Surveyors of Luber. Ebenezer Stevens, of Lumber. James lMcoollehr, Counters of Votes. James McColley. John Hall, To take Invoice. Alexander Merrill, ) James Pierce, Hog Constables. Willaim Perham Jr. Thomas Russ, Sieler of Leather. From the above list, it will be seen, that some of the men who formerly voted with the Hall Party, were chosen to important offices and that Mr. H- all himself was chosen to take the invocie. From this fact it seems probable that there had been some sort of a compromise. Much prejudice had been raised against Mr. Hall, and it is possible that he declined being a candidate for any of the important offices. Be this as it may, he was not elected to any important office in the town for some years after. He had been charged with having money in his hands belonging to the town, a part of a certain loan of ~400, he had hired by vote of the town to build the meeting house. Accordingly at a special meeting held on the 4th day of May, 1767, a committee was chosen "to settle with Lieut. John Hall, for the Borrowed money." When calling upon Mr. Hall, it seems probable, that the Committee found that he claimed a balance against the town and 370 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. they made no report. On the 8th day of July, 1768 at a special meeting, the town voted to prosecute the committe that "Borrowed a sum of money," if they refused to settle. But prior to the annual meeting, Mr. Hall presented his claim for settlement, for at that meeting, March 6th 1769 the. "Town voted not to pay Levt. John Hall His Demands Relating to the Borrowed money without a suit at Law, it being thought an unreasonable demand."'* Upon this, Mr. Hall commenced a suit against the town for his claim, and on the 23d day of October following, at a special meeting the town voted to defend the said suit and chose John Goffe, and William McClintock, Agents for that purpose. At the annual meeting in March, 1770, the same gentlemen were continued as Agents to. defend said suit. The parties appeared at Portsmouth, Messrs. Atherton and Parker appearing for the town. What progress was made in the suit, cannot now be traced'; but whatever it was, it was not satisfactory to the town, and in the warrant for the annual town meeting in 1771, there were the follo ving articles; "Fifthly, to Hear the accompts of Corll. John Goffe, and William Mc Clintock as Agents for the town to Defend the Town against the action Levt. John Hall commenced against the town of Derryfield and to approve or not approve. Sixthly, to See If the Town will Vhuse a Committe to settle with Levt. John Hall all the accompts Between said Hall and the Town of Derryfield." At said meeting, March. 4, 1771, the accounts of the Committe were read, As these accounts show the expense of litigation at this time and somewhat of the customs, of the people a hundred years since, they are subjoined. "Corll. John Goffe as agent for the Town of Derryfield, Dr. ~ s d My account of Time and money I Expended in carrying on the Law Sute for the town of Derryfield against Levt. John Hall. 1769. Sept. to time five Days at the Infereor Cort at 2s per Day, 10 to travling feas one hundred miles at two pance per mile, 16 8 to Ilalfe a Ginne to mr parker as a fee, 14 *SeeTown Records. BILL- OF COMMISTEE. 3-71 24th Nov. to watinlg on the:Rule of Cort at Samuel Tompsons, one day 2s my Hors Hier 3s and Esq. underwood for Summons for Evidences and his attendance 8s 13 To a Fee to mr autherton half a Ginne, 14 To Charge and Expance at Tompsons, 18 1770, 27 Feb to Moses Senters, whan the Rul for Derryfield Case was to Held their one Day my Serlf and Hors, 03 to Cash paid Santer for my own and william mac Clintocks and witnes Expenses, 12 to Esqd underwood for summons, 04 For a man and Hors to goe to Esqr Lovewells, 12 to a Day in Giting paper and preparing for Tryal, 02 to a Fee to one parson, 07 1770 5 Sept. to Esqr underwood for fouer witnesses, 02 to a Notifycation, 01 to Charge and Expenses while Swaring Evidence and the Esqrs Dinner at my House, 06 to one Days attendance my Salf, 02 1790, Sept. at the Inferior Cort twelve Days at 2s per Day, 04 Traveling.fees on Hundred mils at 2p pr mile, 16 8 Exlra Charge, 06 to my Expance at portsmouth 04 to nir pickren fee 2 Dolrs mr Lowel for 2 Dolars, 1 04 11 10 04 ~ s d 372 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. 1775 Feb 7, at Supperior Cort to a Coppy at the Case. to mr Ring, 4 10 to mr Lowel 1 Doler as a fee, 06 to mr pickren 4 Dolers as a fee, 1 04 to twelve Days at 2s per Day, 1 04 to our Eating and Loging and Hors Keeping as pr Marches Bill for Captn John Stark and David Starret, 5 02 Extra Expenses 06 to Traveling fees' one Hundred miles at 2p per mile, 10 8 10 08 08 Brought over 11 10 04 the above is the whole of the Conlls account Exceptd 21 19 ~ s d Captn John Stark account as Evidence, attendance at Samuel Tompsons In Londonderry 5 Days and Travling fees 24 miles at 2d per mile, 05 6 to a Day attendence and traveling fees at Moses Stanters Jun Litchfield 19 miles at 2d pr mile 06 8 to your attendance at portsmouth upon Semance at the Supperior Corte and Traveling fees 100 miles at 3d per mile 06 8 fo 6 Days aitendence at is 6d per day at Said Cort, 09 01 15 08 the above is the total of Capn Stark account, E Excepted. ~ s d Capt'n John moor attendance first Rule Corte Day Is 6d to BILL OF COMMITTEE. 373 thir Rule at Santers Is 6d 03 attendence as a an Evedence 1st time Is 6d the second time for the Supperor Cort Is 6d travling fees 18 miles at 2d per mile, 09 the above is the total of Captn moor account. E Excepted, ~ s d David Staretts account against the Town of Derryfield, Dr. for gowing to Cor'll Goffe's wife upon sommons and Expance, 03 to Santers In Litchfield 1 Day of my Salf and Hors, 03 to Coppeys at Sundrey times Relating the Case, 06 to 6 Days attendance at the Supperer Cort upon Somance at 2s per Day, 12 to Hors Hiere to portsmouth, 06 01 10 00 the above is the total of David Starrets account E Excepted. the Town of Derryfield to wilhlam mac Clintock as agent Dr. ~ s d to two jounries to Londonderry, for to procure the Copey of the writ, 03 to pay for the Coppy of the write, 04 1769 Septmr. at.the Infereor Cort to mr pickren as a fee, 12 to Hors Jorney to portsmouth, 6s and ottes for Said Hors 2s, to hors keeping 2s. 1.0 to my own time four Days at 2s per Day, 08 to Expanses while Gone to 374 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. portsmouth, 06 1769 24 Nov. to wating upon the Rule of Cort the first time at Samuel Tompsons In Londonderry l Day of my Salf and of my hors, 03 1770 27 Feb. to moses Senters in Litchfield at the Second Rule of Cort, For 1 Day of my Salf at Is 6d per Day and 1 day of my hors at Is 6d per Day, 03 1771 Feb. 4th to Expancesses to portsmouth for my Salf and Captn John Stark and David Starrett, In the whole at sundry plasses, 13 6 to mr Lowel as a fee 3 Dolers to phlips at Dwiers 2 mugs, ~ 19 3 to Cash paid to Corl. Goffe In; mr marches In portsmouth, 12 at Chaster to a mals of otes anda jll of Rum a Coming'hom, 6 to 12 Days of my Salf at 2s -per Day, 1 03 to hors hire to portsmouth, 06' to Captn John Stark and David Starrett accounts for Expance a Coming horn from portsmouth which Expance Said me Clintoclk paid at grenlan to I Bowl of Todey and two mess otes, 01 2 at Exetor as by folsomes Bill for Eiting and Drinks and otes, 03 at Kings town for Loging and hors Keeping, 02 6 at Chaster to Eating and Drinks and otes, 02 9 07 13 08 the above is the totel of williarn mc Clintocks account, E Excepted. The accounts having been read, it was voted to, allow and pay them in full. The sixth'article in the warrant coming up ATTEMPT-TO SETTLE MR. GILMORE. 375 in course, it was voted "a committee of five men be chosen to settle all accounts Between Levt. John Hall and the town of Derryfield, and this Committee shall have full power of stubstitution in behalf of said town, to make a Complete and final settlement with said Hall and make a report to the Town as soon as may be convenient."* This vote shows that the people of the towi thought that they were like to come off second best in the suit with Mr. Hall, —and that they were ready to settle with him on almost any terms. And well they might, for the expenses of the suit thus far on their own side, had amounted to ~43 —17s —8d, a trifle over the amount of the whole taxes of the town for 1771 wvhich were only ~29-17s-d2! No report of this Committee is be found on the records and no farther proceeding as to any claim against Mr. Hall, and it is fair to presume that the Committee allowed his claim and made a final settlement with him. Thus the merely personal matter connected with this quarrel was settled, but the ill-blood engendered as to the location of the Meeting house, which was the origin of the quarrel, had not been laid. People had nursed their prejudices through a series of years during this quarrel, and a portion of them could never favor any appropriation for finishing the meeting house or for sustaining preaching in it. However, preaching had generally been maintained during a portion of each year. But there seems to have been but one attempt to have a stated preacher untill after the difficulty was settled betwixt the town and Mr. Hall. Rev. George Gilmore had preached occasionally in the town and on the 20th of August, 1773, there were inserted in the warrant the following articles in relation to him: 1"21y, to see if the Inhabitants of Said town will Vote to Give the Revr. George Gilmore a Call to the Worke of the Menistry in said Derryfield to be their Menester. 31y to See how much-yearly Salaly they Will Vote the said Gilmore if he Except their Call. 41y to See how much Setelment Money they Will Vote the said Gilmore if he Except their Call. 5ly to See if they Will Vote to Sand a man or meen to treet with the said Gilmore and agree about the mater as the town pleeeses to order." At a meeting, September, 6, 1773, the following action was had upon the subject, *See Town Records. 376 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Voted to Dismis the above Warrant, but the town thought Best to sand for the Revr. George Gilmore, and it was put to vote and the Town Voted to sand for the Revr. George Gilmore as sun as possible to comand preach with us Eighth Days upon Fouder Trill." On the 23d of.December, the same year, another meeting was held upon the subject, when it was "'Voted on the third Articul in the Warrant to Give Revt. George Gilmore a Call to the Work of the Ministry to be our settled Minister in Said Town. Then Voted on the fourth Articul in the Warrant to Give the Revt. George Gilmore thirty Pounds Lawfnll money in Cash, for his annual Settled yearly Salary So Long as he the Said Gilmore Contenes to be our Sattled minister in said Town. Voted on the Said Articul to Give the Revt. George Gilmore for a Settlement thirty Pounds Lawfull money in Cash and Sixty Pounds Lawfill money to be paid in Labour at two shillings Lawfull per Day for man and the Same for oxen, the Said Labor is so be paid in fouriyears Commencing from the time that the Said Gilmore Excepts and settles with us in Said town fifteen Pounds per year and the Above Cash within one year of the Said time.. Voted on the fifth articul in the Warrant to Chuse a Committee to treet with the Revt. George Gilmore Relating the above Votes; then Voted David Starret, Samuel Boyd, John perham and Levtn. James macCalley to be the Committee and make report to the Town. Then Voted to adjourn this meeting till the third monday in february to the house of Levitn. John halls, at one of the Clock in the afternoon on the Said Day. Derryfield, February, the 21th Day, 1774. Then meet according to adjournment the moderator and Clerk present and the meetin. Caled, then Voted to Dismis the Sixth articul in the Warrant by Reson that the above Committee had not Received aney answer from the Revt. Gearge Gilmore.'! The reason of Mr. Gilmore's returning no answer, has not transpired and is mere matter of conjecture. Soon after this time, the difficulties betwixt tie Colonies and the British government commenced, and the people of Derry SELL THE PEW GROUND. 377 field had a more extended field of excitement, and other enemies to encounter. Nothing was done towards repairing the meeting house during the Revolution, and it became much dilapidated. On the 22d day of May, 1780, an -attempt was made to sell the "pew ground," for the purpose of raising money to repair the meeting house, but the project was voted down. After the close of the war, a movement was made to repair the house. At a meeting June. 3, 1783, it -was "Voted to Rais one htunded Dollars and to apply the Same toards Repairing the meeting house in Derryfield and that the same Be Raised this present year the one half in motley and the other half in Labourand suitable meterials sttch as Shall Be Excepted By the Committy that Shall be Hearafter Choosen for that purpose. Voted that Major Webster, Levt. Danll hall and Samuel Stark, Be a Comm itty to provide meterials and l.,abourers to Do the Work and to Repair the meeting house So fer as the aforesaid Hundred I)ollars will Do." But the repairs were not completed, and September, 24, of the following year, it was voted to raise fifty dollars towards repairing the meeting house. February, 8, 1785, the bill for repairs was presented to the town, and accepted. In 1790, an effort was made and with success to sell the "pew ground," and finish the house; and March 1st of that year it was "Voted, to sell the Pew Ground, to finish the Meeting house." Major John Webster, John Green and John Hall were chosen a Committee to sell the pew ground. The committee sold the ground at public auction, on the 22d ot June of that year, upon the following conditions. "'The Conditions of Sail of the Pew ground in Derryfield meeting house agreable to an advertsement published bearing Date June the 4th 1790, by the subscribers is as follows; Istly. the ground for each pew to be built on, will be Struck off to the Highest bidder they giveing good security to the Committee for the Sum of money that Sd grounds-is sold for the to help to repair the meeting hause this year. 2dly. He that Purcheseth any of the above pew ground shall have a bill of Sail from the Committee in their Capassity 378 THE HISTORY OF MANCH-ESTER. of the number & price that it Cost them, to be Recorded in Derryfield Town Book. 3dly. The Buyer must pay two thirds of the purchise in Glass, Nailes, or marchantable Clabboards or Putty at or before the first day of September Next. 6& the Remainderingt hird in Cash at or before the first Day of January Next. given under our Hand, Dated at Derryfield June, 22d, 1790. John Webster, Committee Jolin Hall, 5 Men." The sales were thus; "Number. ~ s d 14 Struck of to Maj. John Webster, 2 2 Daniel Davise, 2 1 18 Daniel Hall, 2 16 Capt John Perham 1 5 30 James Gorman 1 13 24 John Green 1 2 22 Capt John Perham 1 7 29 John Hall 1 11 25 Levt David Merrell 1 1 John Stark Jr 1 4 17 Jonathan Greely 1 8 21 Asa Heseltine 9 4- David Webster 1 3 Joseph Heseltine 1 4 32 William Nutt 1 19 Doctr John Duston 1 9 12 Abraham Arnmy 1 6 26 Isreal Young 1 6 10 John Dickey 1 5 31 Capt Samuel Moor 1 13 Joseph Farmer' I 15 Peter Emerson 1 8 Archibald Gamble 1 4 7 Joshua Perse 1 23 Samuel Moor 1 1 9 Thomas Griffen 1 11- Joseph Farmer 1 27 John Goffe 1 24 Maj John Webster 1 1 Total, 36 11 0 Recorded January 1 1th 1791. John Goffe Town Clerk." PLAN OF MEETING HOUSE. 379 The purchasers built their pews immediately, and the lower part of the house was of respectable finish. 16 18 20 P 19 17 15 14IO | | 13 32. 30 29 31 26 28 25 27 -~ 7 s u 3 2' * r Pulpit. + East Door. t West Door. * Front Door. s. Stairs. A true Transcript of the plan of Derryfield meeting house transcribed by JOHN GOFFE, Town Clark." This sale had been so successful, that it was thought best to sell the pew ground of the galleries. And as the stairs to, and floors of the house had not been made, on the 5th day of March 1792, it was "Voted to raise forty dollars to Repair the Meeting House." "Voted that the Selectmen lay out the Money to Build the Gallery Stares and Lay the Gallery flores."' 380 THE HISTORY OP MANCHESTER. The stairs were built and the floors laid, and on the 30th day of October following, it was "Voted to sell the Pew Ground in the Gallerys, & the pews to be five feet in frount from the Wall." "Voted that the pew ground be sold at Vendue." "Voted that the Selectmen be a committee to sell the pews." The sale took place on the 10th day of November 1792, on the following couditions; "Derryfield Nov. 10th, 1793. Articles of the Sale of the Pew ground in the Gallerys of the Derryfield Meeting house. Artical first, the highest bidder shall be the purchaser. 2dly. No bid shall be excepted less then sixpence. 3dly. the.purchesor shall give security to the Exceptance of the Committee to be paid by the last day of May Next. 4thly. the purchersor shall have for his security the plan & the No of the pew struck off to him Recorded in the Town Book. 5thly. the committee shall have Equal Liberty to bid with the other Inhabitants. John Stark, Danlel Davis, Come mitte." Samuel Moor, ) The account of the sale was as follows; s d "No. 2 Struck off to William Perharn, 1 10 " 1 " " David Stevens, 2 13 3 " " John Stark, 3 10 " 4 " " Able Huse, 1 7 " 5 " " James Majorey, 1. 6 " 6 " " Samuel Smith, 1 5 6 " 15 " " " C 2 12 6 " 14 " " Capt John Perham, 2 13 " 11 " " Capt Samuel Moor, 1 12 " 10 " William Perhan, 1 10 " 9 "; " Able Huse, 1 5 -" 7 " " Green Simons, 1 7 " 8 " c" William Stevens, 1 7 " 12 " " Daniel Davis, 1 6 c" 13 " *' John Hall Jr. 1 8 6 25 12 6' THE MEETING HOUSE. 381 But the purchasers never built the pews upon the "pew ground," in the galleries, and the upper part of the house remained unfinished. And in fact the house never was finished for a meeting house. Such had been the strife engendered during so long a period of difficulty, that a majority of the people cared little about the building for such purpose. The people at the south and south east part of the town, who cared about attending church, had been in the habit of attending at Londonderry, while such at Goff's Falls and upon the river, were accommodated at Bedford. Thus it happened that the meeting house was never repaired, only so far as would render it barely fit for town purposes, and that there never was stated preaching in the town, until such time as other men controlled its affairs. For those who really desired the house finished and stated preaching in it for the good of the town, themselves and "rising families," had not the ability to do one or the other. Thus a town upon the great natural avenue, the Merrimack, and situted betwixt the two most enterprising and wealthy counties in the state, remained for near a century, without a settled minister of the gospel. The results of such a state of things are not easily foretold. The effects upon the immediate interests of the town were undoubtedly deleterious. But it may well be questioned, whether its present prosperity may not be in a measure attributable to this very state of things. Had there been harmony, enterprise, and the consequent thrift in the town, it is altogether probable that the vast water-power in this place would have been occupied at a much earlier period, and might have been in such hands, and occupied for such purposes, as would have prevented any very extended operations, or population. As it was, there was neither, and nothing to prevent capitalists securing the water-power and adjacent lands, and hence out of this towi. of small means, but great capacities, has arisen as if by magic, a city that is fast realizing the prophecy of Blodget, "the Manchester of America." During this period, outside influence was repeatedly exerted to produce a different state of feeling, but with no avail. The house was fit for a place of worship at no time, but in summer and of a fair day, it answered better than a barn, which was often a place of worship and for ht lding town meetings. The rain and wind came in with but lit tle hindrance, and swallows built their nests in it at will, their chattering being not an unfrequent accompaniment to the singing and preaching. The 29 382 THE HUISTORY OF MANC-HESTER. Rev. M3Ir. Pickels, an eccentric clergyman of that time, preaching in it as late as about 1803, took his hearers to task for not finishing and repairing the house. After telling them of their duty in this matter, in a very forcible strain, as was his wont, he closed by naming to themthe penalty for not doing their duty in this particular. "Why" continued he, "if you don't repair the house of God, the d -l will come in and carry you out-at the cracks." It is said, that for fear of the penalty, the house was immediately repaired so far as co prevent any such egress for his Satanic Majesty and the delinquent hearers. The Rev. Win. Pickels was a native of Wales, where he married Margaret Tregallis. After emigrating to this country, he preached for a time in Philidelphia. He came into the neighboring town of Bedford somewhere about 1787. He preached in Bedford, some years, a portion of the time. At first he- was very popular as a preacher, and it was proposed to settle him, but for some reasons not readily accounted for, an opposition sprang Up against him in Bedford, and became so violent asto forbid the idea of a settlement. His enemies charged him with dissolute habits in Philidelphia, but the charge was stoutly denied by his friends. At length, the strife waxed so warm and became so pointed, that Lieut John Orr offered to lay a wager of fifty dollars that the charge was true. The wager was taken by Mr. Pickels' friends, and Mr. William Riddle was agreed upon as the Agent of the parties, to proceed to Philadelphia and investigate the charge. His report was to be final. Mr. Riddle went to Philadelphia on horse-back, investigated the matter, found the charge untrue in every particular, returned and reported the result. There was great exultation on the part of the winners and they met at the store of Isaac Riddle Esq., to rejoice over the victory. Mr. Riddle was designated as their agent to go to Mr. Orr's and get the wager. He ac;cordingly waited upon Mr. Orr and made known the result of the investigation. Without making a remark, Lieut. Orr went to his desk and paid over: the money. Mr. Riddle took the money back to the winners, and it was spent at the counter in liquor for the multitude.! But the result did not stay the opposition against Mr. Pickels, and he was forced to abandon the idea of a settlement. He however continued to preach in Bedford a portion of the time for some sixteen years. His friends would pay their money for no other man, as long as he was in the neighborhood; and as they constituted near one half of the people in Bedford and among -them some of the most influen REV. MIR. PICKELS. 383 tial, Mr. Pickels continued to "supply the pulpit," about one half of the time. The remaining part of the.time he preached in the vicinity, mostly in Derryfield, At length an opposition sprang up against him here, probably having its origin in Bedford, and it was thought best to settle the question of his employment, in town meeting. Accordingly in the warrant of October 19, 1796, was the following article; "4thly To see if the town will vote to raise money for the purpose of hiring Mr. William Pickels to Preach for them some part of the year Ensueing, if he can be obtained." At the meeting November 7, 1796, it was "Voted to hire Mr. William Pickels one third part of the Year Ensueing to Preach in this Town. From this time he continued to supply the pulpit in this town till 1804, sometimes hired for a specific number of Sabbaths, and again to "preach. out the money raised." About t804 he removed to Maine, where he continued to reside until his death. Before leaving this- neighborhood, he announced his belief in universal salvation. Mr. Pickels was a very eloquent preacher, a fine scholar, social and free in his manners, but of such eccentric habits, as to give offence to some. Hence doubtless, the cause of his difficulties in, this neighborhood. At length, as the inhabitants became numerous at the village on the river, in 1840, they voted to have the town meetings in the village, and in 1841, voted to build a town Hall, which was completed in 1843. From this time the old meeting house, or old Town House ceased to be used for public purposes, and in 1853 it was sold at. public auction to Messrs. Wilson & Cheney, stablers on Concord street, and was removed by them some few rods:from its former site, and is now used as a'block oft dwellings. 384 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XVIII. The Revolution.-Stamp Act.-Stamp Masterfor New Iampshire.-George Meserve.-Resigns.-Excitement in Portsmouth.-Act repealed.-Resignation of Gov. B. Wentworth, —His policy.-His death.-His successor Gov. John WVentworth.-His reception.- Charter of Dartmouth College. —Division of the State into Counties.-Jurors from Derryfield.-Judge Blodget.Effect of the division. -The Molasses Act.-Brigantine Resolution.-Seizure and Rescue.-White pines.-Their seizure.-Samuel Blodget Deputy Sur. veyor.-Settles with trespassers.-Whiting attempts to make arrests.-Treatment.-The tea tax,-Meeting at Portsmouth.-Tea landed at Portsmouth.Town meeting.-Tea reshipped,-Agreement not to import or use tea.-Dix's tea destroyed.-Tea destroyed at Haverhill.-More tea landed at Portsmouth.-Great excitement.-Consignee mobbed.-Meeting of Legislature.Dlssolved.-Members meet.-Dispersed by Sheriff.-They call a Convention at Exeter.-Convention.-Choose Delegates to Congress.-WVentworth employs carpenters for Gen. Gage.-Excitement.-Nicholas Austin.-The patriots take Fport William and Mary.-Bring off powder and cannon.-Proclamation of the Governor.-Town meeting in Derryfield.-Refuse to send delegates to Convention.-Will pay their proportion.-Congress at Amherst.Capt. Stark Delegate,-Jealousy as to eastern part of State.-Convention at Exeter.-Choose d elegates to Congress.-Gov. Wentworth sends writs to new towns to choose Representatives.-Col. Fenton elected from Plymouth.Great Excitement. The conquest of Canada, gave to the British government time and opportunity, to carry into effect a long recommended and cherished plan of raising a revenue from the American colonies, by taxation. An act was accordingly passed in 1765 imposing duties upon certain articles imported into the colonies. This act was passed under the pretence of regulating trade, and was submitted to, but with a good deal of restivenes in some quarters. It was considered as a violation of the British constitution, under which it was argued that the colonies could not be taxed by the Parliament, because they were not represented there. "Taxation and representation," it was said "should go together." But the government were determined to carry matters with a high hand, and soon they brought forward and carried the act, known as the Stamp Act. This act required a government stamp to be placed on all paper used in the colonies for legal or mercantile transactions. No legal or mercantile transactions were valid, unless written upon paper so stamped. The paper was stamped in England, and distributed in the colonies by certain Agents. This act produced alarm and ex THE STAMP ACT 385 citement throughout the colonies. Decided opposition to the act was determined upon in many of the colonies. Nowhere did the act receive more decided opposition than in New Hampshire. The Stamp Master for this Province was Geooge Meserve, Esq, of Portsmouth. He was in England at the time of his appointment. On his arrival in the harbor of Boston, hearing of the universal dissapprobation of the act in the colonies he resigned his commission before he landed. His resignation was. not known, however, in this Province, and the people were determined that he should not exercise the duties of his office. In Portsmouth, on the 17th of September, the people having heard of his arrival at Boston, made a most unequivocal demonstration against him. His effigy was exposed, at the Market, in company with two others representing Lord Bute and the Devil,-two personages that were supposed to have been cheifly instrumental in bringing about the act. In the evening a procession was formed, which passed through the various streets with groans and hisses, bearing the effigies, and as a finale, burned them upon the public Parade. On the 18th of November, Mr. Meserve arrived in Portsmouth. The people immediately assembled and compelled him to make a public resignation of his office. Meantime the stamped paper arrived in Boston and was lodged in the Castle. The act was to go into operation on the 1st of November. On that day the people from all parts of the Province rushed to Portsmouth, to prevent by force the distribution of the stamps. Learning, as they came into the towns adjacent to Portsmouth, of the resignation of the Stamp Master, most of them returned to their homes, while others went into the town to join in the public ceremonies, prepared by the people of Portsmouth, to express their disapprobation of the odious act, and their joy at its defeat in this Province. They were appropriate, and carried out with the greatest spirit. It turned out that Mr. Meserve when he resigned his commission, on the 9th and 18th of September had none to resign. And in fact it did not arrive until after the time appointed for the act to go into operation. This fact got noised about and the people of Portsmouth thinking he had acted in bad faith towards them, and that he intended to perform the duties of Stamp Master, assembled on the 9th of January, 1766, and demanded his commission and instructions, which he was forced to give up. He was then required to make oath that he would not, directly or indirectly, distribute any of the stamped paper or attempt to perform the duties of the office to which he had been appointed. The commission 386 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. was then carried in triumph through the streets. and was afterward sent to the agent of the Province ill England. At length, the Stamp act was received throughout the colonies with such a burst of indignation, that it was repealed on the 4th of March, 1766. The news was received with the most unbounded rejoicing throughout the colonies. The year 1763 was marked in New Hampshire by the resignation of Governor Bening Wentworth. and the appointment to the vacated office, of John Wentworth, Esq. The Province had become prosperous in consequence of the comprehensive policy of the retiring Governor. He followed the policy of granting townships of lands to any set of respectable petitioners, under certain restrictions, and upon certain conditions, whether the petitioners were of New Hampshire or any other Province, his object being to increase its resources, by having its lands cultivated and covered by an industrious people. If the people of New Hampshire wished a grant and could comply with its provisions, which were usually to build so many houses and mills, and cultivate so many acres in a given time, then such people had, grant; but none such offering, the people of other States were accommodated with grants complying with the like conditions. This was undoubtedly the true policy. But it brought upon Governor'Wentworth any amount of odium. His opponents took advantage of it and made it tell to his disadvantage. They held that these lands belonged to the people of New Hampshire, and that they alone should receive the benefit of them. From this they easily passed to other complaints. The Governor was a staunch Episcopalian, and as such, he usually reserved a right in each town for the "Society for the propagating the gospel," of which he was a member, and which of course had in view the propagation of the Gospel as understood and believed by Episcopalians. This of course found no favor in the eyes of the Puritans, or Scotch Prestyberians, and they were not long in joining the opposition to the Governor. Then he had reserved for himself in each grant, five hundred acres of land, and to thisrecorded fact, they added the charge, that no grant had been given by him, without a liberal bonus; and thus the Governor was filling his coffers indirectly out of the lands of the people. We are unable to tell how much of truth there was in this charge; but true or false, it is not at all probable, posterity would have heard any thing of the charge, if the Governor had complied with the wishes of those making it, and had granted GOV. RBENNING WENTWORTH. 3S7 the lands to them, thus limiting the resources, and stopping the growth of the Province, by making overgrown landed proprietors of a few favorites among the leading famalies of the Province. Nor is it probable that -ifhe had complied with their wishes, that he would have lacked the bonus or the reservation of land. If a bonus or a reservation were acceptable to him, he but possessed tastes similar to those of his illustrious predecessors, for we find no one of the RoyalGover'nors objecting to a bonus or a reservation; but. on the contrary, find that reservations were common; and many suppose that a bonus was not unusual, or unacceptable in like cases. But as before observed, these charges operated to his disadvantage. He incurred also a measure of dislike from the majority of the well informed people of the Province, differing from his religious views, because he would not consent to the establishment of a college in the Province, He was the patron of learning, and it was through his instrumentality that the Assembly of New Hampshire voted three hundred pounds sterling to Harvard college; and after his resignation, he gave five-hundred acres of land to Dartmouth college; the same land upon which that college now stands but still he was so strong in the,belief in Episcopacy, that he woul d not grant a charter for a college, unless it could be under the direction of the Episcopalians. This was a subject of complaint; but those complaining, were equally in fault with the Governor, and showed that the cause of learning was but little part of their object, by refusing a charter, unless it were put under the control of men of their peculiar religious views. But all these complaints produced an effect to his disadvantage in the minds of the Lords of Trade, and this fact together with his advanced age, led to the determination on the part of the King to supersede him. Governor Wentworth was aware of these complaints, as also of their result, and did not enter very warmly into the support of the obnoxious measures of the British Ministry. In fact the "Stamp Act," went into operation while these complaints were before the British Ministry-and nowhere was that odious measure received with more pointed marks of disapprobation than in Portsmouth, the capital of the Province, and the residence of Governor Wentworth. Soon after, he had informal notice of the intention of the Ministry to supersede him, and in 1766, he resigned in favor of his nephew, John Wentworth, then in England, and who had received from the Marquis of Rockingham, the promise of the place. Ex Governor Wentworth lived in retirement on his estate at 388 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Little Harbor, and died October 14th, 1770, in the 75th year of his age. John Wentworth, Esq., received his commission as Governor of New Hampshire, and Surveyor of the woods in North America, August 11th, 1766, being then in England. He arrived at Charlestown. S. C. in March 1767 and immediately started for the north. The most extensive arrangements were made for his reception in Portsmonth. A Committee consisting of members of the Council and the Assembly met him at the line of Massachusetts where he was received with formal ceremonies; and thence was escorted to Portsmouth by a company of Cavalry. People joined the company on all parts of the road upon horse-back, and upon entering the town, the Governor was attended by a most imposing cavalcade. There he was attended by a regiment of militia, and thus attended he parsed through the main streets to the Court House, where his commission was publicly read to him by the High Sheriff. The Governor, the Honorable Council, the Comrnmitty of the Assembly and invited guests then partook of an entertainment, after which the procession again formed and escorted the Governor to his mansion. The ships in the harbor flaunted with colors, the bells rang merry peals, and salutes were fired from batteries in the town, and at the Fort during the march of the procession. People vied with each other in demonstrations of joy. No person had ever been received in the Province with such marks of honor. But a cloud was already in the political sky, that was to obscure all this sunshine. The people were restive under the duties upon certain imports, and although the repeal of the Stamp Act, had allayed the excitement, yet the file was only smothered for a time, and was ready to break out on fitting occasion and to burn with renewed energy. One of the first important and popular acts of the Governor, was the chartering of Dartmouth College, under date of December 13, 1769. It was named after William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth, one of its principal patrons in England. In 1771, Governor Wentworth accomplished the project of dividing the province into Counties. The bill passed the assembly March 19, 1771, dividing the province into five Counties, viz; Rockingham, Strafford, Hillsborough, Cheshire and Grafton. Rockingham was named from Charles Watson Wentworth, Marquis of Rockingham; Strafford, from Charles Wentworth, Earl of Strafford; Hillsborough from Willis Hills, Earl of t1illborough i; Cheshire from a County in the west of DIVISION OF STATE INTO COUNTIES. 389 England; and Grafton fiom Augustus Henry Fitzroy, Duke of G-rafton. This division relieved the people of very great burthens. Prior to this, all the Courts were held in Portsmouth, and the transaction of legal business was attended with great delay and expense. Derryfield was attached to the County of, Hillsborough, Amherst being. made the shire town. Courts of General Sessions, of Common Pleas and of Probate were established in this County. The first Grand Juror from this town was Capt. John Stark. He was chosen on the 28th day of September 1.771. The first Petit Jurors were Ensign Samuel Moore and Ensign Samuel Stark. Their nhimes "were drawn out of the box" the same day. Hon. Samuel Blodget cf Derryfield was appointed one of the Justices of the court of Common Pleas of the Peace for Hillsborough County. In addition to easing the people from expense, the division of the Province into Counties, was productive of other very important advantages. Not the least of them was, that men of energy, talent and means, moved into the shire towns, and other towns eligibly situated, and thus enterprise, business and wealth became diffused throughought the Province, instead of concentrating at the Capital and becoming attached to the trappings of the royal Governor. But the most important result was the fact that the power of the Governor over the people was in a great measure impaired. So long as all the Courts were held at Portsmouth, it was the head and source of all political power and influence. The Governor through his friends could the more readily control every political movement. But the divsion into Counties, created as many little republics within the Province, each, as it were, having its capital at the shire town, where they could meet "in Court time," talk politics, and fashion their opinions of men and things. This would have been the natural result of the division of any province into Counties; but in New Hampshire this result was the sooner brought about. The people in the various sections of the province, were very dissimilar in their habits, and manner of thinking. In the Piscataqua valley the people were mainly direct fromn England. They came here for the purpose of trade, fishing and speculation. In the main they were loyal subjects of the King, and were the more content to adhere to his representative, the Governor. In the Merrimack valley the people were mainly Puritans from Massachusetts, and Scotch Presbyterians from Ireland, little attached to royalty, and firm haters of episcopacy. While in the Connecticut valley, the people'were emigrants from Massachusetts, and 390 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Connecticut, aud imbued *with the peculiar views moral and political, of the people of those Provincas. The division into Counties brought these people together within their own Counties, and they soon began to think and act for themselves, without reference to the acts of other Counties, or the wishes of the royal Governor. This result was strikingly apparent in the Revolution; but of this in its place. The "Molasses Act" as one of the most unpopular acts of Parliament to raise revenue in America, was called, was very onerous upon the merchants of Portsmouth, who carried on a considerable trade with the West Indies. Every attempt was made to elude the payment of the duties. At length, in the latter part of the year 1771, the Brigantine Resolution, with a cargo of 100 hogsheads of molasses, came into the harbor of Portsmouth alongside the wharf with her crew, and commenced discharging her cargo, without entering the vessel at the Custom House, or securing the duties. The Brigantine was immediately seized by the Collector, and libelled before the Court of Vice Admiralty. But in the night of the 29th and 30, of October, a sufficient force went on board the Brigantine, disguised and armed with clubs, seized and bound the officers of the customs on board, and then discharged and secured the molasses. Governor Wentworth issued a Proclamation, offering a reward of $200 for the discovery of the rioters, but the people kept their own secrets, and the Governor's Proclamation went for naught. This "riot" as it was called, was approved by the masses. It was a bold act and served to strengthen the opposition to the oppresive measures of the Parliament, throughout the Province. But there was another cause of discontent in the interior of the Province. All White Pine Trees from 15 to 36 inches in diameter, were reserved for the royal navy. The office of surveyor of the "King's woods," was holden by Governor Wentworth, who had his deputies in all places where the pine grew in plenty. These deputies were the cause of a great deal of vexation and trouble. The owner of the land before he commenced cutting, was under the necessity of employing a deputy surveyor to mark the trees upon his land, reserved for the use of the King, and if he neglected to have his land thus surveyed, from inability to pay for surveying, or other cause, and proceeded to cut his timber, the same was forfeited SEIZURE OF PINE -LOGS. 391 to the King! In this way whole mill-yards of lumber, got:out by the settlers for building their houses and barns, the work of an entire winter, were often forfeited. The Governor would ride past the mill in his coach, stop, and order his servant to mark the broad R upon each log, and the same was the King's! After this mark, the owner or miller dared not touch a log'! They were then advertised and libelled in the court of Admiralty, and sold at public auction, and the proceeds went into the King's treasury! In most cases however the marking and advertising, was gone through by the deputies. Seizures were made in all parts of the Province, wherever the pine abounded, and mills had been erected. As a consequence, the most determined hostility prevailed among all millowners, and owners of lumber, where seizures had been made, against the surveyor and his deputies. This hostility soon prevailed among land owners generally, and was not limited to the Surveyor and his Deputies, but extended to the Government. In the winter of 1771. and 1772, an extensive seizure was made in this immediate neighborhood, that caused the greatest excitement. A Deputy visited most of the mill-yards upon the Piscataquog, and placed the "broad R"' upon all logs of the diameter reserved for the royal navy. They were then libelled in the Court of Vice Admirality at Portsmouth, and the owners cited to appear and shew cause why they should not be forfeited. The citation was published in the N. H. Gazette of Feb. 7, 1772, and was as follows. "All persons claiming property in the following WHITE PINE LOGS, seized by order of the SURVEYOR GENERAL in Goffstown and Weare, in the Province of New Hampshire, may appear at a Court of Vice Admiralty to be held at Portsmouth, on Thursday the 27th Instant at Ten of the clock A. M. and shew cause why the same should not be declared forfeited, agreeable to an Information filed in said Court. 200 White Pine Logs from 15 to 30 Inches diameter lying at Richards' mill in Goffstown. 250 Ditto from 15 to 35 inches diameter at Patty's -mill. 35 Ditto from 36 to 20 ditto at Dows' mill. 140 Ditto from 30 to 18 ditto at Asa Patty's old mill. 270 Ditto from 36 to 17 ditto at Clement's mill in Weare. 154 Ditto from 36 to:15 ditto at Job Rowles mill. Also 74 bundles of Clapboards at Merrimack River. Portsmouth, Feb. 5, 1772. JOHN SHERBURN, D. Rr. 392 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Samuel Blodget, Esquire, was sent forthwith to Portsmouth as an agent to effect a compromise as to the matter of libel, and succeeded so far, as that by the payment of certain sums by the individuals transgressing the laws, the informations were to be withdrawn. Mr. Blodget was appoited the Agent by the Governor, to effect the proposed settlement with the offenders and was also appointed Deputy Surveyor. His commission was as follows; "To Samuel Blodget, of Goffstown, in said province [L. S.] Esq. "Whereas, His Majesty, by his royal Commission, dated the 16th day of July, 1766, hath beeni graciously pleased to appoint mle Surveyor General of all His Majesty's woods, in North America, with power to appoint deputies and under officers, to carry the said service effectually into execution; "I do, therefore, by virtuea of authority vested in me by said commission, appoint and depute you, to preserve the King's woods from trespass or waste, and to put in execution all the acts. of Parliament, and Statutes enacted for that purpose, and to do and perform all acts and things whatsoever, to the said office appertaining, in the following Districts, viz:-Goffstown, Bedford, Weare, Pembroke, Allenstown, Bow, Dunbarton, Merrimack, Amherst, Litchfield, Chester, Concord, Boscawen, Hopkinton, New Boston, Sanbornton, New Salisbury, Canterbury, Methuen, Wilton, Peterborough, Temple, Plymouth, New Chester, Alexandria, New Britain, Meredith, Lyndborough, Henneker, New Amesbury and Camden, all in the aforesaid province, and also Haverhill, Andover, Dracut, Chelmsford, and Ipswich, in the Province of Mass. Bay;.Hereby authorizing and requiring you, the said Sam. Blodget, to forbid and prevent, by all lawful means, the violation of said acts, and to seize and Mark for his Majesty's use, all pine timber that you may find cut and hauled from the King's woods, without license first had and obtained from me, and all offenders as aforesaid, to prosecute and to punish, as to law and justice appertains. And you, the said Sam. Blodget are hereby required to return to me an exact account of your proceedings herein, quarterly, from this date, or oftener, if occasion shall require, and for your encouragement to exert yourself' with diligence and fidelity in the duties of the said office, you will receive such compensation for your services, as your merit shall appear to me to deserve, out of the fines and forfeitures only, that may accrue or be levied by your means. This warrant to be in force SHERIFF WHITING. 393 during pleasure only. Given under my hand and seal, at Portsmouth, the 11th day of February, 1772. J. WENTWORTH. SAMUEL BLODGET, Esq. To be Assistant Deputy Surveyor of the woods." After his return, Mr. Blodget sent each of the offenders a copy of the following letter. "Goffstown. Feb. 24th 1772. Sir;-The late seizure of White pine Logs, has caused me a disagreeable journey to Portsmouth, at the special request of a number of my friends, to solicit the Governor in the behalf of them who have unnecessarily trespassed in cutting the King's timber, &c. His Excellency thought fit to deputise me one of his Majesty's Surveyors of the King's woods in this Western District, thereby authorizing me to carry the King's laws into execution. As they are very severe, I shall be very loth to prosecute unless obstinate or notorious offenders force' it upon me; of which I give you this early notice, at the same time, acquaint you his Excellency has pleased to put it in my hands to make the matter easy to you. Among the trespassers, were James McFerson, William Me Ferson, Thomas Miller. of Bedford, and Thomas Shirley, Alexander Gilchrist, Samuel Kennedy, Joseph Kennedy, John Pattee,'Asa Pattee, Ebenezer Hadley, John Hadley, John Clogston, Silas Walker, David McClure, Job Kidder, Jehn Little, and Plummer Hadley, of Goffstown. These settled with Mr. Bloget, and their logs were, restored. But the owners of the logs at Clement's mills in Weare, (at the Oil Mills) were "obstinate and notorious offenders" and wrould make no compromise. Accordingly complaints were made against them and put into the hands of Benjamin Whiting Esq, the sheriff of the County, for service. On the 13th of April, 1772, Mr. Whiting, in company with a Mr. Quigley his assistant Deputy, (probably of New Boston,) proceeded to Weare to serve these warrants. One of the principal of these men was a Mugget, or Mudget, who lived 394 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. near Clement's Mills. Mr. Whiting called upon him and made the arrest, but Mudget suggesting that he would furnish the necessary bail in the morning, as it was then late, the sheriff and his assistant Quigley, repaired to the tavern near by, kept by Mr. Quimby, and put up for the night. Meantime the fact of Mudget's arrest got noised abroad through the town, and there were not wanting scores of men to offer themselves as bail for him. But during the night a more summary process was agreed upon by Mudget and his friends. Accordingly, early in the morning, Mudget called at Quimby's, and being shown to Whiting's room, he entered, waked up the sheriff, and told him his bail was ready. Mr.: Whiting jumped out of bed. chiding Mudget for calling him so early, and essayed to dress himself; but Mudget's bail, some twenty or thirty men with faces blacked, were: impatient, and rushing into the room proceeded to the business by them set apart for.the morning. Whiting seeing the intention of his early visirors seized his pistols and would have fired upon them, but he was seized and disarmed. They then beat him to their heart's content. two on a side holding him up from the floor, by his arms and legs, while others crossed out their account of certain logs cut, hauled and forfeited, upon his naked back! Quigley, his assistant, showed more fight, and was secured only, by taking up the ceiling over head, and beating him with long poles, thrust down from the garret! After the populace had beaten the King's officers to their entire satisfaction, their horses were led to the door saddled and bridled for their rideis. The ears, mains and tails of the horses had been cut, aud they as well as their masters, presented a most woe- be-gone appearance! Whiting and Quigley refused to mount, and were assisted to their horses in no very gentle manner. They were then started down the road amid the jokes and jeers of the populace. This was a high-handed outrage, and was ill brooked by the sheriff, who was a man somewhat disposed-to have things his own way. Accordingly he repaired forthwith to Colonels Goffe of Bedford, and Lutwyche of Merrimack, who at his request, ordered out the "'Posse Comitatus" and armed. with muskets, marched to Weare, but the rioters had fled to the woods, and not a soul of them could be found. Soon after, however, one of thenm was caught and committed to jail, and others gave bail for their appearance at Court, in September. But the actions being continued from term to term, in the unsettled state of affairs that followed, Mudget and his DUTY UPON T.EA. 395 bail doubtless escaped -punishment, and the affair in a few years began to be looked upon as one of merit, rather than one deserving disapprobation. This affair produced the most intense excitement in all sections of the country. The people at large sided against the Government, and banded together to protect themselves, determined to resist the proceedings of the Governor and his )Deputies at all hazards. In this they were conspiring against law, but they held it a most unjust and oppressive law. A man bought a lot of land for a farm and proceeded to erect his "log hovels," and the chances were, that before he got them "roofed in" or his chimney of "cobble and clay" "topped out," that he was under arrest, because, sticks of pine timber were in the walls of his house, of more than fifteen: inches in width! Such a law could not be enforced. And it is not a little surprising, that Governor Wentworth, usually so politic and cautious, should have attempted to enforce it. However, he soon saw the impolicy of the movement, but not until it was too late. The interior of the province was already in a turmoil, ready to join in any movement against the government. It was remarked by the elder Adams, jocosely but pointedly, that "molasses was an important ingredient in American Independence." He might have added pine logs with equal force and truth. For wherever in the colonies was a fine growth of pines, there was to be found an exuberant growth of patriotism. But the duty upon tea, became the most obnoxious tax, not from its amount per pound, but because the British Government held on to it, with so much pertinacity. They repealed other duties, but the one upon tea, was retained to test a principle, their right to tax their American Colonies. But to this tax the Colonies would not submit, and they very generally entered into an agreement not to import or use tea, while it was subject to such duty. As a consequence, the importation of tea into America, became very much limited, and the revenue from the tax upon tea was a failure. To meet this difficulty,the duty upon tea was taken off, and the East India Company was allowed to ship their teas to America, and was to pay to the Government three pence per pound on its being landed in America. The colonists determined to resist this measure, as it was an indirect way of raising a revenue in the colonies, the consumer having to pay the three pence per pound, paid by the East India Company. 3.96 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Accordingly every large town upon the sea-coast held public meetings and passed resolutions against the landing of any teas, so shipped, upon our shores. The excitement in the sea-ports soon spread into the country towns, and the opposition to the measures became general among the people. In New Hampshire, Portsmouth took the initiative, and at a public meeting, held Dec., 16, 1773, passed the following preamble and resolutions; "Upon a serious consideration of the late act of Parliament, subjecting the colonies to pay a duty upon teas in America, and more especially the act of Parliament, passed at their last session, whereby the East India Company have full power to export their teas to the colonies, liable to a duty upon being landed here, it appears manifestly that the latter (act) was artfully designed by the ministry to carry more effectually into execution the former, which was made for the express purpose of raising a revenue from the colonies by the authority of the British Parliament only, without our consent.- Wherefore, from a due sense of the value and importance of our liberties and properties, and from just apprehensions of the horrois of slavery, we are induced to make the following resolves. First.-That the measures of late pursued by the ministry of Great Britain in their attempt to subject the colonies by the sole authority of the British Parliament, are not only unjust, arbitrary, and inconsistent with the fundamental principles of the Britisn constitution, but directly tend to hasten on the destruction of an empire, which by preserving in all its parts, those original rights, which first gave rise to its present glory, might increase in wealth and power, become the envy of all nations, and continue in full strength and grandeur for ages to come; therefore, in the foregoing view, we cannot but think ourselves bound by our duty to the King, and love to the nation of which we are members, to oppose such measures to the extent of our power. Secondly. —That it is the natural right of men born and inheriting estates in any part of the British dominions, to have the power of disposing of their own property, either by themselves or their representatives. Thirdly.-That the act of the British Parliament, laying a duty upon te:is landed in America, payable here, is a tax, whereby the property of Americans is taken from them without their consent. PORTSMOUTH RESOLVES. 397 Fourthly.-That notwithstanding the preamble to the act laying a duty upon teas, asserts that the act is made for the support of government, the administration of Justice, &c., in America, yet this is not only unnecessary, but has a direct tendency to subvert our constitution, render our assemblies useless and the government arbitrary. Fifthly.-That every virtuous and public spirited freeman ought steadily to:oppose to the utmost of his ability, every artful attack of the ministry to enslave the Americans. Sixthly.-That the power given by Parliament to the EastIndia Company, to send out their teas to the colonies, subjectted to the payment of duties on being landed here, is a plain attempt to enforce the ministerial plan, and a direct attack upon the liberties of America, and that it is the indispensible duty of all true hearted Americans, to render this effect abortive. Seventhly. —That a union of all the colonies appears to be the most likely method, under God, of obtaining the repeal of all those acts, which are so subversive of the freedom of the British colonies, and destructive to the whole nation. Eighthly.-That in case any of the Company's teas should be brought into this port for sale, we will use every necessary method to prevent its being landed or sold here. Ninthly.-That whoever shall directly or indirectly promote or in any ways aid and assist in the importation of any of the East-India Company's teas, or any teas subject to payment of a duty here, by an act of the British Parliament, shall be deemed an enemy to America. Tenthly.-That this town do hereby return their tlhanks, to all their brethren in the several governments, upon this continent for their noble exertions upon this important and alarming occasion. Eleventhly.-That the proceedings of this meeting be published, and sent to every considerable town in this government, and that a committee be chosen to correspond with them, and with the several committees in the other governments." The proceedings of this meeting were soon distributed throughout the country towns, and met with general approbation. Meantimq suspicions were afloat that importations were to be made into P'orcsmouth, under the auspices of the British gov30 398 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ernment. to try the temper of the people, this province being supposed to be more completely subject to the royal control. If such suspicions were well founded, the ministry erred most egregiously as to the temper of the people of New Hampshire, as the result shows; for in no other colony was there a more determined opposition to the importation of the "obnoxious article;" and in no other colony was that opposition attended with more complete success; for in both instances where its importation was attempted, after the tea had been entered at the Custom House, the officers of the Government were compelled by the people to cause the same to be re-shipped after being landed and stored at the Custorn House, and to be carried out of the colony! The first importation consisted of twenty-seven chests, and came consigned to Edward Parry, of Portsmouth, and was landed before the people knew of its arrival, on the 25th day of June, 1774. The people became greatly excited, and the Selectmen forthwith issued a notice for a Town Meeting at the North meeting house, on the 27th instant. The proceedings of this meeting were as follows; "'Province oJ New Hampshire, Rockingham. ss. At a Town Meeting, Yeld at the North Meeting House in Portsmouth, on the 27th day of June, 1774. Voted, Mr. Thomas Hart, Moderator. At the same meeting, a committee of eleven respectable inhabitants, were elected to treat with the consignee, and to deliberate what would be most expedient to be done in a cause of so much difficulty and intricacy, and to report at the adjournment the result of their proceedings. Voted, That a watch of twenty-five men be appointed to take place at 8 o'clock, P. M. at the expense of the town, to take care and secure the tea, being 27 chests, in the care of George Meserve, Esq., and prevent any insult that may arise to any individual until the adjournment of this meeting. Voted unanimously, That the proceedings of this meeting hitherto are satisfactory to the town, and the watch are desired to give the earliest notice to the Inhabitants, should any disturbance arise, by ringing the bell or any other method, and the inhabitants be and hereby are desired to use every method in their power to prevent such disorder, and to keep up the good order and peace of the Town. TEA AT PORTSMOUTH. 399 Voted, That this meeting be adjourned to Tuesday the 28th inst. three o'clock in the afternoon. Met according to adjournment. Voted, That three gentlemen be and hereby are a committee to wait on Edward Parry, Esq. and desire his attendance at this meeting. At which time the committee reported as follows; "CWe the Committee appointed by the town to consult what is expedient and necessary to be done with twenty-seven chests of Tea, lately imported and landed here, consigned to Edward Parry Esq., having taken into our calm and serious consideration, the general uneasiness and anxiety which prevail among the inhabitants of this and neighboring towns on account of said Tea being sent and landed here at this critical juncture of public affairs, while the same is subject to a duty imposed by the parliament of Great Britain, for the purpose of raising a revenne in the British Colonies, without their consent and after this, and all the other gcvernments upon this continent have repeatedly and publickly signified their disapprobation of the impotation and sale of Teas subject to a duty upon being landed in the colonies, the knowledge of which we imagine must have been communicated to the consignor, previous to the exportation and consignment of said Tea to his friend here, likewise the dependent state of this town and province upon our sister colonies, even for necessary supplies, which would undoubtedly andjustly be denied the inhabitants of this town and government, in case they should tamely suffer the sale and consumption of said Tea among them; and being tenderly concerned for the support and preservation of the peace and welfare of this town and province, for the security of the property of the consignor, the interest of the consignee, and in order to prevent said Tea fromn being destroyed by the hands of violence which we greatly fear would be the consequence if the same should not be immediately reshipt and sent out of this port. We therefore reccommend to the consignee as the result of our deliberation, that the same Tea should be reshipt and sent ont of this port by twelve o'clock, Wednesday next, and that he would please to give his answer in writing to this request by twelve o'clock this day. Portsmouth, 28th June, 1774. To which the consignee gave the following answer; To the committee appointed by the town of Portsmouth for 400 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. consulting what is expedient and necessary to be done with the 27 chests of Bohea-tea, consigned to Edward Parry. Portsmouth, June 28, 1774. Gentlemnen, I have received this morning your proposals and recommendation of such measures as you think proper for me to pursue to preserve the Tea consigned to my address, as a private commercial commodity. I am unwilling to irritate the minds of the people, and should be glad of acting consistent with my duty to my employer who consigned the Tea to me without my advice or knowledge, and I am confident he would not have shipped it, unless he thought it would have been agreeable to the country, by the unhappy commotions in these colonies having subsided. As you have expressed your oppinions for the towu, that you are under great apprehensions of violence and danger to the Tea, I am willing for its preservation, as also for the peace and quietness of the town, and the fatigue and trouble of such a great number of persons to watch it, that if you chuse to take the protection of it, that it may be safely preserved and put on board the first proper vessel that I can procure to ship it out of this port to some other place for its greater security, and that the vessel and Tea may be sufficiently protected out of this port by you or such proper persons as you appoint. I shall wait your answer. EDWARD PARRY. The committee having reported to the town their proposals to Edward Parry, Esq., and his answer to the samne, Voted that this town will lend their kind assistance to protect the Tea, safely on board any vessel that may be provided by said Parry, for carlying the same Tea out of this port as soon as may be; and that they will further assist to protect it while in port, upon said Parry's agreeing he will not import the same again into this province, until Tea is allowed to be freely imported and sold here, which was agreed to by the consignee. Voted, That the samne Committee be appointed to assist Edward Parry, Esq., in getting said Tea safely on board immediately,'and to see the foregoing vote carried into execution as soon as may be. Voted, That the same watch or major part thereof be appointed to protect said Tea until the same is carried out of this port in manner aforesaid. TEA AT PORTSMOUTH. 401 Voted, That it is agreeable to this town that Captain Benjamin Partridge carry the satd Tea out of this port at the request of said Parry. Voted, That this meeting be and hereby is adjourned to Wednesday 29th inst. at three o'clock in the afternoon. June 29, 1774. kIeet according to adjournment. Voted, That there shall be a new committee appointed to take care that the said Tea be sent safely out of port as soon as may be. Voted, a committee of seven persons further to treat with Mr. Parry, the Consignee, and inform him, that the town expect the sloop Molly, owned by Mr. Benjamin Partridge, having now on board said tea, proceed out of this port on her intended voyage within four hours of seven o'clock, in the afternoon of this day, and to take every prudent measure to prevent any injury being doue to said tea, and that said Committee be desired to inform the Consignee, that the town will hold themselves under no obligations to give him any further assistance after that time is expir'e. Voted, That this meeting be and hereby is adjourned to Thursday morning 30th inst, at ten o'clock. MJIet according to adjournment. Voted, That the committee be and hereby are impower'd to enquire the reason why the said sloop does not proceed on her voyage, and report the reasons to this meeting at the adjournment. YVoted, That this meeting be adjourned to four o'clock this afternoon, to be held at the Revd Dr. Haven's ineeting-house. Met according to adjournment. When the committe reported, that the sloop was detained some time to get water, since which, she had left the port, and proceeded on her voyage. Voted unanimously, That the thanks of the town be given to the present committee for their good services. Voted unanimously, That the thanks of the town, be also gi.ven to those other gentlemen that have given their kind attendance to the town. 402 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Voted, That a committee of eleven persons, they or any seven of them be and hereby are a committe of Inspection to examine and find out if any Tea is -imported here, and upon discovery of any being brought into this port, or Town, to give the earliest notice thereof to the Town. V'oted, That three persons be appointed a committee to make report to the town at the adjournment of this meeting of a draught against the importation, use, consumption or sale of all Teasj in this town while the same are subject to a duty. Voted, That this meeting be adjourned to Friday the 8th day of July, next ensuing, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon to the north meeting house; and is accordingly adjourned." In this matter the Governor's sympathies were understood to be with the people, and it is known that he was in favor of every conciliatory measure, that should allay excitement, and prevent an open rupture with the government. The excitement somewhat subsided, when on the 22d of July, Capt. Odiorne, returned from Halifax and reported the safe arrival of the tea at that port. The announcement was made thus in the public print; "On the same day, arrived the sloop Molly, Capt. Odiorne, in seven days from Halifax, being the same vessel that carried the tea from this place. The Captain assures usthat he safely landed that disagreeable commodity there, though much against the minds of the inhabitants, who are determined not to purchase it." At the meeting on the 20th of June, three persons were appointed to draw up "a draught against the importation, use, consumption, or sale of teas, while the same are subject of duty." The committee reported such an agreement at an adjourned mneeting on the Sth of July. The agreement was as follows; Whereas, the Importation, Sale, and Consumption of any East-India Teas, at this particular time is productive of Consequences fatal to ourselves and our posterity; and as we conceive it to be an insult upon, and an open Affront to any member of this Community, to be told that he has not Virtue or Resolution enough, to resist so trifling a temptation as the Use of TEA, when the LIBERTY in which God has made him free, is endangered; and Generations yet unborn may feel the Effects of such an unmanly Attachment —Ve the Subscribers TEA AT PEMBROKE AND COHOS. 403 being determined to rise superior to such reflections, do hereby plight our Faith and Honor to each other-that from and after the 16th day of July 1774, we will not import, sell, purchase or consume any Kind of East-India Teas, nor suffer the same to be used in our respective Families with our Knowvledge, until the present Duty on Teas imported into the colonies shall be taken off and the port of Boston opened." This agreement was generally signed throughout the Province. Meantime, but few dared to expose for sale the obnoxious article, and those only the most obnoxious tories. A Mr. Dix persisted in selling tea at Pembroke, but a company of "sons of liberty" from the adjacent towns. under the command of Andrew McClaly, made him a visit, and taking the tea from the store,'made a bonfire of it in the public street. At Haverhill, the tea of a pedlar was seized and disposed of in like manner. The Gazette thus noticed this affair; "We hear from Cohos, (a remote part of this province) that some Time last Week, a number of honest Savages, Friends to the Rights of America, having information of a small quantity of Bohea-Tea lodg'd by a pedling Trader, at the house of an Innholder in Haverhill, entered the same without Ceremony, and having seized on the execrated Weed, convey'd it into the public Road, and immediately made a burnt offering of the Whole. A Proof this, that the same spirit of freedom pervades and enlivens the remotest Parts of our English Settlements." On the 8th of September, the town of Portsmouth was again thrown into excitement by the arrival at its port of thirty chests of tea, in the mast ship Fox, Capt. Zachariah Norman, Master, consigned by Anthony Bacon, Esq. of London. What added to the excitement was the fact, that the tea was consigned to Mr. Edward Parry, the same man who had been consignee of the tea landed on the 25th of June, and who now expressed a determination to accept the consignment of the tea. The knowledge of this fact transpiring, the populace collected in large numbers on Thursday evening, Sept. 8, 1774, and marching with drum and fife to the residence of Mr. Parry, assailed him with various opprobious epithets, broke in his windows, and threatened a second visit with a coat of- tar and feathers, should he accept the consignment of the tea on board the Fox, or should not re-ship it immediately. Mr. Parry put 404 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. himself under the protection of the Government, by the following paper; " To His Excellency the. Governor, and the Honorable His Mfajesty's Couucil. The Petition of Edward Parry-humbly sheWethThat a merchant of the City of London has ship'd Thirty Chests of Tea being his private property for the port of Piscataqua, by the ship Fox, Zacha Norman, Master, which is arrived, and the same is consigned to your Petitioner for sale, without his being previously acquainted therewith or advising or recommending thereto. That your petitioner is under the greatest Apprehensions of danger to himself and property from the violence of the conduct and proceedings of numbers of persons within the Province, should he attempt to vend the tea consigned to'him; and yesterday Evening a mob violently assembled with Fifes, Drums, &c. threw stones &c. at your petitioner's lodgings, broke his Windows, and the stones were thrown with such violence, as to force open the inside Window Shutters, of the room he inhabited, and that the resolves and proceedings ot the town of Portsmouth, the 16th of last December, the 27th, 28th 29th and 30thof June following, are intended to be expresive of the general sense of the town to which I beg leave to refer your Excellency, and the honorable board. Your petitioner therefore begs leave to resign himself and the property committed to his care to your Excellency and Honors as Guardians and Protectors of the People; humbly praying that measures may be directed for the landihg anid securing the Teas until your Petitioner can be at Liberty openly and safely to dispose of the same, or until he can receive directions from His Constituent. And your petitioner will ever pray, &c. EDW. PARRY. Portsmouth, New Hampshire, September, 9th, 1774," From this it would seem, that it had been his object to "vend the tea consigned to him." The Governor summoned a meeting of the Council, and the assistance of the Magistrates, and no farther violence was committed. The next day the people assembled in Town Meeting, and Mr, Parry being present, he publicly declared that he would not GOV. WENTWORTH DISSOLVES THE ASSEMBLY. 405 accept the consignment of said tea, nor have any thing to do with it; and Capt. Norman of the Fox, promised to re-ship it to Halifax, forthwith, at his own expense. A committee was chosen to see these promises executed in good faith, under whose inspection the tea was put on board another vessel, under Capt. Fernald, which with the "pernicious, destructive, troublesome, Commodity," on board, sailed down the river accompanied by the committee, who reported that they saw the tea "on board another vessel," and that vessel, "with the tea on board, outside of Fort Point." Thus ended this excitement which momentarily threatened the peace of the town and the Province. In this affair, the Governor acted with his usual prudence and sagacity. Meantime, the Governor had been in difficulty with the Assembly of the Province. At the meeting of this body in the spring of 1774, the House of representatives appointed a committee of correspondence, and took measures to stem the tide of British oppression. The Governor tried to defeat these measures, and for this purpose adjourned the Assembly, and afterwards on the 8th of June, dissolved this body, by message thus; "Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Assembly, As I look upon the Measures entered upon by the House of Assembly; to be inconsistent with his Majesty's Service, and the good of this Government, it is my Duty, as far as in me lies, to prevent any detriment that might arise from such proceedings. I do therefore DISSOLVE the General Assembly, of this province and it is dissolved accordingly. J. WENTWORTH. Province of New Hampshilre, Council Chamber, June, 8th." Upon this dissolution, the Committee of Safety summoned the Representatives to meet to consult upon the public safety, and they accordingly assembled in the Representatives' 1Hall; but the Governor coming in with the Sheriff of the County, ordered him to "make proclamation for all persons to disperse and keep the King's peace." The Representatives adjourned to another room, and sent circulars to all the towns in the Province, to send delegates to a Convention to be holden at Exeter on the 2 1st, of July, to take into consideration the alarming state of 406 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the country. July 21st the Convention assembled, eighty-five members being in attendance. These chose Jolhn Sullivan and Nathaniel Folsom, Esqs., delegates to the proposed Congress at Philidelphia, and recomunended that the several towns, "take into consideration the distressed, unhappy condition of the town of Boston, and liberally to contribute towards the relief of the poor of that town." About this time, the British troops at Boston were without barracks, and the carpenters of Boston and its neighborhood, were so patriotic, that they would not assist in building barracks to protect troops sent there to enslave them. In this dilemma, Gen. Gage, applied to Governor Wentworth to engage carpenters in this Province to be sent to Boston to build these barracks. Governor Wentworth engaged to furnish them, and employed secret agents to hire men for this purpose, in the neighborhood of Wolfborough and Middleton. The secret however got out, and the Province was again in a blaze of excitement. The "Committee of Ways and Means" of the town of Portsmouth, at the head of which was an uncle of the Governor, had the matter before them in form, and after due consideration, passed tne following Preamble and Resolutions. PO rTSMOUTH, Oct. 27, 1774. Whereas there has been a Report prevailing in this town, for some Days past, that a Number of Artificers have been procured, at the Town of Wolfborough, and the Towns thereabouts, by some Person or Persons tinder the crown, to assist the troops now at Boston, in Building Barracks, &c., contrary to the Opinion of our Bretheren there. The commitee of Ways and Means for this Town, having met to consider the same, and having great Reason to Believe said Report, and thinking it our Duty to bear Testimony against such proceedings, Do resolve as follows, viz: 1. That it is our opinion, the Person, or Persons (when under the Crown or not,) who has been so cruel and unmanly as to engage Artificers, in this Province to give the least assistance to the Troops now at Boston, when the Inhabitants there have nobly refused; discovers a Disposition, not only to Ingratiate him or themselves, with Gen Gage, (which is mean and low,) but also to give every Assistance'to the present dispotic Measures and therefore should be considered as an Enemy or Enemies to the Community. 2. That it is our Opinion, those men who have been so GOV. WENTWORTH EMPLOYS ARTIFICERS. 407 base, to undertake as Artificers, (and thereby reflecting, not only on their respective Towns but the Province in general,) should be considered as Enemies to our Liberties, and should not be received at their return, as members worthy of Society. 3. That it is our opinion that should those Artificers, (on reflection )find themselves to have been imposed upon, by their Employers, to undertake a Matter which is so disagreeable, and determine to leave such scandalous Employment, and return to their respective Habitations immediately, may be received to the Firiendship of their Townsmen; but if not, should be considered as in the second Resolve. By order of the Committee. HUNKING WENTWORTH. Chairman.:" rThe name of one of the Governor's secret agents transpired; it was one Nicholas Austin, of Middleton, an.d at a muster at Rochester, the "sons of Liberty," agreed to send for Austin and deal with. him. Accordingly, a Committee of correspondence consisting of John Wingate, John Plummer, and John McDuffee addressed a note to Austin, notyfying him of their suspicions and requesting his attendance before the "sons of liberty," onthe Ith of Nov. at Rochestor. Austin appeared at the time appointed, and being examined under oath before Justice Plurnmer, acknowledged he had been employed by Governor Wentworth to hire men to go to Boston; that he had thus employed four only; and that the Governor "told him the people would be dissatisfied when they come to know it, but he thought it would be for the best." On hit knees, Austin made the following confession. "Before this company, I confess I have been aiding and assist ing in sending rthen to Boston to build Barracks for the soldiers to live in, at which you have reason justly to be offended which I am sorry for, and humbly ask your forgiveness; and I affirm, that for the future, I never will be acting or assisting in any wise whatever, in Act or Deed, contrary to the Constitution of the Country, as witness my Hand, NICHOLAS AUSTIN. The conduct of the Governor was censured throughout the Province, and henceforth he retained but the mere shadow of authority. The people of the Province were more fully awake to their 408 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. condition, and the loyalists as well as the "Sons of Liberty," were busily at work in following out their antagonistic plans. A call had been issued for another Convention of Delegates to be holden on the 25th of January 1775, and pains were being taken to have a full attendance; meanwnile the loyalists were busy in furthering their plans for ascendancy in the Spring Assembly. About this time, news came of the passage of an order by the King in Council, forbidding the exportation of gunpowder and other military stores to this country,-and Mr. Paul Revere, of Boston, on the 13th of December, 1774, was sent express to Portsmouth with this order, together with the information that the troops were about to be sent to Boston to disarm Fort William and Mary, at thp mouth of the Piscataqua. Upon this the "Commnittee of Ways and Means," for the town of Portsmouth, on the 14th of December, secretly, but with great dispatch, collected together, from Portsmouth, and from the adjacent towns, some 400 men, for the purpose of removing the powder and other military stores from the Fort. Two hundred of these men under the orders of Major Sullivan and Capt. Langdon, embarked on board of gondolas, and went down the river to invest the Fort, while about two hundred men led on by Capt. Thomas Pickering, with fife and drum, marched by land with the same object in view. Arrived at the Fort, Capt. Cochran, the comander of the garrison was summoned to surrender,-but answered the summons by the discharge of three cannon upon the investing patriots, without, however, doing them any injury. Upon this the "Sons of Liberty'? rushed over the wall, secured and disarmed Cochran and his garrison, and carried away ninety-seven barrels of,. powder and sixty stand of arms. On the night of the 15th, sixteen pieces of cannon, a number of barrels of powder and other military stores were taken from the Fort,and these together with the powder taken on the 14th. inst. were carried to a place of safety in the country. The town was filled with people from the country on the 15th, who held a public meeting, and chose a Committee to wait upon — the Governor -and enquire of him as to the object of sending the proposed troops to Portsmouth. The Governor assured the Committen that "he knew of rlo such design as sending Troops, Ships, &c."'Upon this the people went quietly to their homes Yet the expedition was then under sailing orders, doubtless, or upon their way to Portsmouth, as the Gazette of the 24th of December, says:"Since our last, arrived here, his Majesty's Ships Canceaux, ATTACK ON THE FORTS. 409 Capt. Mowatt, arid the Scarborough, Capt Barclay, both from Boston, with 80 or t00 soldiers on board." Yet Governor Wentworth may not have known of the expedition. This was the first overt attack upon the British forces, in the War of the Revolution- and was of vast importance in that war —as part of the powder thus taken was used at Bunker's Hill,-and the other military stores were of great utility. The daring of the act, as well as its results, produced its effect upon the loyalists, and as if maddened out of his propriety, Governor, Wentworth visited his official #wrath upon Drs. Bartlett and Thompson, depriving them of their commissions as Justices of the Peace; and also upon Major Sullivan and Captain. Langdon, depriving them of their commissions in the military establishment of the Province! The Governor, by advice of Council, also issued the following Proclamation; "Province of?.New Hamupshire3 A proclanmation by the Governor. Whereas, several bodies of men did, in the day time of the i4th. and in the night of the 15th of this instant December, in the most daring and rebellious maner invest, attack, and forcibly enter into his Majesty's castle William and Mary in this province, and overpowering and confining the Captain and garrison, did, besides committing many troublesome insults and outrages, break open the magazine of said castle, and plunder it of above one hundred barrels of gunpowder, with upwards of sixty stand of small arms, and did also force from the ramparts of said castle and carry off sixteea pieces of cannon, and other military stores, in open hostility and in direct oppugnation of his majesty's government, and in the most atrocious centempt of his crown and dignity: I do, by advice and consent of his majestie's council, issue this proclamation, ordering and requiring, in his majestye's name, all magistrates and other officers, whether civil, or military, as they regard their duty to the king and-the tenor of the oaths they have solemnly taken and subscribed, to exert themselves in detecting and securing in some of his majestye's jails in this province, the said offenders, in order to their being brought to condign punishment; And irom motives of duty to the king and regard to the welfare of the good people of this province; I do in the most earnest and solemn manner, exhort and injoin you, his majesty's liege subjects of this govern 410 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ment, to beware of suffering yourselves to be seduced by the false arts or meinaces of abandoned men, to abet, protect, or screen from justice any of the said high handed offenders, or to withhold or secrete his majesty's munitions forcibly taken from his castle; but that each and every one of you will use your utmost endeavors to detect and discover the perpetrators of these crimes to the civil magistrates, and assist in securing and bringing them to justice, and in recovering the king's munitions. This injunction it is my bounden duty to lay strictly upon you, and to requnire your obedience thereto, as you value individually your faith and allegiance to his majesty, as you wish to preserve that reputation to the province in general; as you would avert the dreadfnl but most certain consequences of a contrary conduct to yourselves and posterity. Given at the council-chamber in Portsmouth, the 26th day of December, in the 15th year of the reign of our sovereign lord George the Third, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Irelaud, king, defender of the faith, &c., and in the year of our Lord Christ, 1774. J. WENT'WORTH. By his excellency's command, with advice of council, THEODORE ATKINSON, Sec'y. God save the King." However, the proclamation of the Governor, had no other effect than to produce derision. The affair was mostly done in the day time, the leaders were well known citizens of Portsmouth and the neighhoring towns, of the first standing in the community, and had the Governor dared to have made the arrests threatened in his proclamation, he could have found many of the T'high handed offenders," at his own door. The truth was, the royal authority had become powerless, and he did not dare attempt an arrest. Proclamations, however, were had for the writing, and answered the Governor's purpose in the "home" market.* The people of Derryfield were fully awake to the oppression of the British government and equally determined in their opposition, with the rest of the people of the Province. *The powder taken from the Fort was taken up tha river to Durham andExeter, and -ecreted by the patriots. A portion of it was placed with a Mr. Demerit of Durham, familiarly known as "Deacon Demerit." He took down the wall on one side of his cellar, made an excavation of sufficient capacity, put in the barrels of powder, and then replaced the wall in its proper position. Prior to the battle of Bunker Hill. Dea. Demerit, hauled a portion of this powder to HILLSBOROUGH COUNTY CONGRESS. 411 A special meeting was called of the inhabitants on the 16th day of January, 1775, by warrant bearing date the 2d of the same month, the main article of which was as follows: "21y To see if the town will chose a man or men as Deputies to go to Exeter the 25th Day of January Instant, in Behalf of said town in order to meet with the Deputies from the Neighboring Towns in said Province." At the meeting on the 16th of Jan., it was, "Voted on the second article, not to send a man to Exeter, but that the Selectmen send a Letter to said Exeter, and insert in said Letter, that the said town will bear their Equal proportion of money that shall hereafter arise towards paying the cost of tht General Congress, as any other town in the Province. This vote was dictated in part by a desire doubtless, to save the ex:ense of a delegate, but mainly we imagine, by the fact that the people of this County had held, or were about to hold a County Congress, for the organization of some plan of governmnent among themselves. The people of this County were more intimately connected in all their business relations with those of Massachusetts, than with their brethren in the south-east section of New Hampshire. Inaddition to this, they had distrust of the people in that section, fearing that they would succumb to the influence of the royal governor. This distrust was undoubtedly fostered by Massachusetts. On this account, the people of this County early followed the example set in Massachtusetts, called a County Congress, and took measulres for their own safety and protection. We know not the time of meeting of this Congress, but it wasprobably held in January, 1775, as in the warrantsfor the annual meeting in Derryfield, bearing date Feb., 20 1775, the article reads thus, "To see what the town will vote Capt. John Stark, for his representing the town at the County Congress." Andat the meeting on ihe 6th day of March following, it waS,'Voted on the Elliventh Artical, to pay Capt. J ohn Stark two Cambridge for the use of our army. When the fact is considered, that our defeat in that battle amounted almost to a victory; and that that defeat was mainly in consequence of a lack of ammunition, how important wae the attack upon Fort Willi m and Mary, which furnished our scanty supily of powder at Bunker Hill. 1ieacon Demerit, for a long time kept a sample of this powder, and a gentleman is now living, in Portsmouth, to whom he gave sorme of it for squirrel shooting after relating the taking of the Fort, remarking as he gave it to him, "Here, try this powder, this is the kind we killed the red coats with at Bunker Hill." 412 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Pounds, eight shillings Lawfull money, for his Attendances, at the Countey Congress." From this vote it would seem that that there had been more than one meeting of the Congress; probably by adjournment. It does not appear from the records that Capt. Stark had been chosen by the people to represent them, and it is probable that he held his appointment from the Selectmen, or was elected at an informal public meeting. However, the town prepared for contingencies, and in the warrant before refered to, of date February 20th, 1775, an article was inserted as follows; "91y, To see it the town will Vote to' Chues a man to Repiesent us In Countey Congress." And at the meeting on the 6th of March following, it was "Voted Capt. John Stark to Represent the town at Countey Congress. " From these extracts it is apparent, that Capt. Stark was to represent the town in some future Congress, to be held by adjonrnment, or called if occasion demanded. Of the proceedings of the Congress that had been held, we are entirely in the daek, but judging from the effect, there can be but little doubt, that it was in contemplation, had the eastern section of the State proved recreant to the patriot cause, that the County of Hillsborough should have joined with Massachusetts, in opposing the oppressions of the British governs rnent. Meantime on the 25th of January, 1775, the Convention met at Exeter. One hundred and forty-four delegates were present, making the largest Convention ever before held in this Province. This Convention chose Major J. Sullivan and Capt. J. Langdon delegates to the Congress to meet at Philadelphia in May; raised a Committee "to call a Provincial Convention of delegates when they shall judge the exigences of public affairs require it;" and Voted a spirited address to the people of the Province, wherein the greivaLnces of the people were set forth, and such measures were proposed as were in the opinion of the Convention best calculated to subserve the interests of the people. The Convention adjourned, and its spirit became widely diffused over the Province. Out of the immediate vicinity of Portsmouth, and a few towns, where resided the friends of Governor Wentworth, and the officers of the Crown, the opposition to the measures of the British government was rife, embracing a large GOv. WENTWORTH IN DIFFICULTY. 413 this, he strangely adopted the very course, best calculated to thwart his own designs, and render himself unpopular, so much of truth is there in the saying, "Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad." The members of the Assembly were chosen in the several towns by virtue of writs directed through the Sheriff of the County to the towns in his precinct. These writs were issued by the Governor, and were called the "King's writs." To "make assurance doubly sure," Governor Wentworth determined to issue the King's writs to several new towns, which had never been represented, and where he knew none other than his personal friends would be elected; and to neglect to issue writs to certain old towns, where his opponents would be sure to be returned to the Assembly, as a majority of the people in them, were known to be staunch opposers to the oppressions of the British government. Writs ordering an election of members of the Assembly, which was to meet on the 4th day of May, were accordingly issued; but in this issue of writs, the old and* well populated towns of Allenstown, Bow, Canterbury, Chichester, Concord, Epsom, Haverhill, Hanover, Lebanon, and Pembroke were neglected; while the new and sparsely populated towns of Lime, Orford, and Plymouth, were ordered to elect members to the coming Assembly. The members returned from the new- towns were Jacob Green, Esq., from Lyme, Israel Morey, Esq., Orford, and Col. John Fenton, Plymouth. Col. Fenton was a particular friend of the Governor, had hais residence in Portsmouth, and was Clerk of the Court of Cornmon Pleas, and Judge of Probate for Grafton County. The election of such a man under favorable circumstances would have been injudicious; but now when the colony was in a complete ferment, that the:Governor should issue a writ to a newly incorporated town, of only a few inhabitants, and that an ultra tory, an inhabitant of Portsmouth, and a well known friend of the Governor and of his measures, should be returned as the representative from that town, the whole Province was in a turmoil. The Assembly was ordered by proclamation to convene on the 4th day of May, 1775. The Patriots were not idle. The Committee for calling a Convention, "should the exigencies of the public affairs require it," called a Convention of delegates, to meet at Exeter, on the 17th of May. 31. 414 THiE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XIX. Battle of Lexington. —News arrives at Amoskeag.-Volunteers from Derryfield and Bedford.-Capt. John Moor and his men.-Stark le, ves for Lexington.-Convention at Exeter.- Send a Committee to Cambridge.-Raise supplies.-Legislature meets.-Adjourns.-Reason of adjournment.- Difficulty with Scarborough's Boats. —Conventin called for Mlay 17th. — Meeting in Derryfield -Refuse to send a Delegate. —Congress at Amherst.-Send a Delegate to the Congress.-Business of the Congress. —'ITake measures to cooperate with Massachusetts.- Convention meets at Exter.- Raise and organize troops.-Appoint ]Folsom to command.-Poor and Reid made Colonel.-:Approve of the attack on the Fort.-Recommend the expulsion-of the newr members from the House.-Legiblature meetq. — Expel the new members.Col. Fenton carried to Exeter Jail.-G, v. WentA orth adjourns the Legislature.-Retires to the Fort. -Again adjourns Legislature.-Leaves for England.-Appointed Lt. Governor of Nova Scotia.-Creted a Baronet.- His death.-Stark, Reid and Sargent commissioned as ('olonelsby Masachu-'ertst.-Stark's rerimnent.-He refuses to report to Gen. Folsom.-Considers'. himself superseded.-Repairs to Exeter.- Put in commn and of the First Regiment.-Battle of Bunker Hill.- Sta k details 300 of, his mtn.-Follows with the remainder.-Throw up a stone, all.-Capt. Moor and he Derryfield men posted at the wall.- Great -laughter in front of the wall.-Stark neglects to report to Gen. Folsom.-Reports to Committee of Safety.-Difficulty with Hobart. — Court M artial.-Blodget is Suttler.- Return from Derryfield.-Rev. Mr. Houston.-Col. W7m. Sta k.-Test Act.-Signers in Derryfield.-Col. Stark goes into Canqda. —Ordered to join Washilgton in Pennsylvania.-Battle of Trenton.-Fougt t by the N. E. Brigade.- Stark leads the van.-Feats of Sergeant Stevens of Derrvfield.- Battle of Princeton.This gained by N. E. Brigade.-Stark thinks hiniself superseded and resigns.- Resignation.-An advantage to h:iIn and the country. At length an untoward event brought matters to a crisis. this: was the Battle of Lexinigton, which took place on the 19th of April, 1775. The British General in Boston, detailed a force of Grenadiers ard Infantry, to seize the stores deposited by the patriots at Concord.'This force under the command of Lt. Colonel Smith, and Maj. Pitcairn, crossed the Charles River in the evening of the 18th of April, and early on the morning of the 19th, was on its march for Concord, lS miles distant. Though the march and destination of the troops had been kept with the utmost secrecy, yet the country was alarmed, and the "minute men" were rustling to their appointed posts. When the British force arrived at 1,exingt-n. a town some few miles tbelow Concord, they found a company ot some 70 minute men drawn up on the comrmon near the meetirng loiuse.'lajor Pitcairn who led the British vanguard, inmmediately rcde forward in ...............:r: 1:_:;;;:: rr -.: --------—.. -.I::;:;;; —~^r ~ l~:~I~~ —~ -- -... - - ----— ~~~~2:.. —~1 ——; —-- I —^ —- ~ 1 —------------ U Li —— I~~-~_I~_ l~-_f-_ _ IX Li 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —~-RESIDENCE OF Y, SMYTHI ESQ. BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. 415 hot haste, and cried out to the Provincials, "Disperse you rebels, d-n you throw down your arms, and disperse." Upon this, pistols were discharged upon the Provincials, from one or two of the officers, which example was followed by two or three of the soldiers, and- then the discharge became general, with fatal effect. Trhe Provincials immediately dispersed, some firing upon the enemy as they retired. In. the erlcount6r eight of the Americans were killed, and ten wounded.'Ihe British immediately marched for Concord, where they succeeded in par't,:in accomplishing the object of the expedition. They stove in the heads of some sixty barrels of flour, knocked off the trunnions of three twenty-four pound cannon, burnt sixteen':carriage whef-ls, a lot of camp plates and spools, and set fire to the Court House, which was happily extinguished..Meantime the Provincials had not been dilatory. Some three or four companies already on the ground, prudently retired at the ap proach of thie British force, and toolc up a position across the North Bridge. By the time the British troops had completed their partial work of destruction, the Provincial force numbered 450 men and was continualy increasing. Seeing the operations of the etnemy, and fires arising in various parts of the vil]age- Major Buttrick, with some 300 minute men advanced upon the Noarth Bridge, to dislodge the gllard of about 100 men, who had it in command.;'Upon their approauil, the British fired upon them, ki ling and wounding several. Their fire;was retlurnd by thet Provincials and several of the enemy fell.'rhe British then retreated in much confiusion, and the Plrovincials crossed the bridge, but did:not follow upthe attack. About 12 o'clock M. the Biitish troops commenced their march from Concord to Boston. 13y this time the minuite men were collecting from all quarters, anid a contii:uous and galling fire was. poured in upon the retreating enemy from every hillock, wall, bush or rock. lupoln the xwayside. Soon the retreat became an utter rout, and when the ltrit.sh troops arrived at Lexington, aniid met a reiJiforcemett under L.ord Percy, what with the harrassitig pursulit and the heat of the day, the exhausted soldiers threw th(-emselves uipon the ground; their parched tongues extendintg from their mouths like so many beeves! Stol,ping some two hours to refieshl the exhausted troops, Percy comnmenced his lile of marcth for Boston. But although at the head of a force of 1800 menr with two pieces of artillery, Lord Percy thought of nothiiig bult retreat front an increasing and harrassitig loe. As on the retreat from Concord to Lexington, ao now, every hillockl, wall, bush and rock, was a covert for a 416 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. sharp-shooter. And this galling fire was not confined to one place, it was kept up and with increasing effect along the whole. line of march, till at length, at the foot of Prospect Hill, and just before sun set, such was the galling effect of the Provincial fire, the gallant Percy's troops rushed towards Charlestown neck to get under the guns of the Somerset, with a haste amounting almost to a rout! In the eagerness of pursuit, the Provincials followed the retreating enemy till they reached Charlestown Common, when they reluctantly gave over the pursuit. Revenge gave edge to their courage, for the British troops committed the most atrocious acts; whenever opportunity offered on the retreat. Houses were pillaged and burned, and not content with shooting down the unarmed, aged and infirm, they disregarded the cries 6f thee wounded, killing them without mercy, and mangling their bodies in the most shocking manner."! An invalid, And non-combatant, was butchered at his own hearth-stone! Another driven from her home to the rocks, was shot as she was nursing her child! The news of this attack spread through the country like wild-fire. The people of New HIampshire were in the greatest excitement, as reports were rife in every direction, that the British troops were marching into the country. The news of the battle arrived at Amoskeag, the same night. Judge Patten on the occasion made the following entry in his Diary; "April 20th, I received the melancholy news in the morning that General Gage's troops had fired upon our countrymen at Concord yesterday, and had killed a large number of them. Our town, (Bedford) was notified last night. We generally met at the meeting house, about 9 o'clock and the number of twenty or more went Directly off from the meeting house to assist them." Upon the first alarm, near two thousand troops rushed to Lexington and Cambridge from New Hampshire. The Committee for calling a Congress, immediately sent runners to most of the towns in the Province, to send delegates to a. Convention to be holden at Exeter, on the 21st instant, to consult for the general safety. Most of the towns sent delegates, but Derryfield did not, and for good and sufficient reasons. Circulars were sent in due form; but in Bedford, the Selectmen were gone to Lexington, and there was no one to call a town meeting! As appears from Judge Patten's Diary, in which is entered under date of April, "22d, I was awakened in the morning, by Mrs. Chandlers CONVENTION CALLED. 417 coming with a letter from the Committee:of the Provincial Congress, for calling another Congress for the Province immediately, and I went with it -as fast as I could to John- Bell's, but he was gone to our army, and both the others (Selectmen) also." The letter was as follows; "April 20, 1775. TO THE SELECTMEN OF BEDFORD. Gentlemen,-This moment, the melancholy inteligence has been received of hostilities being commenced between the troops, under Gen. Gage, and our brethren of Massachusetts Bay. The importance of exerting ourselves at this critical moment has caused the Provincial Committee to meet at Exeter, and you are requested, instantly, to choose and hasten forward, there, a Delegate or Delegates, to join in the Committee and aid them in consulting measures for our safetyIn great haste, and by order of the Committee, Your Humble Servant, J. WENTWORTH." However, the people had an informal meeting at the meetincg house, on the 25th inst. and chose James Martain Delegate to the Congress. They also authorized Judge Patten to see that no tories crossed the Merrimack at the ferries. This duty was attended to, and Col. Goffe, Mr. Merrill and Mr. McGregor, at the several ferries were instructed, "to take special care of strangers and persons suspected of being Torys crossing the river, and to examine and search (them) if they thought needful." Goffstown sent Mr. Moses Kelley as- their Delegate, but he was chosen in a manner so informal that his election was not entered upon the town record. In Derryfield however, had they desired to send a delegate, it was hardly in their power so to do, as not only the Selectmen, but thirty-four out of thirty-six men capable of bearing arms "had gone to our army,"! Leaving but two able bodied men at home. with the old and infirm, to have organized a meeting. The names of the men of Derryfield who thus so gallantly volunteered to oppose the oppressor, have not all transpired, but the fact comes to us by tradition, and in a more tangible form as Judge Patten remarks in his Diary, under date of April, "21 st, Our John, and John Dobbin, and my brother Samuel's two oldest sons, set off and joined Derryfield men, and about six from Goffestown, and two or three more from this town, (Bedford) under command of Capt. John Moor, of Derryfield. 48' THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. They amounted in number to 45 in all." This gives 33 men from Derryfield besides Capt. John Stark, who left imrnediately for Lexington, upon heariug the news of the battle. As before sug.ested, the names of these men have not been preserved, but we subjoin the Tax list of Derryfield, for 1775. from which it will be seen, that a large majority of the tax payers were of the volunteers. ~ s d q Conl. John Goffe, 0 19 4 0 John Rand, Esqr. 0 13 8 0 Maj. John Moors, 3 13 5 2 Ensin. Samuel Moors, 0 10 11 2 James mc Night, 0 9' Capt. Nathaniel Merton, 0 3 6 William Nutt, 0 9 9 2 timothy Mertion, 0 3' John Griffen, 0 10 5 9 John Griffen, Junr. 0 3 0 Benjemin Baker, 0 8 0 2 Benjemin Baker, Junr. 0 3 0 0 Johanathan Merrell, 0 5 0 2 Jesse Baker, 0 3 0 0 Joseph Gorge, 0 10 2 0 Abrham Merrell, 0: 16 9 2 Al-rham Merrell, Junr. 0 6 0 2 David Mierrell. 0 3- 9 0 Joseph Griffen, 0 8 0 0 Ezekiel Stavens, 0 11 8 2 Joseph farmer, 0 3 0 0 Isaac farmer, 0 3 0 0 Widow. Sarah Russ,' 0 4 11 0 Robert' Clark, 0 6 2 0 John Reay, 0 4 0 0 Conl John Stark, 0 15 0 David farmor, 0 3 0 0 Levt. James me Calley, 0 7 6 0 Esin. Samuel Stark, 0 6 10 2 Robert me Night, 0 3 0 0 David me Night, 0 3 6 0 Dainel Blodget, Litchfield, 0 1 0.0 Joshua Blodget, Litchfield, 0 4 4 2 Capt. William Parham, 0 10 9 0 John Parham, 0 10 3 0 Ebenezer Coster, 0 5 6.0 TAX LIST OF 17753. 419 Charls Eamerson, 0 10 5 0 Charls Eamerson, Junr. 0 3 6 0 Gorge Eamerson, 0 4 6 0 John Harvey, 0 19 2 2 William Parham, Junr. 0 10 3 0 Micheal me Clintock, 0 4 4 2 James Pairces, 0 8 11 0 Capt. Alexander mc Murphey, 0 12 4 0 Benjmen Crombie, 0 7 5 0 Moses Crombie, 0 3. 6 0 Esin. Samuel Boyd, 0 8 3 2 Esin. Natheniel Boyd, 0 6 3 0 Widow. Margret Boyd, 0 5 1 2 John Dickey, 0 8 0 2 William Gemble, 0 11 2 2 Robert Culningtlam, 0 4 2.0 David Starret, 0 11 4 0 Jhti Hall, 0 7 3 2 Daniel Hall, 0 8 0 2 Sergt. Ebnezer Stivls, 0 9 7 2 Huigh thompson, 0 3 10 0 Benjmen Pilsbury, 0 3 6 0 thomas Numan, 0 3 10 0 Josep Mastenll, Bakerstown, 0 0 8 0 James l.,agot, Londonderry, 0 0 8 0 Robrt me Gloner, Londonderry, 0 0 4 0 Alexander Irwinug 0 3 6 0 Ceaser Griffen, 0 4 0 0 Joseph George, Select Samuel Stark, 5 Men. Recorded this 24th day of December, 1775. JOHN HALL. b'own Clark. This list also shows one or two interesting facts; either that the tax-payers of 1775 were men of small means, or that their taxes were very small, the highest tax in town being nineteen shillings. The whole tax list amounted to but ~22-7sOd-2qr, while eighty years after, in 1855, the tax list of Manchester amounted to $76000. Stark was at work in his saw-mill, at the head of the Amoskeag Falls, when he heard this news and without a moments delay, he shut down the gate of his mill, repaired to his house, took his gun and ammunition, mounted his horse in his shirt 420 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. sleeves, as he came from the mill, and rode on to meet the enemy. As he journeyed on, he left word for volunteers to meet him at Medford and without delay, made the best of his way to Lexington. On his entire route, his force continually ir,creased, so that the following morning, when he arrived at Lexi;gton, he had at his command a large force of "backwoodsmen." On the 21st of April the Convention met at Exeter, sixtyeight members being in attendance. Hon. John Wentworth of Somersworth, was chosen President of the Convention, and Ebenezer Thompson, Esq., Clerk. The Convention, "voted unanimously that Col. Nathaniel Folsom, Esq., be desired immediately to the chief command of the troops who have gone or may go from this Government to assist our suffering brethren in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, who are now opposing the hostile violence of the Regular Troops there, and to ordei for the troops that may be under his command from time to time, all necessary supplies, and to transmit to us the earliest accounts thereof, and what may be thought further necessary for support of the common cause." They also appointed Josiah Bartlett and Theophilus Gilman, Esqrs., a Committee to proceed "immediately to Concord, or where the Congress of Massachusetts Province may be sitting, to consult with them what quota of men will be necessary for this province to provide, and such measures as may be thought expedient at this critical juncture, and make report to this convention as soon as may be." The convention then adjourned to the 25th instant, to wait the report of their committee, and the accession of members. When the Convention met on the 25th inst. the number of members was increased to one hundred and nine. The IIon. John Wentworth being absent by reason of sickness, Hon. Meshech Weare, was chosen President pro tempore. N letter having been received from the Congress of Massachusetts, the following answer was sent to that body by a special committee appointed for that purpose.' Upon the receipt of your letter, intelligence of the tragical scene which hath lately been acted in your Colony by the Regular Troops, had pierced the ears of the inhabitants of this, upon which many of our men fired with zeal in the common cause, and resentment at the inhumane cruelty and savage barbarity of the action, instantly flew to your assistance, and vast numbers more on their march were stopt, upon hearing they ewer not needed. GOV. WENTWORTH AND ASSEMBLY. 421 The Provincial Committee upon the alarm, immediateiy called a special Convention of Delegates from the nearest towns, to consult with the Committee what was then absolutely necessary to be done upon that pressing occasion. In consequence of which the convention met. Previous to this our Provincial Committee upon application to them from a Committee of your body, had notified the respective towns in this province to choose and empower delegates to meet at Exeter, on the 17th of May next, to deliberate upon the important and momentous objects proposed by your Congress, for the consideration and concurrence of ours. At which the important matters recommended will naturally come under mature deliberation of our Congress, and no doubt they will readily concur and co-operate with their brethren in New England, in all such measures as shall be thought best for the common safety. But this body though heartily willing to contribute in every advisable method to your aid, and for the common safety, judge it not expedient now to determine upon the establishment of an army of observation, as the towns in this Government are not generally represented. But it is recommended in the mean time to the towns in this Colony, to supply the men gone from it with provissions and other necessaries if their continuance shall be thought necessary; from the spirit of the inhabitants you may expect their aid, should any emergency require it. We most fervently wish you the blessing and direction of Heaven in all your deliberations, and God Almighty who protected our pious Ancestors, amid ten thonsand dangers, preserve New England from the horrors and desolations of a civil war. By order of the Convention." After voting to recommend to the several towns in the Province'"to provide their proportion of ~500 L. M. worth of biscuit, flour and pork," * * * * * "for the public use upon urgent necessity," and that they 1"engage as many men in each town as they think fit, to be properly equipt and ready to march at a minute's warning on any emergency." this convention adjourned to the 2d day of May, when having met, and received a favorable report from the Committe which had visited the Congress of Massachusetts, they voted not to discourage persons from being enlisted in this province, "in the Massachusetts service in the present emergency," raised a Comnmitte of correspondence to correspond with the Committees of other 422 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Colonies' "as to matters concerning the public safety," raising forces, &c., and soon after adjourned, sine die. Governor Wentworth was no idle spectator of these open movements, and saw at once the rising of a power above the royal prerogatives. In fact the royal power of the Province had passed from the Royal Assembly, to the Convention of the people. And although the Convention at Exeter was called upon the spur of the moment, it xi as evident from their proceedings, that the people had taken the power into their own hands, and would use it. Such being the state of things, the Governor thought only of conciliatory measures, and in his speech to the Assembly on the 5th of May, made use of the following language; ";We cannot but view with inexpressible concern, the alarming pitch to which the unfortunate dispute between Great Britain and her Co'onies is daily advancing; a matter of such momentorus nature fills every human mind with the greatest anxiety and affliction, and wherein this Province is unhappily involved, cannot, I presume, fail of engaging your most serious attention; it is therefore my duty in- such a critical and important moment to call, inl the most earnest and solemn manner upon you, gentlemen, who are the only constitutional and legal representatives of the people, to direct your counsels to such measures as may tend to secure their peace and safety. On the wisdom, candor, and moderation of your deliberations, it will greatly depend to avert the calam ties that must naturally attend a continuance of this unhappy contest, and I trust your conduct will be guided by such principles as shall effectually lead to the restoration of the public tranquility, and a perfect re establishment of an affectionate reconciliation with our Mother Country, upon. a solid, equitable, and permanent foundation, " XThe House appointed a committee to wait upon the Governor- and request an adjournment. "On Saturday the 6th, his Excellency sent the following message to the house of Representatives. Mr. Speaker and gentlemen oJ the Assembly. The Speaker, Mr. Giddinge and Mr. Langdon, three of your members, camle to me last evening as a committee from the House, desiring a short adjournment. I am always disposed to show every indulgent regard in my power to the wishes of GOV. WENTWORTH AND ASSEMBLY. 423 the House, but when I consider what uneasiness prevails at present among your constituents, of which I dare say you are not insensible, and that they must look to your Councils for relief, from their fears and jealousies, I think it my duty to recommend to you to consider the matter, and if you should be of opinion that you will better consult the interest of your constituents by continuing to sit, I doubt not but your own private concerns will give way to the public welfare. J. WENTWORTH. Council Chamber, May 6, 1775. TIIE HOUSE'S-ANSWER. May it please your Excellency. In answer to your Message of this day, in consequence of a verbal mes-age to your Excellency from the House last evening by the Speaker, Mr. Giddinge and Xlr. Langdon, requesting a short adjournment. We would observe that we think it not only very necessary for our private interest at this particular season of the year, but espe, ially for the interest of the Province generaly at this alarmnng crisis, that this Ilouse should be adjourned to some time early in June next, in order that we may in themean time have an opportunity of fully constllting our constituents, respecting ths several weighty matters, necessary to be considered by the House the present Session. In the House of representatives, May 6th, 17'75. Voted, That the foregoing be presented to His Excellency, as an answer to his message of this day. J. WENTWORTHT, Speaker. "HIS EXCELLENCY'S ANSWER. Mr, Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Assembly. In consequence of your representation to me in your answer to my message of this day's elate, that it will be expedient for you, as well for the accommodation of your own private affairs, as to give you an opportunity of colnsullting your constituents, on the matters necessary to be considered by you in the present Session, that the House should be adjonrned for a short time. I have thought fit to adjourn the Genteral Assembly, and they are accordingly adjourned to Mollday the 12th day o June next, at ten o'clock in the morning; then to meet at th 424 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. State House in Portsmouth, for the dispatch of the public business. J. WENTWORTH. Council Chamber, May, 6th, 1775." The members of the House, asked this adjournment from motives of policy, rather than from a desire to attend to their private affairs, of this the Governor was doubtless well aware, and hence his disinclination to comply with their wishes. But as he had determined upon conciliation, he yielded to their request with the best grace he could assume. The reason for asking for an adjournment on the part of the members, was that a convention was to be holden at Exeter on the 17th instant, in which the people of all sections ot the State, were to be represented, and the House wished to learn the action of this Convention, and to receive its instructions, upon certain subjects most likely to come before them. Meantime, the excitement in the public mind was kept up by the injudicious conduct of Capt. Barclay, who commanded the ship of war Scarborough, which had been sent down from Boston to dismantle Fort William and Mary, and which still remained in Piscataqua Harbor. He seized upon two vessels coming into the harbor laden with provissions, and sent them to Boston for the use of the British troops. The people remonstrated, and Governor Wentworth advised their return, but in vain. By way of retaliation, a body of armed citizens went upon Great Island, and dismantled a battery at Jerry's Point, bringing off twenty eight peices of cannon of large calibre. Capt. Barclay continued his seizures, and would not permit boats to pass up the river with fresh fish to supply the market. Upon this it was determined to stop the boats of the Scarborough from passing up the river. Accordingly, Capt. Thomas Pickering, (he who led the attack upon Fort William and Mary and afterwards perished on board the Hamden, in the hour of victory,) with a party, stationed themselves upon Union Wharf, and fired upon the barge of the Scarborough, as it passed up the river, wounding some of the soldiers on board. Barclay was loud in his threats of retaliation, and the people in town meeting voted a disapproval of the act. A few days afterwards the same barge was found near the "Mill Dam Bridge," upon Pickering's premises, and in company with a party of "'sons-of liberty," he fastened a team of horses to it, and drew it through ANOTHER CONVENTION. 425 the streets of Portsmohth followed by throngs of people, filling the air with shouts. The Barge was thus drawn through the streets until its keel was worn off, when it was put in the town pound lor safe keeping! Such open contempt of British power appalled the loyalists, while the Patriots became still more sanguine and elated. The Convention called at Exeter on the 17th of May, was looked forward to with the greatest interest, as it in reality was to take the place of the Provincial Assembly. Much pains had been taken to have a fill representation of the towns in the Province. For this purpose' circulars had been sent to all the towns, of which the following is a copy, "Province of New Hampshire. 5 To the Selectmen of Gentlemen, as we are appointed by the late Provintial Convention a. committee to call another whenever the Exegency of public affairs might require it, the late intelligence of the alarming measures propounded to be pursued against the American Colonies, in our opinion render it necessary that there should be a Convention of Deputies from the several towns in this Government held at Exeter the 17th day of May next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. which when met, should be fuflly impowered and authorized tofadopt and pursue such measures as may be judged most expedient to preserve and restore the rights of this and the other Colonies, and that such Deputies should be impowered to act in behalf of themselves and their Constituents for six months, if they should judge the same necessary, and adjourn as occasion rnay require. By order of the Committee, J. Wentworth, Chairman. On the 4th of May, 1775, the warrant of the Selectmen of Derryfield was issued calling a town meeting on the 15th instant to act upon the following articles; "lly to Choose a Moderator to Regulate said meeting." "'2ly to see if the town will Choose a Delegate or Delegates to join the Delegates from the several towns in this Government, held at Exeter the 17th of May Enstant." -"31y to see if the town will provide a Stock of Ammuniticn." 426 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. "41y to see if the town will Consult on measures for our Safety." At the meeting on the 15th instant it was, "Voted on the 2 article not to send a man to Exeter on ye 17th day of May."'.Voted to dismiss the third article." "'Voted Capt. Alexander McSIlrphy, Lient. James McCally, Ensignl Samuel Moors, Ebenezer Stevens, John Pilham, a Committee in Behalf of us." This Committee was a kind of "Committee of Safety" for the town, and was the first one chosen. It is probable that the vote on the 2d article, was dictated by the same policy of thlat of the 1jth of Jarnuary preceding, fear of incurring expense and the proximity of a County Colngress. For on the same day a C( mrmittee issued a call for a County Congress to be held at Amh'erst on the 24th of May. A mere fragmnent of a circ:ilar of this Co)nlmnttee has beell preesrved, but this is sufficient to show the object of the Congress, and is as follows; "God forbid. Let every Brest swell with disdain at the Impious thought. The British Troops have ilvided every sacred Right of Nature. Thlen let us defend -them as long as we have life.: And we believe the great God that Gave them to us will look down with gracious Approbation and Callse lls and our Posterity. to Rejoice in his Salvation. Anld while we are vi;gorously Defending ourselves agaiist the Attacks of the ]British Troops, it is expedient and equally necessary to give due attention to our internal Policy in this country. Stimulated by these reflections, wehave Thoight proper by and with the Advice of a Ntlmber of respecrile Men iil Amherst. to appoint a Count y (Collgress. Accordinlly Wednesday the Twenlty-fourth (lay of this itstant May at eleven, f the clock ili the forenoon at the C)rt i[louse in said Amlhlerst, is appoinlted f.r that purpose to coznsider and determine upon the following i'articulars; (viz.) FIRST.'0'o see if the C'ongress will appoint a Committee of Corrispondence to wait upon or joill withl the Congress in, the Province of Massachilseets 1Ray. COUNTY CONGRESS. 427 SECONDLY. To go into some measures for the better Security of the internal Polity of this County to prevent declining into a state of Nature. THIRDLY. To enforce a strict Adherence to the- Association of the late Continental Congress. It is Desired that you send your Delegates and with them a certificate of their appointment. Gentlemen we are your lhble Servt's. DAN'L CAMPBELL,? Committee for calling JON'A MARTIN, a Congress. Mayf, 13th A. D. 1775* The Congress met on the 24th of May at Amherst and proceeded to take measures for the "better security of the internal polity of the Country." Among other measures, a Committee was chosen to take possession of the Jail, and the Congress adjourned to the 4th day July. Capt. John Stark had been chosen to the Congress from this tow13, but being absent at Cambridge, the town was lnot represented. It was thought neccesary, that the town should be represented either in the Provincial or Cuntry Congress and accordingly, on the 27th day of June, 1775, the selectmen issued their warrant notifying the inlhabitants to meet in townmeeting the same day, antd among other thinlgs, "21y to See if they will Vote to send a delegate or delegates to the Provincial or County Congress, or Either of them. 31y to see if the town will provide any Amunition. 61y to Act and doe any other thing that Releates to oner presellt Safety Int Defence of ollr Libertoys." Anrid oh lhe same day, June, 27, it was "Voted to send one delegate to the County Congress,-John HIarve. Voted to dismiss the third article. Voted to Chuese five Men a Committee of Seafety TIn e*'rh,, or'ginal is in the hands or Charies Richarcdon, Esq.. of this city and was found among the, papers of John Bell, E4q, of Bedford, deceased, who was one of the Selectmen of that to nu in that y, ar. 428 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. half of the town agreabeal to the order of the Provincial Congress.'" Voted, John Harve, Levt. James Mc Caley, Samuel Boyd, Esign Samuel Moors, and John Hall, Countrymen." This was the first Committee of Safety in the town under the authority of the Provincial Congress. On the 4th day of July, the County Congress met at Amherst according to their adjournment. Mr. John Harvey doubtless was in attendence from this town. The keys of the Jail were duly given into the care of the Congress by the committee. They then chose various Committees,-one consisting of men in each town to "'judge the tories," and another to exercise the powers of Justices of the Peace within the County. They also established a Court of Justice to be held at Amherst at stated periods. Of this Court Hon. Timothy Farrar was a Justice and "held Court" at Amherst during the summer of 1775 by virtue of authority of this Congress. After making the neccessary arrangements for "securing the internal polity of the County," the Congres adjourned. Thus the County ol Hillsborough took the initiative in forming a government for the protection of its people. This system was kept in operation till the formation of the State government in January following. It is highly probable that at this Congress, and at a similar one held at Keene for the County of Cheshire, about the same time, that some proposition was made for co-operating with the people of Massachusetts, in the struggle already commenced at Lexington. And hence it was, that upon the arrival of Capt John Stark from Hillsborough County and Capt. Reid from Cheshire County, at Cambridge on the 21st of April, with volunteers from their Counties, that both of those gentlemen were commissioned as Colonels in the Massachusetts line, thus to continue unless they were adopted by New Hampshire. They were adopted and commissioned by New Hampshire; but the fact that they had taken commissions under Massachusetts, was a source of trouble to them through their military career. On the 17th of May, the Convention assembled at Exeter. One hundred and thirty-three delegates were present, a more full and equal representation of the Province, than had ever assembled, many of the leading members being members of the Assembly. Hon. John Wentworth, Speaker of the House, was GOV. WENTWORTH AND ASSEMBLY. 429 chosen President of the Convention, and -Ebenezer Thompson, Secretary. The greatest enthusiasm and unanimity prevailed in the Convention. They forthwith adopted the: most effective measures. On the 20th of May, they voted to raise a force of 2000 men, and to adopt those already in the field. On the 23d they organized this force into a Brigade to consist of three Regiments; appointed Capt. Nathaniel Folsom to its command. as Brigadier General, and appointed James Reed and Enoch Poor, Colonels of two of the Regiments. They also appointed a Committee of supplies for the army, and a "Committee of Safety" which was the supreme executive of the Province. Various other matters were transacted; but the most important in their bearing as being in the very face and eyes of the existing government, were the passing a vote of thanks to those engaged in attacking and dismantling the Forts on the Piscataqua, and the instructing by resolution the members of the House of Representatives, to expel the new members from Lyme, Orford, and Plymouth. These were bold measures, and were dictated and carried out by a spirit that would not brook British oppression, and dared to defy British power. The loyalists became alarmed, associated for their defence, and the Governor made arrangements with Capt. Barclay, and the officer of the Fort, for the assistance of a detachment of marines from the Scarborough, and of soldiers from Fort William and Mary. Such measures did not intimidate the patriots in the least; they were strong in numbers, and had as leaders, men whie in council, and who had seen service at Louisburg and Lake George; beside by provident acts, they were well supplied with powder, muskets ond cannon. In this posture of affairs, the Assembly commenced its adjourned session, and Governor Wentworth pressed upon their attention, "'Lord North's conciliatory proposition." But they would attend to no public business, until in obedience to the instructions of the Convention, they had purged the House. Accordingly their first act was to expel the members from Lyme, Orford, and Plymouth. Their expulsion produced the greatest excitement. The loyalists boasted of what the troops from the Fort and the Scarborough would do, and the patriots returned the boast by telling them that the Indian fighters of 32 430 THE HISTORY' OF MANCHESTER. the back woods were in town, and ready to repel the attacks of any forces the Governor could bring against them. Col. Fenton, the expelled member from Plymonth, was particularly boastful, and expressing himself in the most decided terms of reproach and disrespect of the measures of the patriots, and of the patriots themselves, the populace became enraged, surrounded his lodgings,. determined to deal with him according to his deserts. Fenton, affrighted at'their determination and rage, effected his escape from the house, and took refuge in the house of the Governor, for protection. The people surrounded the house, and demanded him of the Governor, but he refused to deliver him up. At length, becoming exasperated, they planted a cannon in front of the Governor's house, and gave him five minutes to produce Fenton, threatening to fire upon the house, if he was not forth coming at the expiration of that time. A long'nine pounder that had thundered at Louisburg, now in the hands of the enraged populace, with the gunner swinging his lintstock, ready for action, was a most persuasive advocate on this occasion, and the discomfitted torymember, was surrendered to the populace, who exhibited their regard for justice, by sending him to Exeter for trial before the Committee of Safety. This scene satisfied Governor Wentworth that his influence was at an end in New Hampshire, and affecting to believe it a personal insult to himself, he forthwith took refuge in the Fort. Having deserted his house, the furniture, books, &c., were destroyed, or carried away, in spite of the remonstrances of those disposed to good order. A'like calamity befel the governor's country seat at Wolfborough. To restrain such disorderly proceedings, required the utmost vigilance and discretion on the part of the patriot leaders, and it bespeaks a people disposed to good order, that in the absence of all legal restraint, amid so much of political excitement and rancour, this was the only instance during the Revolution in New Hampshire, where the property of the loyalists was injured. Upon the expulsion of Green, Morey and Fenton, Governor Wentworth adjourned the assembly to the eleventh of July, and upon their meeting at that time, he sent a message from Fort William and Mary, adjourning the Assembly to the twenty-eighth of September. The Governor stayed at the Fort until the same was completely dismantled, and the cannon removed on board the British ships, and then sailed for Boston. Prior to the time of the adjourned session in September, he came to the Isles of Shoals, and issued his proclama GOV. JOHN WENTWORTH. 431 tion adjourning the Assembly to April, 1776. This was the last act of his administration, and thus ended the British power in New Hampshire. Governor Wentworth soon went to England, where he remained sometime without public employment. At length when peace was declared, and people returned to their usual business, he removed to Nova Scotia, and resumed his duties as surveyor of his majesty's woods. In 1792, he was appointed Lieutenant Governor of Nova Scotia, and took the oath ot office the 14th of May in that ) ear. In 1795, he was created a Baronet, a compliment not unmerited by his steadfast adherence to the interests of the British Crown. Sir John Wentworth continued at the head of the Government in Nova Scotia, until 1 S08, when he retired from office with a pension of ~500 per annum from the government, and was succeeded by Sir George Provost. He retired from office when the affairs between our government and that of England were in the worst possible condition, save actual war, and it is more than suspected, that his uniform friendship for the people of his native country, manifested upoli every fitting occasion, led to his withdrawal from the government of Nova Scotia. The British government wanted at that point, a man much less American in his syppathies, not to say less humane than Sir John Wentworth; and no one can deny that by the appointment of Sir George Provost its wishes were most fully gratified. Soon after retiring from office, Sir John and Lady Wentworth went to England, where they tarried till 1810, when they returned and took up their residence in Nova Scotia. Here Sir John Wentworth died, April, 1820, aged eighty-three years. Soon after arriving at Lexington, Stark finding the enemy had retired into Boston, marched to Cambridge with his volunteers. Sooni after his arrival, on the 26th of April, he was commissioned as a Colonel by. the Committee of Safetv of Massachusetts with "beating orders," and enlisted eight hundred men within two hours from the "tap of the drum." Capt. James Reed of Fitzwilliam in. the County of Cheshire, and Paul Dudley Sargent of Amherst, in this County, also received commissions as Colonels with, beating orders, at the same time. These commissions were all given and accepted, with the condition, to continue till "New Hampshire should act." Gen. Stark's reputation as a soldier was such, that his regiment was fully organ 432 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ized forthwith, and consisted of fourteen companies, while Colonels Reed and Sargent, could enlist no more than four companies for some weeks. Upon the organization of a military force by the Convention in New Hampshire, Reed, forthwith repaired to Exeter, his regiment not being full, and was commissioned as Colonel under authority of the Convention, and was put in command of one of the three regiments composing the proposed Brigade, as before suggested. Colonel Stark being In. command of the largest regiment in the Massachusetts line, composed mainly of New Hampshire men, who had seen service in the French war, had no occasion to visit Exeter for a commission or troops. There was another reason, Gen. Folsom had been made a Brigadier from a Captain, and put in command of the New Hampshire troops, over him who had served through the whole French War, most of the time as a Captain of Rangers, —had been, and at the time of making the appointment, was in full commission as a Colonel of a regiment of troops which the Convention of New Hampshire had voted to adopt. In a word, Stark considered himself superseded, and for the time determined to have nothing to do with the New Hampshire convention or its officers. Soon after, Gen. Folsom ordered him to make a report of his regiment, but Stark paid no attention to his order. Shortly after, on the 30th of May, Col. Stark received orders from the Convention to repair to Exeter, and to report to that body in person. Upon this he went to Exeter, and matters were arranged mainly to his satisfaction. His regiment was called and entitled the First New Hampshire Regiment, and was to consist of twelve companies, while the other two consisted of ten companies each, and he took a commission of Colonel from the Convention. The British were now completely surrounded in Boston. Thousands of the Provincial troops occupied the adjacent towns and held every avenue to the town. Recruits were pouring in from all quarters, and were being organized as fast as possible. The British General was chafing under the curb thus put upon him by an enemy he affected to despise, At length, the Americans determined to fortify one of the Charlestown hills that over looked the beleaguered town. On the night of the 16th of June Col. Prescott with a strong detachment was ordered to throw up a redoubt on Bunker,s hill. By mistake, he marched his force upon Breeds hil', the one nearest Boston, and executed BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL. 433 his orders with the greatest secresy and dispatch. So much so, that the British troops made no discovery (f their operations, and the sight of the redoubt swarming with troops in the morning of the 17th of June, gave the first intimation to the British General of the proximity of the Provincial troops. He determined to attack them forthwith, and force them from their dangerous -position. Col. Stark, with Major McClary, visited the hill early on the morning of the 17th, and examined the redoubt, and while upon the hill, the British began their fire upon the American works from Cop's hill. Col. Stark had already detailed 200 of his men under Lt. Col. Wyman, by order of Gen. Ward, to reinforce the troops upon the hill; but he now saw that the whole regiment would be wanted and he hastened back to Medford where his regiment was quartered, to be in readiness for the emergency. His men were immediately paraded and as they were without cartridges, a gill cup of powder was dealt out to each man, with which to replenish his " powder horn;" a " spare flint," and fifteen bullets, were also given to each man, and the regiment was ready for action. Orders were forthwith given for their march, and Stark at their head, cool and collected, with fight in his eye, led his men forthwith to the fearful encounter. As he marched his men, with measured step, across Charlestown neck, Upon Breed's hill, Capt. Dearborn, afterwards the noted Gen. Dearborn, who led one of the flank companies, young and impatient, suggested to Col. Stark, the propriety of hastening the march. "Dearborn;" replied the Colonel, "one fresh man in action is worth ten fatigued ones." At this time, the Lively, a transport and three floating batteries were throwing their shot across the Neck. Stark, with his Regiment, fresh and collected, took his post at the rail fence, between the redoubt and the Mystic river; and it is no disparagement to the other troops to say, that at this point of the lines, was some of the most desperate fighting upon Bunker's Hill. After arriving upon the ground, Stark's men threw up a sort of breast-work of stone across the beach to the water, and continued the rail fence down the hill to the stone wall or breastwork. This wall served a most excellent purpose, as the sharp shooters from behind it could take the most deadly aim at the advancing enemy. Here was posted Capt. John Moor, and his company from Amoskeag. And it is a well established.fact that the British troops in, front of this wall were almost completely annihilated. 434 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. After the completion of this wall, and the British were advancing, Col. Stark stepped in front of the life, thrust a stick into the ground at about eighty yards distant, and remarked to his command, "There, don't a man fire till the red coats come up to that stick, if he does, I'll knock him down."! The killed and wounded in front of the New Hampshire line, were all betwixt the stick and the line, showing with what coolness Stark's troops obeyed his orders. The New Hampshire troops were opposed by the Welch Fusileers, a veteran regiment of much service, and of the flower of the British army. They displayed in front ot the rail fence and wall, with the precision and coolness of a dress parade, and marched up to our lines with the confidence of men wearing the laurels of the field of Minden; bu; when within eighty yards, the New Hampshire hunters opened upon them a fire so rapid and severe, that they wavered, broke their ranks, and fled in dismay. Rallied and reinforced, they again formned and marched up to the attack. "Don't fire a gun, boys, till you see the white of their eyes and I say the word," cried Stark. "Fire low, aim at their waistbands!" rang the clear fitll voice of McClary. On came the serried ranks of the noble Fusileers, "Fire," shouted Stark, and that sharp, cracking peal, rose upon the air, from the New Hampshire sharp shooters, that alone arises from well charged musketry; and when the smoke cleared away, the ground was strewed with the dead and dying, and the British line was again retreating in'confusion. No troops could stand suchi deadly fire. The British officers became aware of this fact, and after rallying their forces for the third attack, gave orders to turn our left; but in this attempt, the enemy were driven back with a slaughter more dreadful than before, and could not again be rallied. In the excitement of the moment, the New Hampshire troops raised the shout of victory, and rushed over the fence in pursuit of the retreating foe; but Col. Stark restrained his men and perceiving the fate of the redoubt and that retreat was inevitable, his forces gave ground, and the last to leave the field, retreated with the order of veteran troops. The next day, the ground before the New Hampshire line was found literally covered with the dead! An eye witness of the scene of the 18th, says, upon the beach, between the Mystic and the swarded part of the hill, where the British in their third attack attempted to turn the left of.the New Hampshire troops, he counted ninety-six dead bodies of the British soldiers, the officers and wounded having been removed! How terrible the slaughter! It is not too much to STARK AND HOBARTo. 435 assume, that if the rest of the American lines had been defended with equal success, that the entire British force would have been driven from the hill or annihllated. After the battle of the 17th of June, known as the'Battle of Bunker's Hill," the American forces continued their position and strengthened their works, receiving continued reinforcements from the colonies. The organization of the forces, and the regulation of the rank of the officers were sources of perplexity. Colonel Stark was still restive under the appointment of Gen. Folsom, and refused to report to him the proceedings of his regiment at the Battle of Bunker Hill. He made his report to the Committee of Safety of New Hampshire, and the affair passed off. However the cause of the discontent still remained, —but was allayed for a time by the appointment by Congress of John Sullivan as the Brigadier from New Hampshire, thus dropping General Folsom entirely. In another affair, happening about the same time, Col. Stark was less prudent arid less successfull. Major Samuel Hobart, Paymaster of the N ew Hampshire forces, went down to Medford to pay the troops. When he came to pay off Stark's men, he found that there were two more companies in the regiment than he had orders to pay, and he refused to pay them. The men were importunate for their pay and Hobart was steady in his refusal. Excitement ran high in both parties. At length Col Stark told some of his officers to go down to Major Hobart's at Medford and wait upon him up to his quarters as he wished to see him there. They were nothing loth to do such an errand and would do it in their own way. They took a detachment of men, marched to the Paymaster's quarters, formed in front of his door, made known their errand, and then marched Major Hobart up to the Colonel's quarters, the music playing the "Rogue's March." Arrived at the Colonel's quarters and Hobart still refusing to pay the troops, the meeting was characterized with no gentle specimens of language. Hobart returned to his quarters boiling with rage at the insult. The next day he reported the proceedings to the Commander, and Colonel Stark was arrested and a Court Martial ordered for his trial. After the excitement of the moment had passed, Col. Stark saw at once the imprudence of the whole proceedings and with a magnanimity known only to the truly courageous, he was ready to express his regret and sorrow at the whole affair, as one productive of ill consequences to the army. Accordingly when 436 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the day of trial came, he made the amende honorable to Major Hobart.* This was considered as satisfactory and the Colonel was discharged from arrest. The Brigade from New Hampshire, under Gen. Sullivan'was posted on Winter Hill through the summer of 1775, and with but few active duties. Samuel Blodget of Amoskeag was suttier. To show somewhat the fare of the soldier of that period, we subjoin one of Mr. Blodget's bills. "Dr. Province of New Hampshire to Sam'l. Blodget for Beer brewed and delivered to several Regiments in General Sullivan's Brigade at Winter Hill in June, 1775. To 891-2 Barrels of Beer brewed for the use of Gen. Sullivan's Brigade at Winter Hill June 1775, at 5s per bar. ~22-7-6 To cleansing 20 Barrels with hop water at 6d per bar. 10-0 To cash paid for one load of Spruce by desire of Mr. James McGregory, one of the& Comt. of supplies, but the Gen. forbid making use of any, and was lost, 19-0 ~23-16-6" Then again"Dr. Sam'l. Blodget, Esq. act. Jos. Trumbull Com'y. General. 1775 May, To 5 casks molasses, 5591-2 gal. 4d per gal. 37-6 1775 Jan. 10 to ballance due paid him in full this day, 65-2 ~101-9 Cr. 1775, By Beer delivered for General Sullivan's Brigade, Sept., Say 403 bar. at 5s 100-15 By cleansing 66 bar. at 6d 1-13 ~Lt02-8 * See Gen. Sullivans papers in Portsmouth Atheneum. RETURN'ROM D.ERRYF'IELD. 437 Cambridge Jan'y. 1776, Errors Excepted for Joseph Trumbull Esq., Com'y General, WM. HOSKINS." But Mr. Blodget was not alone caterer for the common soldiers; for in a bill of particulars, he is credited under the date of L776, "April l By Bread to Brig. Maj. Scammons. 435 General Sullivan's Table, 249 B'g Q. M. G. Frazier, 156 Gen'l Lee's Table 96" It is probable, that upon the moving of General Sullivan's Brigade from Boston, that Judge Blodget returned to his farm in Goffstown, where we find him in mercantile pursuits in the summer of 1776. In September 1775, there were sixteen men in the army from Derryfield. These were doubtless at Winter Hill. This fact appears from a return of the Selectmen of Derryfield. made in that month to the Committee of Safety for New Hampshire. As the return contains some interesting facts as to the population of the town, it is here subjoined. "Males under 16 years of Age 68; Males from 16 years of age to 50, 41; All males Above 50 years of Age, 15; persons golle in the Army, 16; all females 142; Negroes and Slaves for Life 3. The toel Sum of the above Souls, male and females amounts to 285. The abave account is taken by us the Subscribers for the Town of Derryfield. Joseph Gorge ) David Starret Selectmen. Samuel Stark Province of } New Hampshire. Derryfield Sept. 4th, 1775, then the above Named Joseph Gorge, David Starret, and Samuel Stark, Respectively Made Solemn Oath to' the truth of the Dispositions by them Respectively Signed. Sworn Before John Hall Town Clark. The Number of firelocks in Said Derryfield Amounts to 20, but Amonention there is None. 438 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. N. B. There is t rventy more in Said Town fit to Bare arms." This return gives the number of men in town fit to bear arms at thirty six, there being 16 men in the army and "20 more in said town fit to Bare armes." We have seen with what unanimity the people of the town and neighborhood, volunteered ill the service of their country; but there were exceptions to this patriotism. The Rev. John Houston of Bedford, was one most noted. He had from the beginning advocated the cause of the King; and as the excitement increased, he became more imprudent, and interlarded his prayers and discourses with sentiments favoring the royal cause This was in opposition to the views of his entire congregation; yet professing to believe that he was "guided and directed by the leadings and teachings of the unerring word and spirit of God" and "'received the word at God's mouth," he persisted in his course. At length after repeated remonstrances on the part of the leading men of his society, and all of no avail, on the 16th of May, 1775,in town meeting, they voted, in the words of Judge Patten, "to shut the meeting-house against him." "'Voted, That he, (viz.) Rev'd John Houston, preach no more in Bedford, until the last day of March next, and that he have 36 Sabbath-days more to his own use and disposal, viz., from the 16th of May, last, to the last day of March next, more than the 9 Sabbath-days voted to his own use and disposal at our last March meeting; and that the town be freed from paying him anything for the said 36 Sabbath-days, agreeably to the vote of the town he settled with us on." Mr. Houston sent a written communication which was read to the meeting, in which he excused his obnoxious course, in the same way that like traitors before and since his time, have attempted to justify their treasonable designs, by claimnig to be the mouth of the Deity, and to utter none but his teachings! The close of his defence was thus; "Suffer ministers, then to go on praying earnestly for all men according to the will of God, and to blow the trumpet in Zion Shewing unto God's Israel their sins, the procuring curse of God's judgments, that we may all repent and turn from them unto God, as the only way we know his judgments can be averted. Surely our doing so here cannot intimidate the minds of our men going into the war, but rather we may help them thereby, in our earnest prayer to God for them. Suffer minis REV. MR. HOUSTON. 439 ters, also, to be guided and directed by the leadings and teachings of the unerring word and spirit of God, in all their public prayers, and to hear and receive the word at God's mouth, and warn his people from him, and not from the leadings or dictates of any person living. That we may all be directed in the way of God and duty in every respect, and kept in the same by the almighty power of God, through faith unto salvation, is the earnest desire of your careful pastor, JOHN HOUSTON." But the people of Bedford took little heed of the teachings of such an expositor of the wordof God, and passed unaniInously the vote recorded above. Mr. Houston persisted in occupying the pulpit, and the doors and windows were fastened against him. His conduct at length became so obnoxious, that the Committee of Safety for the town, made formal complaint against him, and on the 17th of July he was tried. Judge Patten thus speaks of this trial; "July, 17th, There was 4 of Goffstown committee, and 4 of Mlerrymac and 2 from Derryfield met in Bedford by the desire of Bedford committee, to judge of Mr. Houston,s being an Enemy to this country; they judged him Guilty and confined him to the County without leave from the majorpart of the committees of the towns who judged him; we broke up the next morning after day-breakl." But Mr. Houston had become so obnoxious to the people of this region, and continuing his imprudent conduct, that the people were not satisfied with the punishment inflicted'by the Committee of Safety, and determined to take the matter into their own hands. Divers of them accordingly met at Mr. Kelley's Tavern on the Mast Road in Goffstown, and chose a Committee to proceed to Bedford and bring Mr. Houston before them..The Comimittee performed their duty, and upon the Rev. Gentleman's appearing before them, he was charged with holding certain tory opinions, and was judged worthy of a ride upon a wooden horse. Four stout patriots then brought to the door the horse, in the shape of a rail. Mr. Houston was assisted to mount, the kitchen tongs were duly placed astride ~his neck, and in this plight he rode to Bedford, a distance of some half dozen miles! But this ride did not cure his toryism. And when in 1776, he was requested to sign the "Test," he refused, and was reported by the Selectmen as follows; "To the honorable, the Council and House of Representa 440 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. tives, for the Colony of New Hampshire, to be convened at Exeter, in said Colony, on Wednesday the 5th inst.: "Pursuant to the within precept, we have taken pains to know the minds of the inhabitants of the town of Bedford, with respect to the within obligation, and find none unwilling to sign the same except the Rev. John Houston, who declines signing the said obligation for the following reasons; Firstly, Because he did not apprehend that the honorable Committee meant that Ministers should take up arms, as being inconsistent with their ministerial charge. Secondly, Because he was already confined in the County of Hillsborough, therefore, he thinks he ought to be set at liberty before he should sign the said obligation. Thirdly, Because there are three men belonging to his family already enlisted in the Continental Army, JOHN MOOR, & SelectJOHN ORR, men. Bedford, June 4th, 1776. He still kept up his opposition to the patriot cause till October 1778, when on the 24th of that month he was had before the Commitfee of Safety, for the State, in session at Exeter. Hlion. Matthew Patten and Thomas Boies Esq., appeared against him, and produced the depositions of several of the people of Bedford as to his conduct. There was now no alternative for him but recantation, or the prison. He concluded to embrace the former, and drew up an acknowledgement of his errors, filed it with the Committee, and was ordered "to swear the oath of Fidelity, which he did" as says the Diary before quoted. After this, Mr. Houston continued to reside in Bedford, preaching in various parts of this State and Vermont as occasion required, but was never settled again. COL. WILLIAM STARK was another exception. He had been a' Captain in the Rangers in the Seven Years War, and had served with honor and distinction. After the close of that War, he resided at Dunbarton, then more generally known as Starkstown. Upon the commencement of hostilities at Lexington, he sided with the patriots, but did not cffer his services immediately,-while his son John took open ground against the patriot cause. This fact threw suspicion upon the father, perhaps un GOV. WENTWORTH IN DIFFICULTY. 441 justly. In the winter of 1776 he applied to the Committee of Safety for leave to raise a regiment with the rank of Colonel and had a strong letter from Gen. Sullivan, recommending him for that service, which fact shows that he favored the patriot cause at that time. Soon after however, circumstances transpired, that forced him to leave his country. He was charged with altering a Massachusetts bill of Credit, from sixteen shillings to forty shillings and passing the same to Job Dow of Goffstown. He was examined on this charge and bound over to a higher Court in the sum of ~ 100. At the September Term 0o the Court at Amherst, he was indicted for the same offence, but made default and his recognizance was forfeited, He had retired within the British lines at New York, where he soon recieved a Commission as a Colonel in the British army. His son soon after was commissioned in the same service. Colonel Stark was thrown from his horse on Long Island and killed. He possessed alarge landed estate which was confiscated. It lay principally in Fryeburg in the state of Maine. His real estate in New Hampshire was valued at ~3345 as given in to the Commissioners in London in 1786. The defection of Col. Stark made but little difficulty, as he left under circumstances neither honorable to himself or the cause which he was forced to espouse. Under other circumstances, the loss of such a man would have been an incalculable evil to the patriot cause. Toryism had become so rife in the colonies in the early part of 1776, that Congress took measures to disarm all persons who were "notoriously disaffected to the cause of America." Accordingly in March 1776, they passed a resolution upon the subject. This was enclosed to all the colonies. In this State, the Committec of Safety had the resolution printed in a Circular, and sent to every town in the State. The Circular was as follows; "Colony of N. Hamvpshire, Sc'. — Comnmittee of Safety. "April 12, 1776. To the Selectmen of Derryfield; In order to carry the underwritten resolve of the Honorable Continental Congress into execution, you are requested to desire all Males, above twentyone years of age, (lunatics, idiots, and negroes excepted,) to signs the declaration on this paper, and when so done, to make return thereof together with the name or names of all who 442 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. shall refuse to sign the same, to the General assembly, or Committee of Safety of this Colony. M. WEARE. Chairman." "In Congress March, 1.4th, 1776. "Resolved, That it be recommended to the several Asserrblies, Conventions and Councils, or Committees of Safety, of the United States, immediately to cause all persons to be disarmed, within their respective Colonies, who are notoriously disaffected to the cause of America, or who have not associated and refuse to associate to defend by Arms, the United Colonies against the hostile attempts of the British Fleets and Armies. Extract from the minutes, CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.'" "In consequence of the above Resolution of the Continental Congress, and to show our determination in joining our American brethren, in defending the lives, liberties, and properties of the inhabitants of the United Colonies, We, the Subscribers, do hereby solemnly engage and promise, that we will, to the utmost of our power, at the risk of our lives and fortunes, with arms, oppose the hostile proceedings of the British Fleets and Armies against the United American Colonies." This was signed by the following persons, and dhly returned by the Selectmen. John Hall, William Perham, Thomas Newman, Ebenezer Stevens, David Merrill, Daniel Hall, William McClintock, John Dickev, John Goffe, John Rand, Robert Cunningham, Alexr McMurphy, Samuel Boyd, Charles Emerson, Michael McClintock, Benjamin Crombie, David Starret, Ezekiel Stevens, John Perham, William Nutt, Berija. Baker, John Harvey, William Perham..George Greaham, Simon Lull, William Gambell, James Pelrse, Abraham Merrill, Abraham Merrill, Jonathan Merrill, John Ray, Moses Merrill, Nathaniel Boyd, John Russ, Robert Clark, Samuel Stark, RETURN FROM DERRYFIELD. 443 Joseph George, Jesse Baker, James Gorman, James McNight, John Grifen, Theofflas Grifin, Moses Crombey, Joseph Grifin. Joseph Farmer, Hugh Thompson, John Moor, Coloty of New Hampshire, June Ist, Day, 1776. To the Hon. Mr. Weare Chearman, this is to certify that we the subscribers has Presented the Within Declaration to the Inhabitants of said Town and they Have alle Signed Said Declaration, which we in our Judgement thought had a right to Sign the Same. Certified by us David Starret ) Ezekiel Stevens I Selectmen." John Perham ) So it seems there was not a man in Derryfield "disaffected to the cause'of America." A like paper wascirculated in Bedford and every man in town signed it with one exception, Rev. Mr. Houston, before named. And Goffstown was free of tories, so that Amoskeag had little trouble from those "worst of enemies." At this time, June, 1. 1776, the following persons were in the army from Derryfield; Col. John Stark, Capt. John Moor, Cpat. James McCalley, Cap'c. Alexander McMurphy, Capt. Nathaniel Martin, Benjamin Baker, N'athaniel Baker, Ebenezer Costor, Timothy Dow, Samuel Harvey; more than one fourth of the inhabitants of the town "'fit to Bare arms." After the evacuation of Boston, Col. Stark was ordered to New York, where he remained till 1776, when he reluctantly joined with his regiment, the expedition into Canada. He went no farther, however, than the mouth of the Sorelle. After the retreat of this unfortunate army under the able conduct of Gen. Sullivan, who happily succeeded to the com mand, upon the descease of Gen. Thomas, Col. Stark was placed at the head of a Brigade, by Gen. Gates, who had taken command of the army of the North. Soon after, C(il. Stark's regiment was ordered to join Gen. Washington in Philadelphia. The affairs of the Americans were in a desperate condition. WTashinton's army poorly paid, and as poorly clad,-had been forced to a precipitate retreat through New Jersey, before the powerful forces of Cornwallis and Howe. New Jersey had in a great measure submitted to the enemy. An insurrec 444 THE IE'STtiY OYF M3ANCHESTER. tion in favor of the royal cause was feared in Philadelphia. And to add too Washington's perplexlites under these difficulties. the time of enlistment of the New England troops, the only troops on which he relied, expired with December. These circumstances were well known to the enemy, and Washington feared they would take advantage of them, cross the Deleware, and seize upon Philadelphia. In this posture of affairs, Washington determined upon offensive operations,-to strike a blow, that while it should surprise and intimidate the enemy, should at the same time inspire the American people with confidence in their army and in their cause. The British forces were dispersed through the important towns of New Jersey, 4000 men being posted onithe Deleware, at Trenton, and in its neighborhood. Col. Ralle a Hessian officer of distinction occupied Trenton with his Brigade of Infantry, and adetachment of English Dragoons, in all sonme 1400 or 1500 men. Count Donop,.another Hessian officer of merit, was posted at Bordentown, some few miles down the river, with another Brigade of Hessians. And still farther down, at Burlington, within twenty miles of Philidelphia, was another detachment. Deeming the" affiars of the Americans in a state et desperation, the British commanders became unwary and lax in dicipline. This was the favorable opportunity for Washington. He determined to cross the Deleware, and attack the British in their secuity. For this purpose his forces were divided into three divisions. Gen. Irwine, with the Pensylvania flying camp and Jersey militia,,was to cross the Deleware at Trenton Ferry, and secure the Bridge below the town, and thus cut off the retseat of the enemy in that direction; Gen. Cadwalader with the Pensylvania militia was to cross at Bristol and carry the post at Burlington; while the third division under Washington himself consisting mainly of. the troops from New Eng-. land, was to cross at McKonkey's Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, and attack Ralle's force in possession of T.renton. The attack was planned for the night of Chistmas, the 25th of December, 1776, when it was supposed the British troops would be celebrating that festival. The divisions under Irwine and Cadwalader failed in their objects. It was so cold and there was so much ice in the river, that with the utmost exertions of the officers, the troops could not cross the river. Gen. Cadwalader succeeded in getting a Fart of his Infantry across, but the artillery could not succeed in the attempt, and his infantry returned to the right bank of the river. BATTLE OF TRENTON. 445 Thus, this part of the plan was a complete failure; but General Washington's division was composed of different men. Neither rain or snow could stop the New England troops,-it delayed them some hours, so that the crossing that was to have been completed at 12 o'clock at night, was not effected till 3 o'clock in the morning of the 26th. And then the troops did not take up their line of march till an hour later. Gen. Sullivan led his Brigade down. the river road, while Washington led the other troops down the Pennington road. It was supposed that they would arrive about the same time, and the first division that should arrive was to commence the attack, without waiting for the other. The N. H. Regiment under Col. Stark, was in Sullivan's Brigade. Col. Stark led the right wing composed of light troops and, as says Gen. Wilkinson, "dealt death wherever he found resistance, and broke down all opposition before him." The Company from this neighborhood was under the command of Captain. Eben. Frye of Pembroke, and was attached to his regiment. Washington's divission came into Trenton about 8 o'clock, giving the first alarm to the astonished Hessians, by driving in their outposts. Within three minutes the guns of Sullivan's division were heard on the other side of the town. Some of the Hessians took refuge in a house: upon the river road, and commenced firing, but Col. Stark ordered Capt. Frye to dislodge them. Frye detached Sergeant Ephraim Stevens of Derryfield to execute the order, and; he with a squad of men marched up to the house, gave their fire, seized a stick of- hewn timber, stove in the door, and using the bayonet freely, silenced the enemy in the house. Col. Ralle attempted to form his astonished troops; but he was mortally wounded in the commencement of the action, and his troops attempted to retreat towards Princeton. Washington discOvered their object, and by a cross route cut off their retreat. Capt. Frye's company was the foremost in this detachment. So eager were the soldiers in pursuit of the retreating Hessians, that they rushed forward without order. Capt. Frye attempted to keep his ranks unbroken, but without avail. Some of them in their over anxiety got far ahead of the rest. Capt. Frye being very corpulent, soon tired out, and he told those anxious:to hasten forward, that if they would follow the lead of Sergeant Stevens, they might advance as fast as they pleased. They agreed to this and Stevens led them into a piece of woods on the Princeton road, and lay in wait for the retreating Hessians. Meantime. Stevens: directed his men not to firea 33 446 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. gun, but when the Hessians came up, to rush upon them, each one holloaing at the top of his voice, and as fast as he could, "H —l, H -l, Fire, Fire." Soon, a company of Hessians came in sight upon the run, and as they came opposite, Stevens and his party rushed out upon them, yelling their strange and terrific war-cry. The astonished Hessians threw down their arms, and surrendered. Stevens and his party secured their arms, and then ordered them to "right about." When the Hessians discovered that they had surrendered to a party of sixteen men, all told, and some of them in tatters, and bare foot, they attempted to regain their arms; but other Americans comning up, they desisted, and Stevens and his squad marched their sixty prisoners into Trenton, in triumph. Their retreat thus cut off, the main body of the Hessians surrendered, but about 600 escaped over the bridge towards Bordentown, which Gen. Cadwallader had failed to occllpy. The number of the Hessians that submitted was 23 officers and 886 men. Between 30 and 40 of them were killed and wounded. Of the Americans only two were killed) but five or six wounded, and two frozen to death. Washington recrossed the Delaware the same night with his prisoners, not choosing to risk advantages gained in the face of an enemy of superior force. The effect of this' battle was electric; it infused life and energy into the patriots and their cause. The term of service of the N. H. troops expired with December; Col. Stark and other officers went among their troops, and they re-enlisted to a mau for the term of six weeks. This turn in affairs placed Washington in. a position again to act upon the offensive. Accordingly, on the 28th of December, having secured his prisoners, he again crossed the Delaware and took possession of Trenton. The British had concentrated their forces at Princeton, and on the 2d day of January, 1777, they advanced a force towards Trenton determined in a decisive battle to wipe out the disgrace of their late deteat. Washington was now in a most perilous position. To remain was his ruin, to retreat was to leave Philadelphia an easy prey to the enemy. On their advance, the British attacked a small party of Americans, posted with four field pieces a little to the north of Trenton, and compelled them to retreat. The British however were checked by our artillery, at the bridge over the Sanpink, a rivulet passing through Trenton, and fell back and kindled their fires. A brisk cannonade followed on both sides. The British confidedut of success, soon ceased BATTLE OF PRINCETON. 447 firing, reckoning upon an easy and decisive victory in the morning. Soon after dark, Washington lighting his camp fires, and leaving guards to carry out the deception, silently moved his baggage across the Sanpink, and followed with his entire force, taking a circlitous route to Princeton.'Three regiments of.British soldiers had been left at Princeton, and to attack these was the object of Washington's march. He was near surprising them completely, but a regiment of the British soldiers on their way to Trenton, met the advancing columns of the Americans, when within about two miles of the town, and immediately gave them battle. Gen. Mercer led the advance of the American army Consisting of the Pennsylvania militia, which soon gave way under the fire of the regular troops. In attempting to rally his broken lines, Mercer fell mortally wounded. The troops continued to retreat in the utmost disorder. At this moment Gen. Washington came up with the New England troops. who fought with such spirit, that the British in turn gave way-and retreated. They were followed into the town, when a body of them taking post in the College, a sharp encounter followed; but in a little while, Washington ordering his cannon to play upon:the building, the British were feign to come out and lay down their arms. In the course of the engagement about 100 of the British were killed, and over 300 were taken prisoners; the rest escaped, either pushing on to Trenton, or retreating to Brunswick. The morning of the battle, the British at Trenton were astonished to find an empty camp on the other side of the Sanpink, where they thought to have found an army almost ready for surrender. They could not comprehend the movement, and when the first sounds of the booming artillery were heard in the direction of Princeton, they thought it the sound of thunder! But soon the truth broke upon them, and with such force and astonishment, that they soon abandoned Trenton, and did not consider themselves safe till they had retreated to Brunswick. In this encounter, as at Trenton, the New England troops fought the battle.* Of these, and foremost in the fight,, *Gen. Sullivan under date of Chatham, Feb. 13, 1777, wrote Hon. Meshech Weare, Chairman of the Committee of Safety a letter, from which I make the following extract. "Indeed, I always had an aversion to fighting upon paper, for I have never yet found a man well versed in that kind of fighting that would practice any other. Perhars you may want to know, how your men, (the Yankees,) fight. I tell you exceeding well, when they have proper officers. I have been much pleased to see a day approaching to try the difference between Yankee cowar 448 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. was Stark, with his N. H. Regiment, and of it, as usual were the brave men of Derryfield. Soon after the battle of Princeton, Col. Stark came home to recruit another regiment for the service. This was difficult to accomplish, but he did what no other officer could have done at that time, he accomplished his object. But he was not to lead the troops who had flocked to his standard with such enthusiasm. At the very time he was engaged in securing a regiment for the service of his country, the subject of promotions had been before Congress, and Col. Poor had been appointed a Brigadier from the New Hampshire line. Col. Stark took the ground -that he had been superseded. He had been commissioned a,Colonel, the 26th of April, 1775, by Massachusetts, while Poor had been commissioned by New Hampshire, the 23d of May, the same year. This would have given Stark the seniority,.had they been in, the same line; but Congress acted upon the principle of seniority in the N. H. line in appointing a Briga1dler from New Hampshire, and this gave the appointment to Poor. iBnt Stark and his friends took the ground that New'Hampshire, on the 20th of May, 1775, voted, "to adopt those soldiers already enlisted" plainly intending the troops in the field near Boston, under Stark and Reed, and that they adopted them las organized and otficered. In this view of the case Stark and Reed, had been superseded, as they had been commissioned and at the head of their regiments near a month before the Brigade in New Hampshire was organized. But Condice and Southern valor. The day has, or rather the days have arrived, and all the General officers allowed and do allow, that the Yankee cowardice assumes the shape of true valor on the field, and the Southern valor appears to be a composition of boasting and conceit. Gen. Washington made no scruple to say publicly, that the remains of the Eastern Regiments were the strength of the army, though their numbers were but comparatively small. He calls them in frout when the enemy are there; he sends them to the rear when the enemy threaten that way. All the General officers allow them to be the best of troops. The Southern officers and soldiers allow it in the time of danger, but not at all other times. Believe me Sir, the Yankees took Trenton before the other troops knew anything of the matter, more than that there was an engagement; and what will still surprise you more, the line that attacked the town, consisted but of eight hundred Yankees, and there was 1600 Hessians to oppose them. At Princeton, when the 17th Regiment had thrown 3500 Southern Militia into the utmost confusion, a Regiment of Yankees restored the day, (This General Miflin confessed to me, though the Philidelphia papers tell a different story.) It seems to have been quite forgot, that while the 17th was engaging those troops, that 600 Yankees had the town to take against the 40th and 55thl Regts. which they did without loss, owing to the manner of attack; but enough of this, I don't wish to reflect, but beg leave to assure you that Newspapers, and even letters don't always speak the truth. You may venture to assure your friends that no men fight better, or write worse, than the Yankees, of which this letter will be good evidence." COL., STARK S RESIGNATION. "9 gress did not stop to look at such distinctions. And. it is probable moreover, that the influence of Folsom and,.others. of. Stark's personal enemies, made when the: subject was agijtated in 1775, would have overruled any such. distinctions, had they, been broached in Congress. As soon as Col. Stark heard of this, he repaired to Exeter, ind in spite of the remonstrance of his friends, resigned his commssion. His resignation was as follows: To the Hohbl the council and House of Representatives. fo'r the State of New. Hampshire, in General Court assembled. _ l Ever since hostilities commenced, I have as in me lay. ent deavored to prevent my country from being ravaged and enslaved by our cruel and unnatural enemy; have undergone the hardships and fatigues of two campaigns with cheerfullness and alacrity; ever enjoying the pleasing satisfaction, that I was doing my God and my country the greatest service my abilities would admit of; andit was with the utmost gratitude that I accepted the important command, to which this State appointed me. I should have served with the greatest pleasure, more especially at this: important crisis when our country calls for the utmost exertions of every American; but am extremely grieved that I am bound in honor to leave the service, Congress having thought fit to promote junior officers over my head; so that least I should show myself unworthy the honor conferred on me, and a want of spirit which ought to glow in the breast of every officer appointed by this Honorable House, in not suitably resenting an indignity, I must (though grieved to leave the service of my country) beg leave to resign my commission, hoping that you will make a choice of some gentleman, who may honor the cause and his country, to succeed Your most obedient And obliged humble serv''t JOHN STARK. The Council. and House, upon.his, resignation on the 21st: day of March, 1777, passed a vote of thanks in this complimentaWy language; "Voted that the thanks of booth Houses in Convention, be given- to Col. Stark for his good services in the: present War, and that from his early and steadfast attachments to the cause of his country, they make not the least doubt that his future conduct in what ever state of life Providencemay place him, will manifest the same: noble disposition of mind.' 450 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Col. Stark was present at the time' of the patssage of this vote and the president of the Convention arose and presented to him the thanks of both HIouses in an appropriate address. The scene was imposing and must have been highly gratifying to the gallant Colonel. But Stark's merit as a soldier, was to triumph over all opposition. In fact, this very affair of his so-thought injury, and his consequent resignation, was probably the most fortunate thing for him, and the country, that could have happened. It gave him time, and opportunity to be at the very spot where his executive ability as an officer, was most needed, and where Ilad hle not been, no human knowledge can measure the consequent evils to our country, and to mankind. Col. Stark upon his resignation, retired to his farm at Derryfield. But although retired from the army, Col. Stark did not cease his efforts in the patriot cause. He took an active part in all the measures for the support of the patriot cause in the town and county, counselling, spending his time, and liberally advaClncing his money. His military skill however, was not to be lost to the country. The advance of Burgoyne from the north with a strong and well appointed army, overcoming every obstacle in his way, spread dismay among the patriots of the country, while the spirits of the tories were raised to the highest pitch of gladness. When the news of the invader's success reached New Hampshire, the Legislature hastily assembled to consided the state of affairs, and to act upon a call upon New Hampshire for recruits and supplies. All was dejection. There was no money in the Treasury, and the enemy upon our immediate frontier; the emergency demanded immediate action. In this state of affairs, John Langdon, the Speaker of the House, nobly came to the rescue. He rose in his place, and made a tender of his ready money, his merchandise and hi.s plate! The tender was accepted and the money raised. Stark was offered the command; accepted upon condition that he should have a separate command, and be accountable to no power but that of the State of New Hampshire, and at the same time was commissioned as a Brigadier General. Stark appointed his rendezvous at Number Four, (now Charlestown,) made an appeal to the frontiersmen to rally in defence' of their firesides, repaired to Derryfield to arrange his domestic lkj'FLIU LLLUe vr uLL-rl ~nLC IV7L\L Col. IP No ~.~':r.... 21 adioup~sC ~~ ~~~~~~~~~,d'I.. " f -B C' e..reymasw._ u_'t 7e.. ~~p~~~g~~~~S -.,,, SAI P Jfou.~~e~~ 2'~ of Canodz~~~ms~' h ARM,,eare~Y~~cs ~us s...At. I! A F El s 3~2; Plate taclion w1N D ct cnwn,C,,~~,;t~Ct~:'~~~r 1..... ~ i U ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~,- 1 -::~! ~'U. s ~. "% X xlere H aed. Wm Lrriele seow -oto~a~rsoo Peszovk r3-,~, Ce ~;~kcm 6~P~~,... -....~~................,N,., = ~~~~S~~~~~~~ c~~~~~~~~~~cass~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ztrs~~~~~~~',,. P~~~~~~~... ~~~.... — ~'"~-~ - - _ " ":"~~" "~~:;6'~L.__ c',:~taiLie!~t z~~.r_~'~...... BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 451 affairs, and hastened to the frontier. The yeomanry answered his appeal to their patriotism, and flocked to his standard in force. Being invited by the "Green Mountain Boys," to lead them against the enemy, he forthwith sent 400 or 500 men to Manchester, a town twenty two miles north-east of Bennington, and soon followed with the remainder of his force, leaving in charge to the officers at the rendezvous, to send on volunteers as fast as they should arrive. He soon determined upon Bennington as a more advantageous post from which to employ his force against any party detached by Burgoyne, and proceeded to that place on the 8th of August with his disposable force. On the 13th of August, a woman was sent express from Cambridge, a. town 14 miles north-west of Bennington, with the intelligence that 200 Indians came into the town that morning, and soon a like express came with the still more startling intelligence that 1500 Hessians and Tories arrived soon after the Indian force ~ They came under the comimand of Col Baum — a Hessian officer. Gen. Stark supposing their object to be a quantity of flour, stored at some mills near Cambridge, detached Col. Gregg with a party to secure the flour, and followed on the 14th with the remainder of his force. He soon met Gregg's party in full retreat before a force of Germans, which halted in coming in sight of Stark's main body, and commenced entrenching upon rising ground. The 15th of August, it rained in torrents-and the enemy continued their position —and although superior in number to the Americans by one half, sent express to Burgoyne for a reinforcement. The morning of the 16th ushered in a bright and glorious day, the patriots eager for action, and Stark determined upon attacking the enemy in their intrenchments. It was was a bold measure, conceived by a bold and daring man, but one well acquainted with the capabilities of his men. The entrenchments of the enemy were on both banks of the Hoosac river, their mlain works being on the north side of that river,-their left flank extending along the Walloomsuck,while the right flank extended on the south side of the Hoosac, one of the tory breastworks occupying the extreme right on the south bank of that river. Stark's plan of attack was to send two divisions, one to the right and the other to the left of the main body of the enemy on the north side of the river, to meet in the rear and commence an attack,-while a third party was to attack the 452 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. tory breastwork on the south side of the river, —he himself being in waiting with the rest of his forces to commence the attack in front, as soon as the firing should commence in the rear. The plan of attack was executed with precision and promptness,- Col. Nichols leading the division which flanked the enemy's left, while Col. Hendrich led that which flanked the enemy's right on the north side of the river. The'troops having been drawn out ready for the attack, Gen. Stark addressed them in a laconic and eccentric speech. "There's the enemy, boys; we must flog them, or Molly Stark sleeps a widow this night."* "Forward, men —march," and Colonels Nichols and Hendrich, at the head of their respective divisions started for their posts. Three hundred men were then detached to hold the attention of the enemy in front, while the flanking parties should have time to gain their position, and Colonels Hubbard and Stickney were ordered to attack the tory breast rork, being the right wing, on the south side of the river. While the various detachments were taking their positions, the deepest silence prevailed. Anxiety and determination was upon every face. Col. Nichols commenced the attack precisely at three o'clock-the other divisions immediately followed, while Gen. Stark led the remainder in person. As the parties advanced in front through a field' of corn, the tories, resting upon the breastwork, kept up a deadly fire upon them. "We must have close work with that gang of tories," observed Stark, "let every man take a husk and put it in his hat-band to prevent mistake." The order was executed by his men, and then they rushed on with a hurra for the breast work, behind which were the tories and where was the most desperate resistance. Our men rushed tothe breast-work, to the very muzzles of the guns, many of them scaled it, while others went round to join the flanking parties who had driven the Germans from their entrenchnlents, and all joined in a hand to hand encounter with the tories, with bayonets and clubbed muskets. Here the forethought of the General stood him *Judge Thurston, a native of Bedford states, that a school teacher Mr. William Hall who used to teach in the "Stark District," and who had boarded in Gen. Stark's family, told him that the General was in the habit of calling his wife,"Molly." This would seem to substantiate the traditional speech attributed to him at Bennington, which has been doubted, so far as it referred to his wife, from the fact that her name was Elizabeth, which common usage only corrupts and contracts into Bess or Betty. But Judge Thurston sets the matter right. BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 453 in need; the tories were dressed: in the same style of clothes with his men, and had itnot been for. the corn husks so opportunely placed in the hats of our men, friends could not have been distinguished from foes in the general melee that followed behind the breast-work. The tories expecting, as they deserved, no sympathy, fought with desperation, and here was the greatest slaughter. The space was so small and surrounded on all sides by our divisions, that our men could not fire their pieces without hitting their friends, and the work was completed with the bayonet and gun breech! They continued to fight after the Hessians had surrendered, and did not give up until they were completely surrounded and overpowered, and many of their numbers killed or wounded. The tories fired upon our men. when they were advancing to attack the breastWork, at great advantage; as no part of the tories was exposed except their heads, they could take the most deliberate and fatal aim. The most of our loss was in front of the tory breast-work. But Stark's men were excellent shots, and specimens of their off-hand shooting were found behind the breast-work. For of the pile:of dead bodies found behind it, every man was shot in the forehead or betwixt the eyes! When the tories were overpowered, the contest ceased. But this success liked to have been ruinous, for about 6 o'clock, P. M.; while some of our men had been sent cff with prisoners, others were seeking plunder or obtaining refreshments, and all were fatigued with hard fighting, news came of the advance of a large reinforcement of the enemy under Col. Breyman. The scattered troops were immediately recalled, while Col. AWarner, very opportunely coming up with a battalion of fresh troops, was ordered forthwith to advance and commence the attack. Col. Warner obeyed the order with alacrity, and advancing upon the enemy, commenced the attack with spirit. Meantime Stark's scattered force had been collected, and advanced to gain new laurels. On their way'. they found a field-piece which had been left by Baum, and Stark coming up ordered the men around it to charge the piece, but not one of them knowing how to load it, he dismounted himself, loaded the gun, and leaping upon his horse, cried out at the top of his voice, "drive on, boys, or we shall lose the honor of whipping the enemy, ofr the main body is close to our heels." This ruse had the desired effect, for the enemy was so near, as to distinctly hear his voice, and his men rushing foward at the same time; "Fire!" cried Stark, and they discharged the 454 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. captured gun upon them, followed by a general discharge of musketry from his party. The enemy, already checked by Warner's troops, upon receiving this spirited onslaught of Stark, broke, and fled in confusion, abandoning cannon, baggage and wounded, in fact every thing that would impede their flight! They were followed by our troops until darkness put a stop to the pursuit. Thus victory a second time perched upon our standards. The fruits of these battles were 4 brass cannon, 8'brass drums, several hundred muskets, 750 prisoners, (200 Tories, 511 soldies, and 39 officers) and 207 killed upon the field of battle, among the latter, Colonel Baumrn, tile leader of the British forces. Stark's loss was but 30 killed andd40 wounded. The Hessian prisoners were treated with respect, but the tories had but little sympathy. They were tied in pairs, and each pair connected by a leading rope. Thus tied together, the one hundred pairs were hitched to a horse, and thus a postillon dragged them along the streets, only to hear the curses of the men, the jeers of the women, and the hoots of the boys. But the crowning result of this battle was the confidence it diffused throughout the American troops and American patriots. It was a time of darkness and despondency; clouds dark and foreboding, had lowered upon our political horizon, but the battle of Bennington dispelled them, as the bright rising sun dispels the thick clouds of an autumnal morning. The battle of Bennington has well been called "the first link in the splendid successes that secured our Independence." Gen. Stark forthwith made a report of his success to the Legislature of New Hampshire, where the news was received with rejoicing. Upon the arrival of the news of this victory at Yorktown Pa., Congress passed a vote of thanks to Gen. Stark, and the officers and soldiers under his command, and appointed him a Brigadier General in the army of the United States. Thus actual merit forced fromn Congiess what they had previously denied, and the gallant Stark had the honor of wearing laurels won upon a severely contested battle field. Although the people of Derryfield did not see fit to choose delegates to the Colonial Convention at Exeter, yet none were more active in carrying out the requirements of that Convention, or of the Continental Congress. For these purposes they readily expended their money. In the spring of 1777 the town was called upon to furnish THE SOLDIER RATE. 455 five men for the Continental army, for the term of three years. A town-meeting was called forthwith and a bounty of eighty dollars was voted to each man who should enlist, and the Selectmen were ordered to borrow the money if wanted before the tax could be made and collected. The men were enlisted and the tax list was made out as follows; ~ s d Michael McClintock, 1 2 10 Moses Merrill, 1 2 2 James Peirce, 2 19 2 Barber Lessly, 1 0 8 William Parham Junior, 2 14 0 John Hervey, 4 9 1 Charles Emerson, 2 17 4 Capt. William Parham, 2 18 6 Levt. John Parham, 3 0 2 Ebenezer GCoster, 1 15 2 Benjamin Pilsburey, 0 19 6 Ensin. Samuel Boyd, 2 3 7 Ensin. Nathaniel Boyd, 0 18 2 Widow and William Boyd, I S 0 Capt. Alexander McMurphy, 3 9 7 Benjamin Crombie, 2 2 3 John Dickey, 2 8 2 William Gambell, 3 14 2 Thomas Newman, 1 2 0 Timothy Dow, 0 15 8 James Gorman, 2 9 7 George Graham, 0 18 2 Ceazer Griffen, 1. It 1 Alexander Irwing, 0 16 James Lyon of Londonderry, 0 5 2 William McClintock, 3 5 0 John Goffe Junier, 1 6 0 Nathaniel Mertain, 0 18 2 Moses Crombie, 1 4 8 Samuel Morrson, 1 0 10 William Page of Londonderry, 0 2 8 David farmer, 0 18 2 Hugh Thompson, 1 12 6 John Hughs, 2 8 2 Joseph Sanders, 1 3 4 Nathaniel Merrill, 0 15 8 Dainel Blodget, Litchfield, 0 7 10 456 THE HISTORY OF' MANCHESTER. Conl. John Goffe, 3 3, 4 John: Rand, Esqr. 1 6 0 Maj. John Moore, 4 4 6 Capt. Samuel Moor, 4: 7 2 James Mcnight, 0 15 8 William Nutt, 2 13 4 Joseph Griffen. 2 14 8 John Griffen, 2 0 4 Benjamin Baker, 2 17 2 Joseph George, 2 1 0 Abraham Merrill, 3 15 4 Ensin. Abraham Merrill, 1 13 2 Ezekiel Stavens, 3 12 2 Joseph Farmer, 3 10 2 Widow and John Russ, 1 13'10 John Ray, 0 9:2 Conl. John Stark, 4 19 8 Capt. James Mcalley, 1 15 2 Ensin. Samuel Stark, 2 9 4 Jonathan Merrill, 1 7 4 Jesse Baker, 0 15 8 Benjamin Baker, Junr. 0 18 2 Nathaniel Baker, 0 15 8 Theofflas Grifin, 0 18 2 Levt. Ebenezer Stavens, 2 17 5 John Griffen, Junr. t 2 1 Levt. John Hall,:3 17 8 Daniel Hall, 2 0 4 David Starret, 3 15 7 ~132 13 4 A few months after, the town'voted Col.' John Goffe a committee to furnish Robert McNight's family with proper provisions during his absence in the Continental army, or the family of any other soldier who should need assistance. And the people were equally liberal on other occasions when acting individually. Thus this same year, they subscribed most liberally in aid of volunteers, although they had already submitted to a-double tax. When the retreat from Ticonderoga was first heard of in this town, Capt. Nathaniel Martin, TheophiTus Griffin, Nathaniel Baker, John Nutt,4Enoch Harvey, and David Farmer, immediately volunteered and marched to Number Four. A con PRIVATE SUBSCRIPTIONS. 457 tribution was made among the inhabitants for Martin, Griffin, and Baker, and ~4 —lOs was raised. Soon after, when it was seen that an encounter with the British was inevitable in that quarter, and Stark was in need of troops, another contribution was made, "to hold on John Nutt, Enoch Harvey, T'heophilus Griffin, and David Farmer," and ~44-10s. was raised, and they "'held on" and participated with their neighbors in the glorious battle of Bennington. A list of those subscribing, has been preserved in the town records. It is as follows; "The account hereafter Sat Down is money payd by Individtlal Inhabitants of the Town of Derryfield, to'the Soldiers Raised at Sundry times for Carrin on this unnateral ware from the first of September 1776, and upwards is as follows; ~ s d Ezekiel Stavins paid to Enoch harvey for: going to New York. 3 Capt. Samuel moor & David Starret paid to Nathaniel Baker do, 4 10 Levt. John Parham paid to Timothy martin for ditto 3 10 10 0 paid by the Sundrey persons hereafter Named to Nathaniel martain Theophilus Griffin &; Nathaniel Baker as volunters wen they went to Noumber four about the retreat from Ty are as followeth William Gamble. 6 Ensn. Samuel Boyd, 3 Samuel morreson, 2 Ezekiel Stavins, 3 4 James German, 2 — 6 Abrahram merrill Junior, 3 Capt. Samuel moore, 2 William Parham Junior, 5;James me Night, 3 6 Levt John Hall, 3 6 James Palrce, 3 Abrham Merrlil, 5 Jonathan Merrill, 3 Ebenezr Stavens, 3 458 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Joseph Sanders, 2 John Dickey, 3.lohn Hall Junior, 2 6 William Nutt, 3 Daliel Hall, 2 6 Col. John Slark, 6 Capt. William Parham, 6 William McClintock, 6 Col. John Goffe, 6 and J ohn harvey, 4 8 4 10 paid by Individuals to hold on John Nutt Enoch harvey Theophilus Griffin & David farmer, wen they went with General Stark to the' Battel at tetienton, are as followeth, (viz.) s - d James McNight, 1 4 Col. Johll Goffe, 2 8 Majr..1 oh n rmoore, 2 2 Willlam Nutt, 2 4 JohGllriffin, 12 Benljamin Baker, 1 10 Josejph George, 18 lhomas Newman, 9 A! rahamn Merrell, 2 2 Joseph Farmer, 5 10 Ensn Samuel Stark, 12 Levt JolAn Hall, L 16 William Gamble, 1 4 J(,hii Dickey, 18 Capt Alexr me murphy, 1 10 Ensn Samuel Boyd,. 1 10 Michael McClintock. 12 William mcClintock, 1 4 Capt W m Parham, 2 8 Ch;arles Emerson, 18 John Hervey, 3 Jo.,n Hughs, 1 10 James Pairce, 18 David Starret, 18 Zaccheus Richison, 2 6 MAJOR JOHN MOORE. 459 Moses Merrill, 6 Capt Samuel: Moor, 16 Ensn Abraham Merrill, 12 Ezekiel Stavins, 2 8'Daniel hall, 18 Levt John Parham, 1 10 James Garmen, 12 William Parham, Junr. 1 4 Joseph Sanders, 12 Jonathan Merrill, 12 Moses Corombie, 12 Nathianiel Merrill, 6 Levt Ebenezer Stavins, 12 44 19 6 Thus-many of the citizens of the town were taxed three times in the year, and doubtless paid their taxes without a murmur. This year, there were seven soldiers from the town in the Continental Army for the "three years service."' Some of the soldiers from Amoskeag deserve more than a passing notce, for their participation in the early battles of the Revolution. Among them was MAJOR JOHN MOORE. HIe had been an officer in the preceding French war, in which he had won the reputation of a man of courage and energy. After the conquest of Canada, he quietly settled down upon his farm at "Cohas Brook." Upon the news of the battle of Lexington, he led his neighbors of Amoskeag to the scene of action, and on the 24th of April- was commissioned by the Committee of Safety of Massachusetts, as a Captain in Stark's regiment. rlhomas McLaughlin of Bedford was commissioned as his Lieutenant at the same time. He forthwith enlisted a company of 57 men, mainly of Derryfield, Bedtord, and Gcoffstown. His roll was as follows; John Moore, Capt.; * Thos. McLaughlin, Lienlt., t Nathaniel Boyd, Sergt.;X John O Neil, Sergt. t David McQuig, 0 Derryfield, -N Merrimack. 1 New Boston. t Bedford. ff Dunbarton. ** offstown. P Litchfield. ~460 THE ETISTOJIY:OF..MANCHESTER. Sergt.; ~ John Jordan, Sergt.;* Wm. Patterson, Corpl.; t Abraham Johnson, Corpl.; * Joshua Page, Corpl.;:1l Samuel Patten, Corpl.; t Harr yGlover, Drumr.; ~ James Butterfield, Fifer *;* John Alld, * Edward Bicksbey, ~ Samuel Barron,: Benj. Baker, * John Callohan, t John Cyphers, Samuel Caldwell, J Jonas Cutting, -t Edmond Davis, * Charles Emerson, * George Emerson, x Luke Egan, t John Goffe,t:John Gregg, ~ Benj. George, * James Gledder, * James Gibsor, ~ James Hogg; t Arther Hoit; Thomas Huse; * Soloman Hutchinson, $ John Hunter, James Houston, t George Hogg, t LemuAl Harvey, * Calvin Johnson, t Samuel Martin, * Timothy Martin, * David McKnight, * James McPherson, t Jchn Caldwell McNeil, * John Mills, Jl loseph Matthews, * John McPherson, t Goffe Moore, * Thomas McClary, t Saml Moore, * David Moore,* John McMurphy, * William New... man,* James Orr, t Archibald Stark, * Caleb Stark, John Turner,:John:Wyer, Hugh Campbell,-t Alexander Hutchinson, j William McGilway,:1:James Moore. t Three of the men joined the company at a subsequent date, viz; Samuel Patten, of Bedford, June, 17th; James Gibson, probably of Londonderry, and John McMurphy of Derryfield, July, 16th. Samuel'Patten enlisted on the 17th, and with the 57 others enlisted on the 24th of:April, participated in the battle of Bunker Hill. In that battle, none did better service than Capt. John Moore, and his company of Amoskeag, as related elsewhere. On the 18th of June, the day following the battle, Capt. Moore, was complimented with a Major's commission, to take the place in Stark's regiment, of Major McClary, who had been killed in the battle of the day preceding. Lieut. McLaughlin was promoted to the Captaincy thus made vacant, and Sergeant Nathaniel Boyd of Derryfield, was made Lieutenant in his place. Major Moore remained with the army but a few months, when the state of his health obliged him to retire to his farm. He continued however, his active participation in all matters on foot in the town, county, and state, to forward the patriot cause, until his removal from the State, in 1778. In that year he moved to Norridgewock in Maine, where he ever maintained a most respectable position in life. He died in January, 1809. * Derryfield. 4 Merrimack. ~ New Boston. t Bedford. 11 Dunbarton. ** Goffstown ~ Litchfield. MAJ. GOFFE AND LT, ORR. 461 MAJOR JOHN GOFFE. Major Goffe, was a son of the noted Col. John Goffe of Der. ryfield. He resided in Bedford, just across the Merrimack, from his father. In the Seven Years War, he was a Lieutenant in Capt. Martin's Company in Goffe's regiment. At the close of the French war. he returned to Bedford and resumed his occupation as a farmer and miller. He received a Captain's commission from Governor Wentworth in 1764, and in 1768, was promoted to a Majority. At the commencement of hostilities, he volunteered, went to Cambridge, enlisted in Capt. Moore's comnpany as a private, and was in the battle of Bunker Hill. In the summer after, he left the army and returned home, his business requiring his presence. Several of his sons served in the war of the Revolution, and two of them lost their lives in that struggle; Stephen being lost at sea, and WVilliaml killed in an engagement. But in civil life, Major Goffe was active in the patriot cause, and was successful in furnishing recruits for the army. When Gen. Stark called for more troops, to assist in conquering Burgoyne, Maj. Goffe at once volunteered his services as a private, and marched to the conflict, thus favoring the great cause by precept and example. Of a truth the good that such men do lives after them. He died in Bedford, aged 85 years. LIEUTENANT JOHN ORR, was of Bedford, where at the commencement of the Revolution, he was a successful farmer. He volunteered under Stark in his expedition to Bennington, and was appointed a Lieutenant in Capt. McConnell's company, in Col. Stickney's regiment. This regiment was one of the two that were sent against the tory breast work on the right of the enemy's works, south of the Hoosac. Early in the fight, Lieut. Orr was wounded in the knee by a musket ball. Unable to stand, he lay upon the ground some time before any one came to his assistance. Sergeant Griffin then came to him, and with the assistance ol another soldier, carried him to a place of safety, forced to drag him upon his back, through a corn and flax field, to shun the sharp shcQters of the enemy. From want of skill the fracture was not properly reduced; but employing a private surgeon he began to mend, but was unable to be removed until February. On the 4th of that month he started for home, riding upon a bed in a sleigh, and reached home in ten days, after much suf34 462 THE HISTOtY 0F MANCHESTER. fering. He was unable, to step till the October following, with crutches even. In the end, he recovered his health and though ever lame, was able to resume the active duties of life. He was much in public business, and filled the offices of Selectman, Representative and Senator in the State Legislature, with credit to himself, in town and district. Lieut. Orr died in Bedford in January 1823, aged 65 years. SERGEANT EPHRAIM STEVENS, was another true soldier of Derryfield. He never knew fear. Whether driving the Hessians from their quarters, or attacking them without regard to disparity of numbers, as at Trenton, he was the same dauntless man. He was one who "snuffed the battle from afar," and was ready to engage in it. When relating his affair at Trenton, in beating up the quarters of the Hessians, he was wont to say, that the bayoneted Hessians as they lay upon the floor, was the prettiest sight he ever saw. He was of powerful make, and had the reputation of being the "strongest man in the army." In the camp at "Valley Forge," when by the recommendation of the officers, the soldiers engaged in all manner of athletic sports, Sergeant Stevens was wont to "beat the ring" wrestling and lifting. The trial of strength was in shouldering and carrying "oak buts,' he could shoulder and carry the biggest "oak but of any one in the army." Such a man was invaluable as a soldier. Want of education prevented his promotion. After the close of the war, Sergeant Stevens returned to Derryfield, and became a successful farmer. He died in 1845 aged 87 years. SERGEANT THEOPHILUS GRIFFIN. He was another brave soldier of Derryfieldl. He was with Stark at the battle of Trenton, and was one of the men who assisted Stevens in the adventure with the Hessians, before related. The most of the day he went barefooted through the snow, throwing off his worthless shoes soon after commencing'the pursuit of the retreating Hessians; and this without a murmur. No man fought better than Theophilus Griffin; but he must have a leader. He could execute, not direct. When the news came of the retreat from Ticonderoga, he was one of the first to volunteer his services to meet the enemy, and was with Stark at Bennington, where, in addition to fighting brave. ly, he assisted with the greatest hazard, in carrying Lieut. Orr from the field, when disabled by a severe wound. After the close of the war, he settled down upon a small farm, but with SAMUEL REMICK. 463 indifferent success as a farmer. Habits fostered, if not contracted in the service, unfitted him for steady employment. He preferred the exciting scenes of the camp, to the quiet labor, and used to those, in the time of peace, he sought excitement where it could be found. And as was often the case with other soldiers, passed the last years of his life with little advanto himself or society. He however fought nobly for his country and his name deserves a place among the patri ts of Derryfield. He died at Derryfield at an advanced age. SAMUEL REMICK. He was an apprentice in Bedford at the time of Burgoyne's approach from the North. He volunteered under Stark and. was at the battle of Bennington. He stood by Lieut. Orr, saw him fall and carried from the field. As he emerged from the corn field, he took a position behind an oak and commenced firing. upon the enemy. He fired some eight or ten times, when as he was loading his gun, an unlucky bullet fiorn the enemy's works brought him to the ground. In this position, he loaded and fired several times upon the enemy. At length, giving his gun to a man, the lock of whose gun had been broken by a ball, he dragged himself to a fence near by, where he was taken upon a blanket, and carried to the surgeon's quarters, an open field upon the banks of the Hoosac. He soon recovered, and lived to a good old age, receiving the bounties of his country for his suffering in the cause of liberty. 464 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERe CHAPTER. XX. DIifficulties of 1777.-Stark marches to the Hudson. —His men refuse to re-enlist. —e returns to N. H.,-Soon at the head of a large force.-Takes possession of Fort Edward.-Battle of Stillwater and Behmus' Heights.-Col. Cilley.-Thomas Haynes.-Surrender of Burgoyne.-Soldiers from Derryfield.-Soldiers from Ancient Amoskeag.,-Bedford, Chester, Goffstown, Derryfield, and Londonderry.-Difficulty in raising supplies,.-Corn Tax in 1779. Tax List of Derryfield.-Beef Tax of 1780.-How raised.-Beef Tax of 1781,-Great depreciation in money.-Excitemet in I)erryfield.-Town Meeting.-Extracts from Judge Patten's Journal showing the prices of articles, and depreciation of paper.-Causes of Depreciation.-New Hampshire issue.Fortm of bills.-Congress issues paper money.-Form of it.-This State largely in debt [in 1775. —Tories counterfeit the money.-Robert Fowle prints them on his own score.-Absconds.-Col. Stephen Holland absconds.-The emission called in.-Novel way to- prevent counterfeiting. -The British government sends over counterfeit bills.-Bills not paid as stipulated.-Table of Depreciation. New Emission by Congress.-Specimen.-Depreciates.-Redeemed. —"The dark day," —Judge Pattne's remarks upon it.-Its causes.News of Peace.-Its results.-Public rejoicings.-State government continued by Proclamation. The first part of the year 1777 was the darkest period of the Revolution. People of this time have little idea, from history even, of the difficulties under which our forefathers labored at this time, in carrying on the war. The stoutest hearts and coolest heads quailed under them. True, Washington had checked the British at Trenton, and Princeton, and thus perhaps prevented sure and immediate ruin to the patriot cause. But extensive difficulties to the cause existed in many of the states; in all it was difficult to raise recruits; hard money was scarce; paper money was next to worthless; provisions were scarce, in consequence of the want of men to till the lands; speculators made the most of the opportunity to demand high prices; and to cap the climax of difficulties in the way of the patriots, Gen. Burgoyne had advanced from the north with a superior and well appointed army, by the way of Lake Champlain, for the purpose of forming a junction with Sir Henry Clinton, who already held New York; and WTIN'S I "TOO do~~TI ~I~I~t.([([IX'S'f'~1'03 dO,-r ~,,,........... ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —--- aDX7I.(IiI~4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Fj BEHMUS' HEIGHTS. 465 thus to separate New England from any communication with the Middle or Southern States. Had this junction been effected, there can be little doubt of the result. We must have been subjected to the British power. But Providence had ordered otherwise. Burgoyne's army after all his vaunting, was checked by the victory at Bennington, and was completely crushed by the brilliant success of the Americans at Saratoga. After the battle of Bennington, Gen. Stark marched his victorious troops towards the Hudson, and joined the main army on the 18th of September. The time of enlistment of his troops being up, Gen. Gates was desirous that they should reenlist, and accordingly they were drawn up and addressed by hini and Gen. Stark, and urged to enlist for the further term of six weeks; but they had accomplished the object for which they had volunteered; their crops were ready for harvest, and they must return to their farms. No persuasion could stay them, and the next morning they left the camp on their way to their homes. Stark was thus left without a command and he returned to New Hampshire only to raise a new force with which to repair to the frontier, and act against Burgoyne. In this he was successful, and he was soon ready to take the field. New Hampshire met the call for troops with alacrity, and Stark was soon on his way to the Hudson with a larger force than before. Arriving in the neighborhood of the main army, he took possession of Fort Edward and leaving a garrison in it, he ascended the river, placed his force in the rear of Burgoyne, on the opposite side of the river, to intercept him on his retreat, should he make the attempt. In this he followed his own plan of action, as he still had an independent command from New Hampshire; the troops having enlisted with the express understanding that Stark was to direct and lead them, and none other. His position was admirably taken, as it would aid in cutting off Burgoyne from all prospect of successful retreat. The battle of Stillwater had been fought on the 18th of September, and Burgoyne was held restive in his position, like "a lion chafing in the tolls." Both armies claimed the advantage, each interpreting determined resistance as triumph. But Burgoyne had really gained no advantage in the battle, while, checked and held at bay, his affairs were daily becoming more desperate, as his scant provisions were daily wasting, and the American militia were flocking into the valley of the Hudson and forming that cordon of positions, that cut off his retreat and which he could not overcome in the open field. At length 466'THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. on the 17th of October, Gen. Burgoyne determined to hazard a battle. He found the Americans nothing loth in accepting his offer, for as soon as his troops had formed a line in an intervening wheat field, under pretence of foraging, Gen. Gates ordered his troops to commence the attack. Colonel Morgan with his Rifles was ordered by a circuit to gain the wooded heights on the enemy's right, while Gen. Poor, with the gallant regiments from New Hampshire, under Scanmmell Cilley, and Dearborn, and some troops from New York, was ordered to attack the enemy's left. As soon as time enough had elapsed for Morgan to gain the heights, Poor led his troops to the attack. At this moment, Morgan rushed down the heights attacking the enemy's right, in front and flank, with overwhelming impetuosity. Poor's command rushed to the, conflict in the most dauntless manner. The New Hampshire troops gave their fire, and with a shout clearing all intervening obstacles, they charged the British line with such impetuosity, that it broke and retired ill disorder, leaving their cannon upon the field. The gallant Colonel Cilley of New Hampshire, ordered a detachment of his men to seize, and hold one of these pieces,-a twelve pounder. His men obeyed with alacrity and were preparing under his instructions, to turn it upon the enemy. At this moment, the British troops rallied and forming under the gallant Earl of Balcarras, rushed to the encounter, it being an object of pride to regain their cannon. In this they were partially successful, as at the first onset they forced the Americans to give ground. The k(st twelve pounder was regained: the gallant soldiers who held it, having been killed, wounded or driven back by overwhelming numbers.* But their triumph was of short duration, the N. H., troops rallied and rushed to the charge, driving all before them and retook the cannon. Col. *I cannot refrain from mentioning in this place the name of Thomas Haynes late of Concord. He was severely wounded in the encounter for the mastery of this peice of cannon. He was well known to Col. Cilley as a brave soldier, and was selected by him among others, to man and keep the piece. At the time the British reallied, charged, and retook the piece, Haynes was seated astride its muzzle. In this position he fought with desperation, killing two British soldiers in the encounter. One he thrust in the thigh with his bayonet and killed him as quick as if he had pierced his heart. He attempted to run him through the body, but the British soldier struck the barrel of the gun down, end the bayonet struck him in What is familiarly known among soldiers as the "pope's eye," and he feil dead. A second soldier came to the assistance of his comrade before Haynes had fully recovered his piece, and made a thrust at him with his bayonet, but Hat nes struck his gun out of his hands with his own, and as the the soldier stooped to pick up his gun, Haynes thrust his gun through his head. While in the act of withdrawing his bayonet from the discomfited and disabled soldier, Ha'ynes was struck in the side of the face, with a large SURRENDER OF BU JGOYNE. 467 Cilley thentook charge of the piece in person and in the excitement of the moment, leapt upon it and gave it a "christening." He then with his own hands assisted in loading it, and tnrned it upon the retreating enemy. All this was the work of a moment.* At the same time the whole American force engaged in the bloody conflict; attacking the enemy in front and fanks with the greatest impetuosity. Overwhelmed with numbers, and charged with the most daring courage, the whole British line, led by iBurgoyne in person, gave way, and retreated to their camp in the utmost disorder. Night alone put a stop to the carnage. As it was, their camp was entered at several points and Col. Breyman was killed behind the German breast works, by troops led by Col. Brooks, who gallantly kept their ground. The Americans had gained a decisive victory, and remained masters of the field. The immediate result of the battle of "'Behmus' Heights" was a loss to General Burgoyne of eighty pieces of cannon, "more than 400 officers and men, killed and captured, and among them the flower of his army, (viz;) Brigadier-general Frazer, Major Ackland, commanding the grenadiers; Sir Francis Clark, his first aid-de-camp, Major Williarns, commanding officer of the artillery, Captain Mory, deputy quarter-master general, and many others.t During the nignt Gen. Burgoyne retreated to his original position; which had been fortified. Finding all hopes of retreat, or succor vain, on the 13th of October, Gen. Burgoyne commnenced a correspondence with musket ball, and fell from the cannon to the ground. The ball struck on the right cheek bone passed through his mouth carrying away eleven teeth, about a third of the tongue and coming out in front near the left ear. From such a frightful wound he at once became insensible, ind laid as dewed upon the field for two nights. When the detachment went round to collect and bury the scattered dead. Haynes was carried and laid down by the "receptacle of the dead," to be thrown in with his comrades. Lieut. Robert B. WVilkins was present with. the party, and,knowing Haynes well and seeing'that his body was not at all stiff, insisted upon it that he was alive. His breast was bared, and signs of life were discovered, and he was ordered to be carried to the hospital, where he soon recovered, so as to be sent to AlbaLy. Here betwixt life and death he lingered in the hospital for months. At length, after thirteen months in the hospital, he joined the army-and continued in it till the end of the war. He long enjoyed a small pension for his wound and his services, and died at London, where he had resided a short time, in 1847, aged near nine:y years.,'*Col. Cilley did not leave the piece again, as Gen. Wilkinson upon visiting the scene of the conflict, says, "I found the courageous Col. Cilley a straddle on a brass twelve pounder, and exulting in the capture." tSee Gen. Wilkinson's memoirs. 468 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Gen. Gates, in view cf a surrender of his army. On the 18th the articles of convention were signed, and on the 19th, Gen. Burgoyne made a formal surrender of himself and army. Thus terminated the vaunted expedition of Burgoyne, which at one time threatened a complete overthrow of the patriot cause. To this importcant result the troops of New Hampshire contributed their full share, Derryfield as usual, being well represented among them. Gen. Stark at the head of a large force mainly volunteers for the occasion from New Hampshire, rendered important assistance in the council and in the field. Capt. Caleb Stark, his son, was Adjutant of Col. Cilley's regiment, and acted a gallant part at Stillwater, and Behmus' Heights, while of the regular troops, in the battle of Stillwater and Behmus' Heights, were Ephraim. Stevens, David Merrill, James Thompson, Benjamin George, Isaac George, Ichabod Martain, and Robert McNight, all of D)erryfield, making one fourth of the men in the town, fit to bear arms. After the surrender of Burgoyne, the Eastern States were but little troubled with fears of invasion, as with the exception of the possession of Newport in Rhode Island by the Brilish, the theater of war was removed to the Southward. It is not proposed to give a history of the campaigns that followed, as at such a distance from us, our people were not called upon to engage in them, only so far as our regular troops were concerned, and it has hitherto been our object to give acceunuts of such expeditions and engagements, as were identified with tile heroic conduct of the soldiers of ancient Amoskeag, Suffice it to say, that in the unsuccessful affairin Rhode Island, in 1778, in the difficult and successful expedition into the Indian country, under Gen. Sullivan, in [779; at the important post of'West Point; and at the seige of Yorktown, crowned with the surrender of the British army under Gen. Conwallis, and which sealed the fate of the British power in these colonies, the men of New Hampshire, and of Amoskeag, bore a conspicuous part, sustaining in the council, and upon the battle field, their well earned reputation. It is interesting to note the readiness with which the towns, composing the ancient Amoskeag, contributed to the patriot cause. Their people were ever ready to respond to the call of country; thus Bedford, Chester, Derryfield, Goffstown, and Londonderry in 1777, 1778, and 1789, furnished the following regular soldiers, or "three years men;" SOLDIERS OF AMOSKEAG. 469 Bedford. Robert Merrill, Thomas Matthews, Patrick Fling, John Hillery, John Boice, Samuel Fugard, Levi Whitmore, Jonas Cutting, William Goffe, Valentine Sullivan, James Greer. Chester. —James Russ, Jona Burrows, Charles Hanson, Jedediah Knox, Saml. Aiken, Barnard Merrill, Jona. Rankin, James Aiken, Jeremiah Towle, Henry True, John McClaunel, Jonathan Knox, Abiel Stevens, Phineas Stevens, Dan Shirley, Sam. Wells, Samuel Hoit, William Moore, Stephen Luf kin, Robert JIastins, Reubeh Hall, Geo. Cooper, Thomas Shronder, James Thompson, Josiah Wells, Thomas Wells, William White, John Barry, Ebenr. Barry, John Lane, W7nm. Furnal, Samuel Dalhon, Jona Forsaith, John Vance, Bartho. Stevens. Derryfield.-Ephraim Stevens, David Merrill, James TI'hompson, Benjamin George, Isaac George, Ichabod Martin, Robert McNight. Gofstown.-Caleb Blodget, John Sessions, Eleazer Emerson, Edward Wood, John McClintock, Joshua Bell, Benj. Cass, Ward Clark, Joshua Wilson, Augustus George, Samuel Smith, Ezra Mirriack, Collins Eaton, Joseph Hadley, William Kemp, Andrew Newell, John Brown, Daniel Andrews, James Kendrick, Dan. Richardson. Londonderry.-Samuel Walton, Nathan Plummer, William Dickey, Bishop Coster, John O'Brien, George McMurphy, Davis Plummer, James Campbell, John McMurphy, Robert Wilson, Joseph McFarland, Samuel Eyers, Robt. Hodgart, Solomon Todd, James Nesmith, William Johnson, Jeremiah Fairfield, John Martin, John Morgan, Thomas Holmes, David George, Martin Montgomery, Zaccheus Dustin, Valentine Sargent, Robert Craig, John Head, Davis Dickey, James Boyes, John Aiken, Alex. McMasters, John Greer, Gland Colombon, Joseph Coster, Jona George, Michael George, William Hogg, Thomas Rankin, David Richards, Ebenezer McIlvane, Timothy Harrington, Peter Jenkins, Joseph Mack. In 1780 the same towns furnished men as follows: Bedford.-Nehemiah Lincoln, Josiah Gordon, Robert Cornwall, Jona. Griffin, John Gault. Chester.-Jonathan Wilson, Wm. Moor, Betlj. True, Saml. Walker, John Knowles, John Brown, Robert Runnels, Isaac Blaisdell, Moses Webster, John Aiken. 470 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Derryfield.-Oliver Emerson, Robt. Cunningham, Joseph Barron. Goffstown.-Seth Wyman, Samuel Ordway, John George, Henry Stewart) Nathan Hale. Londonderry. —John McCarty, William Thomas, Zoe Withe, John Clarke, John Remick, Pomp Sherburn, James Whaley, Windsor Golden, James Harris, Thomas Mitchel, Samuel iMerrill, James McMahan, Jeremiah Fairfield. In 1781, and 1782, the same towns furnished men as follows; Bedford.-John Griffin, John Gault, Stephen Wood, Nehemiah Lincoln, Issac Wilkins, James Gordon, Thomas Matthews, Levi Whitmore, Samuel Fugard, Patrick Fling, Isaac Riddle, HIugh Jameson. Chester.-Wm, Garrison, Richd. Flood, Stephen Keyes, Valentine Sargent, Jos. Davis, Samuel Richardson, Samuel Houston, Moses Webster, Saml, Robie, Reuben Tole, Daniel Parker, Geo. Mansfield, Thomas Wells, Samuel Hoit, George Cooper, Enos Jewell, Peter Wells, John Worth, Reuben Stickney, Joseph Tuckler, Daniel Clay, Abraham Brown, Edward Hamilton, Moses Basford, Thomas Dolloff, Ebenezer Currier, Wm. Batchelder, Win. Hall, Daniel Doyne, Robt. H. Hill, Andrew Nelson. Derryfield.-John Hanson, Mark Duty, Moses Chandler, Amos Martin, Wm. Nutt. Robert McNight. Goffstown.-John Sessions, Ichabod Martin, Tim. Moshier, Samuel Smith, Reuben Kidder, Jesse Dickey, Obed McLane, Loudon McGregore. Londonderry.-John Head, Robt. Craige, James Cavanaugh Alex..McMasters, John Gaffet, Edward McColley, Williarn Decannon, Thomas Rankin, John Sargent, Abel Whiting, John Allen, William Coliey, David Riclhards, Allen Anderson, Asa Andrews, Abner Andrews; Jonas Adams, David Morrison, Daniel Marsh, Chas. Burrows, Martin Byrne, James Blair. It will be reccollected, that these were regular troops. On special occasions, volunteers were raised for a short period in these towns with the greatest readiness. Thus in 1778, one hundred and fifty two men, besides officers, volunteered from the regiment command by Col. Moore of Bedford, to go to MONEY AND CORN TAX. 471 Rhode Island, as appears from Judge Patten's journal, in which is this entry. "1778, August, 9. 1 went to Amherst with Jamey who was going to Rhode Island with the militia. There were orders from the commttee of safety of this State for as many of the Militia to go as volunteers as pleased. There was 152 excluclusive of officers, went out of Colo. Moor's Regiment." It is very much doubted, whether any other section of our country, can show an equal numher of volunteers from the same population. And it must be borne in mind, that these volunteer enlistments for a few weeks service, were made in the busiest seasons of the year, and at a time too, when the whole community was suffering from the depreciation of the currency,-and ready money was not easily obtained. In short, the Committee of Safety found it so difficult to meet the calls of Congress for money or supplies by the usual mode of taxation, that a portion of the taxes was required to be paid in corn and each town was required to furnish beef upon the hoof, that the State might meet the orders of Congress for supplies. Thus in October, 1779, there was a Continental tax imposed, a part of which was to be paid in corn. The usual annual tax in Derryfield, for State and Cotinental purposes, had been imposed in March, amounting to ~702-17s-7d; butthe exigences of the times, war, and depreciation of paper money, rendered a second tax neccessary. The October tax list of this town was thus; ~ s d B P Q P G Alexander Irwing, 10 12 4 0 1 3 1 2 Benjamin Baker, 31 6 8 1 0 1 1 1 Levt. Samuel Boyd, 25 15 10 0 3 2 0 2 Daniel Blodget, I 16 8 0 1 0 0 3 Moses Crombie, 14 6 8 0 1 7 0 0 Benjamin Crombie, 23 19 2 0 2 7 0 0 John Dickey, 34 15 0 0 3 5 0 1 John Dustin, 18 9 4 0 2 4 0 0 Mark Duty, 10 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 Charles Emerson, 26 13 4 0 2.7 0 3 Joseph Farmer, 34 3 4 1' 0 4 1 2 James Emerson, 9 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 David Farmer, 14 12 6 0 2 0 0 2 Conl. John Goffe, 41 10 0 1 1 3 0 3 William Gamble, 54 5 0 1 3 0 1 0 472 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. John Griffen, Junior, 11 5 0 0 1 4 1 0 John Griffin, 23 18 10 0 3 1 1 0 Theophelus Griffin, 11 5 0 0 1 4 1 0 Joseph Griffen. 21 19 2 0 2 7 0 0 John Goffe, Junior, 5 10 0 0 0 5 0 0 Ceaser Griffin, 18 5 10 0 2 3 1 1 Davis Walton, 11 12 6 0 1 5 0 0 Levt. John Hall, 33 10 8 0 1 3 0 0 Daniel Hall, 23 15 10 0 3 0 I 1 Abel Huse, 40 6 8 1 1 3 0 3 Isaac Huse, 9 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 John Hughs, 25 9 10 0 3 2 0 2 Enoch Harvey, 38 15 0 1 0 5 1 0 Levt. John Little, 31 15 0 1 0 2 0 2 James Gorman, 25 18 10 0 3 4 0 0' James Lyon, 3 0 0 0 0 3 0 3 Capt. Samuel Moor, 32 3 4 1 0 5 1 0 Nathaniel Martin, 10 10 0 0 1 3 1 2 Abraham Merrill, 38 19 2 1 1 0 0 0 Ensin. Abraham Merrill, 17 18 4 0 2 4 0 1 Jonathan Merrill, 16 10 10 0 2 6 0 Nathaniel Merrill, 9 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 Moses Merrill, 13 11 8 0 1 6 0 2 Capt. James Masury, 13 5 0 0 1 5 0 3 William McClintock, 27 4 0 0 3 5 0 3 Michael McClintock. 13 i0 0 0 1 7 0 0 James McNight, 9 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 James Morrison, 3 0 0 0 0 3 0 3 William Nutt, 38 13 4 1 1 1 1 2 Thomas Newman, 22 14 0 0 3 7 0 0 Capt. William Parham, 39 3 4 1 1 1 1 2 William ParharnJunr. 37 13 4 1. 1 0 0 0 Levt. John Parham, 41 0 10 1 1 5 1 0 James Peirce, 37 15 0 1 0 7 0 1 Joshua Peirce, 14 6 8 0 1 7 0o 0 William Page, 1 10 0 0 0 1 1 2 Benjamen Pillsbury, 11 14 4 0 1 4 1 0 David Rowel, 16 15 0 0 2 2 0 3 John Ray, 20 15 0 0 2 4 1 3 Jonathan Russ, 20 17 6 0 2 6 0 2 Ephraim Rollf, 9 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 Gen. John Stark, 61 4 2 0 3 5 0 3 Ensin. Samuel Stark, 28 15 0 0 3 5 0 3 Levt. Ebenezer Stevens, 46 13 4 1 2 2 0 0 BEET TAX. 473 Ezekiel Stevens, 42 6 8 1 1 3 0 3 Henry Stevens, 17 9 4 0 2 2 0 3 Ensin. Joseph Sanders, 19 6 8 0 2 4 0 0 John Sheldon, 38 15 0 1 1 1 1 01 Hugh Thompson, 28 9 2 0 3 4 0 0 Enos Webster, 29 0 0 0 3 6 0 3 Asael Smith, 11 10 0 0 1 3 1 2 Total. ~1534 15 0 31 1 7 1 2 It wvill be seen that the money column in the above list shows an enormous tax,-~ 1534, — 15s —which added to ~ 703 —17s -7d —in the March list, amounts to ~2273-17s — 7d-for that year. But this enormous sum was in consequence of de-.preciation. Paper money, in which it was to be paid had so depreciated in value, that ~100 in paper, which in 1777 was equal to or worth. ~100 in silver, in 1779, was worth only ~ 13 —9s-6d-2q, in silver. So that in reality the money tax in the above tax list was not so very exorbitant, if paid in specie. Again, in August, 1780, a state, county and town tax was imposed in this town in addition to the one imposed in March of the same year, which amounted to ~5707-9s —6d. In the August list a portion of it was to be paid in beef, to meet the orders of Congress on the state for supplies. The beef rate was ~3715-9s —5d; the soldier rate was ~ 1856-15s-8d, and the town and county rate was ~ 185615d-8d, making in all ~7428 —10s-9d; and for the year ~ 13136-Os-3d. No small tax. It will be seen,'that the taxes had largely increased since the preceding year. This increase was mainly nominal however, and as before in consequence of the depreciation in the currency. In one year, paper money had depreciated so that ~ 100 of it was worth only ~2-13s-6d — q, in March 1780. Upon this basis the annual tax of that year was made. But before September, the depreciation had so continued, that ~100 of it was worth only ~ — 10s —9d in silver, and the October tax, was made upon that basis, to meet the deficiency and the demands of the state, To meet the beef tax the town voted the selectmen should furnish the beef.'hey accordingly bought the cattle where they could get them at the best advantage, hired them pastured, and delivered them at Londonderry, —when called for by the State. The number of cattle, cost per head, or per cwt, cannot now 474 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. be ascertained,-but from their apparent cost, it would appear that there was a large number of them. The whole cost of the beef was thus, according to the account of the selectmen, rendered and approved. "1stly Jonathan Russ his Beaf is prime cost of said Beef, ~3720 0 0 21y to pasturing Said Beef Cattle, 294 0 0 31y to cost of purching Said Beef, 108 0 0 Capt. Saml Moore's, his Beef Charges, 80 10 0 Mr. John Sheldon's Beef Charges, 22 10 0 ~4225 0 0 This was a large amount to be paid by Derryfield-depreci-. ation out of the question; but a further inspection of the Selectmen's account for 1780, shows that the town furnished only 3105 pounds of beef. This amount,at a cost of ~4225 was a fraction over ~ l1-7s —2d 2q per pound in paper money. In 1781, there was another beef tax imposed in this State in connection with the other taxes. The paper money in March had become so depreciated, that ~100 of it was worth only Li-6s-Sd, in silver. The taxes in this town were made upon that basis, but in June, befbre the Collector had made much progress in collecting his list, the paper money went down to sixteen shillings in silver for a hundred pounds of paper money! This state of things produced great alarm. A town meeting was called, in the warrant for which, the second article read thus: "In as mutch as there hath Bin a verry Staden and unexpec-. ted Revolution Respecting the old Continental money Since the Rates were made, and the money Rassed to purchase Beaf for the army Doth not answer the Eand Designed, to see what use the Town will vote to make of Said money Raised to purchase Beaf and also to see what method the town will take to purchase Said Beaf for the army which is wanted Emmediately.'" On the day of meeting, June 12th, Gen. John Stark was chosen Moderator. The following action was had upon the second article in the warrant. "2dly. Voted that the three Selectmen shall Divide the Town into three classes in order to provide the Beaf for the army and that Eatch Class Shall provide there Equill proportion EXTRACTS FROM PATTEN S JOURNAL. 475 of Said Beaf and Eatch parson Shall Be equilly assed according to pole and Estate and that the Said Beaf Shall Be Delivered to the Select man who is head of his class. 3dly. Voted that Eatch man that paid the Beef tax to mr farmor Constable may have Leave to take his money Back again when Demanded." The town was divided according to the vote, the beef cattle purchased and driven to Londonderry. The amount of beef purchased was 4117 lbs.; the price allowed being 4d per lb. The expense was met by a tax made and levied December 6, 1781, in "new ernmission money," and there seeIns to have been no farther difficulty in collecting the beef tax. This difficulty as to the depreciation of the currency entered into all the avocations of life, and produced the greatest difficulty and distress. In illustration of the prices of articles in daily use, and also of the habits and customs of that day, the following extracts are given from Judge Patten's Journal. "1780, June, 6, I went to the Falls to fish for Eels, but got none." "7. I catched a salmon that weighed 18 or 20 lbs. as we guessed. I sold it for 100 dollars, and 60 12 rows of pins for which I paid 24 Dollars. I took a Deposition for Lieut. Hall, for whichI had 16 Dollars in our expenses for it." "17th. The boys got near 60 Eels last night and a shad; I got 11 shad; 6 of them I gave to Isaac Atwood, [a cooper in Bedford, from Abington Mass ] for 1 1 Dollars I owed him of the price of two barrels I had of him the 24th of last Au. gust."''"27th. 1 gave Mrs. Chandler 27 1-2 Dollars for to pay Mr. Bean,* for the Newspaper for the present quarter." C"28th. I attended the Probate at Amherst. * * I bot 8 3-4 lbs. of Tobacco from Dr. Stevens for which I am to pay him 20 Dollars, and John Henry gave me 8 Dollars, a present, and I had 40s for a citation from Enoch Eastman, and I bot a mug at Means's, ]Robert Means trader at Amherst,] for which I paid 9 Dollars, & I tarried at Smyth's,] Jonathan Smith, Taverner,] one night." "July, 15th. I swore Esq McGregore for Mr. McDaniels and 476 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. wrote the caption, for which and the Notification, he paid 20 Dollars." "24th. I went with Lieut. Reed, [James Reed of Bedford, who became deranged and was carried back to Abington, from whence he came,] and took six Depositions for him in his case with Enos McDaniels for which service he gave me 70 Dollars." "25th. I got 14 gills of Rum from Lieut. Orr for which I paid him 23 Dollars." "927th. I attended the Probate Court at Amherst.' X. I paid Mr. Smith 32 Dollars for my Expenses, at the Probate Court last June, & I paid ]Doct. Stevens 20 Dollars for what Tobacco I got fromn him at last June Probate & I got 4 lbs. of Tobacco from him to day, for which I paid him 20 Dollars." [This price shows a great depreciation in the currency, or a great improvement in the quality of the Tobacco.] -"Sept. 28, I bot a Quire of paper at Means's for which I paid hinm ~ 12." "October, 10, I went to Esq. McGregor's and took three Depositions for him. I would not take anything for doing it but he threw down a Sixty Dollar bill, and would not take it back."'18th, I set out for Portsmouth, * * I kept at Tcbias Waren's from Monday afternoons to Wenesday fornoon, being six meals and two lodgings. They would not take ony pay for it. My expenses beside were- 104 Dollars. I bo't things on this journey that cost 326 Dollars. While I was from home Alexander McMurphy paid my wife 200 dollars towards the 2000 of boards I let him have." "Nov, 2. I went to Esq. McGregores & bot 3 lbs. of sugar from him for which I paid 30 Dollars." ";6th. I paid my brother Samuel 300 for the 200 1 borrowed from him, was a year. [This shows a depreciation of 1-3 of the value of paper in the year.] "lOth. I went to Londonderry & took some cotton yarn with me to McKinseys, [a Scotch Irish weaver] to putinto some lawn he is to weave for us. [The first cotton and linen lawn E1XTRACTS FROM PATTENB S JOUTRNAL. 477 we have account of in America.] I bot 6 lbs of coffee at 84 Dollars, 1-4 lb pound of pepper at 30 & four rows of pins at 8 1-4 and 1-2 yard broad cloth at 187.1-2 Dollars of Major Pinkerton." [Major John Pinkerton, Trader, who amassed a large fortune and founded Pinkerton Academy, now in Derly.] I paid for my ferrage, going and coming 6 Dollars.' "13 * * X Run lines for Joseph Saunders and David and Nathaniel Merrill, and writ two Deeds for them and took the acknowledgement. I charged them 120 Dollars. They paid me the money and I gave it to Joseph Sanders for which'he is to give-me 4 lbs of Cotton."' "18th, I held a Court at Chandlers, [Zachariah, Chandler of Bedford, Taverner, father of Hon. Thomas Chandler.] * * * I had one half a mug of Toddy for wanich I paid 4 dollars."'"January, 5th 1781, I attended the Sessions [at Amherst,] got a thousand of nails for nailing pail hoops from Mr. Fisk, for old Ensn. Chubbuck, [a blacksmith of Bedford, the paternal ancester (Cf "Fanny Forrester,"]and myself. He sent 60 and I paid 80 for the one thousand." "20th, * * * I went to Capt. Chamberlin's [in Merrimack] with the team and I got 16 Bushels of Indian corn on credit. I am going to pay it when I make a turn of the timber, the boys and I have got to the river; it is 60 dollars per bushel. * * I had one half bowl of W. I. Toddy at McGaw's [ McGaw of Merrimack, a Trader] for which I paid 6 dollars." [From these prices it will be seen that the paper money had got to be worth only about one cent on a dollar.] "May, 19th. I went to Litchfield & got 4 bushels of Rye frorh David Quigg, for which I paid him three dollars in silver & 75 dollars in paper. * * " My ferriage was 3 Dollars, & I had 1-2 a mug of Toddy at McGaws for which I paid 4 Dollars." "28th. * * I gave James 77 Dollars to Divide between him & Robert & David for Election tomorrow." [The Election was celebrated at Amoskeag Falls on. the Derryfield side of the river, and with a great deal of merrymaking. Booths were erected, and dancing, -wrestling, and racing, with gingerbread, toddy and punch, were the order of the day. Buat James, Robert, and David Patten probably preferred fishing 35 478 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. to other amusements, for "on the morrow" was the following entry.] "30." The boys and I got 20 Shad and got them home." "July 5th." I went to Amherst & attended the Sessions &, the Probate Court. * * * My expenses was ~36 old Continental money for my dinner, horse at pasture about 7 hours & a glass of W. I. Rum." "6." I got 515 continental' Dollars from Old Mrs. McLaughlin, for which I am to pay one Dollar of the new emission for each 80 of it. And I got 54 of Robt, 22 of Alexear and 10 of James and Sarah, and with what I had of my own, I went and paid James Vose, 765 Dollars towards our Rates which amounted to 19 Dollars of the Emission.". The foregoing extracts not only show the depreciation of the currency, the difficulty consequent with the transactions of the day, but the last one shows the advantage men of means were enabled to take in dealing with this currency. Mrs. McLaughlin had no taxes to pay and sold her paper money for $6,437, the most she could get, but the purchaser passed it to the collector for $12,874, for his taxes; thus doubling his money. He was able to do this, because the tax was to be paid in "new emission money," or "Continental bills," at $40, for $100, of the new emmission. Such were the effects of the depreciation of the paper currencyv. The main causes of the depreciation were counterfeiting and non redemption as stipulated. This currency was of two kinds, one issufed by the States, and the other issued by the Continetal Congress. Of these several sorts were issued atvarious periods. Soon after the commencement of the revolution, the want of money was severely felt by the several colonies engaged in it. A paper currency, it was thought, would successfully meet this want. Accordingly, early in 1775, issues of paper money were made in manyof the Colonies. In New Hampshire, the first issue was ordered by the Congress at Exeter, June 8, of that year. The proceedings of the Congress as to this issue were thus Resolved. That the Receiver-General of this Colony, appointed by this Congress, be hereby empowered to give his notes of hand on the faith of the Colony, payable to the pos PAPER CURRENCY. 479 sessor, for the sum of Ten thousand and Fifty Pounds, of the present currency, or lawfull money, to be paid into the Treasury aforesaid by a Tax on the polls and estates of the inhabitants of this Colony, in the following manner, viz; four thousand Pounds to be paid by the twentieth of December, which will be in the year of our Lord 1776, and six per cent. interest from the date; and the sum of three thousand Pounds the twentieth of December, 1777 and three thousand and fifty Pounds the twentieth of December, 1778. And the said notes shall be struck by copper-plate, to be engraved under the direction of this Congress for the several sums following, to complete said sulim of Ten Thousand and Fifty Pounds, viz: Six Thousand Pounds in Forty Shilling notes: three Thousand Pounds ill Twenty Shilling notes; nine hundred Pounds in six Shilling notes, and one hundred and fifty Pounds in One Sh'illing notes; and the form of said notes to be in the following words, with such other devices as may be ordered by the Congress, viz;'Colony of New Hampshire, No.. June 20th, 1775. 5 "The possessor of this note shall be entitled to receive, out of -the Treasury of this Colony, the sum of Shillings, lawful money, on the 20th of December, 177-, with interest at the rate of six per cent. per annum; and this note shall be received in all payments at the Treasury, at any time after the date hereof, for the principal sum, without interest, if so paidc before the said twentieth day of December, A. D. 177-. ~S.'1'. -N. G. And the Treasurer or Committee who shall number the same shall fill the blank left for time of payment, in a number of bills sufficient for to complete four thousand Pounds, with the figure 6; and a number to complete three thousand Pounds with. tile figure 7; and the remainder with the figure S. And the said notes when brought unto the said Receiver-General, and paid by him, shall, after the said time fixed for payment, be burnt to ashes in the presence of the Congress of this Colony. 3,000 40s is. ~6,000 3,000 2es is. 3,000 3,000 6s is. 900 3,000 Is is. 150 ~10,050 Friday, June, 9, 1775; Voted, That Ebenezer Thompson, Esquire, and Colonel 480 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Nicholas Gilman, be a Committee to procure the plates, and see the notes struck off."' On the 5th of July following the Congress ordered another emission of paper currency, as follows; "Resolved, That the Receiver-General of this Colony, appointed by the Congress, be hereby empowered to give his notes of hand on the faith of the Colony, payable to the possessor, for the further sum of Ten Thousand Pounds, of the present currency, or lawful money, to be paid into the Treasury aforesaid, by a tax on the Polls and Estates of the inhabitaDlt. of this Colony, in the following manner, viz: Two thousand Pounds to be paid by the 20th of December, which will be in the year of our Lord, 1776; and the sum of three thousand Pounds by the 20th of Decevmber, 1777; three thousand Pounds by the 20th of December, 1778; -two thousand Pounds by the 20th cf December, 1779. And the said Notes shall be printed off with printing types, under the care and direction of the Hon. Meshech Weare, Esq., and Captain Pierce Long, being a Committee appointed by this Congress for that purpose. Vight thousand Pounds of which first mentioned to carry interest the same with those already emitted, and to be of the following denominations, viz: Three thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine Pounds, to be in bills ot three Pounds each; two thousand and' one Pounds, in bills of thirty Shillings; nine hundred and ninety Pounds fifteen Shillings, in bills of fifteen Shillings; six hundred and sixty-seven Pounds, in bills of ten Shillings; three hundred and thirty-three Pounds five Shillings, in bills of five Shillings; mlaking, in the whole, the said eight thousand Pounds. The form of said Notes to be in the following words, with sllch other devices as may be ordered by the Congress or Committee, viz: "Colony of New-Hampshire, No.-. "'The possessor of this Note shall be entitled to receive, out of the Treasury of this Colony, the sum of..... Shillings, lawful money, on the 20th of December, 177-, with interest at the rate of six per cent. per annum; and this Note shall be received in all payments at the Treasury at any time after the date hereof, for the principal sum, without interest, if paid before the said 20th day of December, A. D. 177-. "E. T. N. G." And the Treasurer or Committee who shall number the same, PAPER CURRENCY. 481 shall fill the blank left for the time of payment, in a number of bills sufficient to complete two thousand Pounds, with the figure 6; a number to complete three thousand, with the figure 7; and three thousand pounds, with the figure 8. The remaining two thousand Pounds to be small bills, of the following denominations, without interest, viz: One hundred Pounds, in bills of six Pence; one hundred and fifty Pounds, in bills of nine Pence; three hundred Pounds, in bills of one Shilling six Pence; three hundred and fifty Pounds, in bills of one Shilling nine Pence; five hundred Pounds in bills of two Shillings and six Pence; six hundred Pounds,- in bills of three Shillings, making, in all, the said sum of two thousand Pounus. The bills to be in the following form: "Colony of New-Hampshire, July, 25, 1775. "The possessor of this Note shall be entitled to receive, out cf the Treasury of this Colony, the sum of...., lawful money, on the 20th of December, 1779; and this Note shall be received in all payments at the Treasury at any time after the date hereof. "CE. T. N. G." And all the above Notes, when redeemed, shall be consumed to ashes, in the presence of the Representatives of this Colony, or a Committee appointed by them for that purpose." On the 1st day of November of the same year the Congress ordered the Receiver General to issue "twenty thousand pounds, lawful money, four thousand pounds of which to be redeemed on the 20th of December, 1779, six thousand on the 20th of December, 1780, six thousand on the 20th of December, 1781, four thousand on the 20th of December, 1782; and that eighteen thousand Pounds of the said sum be in notes of the following denominations, viz: forty shillings, thirty shillings, fifteen shillings, ten shillings, and five shillings, and that two thousand Pounds be of the following denominations, viz: three shillings, two shillings & sixpence, one shilling & sixpence, and sixpence." This issue was to "'be paid by a tax on the poles & estates in this Colony, and when paid into the Treasury, to be burnt to ashes in the presence of the Representatives of the people of this colony, or a committee appointed by them."* These bills were printed with common type. *See Journal in the Secretary's Ofice. 482 THE HI1STOBY OF MANCHESTER. Jan'uary 26 1776, the Congress made another issue, as thus; ~"Resolved, That there be emitted twenty thousand and eight Pounds sixteen Shillings, lawful money, upon the credit of this Colony, for the use and service thereof, in Bills of the following denominations, viz: 3,176 bills of six Dollars; 3,176 bills of five Dollars; 3,176 bills of four Dollars; 3,176 bills of three Dollars; 3,176 bills of two Dollars; 3,176 bills of one Dollar. And that the same shall be redeemed by a tax on the Polls and Estates of the inhabitants of this colony, in the following manner, viz; ~5,000 by the 26th of January, in the year of our Lord 1783; ~5,000 more by the 26th of January, 1784; ~5,000 more by the 26th of January, 1785; ~5,008 16s. more by the 26th of January, 1786. And that the form of said Bills be as follows; "'Colony of NEW HAMPSHIRE. e" - Dollars. Dollars. "No. ( ) January, 26, 1776. "The possessor of this bill shall be paid by the Treasurer of this Colony - dollars, by the; which bill shall be received for the aforesaid sum inl all payments at the Treasury, and all other payments by order of the Council and Assembly. Dollars. Dollars. Committee." That Josiah Moulton, Jun., Joseph Gilman, and Phillips White, Esquires, or any two of them, be a Committee to sign said bills. That Meshech Weare, Esq, and Doctor Levi Dearborn, be a Committee to procure Paper and supreintend the Press, while the Money is printing, and deliver the same to the Treasurer, and take his receipt therefor. All which Bills after their redemption, shall be burnt to ashes in the presence of the Council and Assembly." The Congress held at Philidelphia, May 10th, 1775, ordered the issue of two millions of Dollars, and in July following another emmission of three millions of dollars. These bills were printed with common type, and read thus: PAPER: CURRENCY. 483 "CONTINENTAL CURRENCY. No. Dollars. This bill entitles the bearer to receive Spanish milled Dollars, or the value thereof, in Gold or silver: according to the Resolutions of the Congress held at Philidelphia, on the 10th day of May, A. D, 1775.'" Of this emission, forty thousand dollars were assigned to New Hampshire, by vote December 5, of the same year. Each colony was to provide ways and means to sink its proportion of the bills ordered by Congress in such way as its circumstances would permit, and was to pay its quota, in four equal annual instalments, viz; Nov., 30, 1779, 1780, 1781 and 1782. It will be noted that the time of payment of these bills was within a month of the time specified for the redemption of the bills ordered by the colony. On the 29th of December, the same year, Congress ordered another emission of three millions of dollars. This was assigned to the several Colonies according to population, and each was to redeem its share in four equal annual instalments, the first to be paid Nov. 30, 1783. Thus it will be seen that in the first year of the Revolution, what with the bills issued on her own account, and those assigned by Congress, New Hampshire had an indebtedness on account of paper currency of more than three hundred thousand dollars. This was an amount that would he considered onerous in our present prosperous circumstances, but then it was alarming, and could not be met, as the result proved. But still the bills continued at par and were readily taken in all the transactions of life. However, in January 1.776, the currency began to depreciate, as the- public confidence in it began to be shaken. This was mainly owing to the efforts of the tories, sustained by the British government. These, secretly or openly embraced many of the wealthy men in all the colonies. So long as money could be had to carry on the war, so long it was evident it would be protracted, and it became the settled policy of the "enemies of liberty" to break down the currency. To do this completely, was to bring the contest to anlimmediate close. Hence there was a union among the adherents of the British government to practice any means to produce to them so desirable an end. Not content with keeping hard money from circulation, and refusing to take paper money under any circumstances, they resorted to counterfeiting. Counterfeits of the various Colonial and Continental issues were 484 THE HISTORY OF M]ANCHESTER. put in circulation in all the colonies. These in most cases were the most perfect imitations. To meet this exigency, laws were passed making it an offence to refuse such currency for any pecuniary obligation, and attaching severe penalties for counterfeiting the currency; but all to no purpose. In this colony, the tories managed with much adroitness In January 1776, the Legislature had made the bills of the State and of the United States, a legal tender in all cases, and the counterfeiting of them a penal offence. At the same time, they had ordered another issue of paper money to defray the expenses of the war. These bills as the others had been, were printed by Mr. Rob't. Fowle, under the immediate superintendence of a Committee of the Legislature. Fowle had been gained over to the interests of the British government, and from the same form from which he had printed the money for the Committee, he struck off an immense number of bills on his own account, and that of the tories. These were sent to, and put in circulation by the principal royalists in the colony. Being from the same form and the signatures well counterfeited, they passed with the utmost readiness. Many of them were taken to the treasury, and received without hesitation. At length such vast numbers were in circulation, that suspicion was aroused, the counterfeit detected, and measures set on foot to detect the counterfeiters. Fearing detection, Fowle absconded, and soon after some of his confederates were detected. Among them was Col. Stephen Holland of Londonderry. He also succeeded in making his escape, after he had been arrested. Many others were more than suspected, among them men who had hitherto sustained the most unblemished reputations. They had engaged in the measure as one of policy, not for the purpose of fraud, and hence they had no scruples on the score of morality. The law of the Legislature met them however without any such distinctions, and it was with the utmost difficulty that some of them evaded its penalties. The emission that had been counterfeited was called in forthwith and destroyed, and a new emission made. This was printed by Mr. John Melcher, late of Portsmouth, who had been an apprentice to Fowle. After the form was set up, Mr. Weare, the Chairman of the Superintending Committee, drew hair lines with a knife, across the face of the type, the bills were then printed, and the form melted down in the.presence of the Committee. This device prevented the counterfeiting of this emission. This was the last emission of paper money by New Hampshire, and all former bills were called in and ex PAPER CURRENCY. 4S5 changed for Treasurer's notes on interest, and of value not less than five pounds. Counterfeits of the Continental bills were made in England, sent over in government vessels, and distributed in large quantities. This state of the currency of itself produced a want of confidence in it, but this was greatly increased from the fact that when the time stipulated for the redemption of these bills had expired, they were paid in like currency, instead of specie. Thus the holders of Continental hills, redeemable the 20th of November, 1779, and those holding our owil Colonial bills, redeemable a month later, on presenting them had to take a like amount in paper, instead of silver. Under such an accumulation of adverse circumstances, it was not strange that the curency should depreciate. On the contrary, it is passing strange that it did not become completely worthless, long before it did. From the 1st of January, 1779, however, the currency which had steadily depreciated through the two previous years, began more rapidly to decline, as seen by the following SCALE OF DEPRECIATION, 100 ~ Paper I 1778. o 1779 o 1780 ~ 1781 in 1777 equalj~ s. d. q.?~ s. d. q. ~ s. d. q.!~.. d q Jan. 31.to 100 ~ Silver 30 15 4 2 46 13 9 6 2 0113 8 1 3 98 1 6 8 0 Feb. 28. 96 3 0 3 69 28 11 5 0 57 11 10 4 3 90 3 0 2 1 22:1 6 8 0 Mar. -31. 94 6 9 2 3 26 13 4 0 10 2 13 6 1 591 6 80 Apr, 30. 90 18 2 0 7225 9 1 1 3 65 2 10 1 6 80 May 31. 87 14 4 2 52,25 8 47 1 23 2 1 8 0 1 680 June30. 83 6 8 25 7 9 0 1 50,1 15 1 0 21 016 8 0 July 31. 80 23 10 7 0 23`6 5 4 3 66i1 13 4 0 Aug. 31. 66 13 4 0 22 4 5 1336 2 8 1. 571 11 8 3 81 Sept.30. 57 210 1 14 21 1 0 2 5215o 11 1 1 53i1 10 9 0 92: Oct. 31. 36 7 3 1.920 4 18 6 1 61 9 10 0 83 Nov. 30.33 6 8 18 6112674 67 344 1 8 6.3 42 Dec. 31.,32 -5 1 3 41 15 15 5 1 954 3 6 3 7011 7 4 3 6 At length the state of the currency was so alarming, that Con gress in Marchl780, determined upon a new scheme of finance. The details of the plan were, "The statIs are to pay the Continental Treasury, $15,000,000 a month. Forty dollars of the national paper, are to be equal to one of specie, and all of it gathered in at this rate shall be consumed. There is to be a new emission of bills, equal to, and payable in silver and gold, within six years, at five per cent. This paper shall be issued on the filnds of individual States, and the promise of the whole, country pledged for the liquidation of whatever portion of it any of them may fail to redeem. Each State is to have a portion of such notes accord 486 THE HISTOtRY OF MANCHESTER. ing to its national tax, and place them in the loan office there, from which they may be drawn completed for circulation, in the proportion of twenty dollars of the old tenor, for one of the new. Of its quota of the last money every Commonwealth is to have six-tenths, and the United States four tenths, which sum shall be credited to the former government."* New Hampshire issued her proportion of these bills. It was issued in all convenient denominations from one to Fifty dollars. The following is the copy of an original note of this class; "Twenty Dollars. State of New Hampshire. No. 2105. Twenty DollarsThe possessor of this Bill shall be paid twenty Spanish milled dollars, by the thirty-first day of December, one thousand seven hundred and-eighty-six, with interest in like money, at the rate ef five per centum per annum. by the State of New Hampshire, according to an Act of the Legislature of the said State, of the fith day of May, 1780. Interest. s d q C. ROBINSON. Annnally. 6 J. MCCLURE. Monthly. 6 1T. PEARSON." Endorsement on the bill.'"The JUnited States insure the payment of the within Bill, and will draw Bills of exchange for the interest annually, if demanded, according to a resolution of Congress, of the 18th of March, 1770. NICH. GILMAN." rhis was called the "New Emission" and was received with coolness. It soon began to depreciate, but not with the rapiditv of the old issues. In 1781, it had so depreciated, as that ~4 -of it only passed for ~ I of silver. The peace that followed in 1783, had a tendency to sustain the value of the currenhy, and it continued at the point of four for one until the time of its redemption in 1786. The notes issued by New Hampshire from 1775, when the "copper plate notes" as they were called, were issued, remained in part unredeemed as late as 1794. The legislature in the June session of that year at Amherst, enacted a law for the re*See Felt, p. 187 and 188. THE DARK DAY. 487 demption of all their previous issues. By this law it was provided, that all state notes or orders should be redeemed at the rate of fifteen shillings to the Pound; all bills of the "new emmission" at five shillings to the Pound; and all "copper plate notes" or any other bills issued by New Hampshire, at the rate of five shillings for every one hundred dollars! To meet this draft upon the treasury, the treasurer was authorized to borrow twenty-five thousand Pounds for two years, at six per cent. interest. All bills of a less denomination than three dollars were to be paid in specie, and all of a higher denomination were to be paid one half in specie and the remainder in state notes, payable in eighteen months and bearing interest at six per cent. This law was promptly carried into effect, and thus this depreciated currency was completely drawn from circulation, after a baneful existence of near twenty years. May, 19, 1780 has been noted as "The Dark Day." The morning was cloudy and rainy. Near eleven o'clock it began to grow dark as if night was approaching. Fowls went to roost, and cattle returned to barn-yards, as if it had been night. At noon it was too dark to read without lights, and they were necessary to perform the ordinary duties about house. Judge Patten,, in his Journal has made the following entry as to it;'19th, was a Thunder shower in the morning and was followed by an uncommon darkness such as is not remembered, it was so dark That one would not known a man but at a small distance, and were obliged to keep a light in the chimney to see to go about and the night was Extraordinary dark until one o'clock, that a person could not see their hand when held up nor even a white sheet of paper, the day and night was cloudy, the clouds in the day did not seem thick and was of a lightning up couler our almanack makers have given no account of the matter the cause unknown." The greatest alarm prevailed among all classes at this singular phenomenon. The more excitable ran about exclaiming that "the day of judgment was at hand;" while the more phlegmatic were filled with astonishment and surprise, not to say, alarm. The darkness was owing to natural causes. Fires had been raging in the wilderness northwestward, for a long time. Smoke and cinders filled the air, the west wind prevailing. On the night of the 18th and 19th, the wind changed and blew form the eastward, bringing in from the Ocean a 488 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. dense fog. The fog and clouds meeting, loaded as it were with smoke, soot, and cinders, formed an impenatrable stratum in the atmosphere, that for hours shut out the light of day. Early in 1783 news had arrived that provisional articles of peace had been signed, betwixt England and the United States. Meantime during the spring of the same year, Congress had ratified the provisional articles of peace, and had ordered the same to be promulgated in the States by the Executive officers thereof. The Committee of Safety for New Hampshire, there being no Executivo officer, appointed Monday the 2Sth day of April for proclaiming the same, and it was read by the Sheriffs of the Counties, in the several shire towns. The proclamation was attended with great pomp and ceremony at Portsmouth. Mr. Weare, Pesident of the Council, and Chairman of the Committee of Safety, with other officers of the government, attended the reading of the same by the Sheriff, from the balcony of the State House; a collation was furnished at the Council Chamber, speeches were made and sentiments given, and in the evening there was a grand display of bonfires upon the parade, and many of the public and private houses were illuminated. In this neighborhood, the 10th of July was set apart by general consent for noticing the pleasing event.; and the people of this vicinity celebrated it by a general merry-making at Amoskeag Falls, where and when it was doubtless celebrated with quite as much heart and feeling as at the Capital. But peace put an end to the provisional government of New Hampshire, as it was to continue only "during this unnatural war." But agreeable to a resolution of the Legislature at its preceding session, and the vote of the towns upon that resolution, the same plan of government was continued by Proclamation of the Committee of Safety, until the 10th day of June 1784. This Proclamation was publised, april, 16, 1783, and the old form of government was continued in operation MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS. Robert Rogers was the son of James Rogers of Londonderry. From boyhood he. was exposed to all the perils and hardships of a frontier life, and six feet in height, and of fine proportions, he was noted as one of the most active and athletic men of his time. He early took part as a volunteer in the French and Indian wars, and in 1755 was in command of a company from New Hampshire, in the expedition against Crown MAJ. ROBERT ROGERS. 489 Point. Necessity as well as inclination led Rogers to join this expedition. He had engaged to enlist some soldiers in this neighborhood for Capt. Joseph Frye of Massachusetts, and while in this service, had becorne implicated with some others in counterfeiting the paper money of the Colony. He was arrested and put under bonds for his appearance at Court. The government was in want of troops, and an arrangement was soon made with Rogers, that the proceedings should be stayed against him and his companions, provided they enlisted for the war. Rogers was commissioned as a Captain, and in a very short time had his full complement of men, and was on his way to Albany. He preferred the risks of Indian warfare to the prospect of a hempen knot. Possessed of much presence of mind, intrepidity, and perseverance, he soon attracted the attention of his superior officers, and was appointed to the commnand of the noted Rangers. In this position, he gained great reputation, as has been developed in the preceding pages. After the reduction of Canada, he returned to this state, and lived on his half pay as a Major. He passed some time in Portsmouth, where he married a Miss. Browne. He soon after went to England, where in 1775, he published a volume of "Reminiscences of the French War." As a reward of his services, he was appointed Governor of Michillimacinack, in 1766. In this position, he was accused of plotting the plunder of his own fort, and desertion to the French, and was arrested and, sent to Montreal in irons. He managed to get rid of this difficulty, and in 1769, went a second tinle to England to prefer his claim upon the government for his services, and for money advanced to his soldiers on various occasions. While in England he published the second volume of his "Reminiscences of the French War." At the breaking out of the Revolution, he returned to America. After his return his conduct was very supicious, and although some of his former companions thought him favorably inclined to the patriot cause, yet there can be little doubt that he was a spy of the British Government. His movements were very erratic for one on an honest errand. PNear the.close of 1775, he was reported to have been in Canada, and had entered the patriot camp as a spy, in the habit of an Indian. This lie persisted in denying, but soon after he was in Hanover in this state, where he called upon Dr. Wheelock, and one can hardly imagine why he should have been there, unless he were on his return from Canada, or sounding the people of the 490 THE HITTORY OF MANCHESTER. N. H. Grants who were supposed to favor somewhat the royal cause. Dr. Wheelock immediately informed the Committee of Safety, of Roger's visit, saying in his letter; "The famous Major Rogers came to my house, fi'rom a tavern in the neighborhood, where he called for refreshment. I had never before seen him. He was in but an ordinary habit for one of his character. He treated me with great respect; said he came from London in July, and had spent twenty days with the Congress in Philadelphia, antd I forget how many at New York; had been offered and urged to take a commission in favor of the Colonies; but, as he was on half-pay from the crown, he thought proper not to accept it; that he had fought two battles in Algiers under the Dey; that he was now on a design to take care of some large grants of land made to him; that he was going to visit his sister at Moor's Town, and then to return by Merrimac river to visit his wife, whom he had not seen since his return from England; that he had not got a pass, or license to travel, from the Continental Congress," &c.* "Major IRoger's account of himself and his plans was not probably wholly true. He actually had a pass from Congress, but he had been a prisoner of that body, and had been released on his parole, and on signing a certificate, wherein he "solemnly promised and engaged on the honor of a gentleman and a soldier, that he would not bear arms against the American United Colonies in any manner whatsoever, during the American contest with Great Britain."t From Hanover Major Rogers went to Cambridge and attempted to visit the American camp, but Gen. Washington would not permit him to come within the lines. He put up at a Tavern in Medford, where Gen. Stark and others of his old companions visited him. Gen. Sullivan waited upon him and questioned him as to his motives for visiting the country. This account of himself seems to have been satisfactory. About this time Major Rogers wrote Gen. Washington a letter, filled with his regard for America, and Washington requested Gen. Sullivan to examine him more particularly. In answer, Gen. Sullivan writes under date of Dec. 17, 1775, "Agreeably, to your orders, I have again waited upon Major Rogers, and strictly examined him." * * * * *. He owns everything in Mr. Wheelock's letter, except his being in Canada; this he denies." *Forces Archives. tSabin's Loyalists. MAJ. ROBERT ROGERS. 491 Gen. Sullivan suggested, "as he was once Governor of Michillimacinack, it is probable that he may have a commission to take that command, and stir up the Indians against us." From Cambridge Rogers proceeded toAlbany where Gen. Schuyler sent for him anu examined him closely. In a letter to Washington, under date of January 5, 1776, Genl Schuyler says, "Since the receipt of your Excellency's of the 18th, Major Rogers has come into this town. I sent to him, and among a variety of papers he produced a late one from the Committee of New Hampshire, to pass unmolested to New York, for which p!ace he starts to day." Gen. Schuyler placed no reliance upon the information given by Dr. Wheelock. Neither did Washington, for in January, he writes, "I am apt to believe the intelligence given to Dr. Wheelock respecting Major. Rogers, was not true." Yet he would have him strictly watched. In February, Rogers was inll New York and made application to the Congress to be permitted to visit the "Duches of Gordon" the Governor's ship, then in the harbor, upon particular business connected with his own private matters. Leave was granted him. He continued irin and about New York during the Spring and early part of the Summer, under suspicious circumstances. At length Gen. Washington ordered his arrest, and he wes taken at south Amboy. Washington says of his arrest; "Upon information that Major Rogers was travelling through the country under suspicious circumstances, I thought it necessary to have him secured. I therefore sent after him. He was taken at South Amboy, and brought to New York. Upon examination he informed me that he came from New Hampshire, the country of his usual abode, where he had left his family; and pretended he was destined to Philadelphia on business with Congress. "As by his own confession he had crossed Hudson's River at New Windsor, and was taken so far out of his proper and direct route to Philadelphia, this consideration, added to the length of time he had taken to perform his journey, his being found in so suspicious a place as Amboy, his unnecessary stay there on pretence of getting some baggage from New York, and an expectation of receiving money from a person here of bad character, and in no circumstances to furnish him out of his own stock, the Major's reputation, and his being a half-pay officer, have increased my jealousies about him. The business, which he informs me he has with Congress, is a secret offer of his services, to the end that, in case it should be reject 492 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ed, he might have his way left open to an employment in the East Indies, to which he was assigned; and in that case he flatters himself he will Obtain leave of Congress to go to Great Britain." Washington sent him to the Congress at Philadelphia under the charge of an officer for their disposal, but Congress could not rid themselves of their suspicions, and they ordered him back to New Hampshire, to be at the disposal of the Provincial Congress. It is probable that he made an offer of his services' to Congress, and that his offer was rejected on' account of their want of confidence in the man. From this time Rogers, either despairing of obtaining employment in the patriot service, or finding it impossible to maintain his double character any longar, openly espoused the royal cause, and on arriving at New York broke his parole of honor, accepted the commission of a Colonel, raised the corps known as the Queen's Rangers, and was for a time the scourge of the countryin the neighborhood of Long Island Sound. In October 1776, Rogers and a portion of his command made an attack upon one of the American outposts near Mamarroneck. and was badly beaten, and he himself came near being made prisoner. A Hartford paper. ot October 28, 1774;, gives the following particulars of the defeat.'.On Monday last, (October 21,) a party of tories (about 100 in number,) some of whom came from Long Island, under the command of the infamous Major Rogers, made an attack upon an advanced party of our nmen, when a smart engagement ensued, in which the enemy were totally routed, about 20 killed on the spot, and 36 taken prisoners, who were safely lodged in the goal at the White Plains; the gallant commander with his usual bravery, left his men in time of action and made his escape." Soon after this time Col. Rogers left his command and went to England, and the noted Col. Simcoe took command of the Queen's Rangers. In 1778, he was proscribed and banished by the Legislature of New Hampshire. It is probable that he never intended to return to his native land when he left for England in 1777. His wife was divorced from him by an act of the legislature, and married Capt. John Roach of Concord. Nothing is known of Col. Rogers after he left America for the last time, and the time and manner of his death, whether in Algiers or the East Indies, by the bowstring or the sword, is equally unknown. His son Arthur, lived with his mother at Concord, and after her death inherited the property in Concord, now known as the ii' ii~ 1/~tE' ii ii,l liiiii~~~l f~ o WE!!-'~ ji'' i! i~ i jl~ ~iiii`!~ k tlt ______ *'I )I I l:t- II..... INi iiij_ _ _ _ j!Hill~~~~~~~~~~i iiii lii l!' i 1 it. jP1 asct-iiii.,i~ l Eric~~~~~~~~~~~~~~; DeltaPhil ppin Hil t ill 1RO V I i i i; jfi::,erili z e!!Hilliili::, DIFFERENT FORMS OF GOVERNMENT. 493 "'Rogers Farm." He died in Portsmouth about 1841, leaving three children, two sons and a daughter, who occupied most respectable positions in life in the Republic of Hayti. CHAPTER XXI. IDerryfield under various forms of government.-Choose an executive committee.-Committee of Safety.-Committee of Congress. -Convention of Dec., 1775.-Meeting for choice of Delegates in Derryfield and Goffstown.-Form of Government.-Officers appointed.-Committee of Safety.-Plan for a State government.-Vote in Derryfield.-Convention propose a plan in 1779.-Its provisions.-Vote upon it in I)Derryfield.-Rejected.-Convention of 1771.Their plan.-Vote in Derryfield.-Plan rejected'-The Legislature propose to continue the government to June 1784.-Vote upon this proposition in Derryfield.-Convention adjourns.-Address of the Prseident.-Committee of Safety issue a Proclamation.-Plan objectionable to the people.-Convention meets.-Send out plan again with an Address.-Vote in Derryfield up on plan.-Vote on 8th article of Confederation.-Constitution accepted.Provisions. —Meeting in Derryfield. —First President. —Insurrection of 1786.-Leaders in it.-Go to Exeter.-Surround the court house, then the meeting house.-Militia called.upon.-Insurgents retire to North River.The ringleaders arrested. —Manner of their arrest.-General Booez.-Trials of offenders.-Convention to act upon the plan of government for the United States.-Finesse of Judge WValer.-Convention of 1791 for altering the state constitution. —Send out their plan and adjourn.-Vote in Derryfield upon it.-Is adopted.-Its provisions. It will have been seen that the people of this town have been under various kinds of government. While a portion of its territory, from 1719 to 1740, was under the government of New Hampshire, a portion of it was subject to "squatter sover eignty" and nearly all of it was claimed and occupied by Massachusetts, from 1734 to 1740. In this last year, the claim of Massachusetts was disallowed by the King in Council, and this town soon settled down quietly under the government of New Hampshire, a part belonging to Chester, a part to Londonderry, and part being still unincorporated. This state of things continued until 17l;1 when as we have seen, the town 36 494 TUE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. was incorporated by the name of Derryfield. New Hampshire continued under a Provincial government and Derryfield a part of it, until 1775, when upon the departure of Governor Wentworth from the Province, the royal authority was at an end, and the people assumed to govern themselves. The people of Hillsborough County in the month of May, of that year, by delegates, met in Congress at Amherst and formed a temporary system of government, by which the people were mainly governed through the summer and fall of 1775. The people of Derryfield were thus governed, and they refused to send any delegate to the Provincial Convention at Exeter, They continued their town organization as usual, and when an extraordinary occasion demanded, the 15th of May, 1775, they chose a kind of executive committee, to act for them in all matters pertaining to their "libertys." This committee consisted of Capt. Alexander McMurphy, Lieut. James McColley, Ensign Samuel Moore, Ebenezer Stevens and John Perham. On the 27th day of June following, they chose a Committee of Safety "agreeable to the order of Provincial Congress" consisting of John Harvey, Lieut. James McColley, Samuel Boyd, Ensign Samuel Moore, and John Hall. Those Committees for the time being, had the management of all matters pertaining to "the libertys" of the people, while the Committees appointed by the Congress at Amherst, seem to have exercised all judicial authority within this and the other towns of the County. This state of things continued until the organization of the State Government in January 1776 by the Convention of the State in session at Exeter. Committees of Safety continued to be chosen in this town till 1779, after which tinme there is no record of any choice of such committee. It was by no means a desirable state of affairs, but still we are not aware but the people in this and other towns in the state, passed along as peaceably as under the former or succeeding governments. However, the necessity of an effective government became obvious to the entire people of the state, and means were taken to meet this necessity. The Convention in existence, and which had been in session much of the time during the summer of 1775, ordered a new convention to be called. Accordingly, circulars were sent to the various towns to choose delegates to meet in a Convention, to be held in Exeter on the 21st dayof December 1775. For this purpose Derryfield and Goffstown were classed together. The order was sent to the selectmen of the towns. It does not appear from our records that an order was sent to this town, that any warrant was issued by MEETING IN GOFFSTOWN AND DERRYFIELD. 495 the selectmen of the town in obedience to any such order, or that any proceedings were had in the matter. But nevertheless such an order was sent, and the people of Derryfield were notified, Joseph George, one ef the selectmen of Derryfield for 1775, uniting with the selectmen of Goffstown, in issuing a warrant for that purpose. All of which appears front the records of Goffstown. Their.warrant was as follows: "Colony of? These are to warn all the legal inhabiNew Hampshire. 5 tants paying taxes in the town of Goffstown aud Derryfield to meet at the Meeting house in Goffstown, on Monday the eighteenth of December next, at one o'clock in the afternoon. ily, to choose a Moderator to Regulate said meeting. 21y, to see if they will choose one Person to Represent them in Gennerall Congress to be held at Exeter December ye 21st 1775, and to impower said Representative for the term of ofie year from their first meeting, to transact such Business, Pursue such Measures as they may Judge Nessesary for the publick good, it being the order of the Provential Congress, Novem'r, 14, 1775. Given under our hands and seals at Goffestown this 27th of Novemn'r, 1775. Moses Kelley, Thos. Shirla, Joshua Martin, l Joseph Geoge, j The meeting was duly held on the 18th of December, and the record of its proceedings is thus; Colony of At a Legal meeting of the Inhabitants of New Hampshire. 5 Goffestown and Derryfield at the Meetinghouse in Goffestown on Monday the 18th day of December 1775. Voted, Major Moses Kelley Moderator. Voted, to chuse a person to attend the Congress at Exeter for the Insuing year. Voted, that the choice be by polling. Voted, that Major Moses Kelley be chosen to attend the Provential Congress at Exeter for the Insuing year. 496 THE HITTORY OF MANCHESTER. Voted, that their be a Committee chose to Give Instructions. Coln. John Goffe, Thos. Shirla, J John Harvill, Voted Robert MGregovill, be Said Coammittee, Robert McGregor, David Starit, Capt. James Karr, Voted, that the meeting be dismissed." It would be interesting to read the instructions of the committee, but they have not been preserved. The Convention met on the 21st of December, 1775, and after due deliberation on the 5th day of January, 1776, adopted a form of government. The act was as follows; "In Congress at Exeter, January 5, 1776. WE, the members of the Congress of the colony of NewHampshire, chosen and appointed, by the free suffrages of the people of said colony, and authorized and impowered by them, to meet together and use such means and pursue such measures, as we shall judge best for the public good; —and in particular, to establish some form of government, provided that measure should be recommended by the Continental Congress; and a recommendation to that purpose having been transmitted to us, from the said Congress-have taken into our serious consideration the unhappy circumstances, into which this colony is involved, by means of many grevious and oppresive acts of the British parliament, depriving us of our native and constitutional rights and privileges; to enforce obedience to which acts, a powerful fleet and army have been sent into this country, by the ministry of Great Britain, who exercise a wanton and cruel abuse of their power, in destroying the lives and properties of the colonists, in many places, with fire and sword, taking the ships and lading from many of the honest and industrious inhabitants of this colony, employd in commerce, agreeable to the laws and customs a long time used here. The sudden and abrupt departure of his Excellency John Wentworth, Esq., our late governor, and several of the council, leaving us destitute of legislation; and no executive courts being open, to punish criminal offenders, whereby the lives and properties of the honest people ot this colony, are liable to the machinations and evil designs of wicked men: PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF 1f7t7. 497 Therefore, for the preservation of peace and good order, and for the security of the lives and properties of the inhabitants of this colony, we conceive ourselves reduced to the necesity of establishing a form of government, to continue during the present and unnatural contest with Great Britain, protesting and declaring, that we never sought to throw off our dependance upon Great Britain; but felt ourselves happy under her protection, while we could enjoy our constitutional rights and and privileges-and that we shall rejoice, if such a reconciliation, between us and our palent state, can be effected, as shall be approved by the Continental Congress, in whose prudence and wisdom we confide. Accordingly, pursuant to the trust reposed in us, we do resolve, that this Congress assume the name, power, and authority, of a house of representatives, or assembly, for the colony of New-Hampshire: and that said house then proceed to choose twelve persons, being reputable freeholders, and inhabitants within this colony, in the folowing maner, viz. five in the county of Rockingham, two in the county of Strafford, two in the county of Hillsborough, two in in the county of Cheshire, and one in the county of Grafton,-to be a distinct and separate branch of the legislature, by the name of a council for this colony, to continue as such until the third Wednesday in December next; any seven of whom to be a quorum, to do business: That such council appoint their president; and in his absence, that the senior counsellor preside. That a, secretary be appointed by both branches, who may be a councellor, or otherwise, as they shall choose. That no act, or resolve, be valid, and put into execution, unless agreed to, and passed, by both branches of the legislature. That all public officers, for the said colony, and each county, for the current year, be appointed by the council and assembly, except the several clerks of the executive courts, who shall be appointed by the justices of the respective courts. That all bills, resolves, or votes, for raising, levying and collecting money, originate in the house of Representatives. That, at any sessions of the council and assembly, neither branch shall adjourn, for any longer time, than from Saturday till the next Monday, without consent of the other. 498 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. And it is further resolved, that if the present unhappy dispute with Great Britain, should continue longer than the present year-and the Continental Congress give no instructions or directions to the contrary-the council be chosen by the people of each respective county, in such manner, as the council and house of representatives shall order. That general and field officers of the militia, on any vacancy, be appointed by the two houses, and all inferior officers be chosen by the respective companies. That all officers of the army be appointed by the two houses, except they should direct otherwise, in case of any emergen-.cy. That all civil officers, for the colony, and for each county, be appointed, and the time of their continuance in office, be determined, by the two houses, except clerks, and county treasurers, and recorders of deeds. That a treasurer, and a recorder of deeds, for each county be annually chosen, by the people of each county respectively; the votes for snch officers to be returned to the respective courts of general sessions of peace, in the county, there to be ascertained, as the council and assembly shall hereafter direct. That precepts in the name of the council and assembly, signed by the president of the council, and speaker of the house of representatives, shall issue annually, at or before the first day of November, for the choice of a council, and house of representatives, to be returned by the third Wednesday in December then next ensuing, in such manner, as the council and assembly shall hereafter prescribe." The government was duly organized under this act, the House having forthwith chosen a Council according to its provisions, and the various officers being chosen agreeably thereto. The Counsellors chosen were, Meshech Weare, Hampton Falls, Matthew Thornton, Londonderry, William Whipple, Portsmouth, Rockingham County. Josiah Bartlett, Kingston, Nathaniel Folsom, Exeter, John Wentworth, Dover, Ebenezer Thompson, Durham, Strafford County. COMMITTEE OF SAFETY FOR 1776 499 Wyseman Clagett, Litchfield, ls ughCoun Jonathan Blanchard, Dunstable, Samuel Ashley, Winchester, Cheshire County. Benjamin Giles, Newport, John Hurd, Haverhill, Grafton County. Hon. Meshech Weare was chosen President of the Council. He was also chosen Chief Justice of the Superior Court. It was soon found that the government was sadly defective in not having an Executive head. This was foreseen, but there was such an antipathy against one man power, as had been exhibited by the governors under the royal government, that the people were opposed to one executive officer. To obviate this defect in part, and that there should be an executive in the recess of the Legislature, a "Committee of Safetv" was appointed. These Committees were chosen by every Legislature, and were considered as the supreme executive of the State, and their acts were considered as binding as those of. the Legislature, when in session. The Committee of Safety for 1776, consisted of Meshech Wearej Hampton Falls, Phillips White, South Hampton, Joseph Moulton, Hampton, Peirce Long, Portsmouth, 0Roc ingham Caunty. Timothy Walker, Concord, Benjamin Barker, Stratham, Joseph Dudley, Raymond, J Ebenezer Thompson, Durham, Otis Baker, Dover, Strafford County. John Smith, Durham, ) Matthew Thornton, Merrimack, Wyseman Clagett, Littchfield, Hillsborbugh County. Matthew Patten, Bedford, Nathaniel S. Prentice, Alstead, Cheshire County. Meshech Weare, was chosen President of the'"Committee of Safety" and Ebenezer Thompson, Secretary. Mr. Weare, and some others were continued members of this committee by annual election until the alteration in the form of government in 500 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. 1784. Mr. Weare was also President of the Committee usaally but not always; Hon. Josiah Bartlptt, Hon. Matthew Thornton, and Dr. Thompson having often been elected to that responsible office. The government thus established continued in operation until 1784, though there were unsuccessful attempts to change it in 1779, and in 1781. In 1777 the subject of a form of state government was agitated in the Legislature, and the sense of the people was requested to be taken on that subject, at the same time they were to approve or disapprove of the "Articles of Confederation, and Perpetual Union, published by the Continental Congress." A meeting for these purposes was held in Derryfield, February 9, 1778, at which the "artictes of Confederation and perpetual Union published by the Continental Congress were read and unanimously approved by said Town." It was also voted at the same meeting, "to Chouse a Committee to Give Instructions to their Representative Concerning framing a New Plan of Government for the state, and that said Committee consist of Seven men (viz.) William McClintock, Col. John Goffe, Lieut. John Hall, John Harvey, David Starret, Ensn. Samuel Boyd and Lieut. Moore." A Convention was called to meet at Concord, June the 10th 1778, to form a plan of Government. There was no delegate in attendance from this town. The Convention continued in session from time to time, formed a Plan of Government and sent it out to the people June 5, 1779. They then adjourned to meet on the third Tuesday, (22d) of September, in Concord. This plan provided for a General Court consisting of a House of Representatives and a Council. The Council was to consist of twelve members, five from the County of Rockingham, two from Strafford, two from Hillsborough, two from Cheshire, and one from Grafton. Every man paying taxes and being of the Protestant religion was to be an elector, and any one being a protestant, and possessor of an estate of three hundred pounds could be elected. Every town having one hundred families was to send a representative, and those having lesss then that number, were classed together. The common and statute laws of England were adopted except those militating with the provisions of the proposed Plan. There was much opposition to the Plan and it was rejected. In Derryfield a town meeting was held orn the 19th of August 1779, to consider the Plan of Government proposed, and it was referred to a Committee for consideration. The Committee consisted of Col. John Goffe, Lieut. John Hall, Lieut. Sam CONVENTION OF 1781. 501 uel Boyd, Ensign Joseph Saunders, and Messrs. John Sheldon, Abel Huse, and Jonathan Russ. At an adjourned meeting, held September 13, 1779, the Committee reported they could not agree upon the subject, and it was disposed of by vote, two voting to accept the plan, and thirty one voting to reject it! On the same day, the town voted to send a Delegate to the Convention to be held at Concord on the 22d of that month, and made choice of Capt. John Perham as such Delegate. Upon the meeting of the Convention in September, their Plan proposed, had been rejected by so decided a majority, that they thought it not worth while to act farther upon the subject. In 1781, another Convention was called and met at Concord on the first Tuesday of June, to form a permanent plan or system of Government. The people of this town refused to send a delegate to the Convention. The Convention formed a Plan of Government and sent it out to the people together with an Address signed by their President and Secretary, discussing the merits of the proposed Constitution. The Convention then adjourned to the fourth Wednesday of January 1782. Their Plan of Government proposed some radical changes. The legislative power was vested in a Senate and House of Representatives. To be elected to the former, a man'must be possessed of an estate of four hundred pounds. free of debt and one half to be real, while to be elected to the latter a man must be possessed of two hundred pounds free of debt, and one half real. Then it proposed the election of members of the House in a novel manner. Every town having fifty rateable polls was entitled to choose a member of a kind of Convention within the County-and the members of this Convention elected from their number the Representatives to the Legislature from that County. The executive power was vested in a Governor, with limited powers and time of holding office. A town meeting was called in Derryfield December 25th, 17S'! "to consult the plan of Government, and to approve or disapprove of any part of said plan." The subject was referred to a Committee consisting of Capt. Samuel Moor, Lieut. John Perham, Ensign Joseph Saunders, Ensign Samuel Stark and Wm. Freeto and they were to report to an adjourned meeting. They then adjourned to the 502 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. third Thursday of January. The action of the town at the adjourned meeting is thus recorded. "January 17, 1782, the town met according to adjournment, and after voting down some part of the plan of government, that is Needless to be here Inserted, they voted not to send any man to Convention and the moderator dissolved the meeting." The Plan was generally rejected throughout the Slate, and when the Convention met, they found their labors had been disapproved. The Convention however, continued its sessions, and on tile last Tuesday of December, 1782, resumed its labors. The existing form of government was only provisional, as has been before named. It was to continue ouly as long as there was war. Accordiugly, there being a prospect of peace, the Legislature at its last session, passed a resolution that in case peace should take place, the present form of government should continue till June 10, 1784. This resolution wat sent to the several towns in the State for their approval. A meeting was called in this town on the 13th day of November to consider of this subject, at which they voted by a decided majority to adhere to the then existing "plan of government," The record of the meeting reads thus;'"Voted to Except of the plan';of Government as it Now Stands. Contents 14. Non Contents 1." At the same time, they refused to send a delegate to the Convention. The Resolution of the Legislature was ratified by a majority of the towns. At the meeting of the Convention at Concord, on the last Tuesday of December, the people had taken so little interest in the matter and there were so many defects in the returns, that they determined upon an adjournment. The President, George Atkinson Esq., and the Secretary, Jonathan M. Sewall Esq., published an address of the Convention to the people, from which is given the following extract, showing the difficulties attending the formation of the Constitution. "'1Tis now almost two years since the Convention for framing a Constitution of Government for the people of this State, ADDRESS OF CONVENTION. 503 was called; and we are pained to say, we see less prospect of succeeding, than when we first made the attempt. Six times we have met and adjourned. and twice have been at the pains of printing such a form as we thought would be best for, and most acceptable to the people —all at an amazing expence to the State, and yet not half its inhabitants have thought proper to give themselves the least concern about it. At our first meeting we agreed upon the essentials of the plan. and appointed a Committee to prepare the draught. At our second, we received it, and voted to print and send out to the people 700 copies thereof, informing them that not less than two thirds of the voters in favor of the plan should be sufficient to establish it. Our next meeting, to receive the votes was so thin, and so few returns were made, that we adjourned to a better season of the year, in hopes that both would be more ample, at the next meeting; and in the mean time recommended to the several towns to send more members, and be more explicit, as well as numerous in their returns. We met the fourth time; we received and considered thte votes, and appointed a committee to make the necessary alterations. At our next meeting we voted to receive the plan thus altered, and to print & send out to the people 800 copies thereof. It was so done. After a long recess we again met to receive the votes, but to our great grief and surprise, not half the towns within the State, made any rcturns, and of those that did, not a fifth part of their inhabitants voted. One reason of this we find by many of the returns, was that the people conceived they were obliged to take a certain oath of allegiance, in order to qualify them to vote respecting the constitution, which they for some reasons declined. We therefore take this opportunity to assure them that it is the full sentiment of the Convention, that they are under no necessity of taking it, the act imposing the oath, not reaching to matters of this kind; and provided the votes are given in public town meeting, that that the Convention will as readily receive them without the voters taking the oath as with it. We find great defects in the returns last made. In many, the number of voters is not mentioned. Some of the towns that voted in favor of a chief magistrate, but against his title of Governor, have not been explicit as to his powers. Many towns that have voted against the mode of representation and a variety of other matters, have omitted pointing out the amend 504 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ments. Some have condescended to criticize single words;others have confined many of their observations merely to the address, tho' that is no part of the Constitution. From these and many other considerations, the Convention have thought it best to adjourn once more before they make any further alterations in the frame, to give the people the fullest opportuoity to consider and give their sentiments thereon, as well as to rectify any mistakes and supply all defects, that the Convention may have a tolerable assurance that the plan, after all, will be received. In order to which all the towns that have acted, are at full liberty to make any alterations, or if they chuse, to proceed as if they had never acted at all; and they have adjourned to the first Tuesday of June next, then to meet at Concord."' Meantime the articles of peace had been ratified by Congress and our old form of State government was at an end by its own provisions. But this state of things had been anticipated by the Legislature, and in'consequence of its action, the Committee of Safety issued the following Proclamation, continuing the form of Government for a specified period. "State of? In Committee of Safety, April 16, 1783. New Hampshire. A Proclamation. Whereas the Form of Government agreed upon by this State, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy six, was (considering the then situation of affairs) established to continue only during the unhappy and unnatural contest then subsisting with Great Britian: And whereas the General Assembly of this State in their last session, from information they received, had a promising prospect of a speedy and happy termination of those contests, and. establishment of Peace; and taking into consideration the fatal consequences which might follow from being destitute of a regular Form Government, did pass a Resolve recommending that the present Government be continued in its full force'till the tenth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty four, notwithstanding a general pacification should take place in the mean time; provided a permanent Plan of Government for this State should not be established antecedent to that period: And it was recommended to the Selectmen of the several towns and places in this State to lay said Resolve before the inhabitants at their next annual meetings, if received before such meetings were finished, if not so received, then at meet PROCLAMATION OF COMMITTEE SAFETY. O05 ings to be called for that purpose; and the inhabitants were requested to signify, by vote, their approbation or disapprobation ot continuing the present Government according to said Resolve; and the Clerks of the several towns and places were required to certify the same to the Committee of Safety, on or before the 15th day of April then next. Which returns having been made and carefully examined by the Committee, it appears clearly to be the voice of the inhabitants of this State, that the present Plan of- Government be continued agreeably to said resolve. We therefore hereby make known, That the present Plan of Government for this State, is continued in full force and effect until the tenth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty four, provided a permanent Plan of Government for this State should not be established antecedent to that period. And all officers, civil and military, and all persons concerned, are to take notice hereof, and govern themselves rccordingly. M. WEAizE. President. By order of the Committee, J. PEARSONS, Dep. Sect'y." At the meeting of the convention in June, it was found that the proposed plan was objectionable to the people, and changing the name of the Executive from Governor to President and limiting his powers, they sent the Constitution again to the people for their approval, accompanied with an Address drawn up by a committee appointed for that purpose. A meeting was held in this town, September 16, 1783, to consider the plan of Government. The subject was referred to a Committee of seven, consisting of General John Stark, Major John Webster, Lieut. John Hall, John Goffe, Jur. Lieut. John Perham, Ensign Samuel Stark, and James Gorman who were to report at an adjourned meeting. "The subject of " the 8th article of the Confederation," coming legally before the same meeting, it was referred to the. same Committee. At the adjourned meeting, September 23d, the committee reported in favor of accepting the plan of government, and their report was unanimously accepted by the town. It was also "Voted that the clause in the Eight article of Confederation stand as it now is,"' probably agreeable to the report of the Committee. The eighth article was as follows: 506 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. "'ART. VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general warfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States, in proportion to the value of all land within each State, granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and the improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to timne appoint and direct. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled."' The Constitution was generally accepted throughout the State. The Convention finished their labors after nine sessions, on the 31st day of October 1783 and published and declared the accepted plan of Government to be "'the civil constitution of the state of New Hampshire." This Constiuttion provided for an Executive entitled the President, to be elected annually, to possess an estate of five hundred pounds, one half a freehold, and to be of the Prfotestant religion. It also established a GeneralCourt, consisting of a Senate and House of Representatives. The Senate was to consist of twelve;-five from Rockingham, two from Strafford, two from Hillsborough, two from Cheshire, and one from Grafton. Each senator was to possess a freehold of two hundred pounds and be of the protestant religion, thirty years of age, and an inhabitant of the State seven years. Each town having a hundred and fifty rateable polls was entitled to a representative, and to another for every three hundred additional rateable polls. Towns having a less number than one hundred and fifty were to be classed. Each representative to be of the protestant religion and to have an estate of one hundred pounds, one half a freehold, in the town from which he was elected, and he must have been an inhabitant of the state two years. There was also a Council of five members, to be elected annually, by the General Court, two from the Senate and three from the House et Representatives. The March elections through the State were held under this Constitution. INSURRECTION OF 1786. 507 In Derryfield, the annual election was held the first day of March 1784. The record of voters for President and Senator are as follows: "For Josiah Bartlett, 17 votes. John Langdon, 9 " " John Calf, 1 " Votes for Senator as follows: "For Gen. Nichols, 13 " Esqr. Bailey, 9 " Levt. John Orr, 2 "' Gen. Stark, 1 "' Esqr. Blood, 1 Joseph Blanchard, 1 " " Esqr. Robert McGregor, I " Esqr. Abbott,1 I" Hon. Meshech Weare was elected President, being the first executive officer elected by the people in New Hampshire. The government was duly organized on the first Wednesday of June under this Constitution at Concord, amid the rejoicings of the people. The goverment under this Constitution, went along quietly and without opposition until the fall of 1786. Then, an organized opposition in arms, only proved its stability. The state of the currency produced much discontent. Many individuals had become embarrassed by contracts entered into while paper money was in full favor, others had lost their earnings by depreciation,and still others had spent years in the service of their country and had been paid in paper money,-that was next to worthless. Discontent on this subject generally prevailed, and it was generally believed that the evils might be met by legislative enactments. Such however, had only made matters worse. Still excitement was kept up, meetings were held in many towns, and delegates chosen to a convention, while a formal petition was agreed upon to the legislature, praying for an emission of bills of credit. At the session of the Legislature, an issue of ~50,000 at four per cent on land security and carrying an interest of six per cent, redeemable at some fiture time, was agreed upon-and the plan was sent to the various towns for their assent or dissent. This plan did not suit the most clamorous for paper money, and they determined to coerce the Legislature into their measures. Runners were accordingly sent into the most disaffected 508 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. towns, calling upon the people to arm, go to Exeter, and demand of the Legislature an emission of paper money, and other enactments to suit their views. The interested, young and thoughtless, obeyed the call, and on the 20th of September about two hundred men entered the town of Exeter, some on foot, some mounted, about one hundred armed with muskets, and the rest with clubs and canes. The principal leader of the civilians was Moses French of Hampstead, a man who had before taken a conspicuous part, and presided at their late Convention. Of the military men, there were Colonel Benjamin Stone Major James Cochran, of Pembroke, Capt. James Cochran o Pembroke, Capt. John McKean of Londonderry, Capt. Ela Dowe, Lieut. Asa Robinson of Pembroke, Lieut's. Clough, and Brown, and Ensign Thomas Cotton. It will be seen that most of these men were from the western part of the County of Rockingham, and we are sorry to say that the disaffection was most rife in that section. Arrived at Exeter, the mob organized, chose French Moderator of their meeting, and passed certain resolves, which were sent to the Legislature, they then marched over the bridge and back, and surrounded the court house, where Judge Livermore was holding court. The Judge remained unmoved and would not permit the people to look upon the mob from the windows of the court house. They soon left and marched to the meeting house, which they surrounded. Their resolves, signed by Moses French as Moderator and dated on Exeter Plain, had been presented to the House of Representatives. This body had entertained the paper and appointed a committee of three to be joined by a committee of the Senate, to takethe subject into consideration; but the Senate would not concur, and a conference was being held in the meet ing house upon the subject, when the mob surrounded it. The president (General Sullivan,) being, ex-officio, a senator, opened the matter, by giving publickly, in the hearing of the people, and as many of the mob as chose to attend, the reasons on which the senate non-concurred the vote of the house. He first considered the position, and shewed with great strength of reasoning, and very coolly, the extreme folly, as well as the very great injustice of the prayer of their former petition. And also observed, that even if the measure was just and reasonable, the general court ought not to pay attention to it merely from having the voice of thirty towns only, out of two hundred, in favor of it. He concluded by saying, that if the voice of the whole state was for the measure, yet the legislature ought INSURRECTION OF 1786. 509 not to comply with it, while they were surrounded by an armed force. To do it, would be to betray.the rights of the people, which they had all solemnly engaged to support, and that no consideration of personal danger should ever compel him to so flagrant a violation of the constitutional rights of the people, who had placed him in the chair of Government. As soon as this speech was made, the mob beat to arms. and surrounded the meeting house, where the president, the senate and house remained; those of the mob who had muskets, were ordered to charge with ball, which command they instantly obeyed. The house proceeded to business as usual, without taking any manner of notice of the management at the doors. Centinels were placed at each door with fixed bayonets, and the whole legislature were prisoners. After sun-set the president attempted to come out, but was prevented by a firm column. He reasoned very coolly with themn on the impropriety and fatal tendency of their conduct, and assured them that the force of the state would support the government: which they took leave to deny with as much confidence as he asserted it. Thus all remained, till the evening was quite dark; the minds of the sober part of the people began to rise at the indignity; while the mob clamored, some paper money, some an equal distribution of property,. some the annihilation of debts, some release of all taxes, and all clamored against law and government. A drum was now heard at a distance, and a number of men huzzaing for government. The'mob appeared frighted, and some of them began to run; the president told them he would prevent bloodshed, and walked through them, and the general court followed. On this, the insurgents returned to another part of the town, and the Jegislature, who had throughout the whole, acted with the most inimitable firmness and magnanimity, re-assumed their business, and requested the president to call forth the power of the state to quell the rebellion. At eleven in the evening, he issued orders, and by sun-rise the next morning, the militia were marching in, well armed, with military music, and other incitements to military movements. The major and brigadier-generals of all the state excepting one, whose great remoteness from the scene of action prevented him, assembled early in the morning. Gentlemen of the first rank and education, emulous to save a government for which they had done and suffered so much, appeared either on foot or horse in order, 37 510 THIlE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. and enthusiasm, quite inexpressible by words, appeared through the whole. By eight o'clock the next morning, a sufficient body of cavalry and infantry had arrived to march against the mob, who, by this time, had collected and advanced, within a mile of the court house. Having, by their spies, got information of their intentions, the unarmed part of them thought it prudent to retreat to Great Hill. The remainder kept their ground till the light horse appeared in view, and then retreated with great precipitation and disorder; many of them fell into, the hands of their pursuers, and were sent back to town and secured. When they had reached the bridge at King's-falls, being met by those who had before retired, they halted and exhibited the appearance of an intention to dispute the pass; but a few officers and gentlemen on horse-back, having with great spirit and address, taken most of their officers, and principal men from the midst of them, they betook themselves to flight in great confusion, and returned to their respective abodes. The whole affair was conducted with much coolness and moderation; and though orders were repeatedly given by some of the insurgents to fire on their assailants, there was happily no blood spilt on either side. The mob being dispersed, the troops returned into town, where they met, or were' afterwards joined by large bodies, which arrived after the business of the day was over."* About forty prisoners were taken, and among them were.Cochran the principal military leader, and French, the Moderator Gen. Cilley at the head of a squad of horse, rode in among the insurgents and arrested Cochran with his own hands. His companions at the same time seized each his man ampng the ringleaders. This was done with such celerity and bolddness, that hardly any show of resistance was made. Most of;the leaders in custody, their followers fled in all directions. Capt. McKean and some others escaped and returned to Londonderry, but the night following, a party of horse, under the command of Gen. Cilley, arrested them and carried them to Exeter. Mr. James Aiken of Londonderry acted as guide to th.is party, being acquainted with the men and their residences. He was known to no one of the party to which he was guide, and rode upon a white horse;keeping some distance ahead. When he turned his h( rse completely around in front of a house, there they were to make an arrest. During the expedition, Sthe;soldiers attempted to overtake their guide, but being *See N. H. His Coll. INSURRECTION OF 1786. 511 well mounted, he kept his distance, and his secret. The guide was known as "Death upon the White Horse," and the incident excited a good deal of curiosity. The secret was kept for years and did not transpire until Mr. Aiken revealed it upon his death bed. A man by the name of Booez from Londonderry was one of the insurgents. Arrived at Exeter, he was not exactly satisfied with his position, and when surrounding the meetinghouse, he all at once commanded "Shoulder arms, Right about, Face, March!-" and suiting the action to the word, he shouldered his musket, and leaving the ranks, marched up the street, and never stopped until he arrived at his own house. From this incident, he ever after was known as "General Booez." The most of the men were dismissed'after making due acknowledgments of their error; but five were reserved for trial for riot. They however, were afterwards discharged by the court. The officers were tried by a Court Martial, most of them found guilty, and sentenced to be cashiered. Col Stone was acquitted. Major Cochran was sentenced to be cashiered, but on account of former good conduct was recommended by the court to be restored, and he was restored. Captains Cochran, McKeen, and Dow; Lieutenants, Robitison and Clough, and Ensign Cotton were cashiered. Lieutenants, Brown and Weare, were reprimanded. Quite a number of men were among the insurgents from this neighborhood, and of them two young men, John Webster and James Nutt, from Derryfield. They became excellent citizens, and were wont to speak of the affair as one in which they engaged with others, as a reckless, boyish frolic. Many others doubtless engaged in it with little forethought; but the leaders were misguided, restless men, who needed some chastisement to reconcile them to the proper restraints of an orderly government. The whole affair was conducted on the part of the government with much promptness, moderation and justice, and upon the whole the affair was productive of good, as it convinced the reckless and restless among the people, that the government was a reality, and to be sustained by the orderly and good citizens of the state at all hazards. In 1788, a Convention was called to act upon the Federal Constitution for the government of the United States. The Convention met at Exeter, the second Wednesday of February. After discussing the subject some nine or ten days, the Convention adjourned to the third Wednesday of June, then to 512 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. meet Concond. At the adjourned session, the greatest anxiety prevailed, and the discussion was continued until Saturday, when the question was taken upon the adoption or rejection of the Constitution. During the call of the members, the stillness of death prevailed in the house. Anxiety was depicted on every couutenance. At length, the President announced the state of the vote, 57 having voted for adopting the Constitution and 46 against it —leaving a majority in its" favor. According to a provision in the Constitution, it was to go into operation, when nine states should adopt it, and the action of New Hampshire, she being the ninth, was awaited with the greatest solicitude. She adopted it and the result was hailed with delight throughout the state and country. It is said that this result was attained by a -pleasant trick on the part of Col. Walker, of Concord, one of the friends of the Constitution. The Colonel invited a number of the enemies of the measures to dine with him together with a number of its friends. It was so managed that good wines were passed round after the cloth was removed, and the dinner was continued until after the vote was taken in the Convention, thus securing a majority in favor of the constitution! The Constitution of New Hampshire adopted in 1783, continued in foice until Sept. 1792. In 1791, a Convention was called to revise the Constitution. The Convention met, and on the second Wednesday of February 1792, finished revising the same, and sent it out to the people for them to approve, adjourning the Convention to the 5th day of September following to await the decision of the people. On the 5th day of August, at a town meeting in Derryfield, the Constitution was read and it was "Voted to accept the Constitution,-14 votes-Contrary-0." September 5, the Convention having met it was found that the Constitution as revised by them had been accepted by the people, and it was declared to be the "Constitution of New Hampshire," and was to take effect the first Wednesday of June, 1793. This Constitution did not differ very materially from that of 1783. It changed the name of the Executive from President to Governor. It provided for twelve Senators to be chosen from twelve Districts into which the state was to be divided by the Legislature-instead of choosing the same nunber from CONSTITUTION OF 1792. 513 not more than ten, nor less than five Districts as before. And it provided that the Council, of five members, should be chosen by the people, either from the Counties, or from five Districts into which the state might be divided by the Legislature, instead of the same number of Counsellors chosen by the Senate and House, from their members as before. These were the most important alterations, Hon. Josiah Bartlett was chosen Governor, being the first Governor chosen by the people in New Hampshire under a republican form of government, and the government of the state was duly organized at Concord on the first Wednesday of June 1793, under the new Constitution. 514 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XXII. Increased enterprise.-Raise money for preaching, schools, and reparing meeting house.-Town devided. into school districts.-Great Freshet' —Wiseman Claget.-Drowning of Griffin and others.-Col. John Goffe.-State claims land within the "'Masonian Curve."-Masonian Proprietors buy it.Election of President. —Population of Derryfield.-Amoskeag Bridge.-Small Pox. —Henrysburg annexed.-Lining the hymn.-Duel. —Hon. Samuel Blodget. —foves to Goffstown.-Establishes a store there.-Appointed Justice of the Court of Common Pleas.-Joins the army.-Diving Tongues.Begins his Canal.-Its location.-Its failure.-His Locks barst.-Obtains a charter.-Embraces Col. Baldwin's plan.-Has the grant of a Lottery.Difficulty with the managers.-Second Lottery.-Canal finished.-Opened May, 2, 1807.-His death.-Bounty to soldiers. —Grave yard. —Social Library.-First School House near the Falls.-Soldiers volunteer.-Town vote thanks.-Vote to build school houses.-School house tax list-Locate school houses.-Build pounrd.-Population of Derryfield.-Propose to lock Cohas, — Fence Grave Yard.-Change of time of holding Annual Meeting.-Presidential election. —Attack upon Alexander Irwin's house. —Rioters arrested,-Compromise.-Locking Cohas.-Bounty to soldiers.-Center School House.-Presidential Election.-Change of name of the town. The successful close of the war of the Revolution, gave individuals time and opportunity to attend to their private interests. The people of this colony had but just well recovered from the shock incident to:the Seven Years War, when the Revolution commenced, and paralyzed individual effort and enterprise. Peace again established, and that spirit of enterprise, so incident to, or rather, an important part of the American character, soon began to tell upon the community. In this town, it was everywhere apparent. but not in so striking a degree as in many other places. Still here, it shew itself in a greater regard for education and morals, and was equally apparent throughout the town, in greater attention to agriculture and its consequent results, neatness and thrift. Very little attention had been paid to "preaching" during the Revolution, as the taxes for other purposes had been very burdensome. But at the annual meeting in March 1784, after news had HON. WISEMAN CLAGETT. 515 arrived of the signing the articles of peace, the people were quite liberal and voted to raise fifty dollars for preaching and that "the Said'Preaching be had Between the month of April and November." They next "voted Not to Rais any money for Schooling this year" which vote and its record shows the great necessity of the very measure they voted down. HoWever, at the very same meeting a better feeling prevailed, as the record shows, for they "Voted to Reconsider a vote passed this meeting concerning Schooling, and also voted to Raise ~9, to be laid out to hire Schooling this year, and also that the Selectmen Devide the town into four Districts according to poles and Estate for the School to be kept in." In May following, at a special meeting, they also voted to raise $100, for repairing the meetng house. In October the, Selectmen made their report. dividing the town into four School Districts. This was the first division of the town into School Districts. It was an important step in its progress, and with the other rreasures named, shows that the peace had a most beneficial effect upon the town and its people. On the 5th of December 1784, there was a remarkable fieshet in the Merrimack. Judge Patten says of it, -'Dec, 3d, Was a great rain, but warm." "'Dec. 5th being Sabath day was the highest freshet in the Merrimack River ever seen by any person now living. Last night the bridge over the Piscataquog in Bedford, was floted off and a number of men worked all day saving the timber and plank of the bridge." This was long remembered as the "Great Winter Freshet."' A great deal of damage was done upon the Merrimack and its tributaries. Many families living upon the intervals of the Merrimack were forced to abandon their homes, and take refuge with their neighbors on the uplands. HON. WI SEMAN CLAGETT. "This gentleman represented this town in the Legislature a number of years, it being classed with Litchfield, the town where he resided for some years previous to his death. As a representative of Derryfield, and a distinguished and most worthy man, his biography should find a place in our annals. "Mr. Clagett, was born at Bristol, in England, in the month 516 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of August, 1721, and received an early and liberal education in that country. Having finished his academical studies, he; became a student at the Inns of Court, qualified himself for the profession of the Law, and after going through a regular course of preparatory studies, was admitted a barrister in the Court of Kings Bench. A few years after his admission to the bar, he crossed the Atlantic'to the West Indies; settled in Antigua under very flattering circumstances, and was cordially received by the principal inhabitants of'the island, particularly by a gentleman of fortune, who as an inducement for him to remain there, settled on him a handsome annuity for life. He was appointed a notary public, and Secretary of the Island. He discharged the duties of these offices with fidelity, and pursued his professional business there with success for several years, until the decease of his particular friend and patron. He then embarked for this country and settled in Portsmouth. He was admitted an attorney of the Superior Court at the next session after his arrival, and was soon after appointed a Justice of the Peace. In the exercise of this office, he was strict, severe and overbearing. For many years he was the principal acting magistrate in Portsmouth and his name became proverbial. When one person threatened another with a prosecution, it was usual to say, " I will Clagett you." He received the appointment of King's Attorney-General for the province in the year 1767. He took an early and decided part inl opposition to the oppressive acts of the British Parliament, at a time when a considerable portion of his property, was in the control of the government. Previous to the revolution, he removed to Litchfield, where he possessed a large and valuable estate, on the banks of the Merrimack. Ile represented that town and Derryfield, classed with it, several years in the General Court. Being omitted one year, the towns of Merrimack and Bedford elected him for their representative, although not an inhabitant of either of those places. He always entertained a grateful remembrance of this mark of confidence and respect, and frequently spoke of it with pleasure. He was for some time a member of the committee of safety, and was active attentive and useful. He was influenti'al in framing and carrying into effect, the temporary form of government, which'was first adopted in New Hampshire, under which the office of Solicitor-General was created,, and Mr. Clagett was the only person who ever had that appointment; the office ceased at the adoption of the constitution in 1784, a little previous to his death. DEATH OF GRIFFINS AND THOMPSON. 517 He possessed a great flow of wit, which accompanied by his social talents and learning, made him an agreable companion. He was also: distinguished for his classical knowledge. He wrote the Latin language with ease and elegance, and spoke it with fluency. He had a fine taste for poetry, and many jeux d'esprit, the producnetions of his pen, have been preserved by his friends. He did not possess a perfect equanimity of temper, but was subject at times to great depression of spirits. He did at Litchfield the 4th of December, 1784, in the sixtyfourth year of his age."* On the night of the 16th of December 1784, a mournful incident occurred, that threw a gloom upon the people of this neighborhood. William McLaughlin of Bedford on that night had an infair at his house. This is a Scotch Irish term for a party made upon the occasion of one's wedding, or moving into a house. McLaughlin had lately got married and commenced keeping house. Of Scotch Irish descent, he celebrated the event after the manner of his fathers by an infair, to which a large company were invited. Many were present from Derryfield, and among them Theophilus Griffin, his brother John Griffin and his wife and Mr. Adam Thompson. These four crossed the Merrimack to the infair, in a boat. After staying at McLaughlin's till late at night, they started for home. Crossing the river above Griffin's Falls, the boat capsized in the current. Theophilus Griffin and the woman clung to the boat, while John and Thompson, as they supposed made for the shore; but probably siezed with cramps, they were both drowned. \Vhile Theophilus who was a noted swimmer. was succcessfully urging the boat towards the shore, the woman seized hold of him, causing him to lose his hold of the boat. In their struggles, they both went to the bottom. Rising, Griffin freed one hand from her grasp and boldly struck out for the shore, and doubtlessly would have succeeded in gaining it with her, had not the woman in her fright, again seized both of his hands and carried him a second time to the bottom. Griffin nlow left her to her fate, and reached the shore nearly exhausted. It was some time before he was able to walk home and inform his friends of the sad calamity. The next day the greatest excitement prevailed and large numbers from Derryfield and Bedford were engaged in raking the river to recover the bodies. The bodies of the men were found near where the boat was *Annals of Portsmouth. 518 TTHE HITTORY OF VMANCHESTER. capsized, but the body of the woman could not be found and after two days, the search was given over. The funeral of Griffin and Thompson took place on the 18th, and was attended by a large concourse of people from the adjacent towns. On the 20th of October 1786 died in this town, COL. JOHN GOFFE. He was the only son of John Goffe Esq., who was one of the original settlers of Londonderry, and who lived the last ten years of his life at Cohas Brook, in this town. Col. Goffe moved from Londonderry and took up his permanent residence in this town in 1734,* probably under the auspices ot Massachusetts. In 1738 he moved across the river into Bedford, and his father moved from Londonderry on to his farm at Cohas Brook. His father dying in 1748, Col. Goffe moved back to Derryfield upon his farm, where he continued to reside till his death. Col. GofFe was a man of marked character, and for sixty years was identified with all the stirring scenes of the most exciting periods of our country's history. From Lovewells fight in 1725, through the Indian and French wars and the war of the Revolution, he was almost constantly in the public service, and how well he acted his part, has been related somewhat at length in the preceeding pages. Through all the military grades, from private to Colonel, and in all of them in actual service in. the field, he sustained the character of an energetic and courageous soldier, receiving on all occasions the hearty commendations of his superior officers. In civil life, he was equally distinguished for energy of character. Ile was a representative in the Provincial Legislature and the first Judge of Probate for Hillsborough County, holding that office from 1771 to 1776. In 1765, he received the grant of the town of Jefferson, then called Dartmouth, in consideration of his public services. Too old at the time of the Revolution, to take the field, yet he enti:red into the contest heart and hand, and did as much by *On page 170 it is stated that Col. Goffe settled at Cohas Brook prior to Lovewel''s war, in 1722. This is a mistake as regards a permanent residence. He may have had a temporary residence there in 1722, as tradition has it, but he did not make a permanent residence there till 1734, as is abundantly shown by affidavits in the Secretary's office, in the action Goffe vs Follensby, by which it is made to appear that he cleared four acres of land on the north side and near by Cohas Brook, and built a house upon the same in April and May, of that year; that he lived there until 1738, when he moved to Bedford, and his father moved into the house he had vacated at Cohas Brook. In 1748, his father died, and he immediately moved from Bedford on to his farm at Cohas Brook and continued to reside there until his death. COL. JOHN-GOFFE. 5 L9 precept, example and his purse, as did any other man in the state, in support of the good cause. In 1777: when our troops had Burgoyne at bay, Col. Goffe was at Portsmouth, and he forthwith wrote home to his son to encourage volunteers. The letter shows the energy and spirit of the man, then seventysix years of age. It was as follows; "Portsmouth Sept. 24, 1777. Si.: —Col. Bellows goes off to-day to head as many volunteers as will-push off to reinforce Gen. Gates. Our army are now in possession of Ticonderoga. In order to cut off Burgoyn's retreat, who was on the 17th of this month, within four miles of Stillwater, with his main body, as we are assured by Gen. Stark's letter of that date, pressing the State to exert every nerve, and to march at least half the milita of this State. And now is the time to cut off the whole army. And if we do but all go without hesitation. I verily believe it will put an end to the war. And if you could go yourself, for a fortnight or three weeks, I believe it would encourage many. Every man will have pay, as the last militia had. But it must be done without loss of time. And if your brother-inlaw, Samuel Moor, would be forward in this affair, it would be to his everlasting honor. Pray show yourselves friends to the country this once. I am your loving father, JOHN GOFFE. ~bo Maj. John Goffe. Pray let Capt. Moor see this after you have read it." Hle -was open and fearless in his advocacy of the cause of the people. Governor Wentworth, as he had favored him in the way of office and grants, thought to control him, and was much-chagrined'when Col. Goffe openly told him of his misconduct in attempting to control the Legislature. The Governor became so enraged as to lose his proprity, and used some abusive language towards Goffe. The Colonel, old as he was, was ready to resent an insult, and seizing the Governor, he would have ejected him from the rocm, had it not been for the interference of their friends! He was the military teacher of the Rogers, the Todds, the Hazens, the Stevens, the Starks, and that host of brave soldiers, that in the Seven Years War and the Revolution, so nobly upon the battle field, did honor to their teacher, themselves, and Amoskeag. Although a military man and in actual service for years, Col. Goffe was a strictly religious man, and favored all attemps for 520 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the support of the gospel in this town. For many years, when there was no regular preaching at the meeting house, he held meetings at his own house on sabbath evenings, leading in the exercises himself. It is said, that he was "apt in exhortation and prayer." And he practised what he preached, for aside from being examplary in his conduct as a man and christian, he contributed largely of his means towards religious and charitable objects. No man in town paid more towards the building and repairing of the meeting house, or for support of preaching in it. and no worthy person went from his door without experiencing his hospitality. The memory of such a man should ever be held in the most grateful remembrance. Very little had been said as to the Masonian claim, after the sale of it to the prroprietors by John Tufton Mason in 1746. After the war was at an end in 1783, this claim. was again brought into controversey. Mason, and the proprietors after him, claimed that their north west line was a course running parallel to and sixty miles distant from the sea-shore between the Rivers, Piscataqua, and Merrimack, which is a curve extending north west into the land. Their opponents denied their claim, and contended that the noth west line of the Masonian claim was a straight one, extended from the northwest extremity of the east line of Mason's line patent to the northwest extremity of the west line of said patent. This controversy involved the title to the land in some fifty or more towns and was one of grave importance. A large portion of the land was settled. the occupants derviing titles primarily from different claimants. Some claimed by grants from the king, some had purchased of the heirs of Samuel Allen, others held grants Jrom the state, and others still had purchased from the Masonian proprietors. The State of New Hampshire had become the main party to the controversy, as against the Masonian proprietors. The inhabitants upon the disputed territory naturally became excited, the title to their lands being in doubt, and at length the Legislature came to a determination to settle the controversy. Accordingly, January l6, 1787, they appointed John McDuffie, Josiah Bartlett, and Archibald McMurphy, Esqr's, a committee with full powers to run and determine the line in controversy. The June following, they passed a law quieting all occupants of the lands in controversy in their possession of the same, so far as that, the state should not disturb or interfere FIRST ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. 521 with their titles, whether obtained from the king, the heirs of Samuel Allen, or the Masonian proprietors. The committee appointed to run this line determined upon a straight line as the head line of Mason's patent, and reported their doings to the Legislature. Upon this the Masonian proprietors came forward and proposed to purchase the claim of the state to the land in controversy. Their proposition was acceded to, and the Legislature voted to sell the claim for forty thousand dollars in state securities, and eight hundred dollars in specie. The Masonian proprietors obligated themselves to pay that sum, and the Legislature, June 18th, 1788, appointed Thomas Bartlett, Dudley Odlin, and Archibald McMurphy, Esqrs., a committee with full authority to transfer the title of the state to these lands, to the Masonian proprietors. Thus ended a long and troublesome controversy as to "Masons's patent," that had existed in some shape or other, for one hundred and fifty years. The Constitution of the United States having been adopted, elections were ordered in the several states by their legislatures, In this state it took place on the third Monday of December, 1788, the ballotingin this town for Electors, was as follows: Gen. John Stark, i2 Hon. Matthew Thornton, 8 John Bell, 10 Archibald McMurphy, 11 Hon. John Calf, 9 Gen. Peabody, 5 Mr. Foster, 3 His Excellency John Sullivan, 2 Mr. West, 1 The electoral vote of this state was thrown for General George Washington, and he was unaninmously elected President of theUnited States. In 1790, the population of this town amounted to 362, being an increase of only 77 inhabitants since the census of 1775. This small increase was doubtless attributable to the unsettled state of the country. Enterprise had now begun to spring up in this hitherto neglected region. that erg long wvas to increase and flourish with an unprecedented growth. In June 1792 the proprietors of the Amoskeag Bridge were incorporated. They organized and commenced operations with a great deal of energy. They commenced cutting the timber 522 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTEH. for the bridge on the 3d day of August, and on the 20th day of the following month the bridge was passable.'I'his was a great enterprise for the time, and was mainly accomplished through the energy of Robert McGregor Esq., who lived just across the river in Goffstown, and from whom the bridge was more generally called "McGregor's Bridge." T'his bridge crossed the Merrimack at the foot of Bridge street where the foundation of its abutments and piers can now be seen. The presidential election took place in this state May 27, 1792, and in Derryfied the 2d article in the warrant calling the town meeting coming up for action, viz; "To bring in your votes for six persons to elect a President and Vice President of the United States," it was voted to dismiss the same. This vote shows that very little interest was taken in the election, as the people were unanimous in favor of Washington, who was again elected President of the United States. In the Summer and Fall of this year, the small pox prevailed in town and caused great excitement. The project was started of inoculating the inhabitants with the disease, and furnishing a house for the purpose. A town meeting was called for the purpose; but the project was voted down. Gen. Stark had his family inoculated, and some others in town went to his house and had the disease by inoculation. The excitement continued, and another meeting was called to "prevent the spreading of the small pox in this town," and to choose a committee "to enquire into the cause of the small pox coming into this town, and to punish the offenders." At the meeting, January 10, 1793, a committee was raised for the purpose, but the vote was afterwards reconsidered and the article dismissed. In the charter of the town, the west line extending but eight miles from Litchfield up the Merrimack, there was a gore of land remaining betwixt the north line of Derryfield, and the south west line of Chester, and the Merrimack, unincorporated. This was a part of "Harrytown" and was called "Henrysburg," or "Henrysborough " Settlers had entered upon, and occupied the gore, and came in for the advantages of the roads built by Chester and Derryfield without contributing an'ything therefor in the way of taxes. It was thought proper that this gore should be annexed to Derryfiold. Accordingly at the meeting, Oct, 30, it was LINING THE PSALM. 523 "Voted, to have the Gore of land called Heneryburg annexed to this town," and measures were taken to effect the annexation. The town ol: Chester came into the arrangement and the annexation was consummated. In the warrant, calling the annual meeting for 1793, there was the following article; "6thly, To see what method the town will take to provide singing the present year." At the meeting March, 4, upon this article it was "Voted, That Capt. Perham set the Psalm." "Voted, That John Goffe, read the Psalm." These votes were that Capt. Perham, should name the tune'n which the psalm was to be sung, or that he should act as chorister, while John Goffe was to read' or line the psalm, as it was called. This was done generally by one of the deacons, hence lining the psalm, became to be called oftentimes "deaconing it." Lining or deaconing the psalm, was done in this manner. The minister named and read the psalm or hymn, the chorister named the tune in which it was to be sung, and the deacon in a loud, sonorous voice, read the two first lines of the psalm or hymn, to the congregation. The chorister then commenced singing the lines read, and all the congregation joined in singing them. The first lines disposed of, the deacon read the next two lines, and they were sung, and so on through the hymn. This lining the psalm grew out of the necessity of the case. All in the congregation, who could, were expected to sing. Very few of them had books; in fact, the psalm books were often confined to the minister and deacon. Hence the necessity of lining, as an attentive congregation.could repeat one or two lines after the deacon, very readily, and thus were able to join in the singing. Singing by choirs was a great innovation, and was not brought about without much opposition. In some instances the deacons objected to the innovation, and left the churches upon its introduction, and in others the ministers were opposed to it, aud would not read psalms when on exchange, where the practice of lining had been done away. Under the Constitution of 1792, Derryfield was classed with Litchfield, for the choice of a representative and at the joint meeting of the inhabitants of the two towns held March, 25th, 1793, Major John Webster, of Derryfield was chosen repre 524 THE HISTORY OF MIANCHESTER. sentative. It was voted that'the meeting for the choice of representative next year be at Capt. Corthorans (Cochrai,) in Litchfield and the year after at Capt. Moor's int- Derryfield." And the meetings continued always to be held at these places alternately, as long as these two towns were classed for the choice of a representative. The meetings at Capt. Moor's were usually held at his barn, and in pleasant weather, in the barn yard, the ox-cart answering the purpose of the Moderator's desk! There are persons living at the present time, who have attended town meetings at Capt. Moor's under such circumstances. Capt. Moo' lived at Gofie's Falls or Moor's Village, on the south side of the Cohas, where John P. Moor now resides. At these meetings for the choice of representative for the two towns, there was usually a great deal of merrymaking. Wrestling was the usual sport' and the best men in each town found ready backers for the ring. From wrestling they not unfrequently came to blows, and sometimes had a fight that would have done no discredit to a Donnybrook fair. On one occasion the election wound up with a duel. There was a Blodget in Litchfield, nick-named Hegan Blodget, who boasted a very long and fine cue. While he was intently watching a wrestling match in Capt. Moor's barnyard, some roguish wag Elipped behind him and cut off his cue. This gave mortal offence. He suspected Mr. Samuel Hall of this town of being the man who had perpetrated the foul deed, and in his anger challenged him to mortal combat. The challenge was accepted and the preliminaries arranged. They were to fight with muskets and at forty paces, to make sure work. It was doubted whether Blodget would fight, but he went upon the ground and met his combatant with a firm step. The muskets were handed them by their secondsthe word given, and both guns "flashed in the panll at the same moment." Upon this, the guns were pronounced foul, and an arrangement of the difficulty, was proposed by mutual friends. After some little time Blodget consented to overlook the loss of his cue, if Major Hall "would treat the company." The Major accepted the proposition, and the combatants shook hands over a mug of flip. It soon became known that the guns were loaded with sand, and that Hall was in the secret; this of course opened the wound of Blodget's honor afresh, which alone could be healed by extensive potations of flip. The warrant and tax lists for repairing the highways in 5!!: tl g t $j' /' "ii Ill ______ _______II__ _________~i,i' ______' t ~.ixI 1 ~ ~~...,.__._,, l.' -i."ii Ii \:1I Ii ii l'I l ul _____ fr= -- -t,!,,,2, IBIli!,II'i' O IW,!! i1i, i! N, Ii' iii 1' j1 I. M —I. 0!''" I.'i" ji~liiltl l I{aqii l;i!,,,!.?; l'(' ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~_____K i';ii,?j,, ME 1 Ililji u~~~~~~~~~~.......Fjin" /ip!i~ i/i;/! tl] I!!:1tl/. ~~i'~~ -~ ~~~~~..lli~lilii~ii I iII'/.i/w - -__- iiTM -.ii; i II i iii!II ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~idr~~~~~~~lz'Ii!Belia r'// / l";,/?~,/;;?it/,i:.u...... ii~i i ili~l;. ~.ii ti'!/~l/ j!l,,~,,,,,,,,I... "'~'1...;'"- ~:"~' = ~ Ijll/ I j i/jlli II I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:~~~ itI~ii iiliiill~ir11 64i~i~~if~~it' OK st-~~~~ n $! ~3rSRT~n~alii7 Uiu o~~~~~~~~~~~WR HON. SAMUEL BLODGET. 525 town, were first recorded in this year, but no definite limits were prescribed for the districts-such men only were grouped together, as could work most conveniently on certain roads designated in the warrants. There were seven of these lists. The immense water power at Amoskeag had hitherto been considered only as a barrier, that served as a check to the salmon, shad, and eels in their annual migrations up the Merrimack, and by this means made one of the best fishing places upon this noble river. Few had thought, and no one had spoken of their priceless value, for hydraulic purposes. But the time had come, when individual enterprise and energy was to commence the development of furnishing thousands upon thousands with remunerative employment, instead of doling out a scanty subsistence to a few fishermen. For years, there was one man who, as he had viewed the immense body of water, that then rushed over the fall, in such wild tumult, had conceived the idea of making them subservient to the wants, and conveniences of man. With him, to conceive was to plan, and to plan was to execute. That man was HON. SAMUEL BLODGET. Samuel Blodget was born at Woburn, Mass., April 1, 1724. His great-grandfather, Samuel Blodget, (or Blogget, as it was then written,) resided at Woburn as early as 1655. Little is known of his early life. It was probably marked with all the vicissitudes of fortune usually incident to young men of that day; the unremitting toil, exciting adventures, fearful mishaps, and savage incursions of an early frontier life. His opportunities for education, must of necessity have been limited, yet by industriously improving those opportunities, and attentively studying his lessons, received in the great school of life, he became a fair scholar for the times; had a passable knowledge of mathematicks; a smattering of philosophy; composed with some force and correctness; and wrote a plain fair hand. With such attainments Mr. B3lodget could have attained almost any desirable position in life, at an early period, wheln well educated men were few, and opportunities many; but young Blodget, as is too often the case, was possessed of a speculative mind, prone rather to theory than to practice, and 38 526 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER which resorted to practice for the purpose of carrying out a favorite theory, for the benefit of the community, rather than with any idea of personal emolument. We first find him at the siege of Louisburg, but in what capacity, is now unknown. It is probable however that he was connected with the Commissary department, as he was afterwards connected with that department in various campaigns, his business acquirements fitting him for its duties, and his active mind loathing the monotony of the mere soldier's life. For the succeeding ten years we know but little of the history of Mr. Blodget, but it is certain that in the year 1751, he made a purchase of a farm, in Goffstown, and was doubtless in this neighborhood in 1753, and 4. His farm was situated upon Black Brook, about two miles from Amoskeag Falls. The war that followed soon after, prevented any permanent or successful improvements on his farm, and Mr. Blodget again joined the army in the capacity of suttier to the N. H. Regiment. In 1757 he was at the siege of Fort William Henry, and narrowly escaped from the Indians with the loss of his goods, and the clothes from his back. Soon after, he engaged in mercantile pursuits in Boston with much success. A portion of his capital and attention, was devoted to the manufacture of pot and pearl ashes, and he gradually extended this branch of his business into the interior. His main manufacture was at Haverhill, but he had "potash-works" in Hampstead, Goffstown, New Boston, and other places in this neighborhood. In 1766, this part of his business had become so extensive that he established a store in Haverhill, for the purpose of furnishing supplies to those in his employment. His manufacture, and the trade connected with it, naturally led him to engage more or less in the lumber business, and finding both profitable, about 1765 he made large purchases of lands in Hooksett and Goffstown, and built a saw-mill near his place upon Black Brook. He also in that year, sent large "supplies" to his farm in Goffstown, for the use of his people engaged in the manufacture of "pots and lumber." In a short time he opened a store in Goffstown, and extended his mercantile operations in this region. His merchandise was exchanged for pot and pearl ashes, lumber and furs. His lumber was sold at Haverhill and Newbury, and his pot and pearl ashes and furs, were shipped to London, where he had extensive business arrangements with Sir William Baker, and others. During this time he was in Boston, where he traded, and was in public business, and was on terms of intimacy with some of its most HON. SAMUEL BLODGET. 527 distinguished citizens. In 1769, however, for the purpose of carrying on his business with more convenience, he removed his family to Goffstown and took up a permanent residence upon his farm. Here he soon obtained an advantageous position in society, and upon the division of the State into C/ounties, he was appointed a Justice of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, for the County of Hillsborough. It is probable, that he had in his mind the improving and canalling the falls at Amoskeag, for we find him purchasing such vast quantities of timber lands, as his prospective means of manufacturing timber upon Black Brook, would by no means justify. His knowledge of the resources of the country, led him to foresee the advantages of canalling the falls upon the river, while it required no great sagacity to foretell their advantages as a water-power. The difficulty of getting his own lumber to market, which had to be hauled past the falls or run over them at high water, doubtless first suggested to him the idea of a canal at these falls, and the idea once suggested, was entertained and at length became a ruling principle, if not passion with him. But the Revolution put a stop to any action in the matter. A patriot, he engaged in the cause, and was a Commissary or Suttler to Gen. Sullivan's Brigade, in 1775. When the army!eft Boston Judge Blodget retired to his farm and took no further active part in the contest, other than to assist with his advice, and his purse, both of which were ready on all occasions. During the continuance of the war, he completed a machine for raising ships from the bottom of rivers, harbors, and the ocean. After the arrival of peace, he spent four years in Europe, in operating his machine, but with little success. But the project of canalling the Amoskeag Falls, was still in his mind, and the completion of the Middlesex canal determined him to commence his long cherished project. He accordingly moved to Amloskeag in 1793, and took up his residence on the east bank of the Merrimack, in Derryfield. He had made his calculations that he could accomplish the undertaking with his own means, and that the investment would be a good one for his children, and at the same time would be of very great importance to the people of the interior. We think his calculations were in the main correct; for if he had built the locks and canal after the usual method, he might have built them in half the time, very nearly if not quite, with his own means, and the investment would hiave been as it afterwards was, a profitable one, and of vast importance to the people of the interior. 528 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. But he had a Lock of his own invention, and he made a trial of that and made a failure. In this failure, he involved a great portion of his own private fortune. At this time he owned most of the land immediately adjacent to the Falls, on the east side of the river. The mill at the head of the Falls, which stood just above the Amoskeag Bridge was owned by him in common with General Stark. It was built sometime prior to the Revolution, was now old, and Judge Blodget purchased Stark's right in it, and thus completed his title to the privilege on this side of the river. The title to this privilege was necessary to him, as his contemplated improments would flow it out. BLODGET S CANAL. He commenced work upon his canal, May, 2. 1794, and in the course of the season, made considerable progress in blasting and other preparations for the dams and mill pond. From the spring of 1794, Judge Blodget seems to have concentrated all his capital and energies in this project. In the spring c f 1795 he had made such progress with his canal, that Col. William Adams of Londonderry, a skilful carpenter, commenced the wood work of the same on the 18th of May. A line of dams was constructed from rock to rock, upon the east side of the channel of the river, from a point about fiftyseven rods above the Amoskeag Bridge, down the river, very nearly upon the line of the stone dams and bank wall of the basin of the Amoskeag Company, a distance of about thirtythree rods below the Amoskeag Bridge to a point nearly opposite the house now occupied by Samuel B. Kidder, Esq.; thence it was extended east to the shore, making a basin about ninety rods in length and from four to six in width. The basin was intended to answer the purposes of a canal and mill pond. On the west bank of this basin, and about half way of the same, stood the mill "Industry,"-having a grist mill below it, and above it a saw mill belonging to William Blodget. Out of the south west corner of this basin, the water passed through a slip of three hundred feet in length and twenty feet in width, to the lower canal, commencing above and running immediately west of the Blodget house which part of the canal is now entireto a point just below said house. From thence the canal followed the shore of the river down to a point just above the "boiler shop" of the Amoskeag Company, where it passed into the river. BLODGET' S C ANAL. 529 The west embankment of the canal from the Blodget house, downward, was of cobble work, filled with stones and covered with spiling of plank. At convenient distances along this canal check gates were placed so as to raise the water above them a foot or so, making as many slight resevoirs,as there were check gates. These gates were fastened by a hasp and opened down stream. As the raft or boat passed from the reservoirs through the slip, it gained considerable velocity, and as it came against the check gates, the momentum opened the gates and thus the raft or boat passed through the entire length of the canal of itself. This was an invention of Judge Blodget's. It was found, that however plausible in theory, it did not work well, in practice. The rafts of timber "stove up,"' and had to be rerafted, and shingles, staves and barrels were scattered along the shore. It was a failure. But it was attributed to the great descent of the slip. The rafts gained such velocity there, that they stove up at the check gates! This difficulty was obviated by constructing two locks in its place. Accordingly, in 1799, these locks were completed. The upper one, of one hundred and fifty feet in length, was built upon the surface of the ground. The posts at the side, were tennated into the cross sills, while their tops were held together by cross cap timbers, and were still farther secured in their places by braces, extending from near the top of each post, to the cross sill beneath. It was thought that such a precaution would secure the neccessary strength to the lock after it was properly planked. But the result showed, that neither Judge Blodget or his engineer, Col. Adams, had a correct knowledge of the element they were inteding to control. Upon letting the water into the lock, to the chagrin of the owner and builder, as well as to the disapointment of the hundreds that were collected to witness the opening, the sides of the locks were lifted from their places, by the upward presure of the water, and the work of the season was the wreck of a moment! In June of the following year, a high freshet carried off the locks and thus the labor of five years,the expense of full $20,000 was brought to nought! Such a result would have broken down any ordinary man; Judge Blodget, only exerted himself the more to accomplish the undertaking he had so much at heart. He had obtained a charter for his lock and canal in December, 1798, after the destruction of his lock. He now went seriously to work to sell the stock. In order to create cofidence in the public mind, he employed Col. L. Baldwin, to make a survey of a route for a canal, and to estimate the cost of finishing 530 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the work. Col. Baldwin made a favorable report, estimating the cost of completing the locks and canal at $9,000, but he recommended a route for the canal east of the old one, in order that it should be free from freshets-and closed his report by assuring the Judge "that it would not do to depart much from established principles, nor presume much on new theories, or to introduce works of speculation in canaling." These hints were not lost upon Judge Blodget, and he determined upon carrying out the suggestions of Col. Baldwin.He published the Colonel's report, and upon the strength of it, succeeded in selling some of the stock, reserving a controling interest in the same in his family. In December of the same year he obtained from the Legislature of New Hampshire, authority to raise the sum of $9000 by a lottery, for the purpose of completing "Blodget canal." During the following three years, he realized $5000 from his lottery, and $7000, from sale of stock, and other sources, which he expended in finishing the canal according to the survey and plan of Col. Baldwin. Meantime, the expenditures exceeding the estimates by some thousands, and the canal yet unfinished, in 1802, Judge Blodget received auother grant of a lottery from the Legislature, by which he might raise $10,000. The tickets in this lottery were as follows AMOSKEAG CANAL 2 FIRST CLASS. No. LOTTERY No. 2. II THIS ticket shall en title the bearer to receive the prize I that may be drawn against its number, Agreeably to an j Act of the General Court of New Hampshire, passed June Jf j[ 17th. 1802, if demanded within six months. II II I[ Upon the grant of this lottery, a resolution passed the Legislature authorizing the governor to appoint a committee to settle the accounts of the managers of the Lottery granted in 1799. This had become neccessary, as difficulties had arisen betwixt BLODGET' S CANAL. 531 the managers and Mr. Blodget. The managers had been dilatory in the affairs-had paid to Mr. Blodget but $5,000 of the proceeds, and refused to account to him, or allow his services. Mutual recriminations took place, and while the managers and their friends accused him of using the funds arising from the lottery for his own private use, inbuilding a splendid mansion; he publicly accused them of the most gross mismanagement in the affair-among other matters, that they charged five dollars a days as their regular wages, and that they charged for their expenses during the time of drawing the lottery, an amount equal to three dollars per minute, when the act only allowed them reasonable compensation; that they exhibited two sets of accounts differing from each other; that their lists of prizes were false and counterfeit; that they had refused to let him see the books; and that most of the books and tickets had been burned, thus placing it beyond the power of any one to investigate their management. These were grave charges. The committee of investigation, were not appointed, and did not commence the duties of their commission, until just before the June session of 1803, and did not inform Judge Blodget of their appointment, or of the time and place of making the investigation, until the t6th of May. He of course did not attend as he was out of the state, and had been denied access to the books, although he had "demanded them fifty times," and had not had the means, if there had been time, to prepare himself for the investigation. The committee reported alone from such data as were furnished by the manager, and of course were forced to make a report favorable to them. To this report, Judge Blodget replied in a public manner, reiterating his charges against the managers, and offering as he repeatedly had before, to settle the whole matter by arbitration. One great object of Judge Blodget in constructing his works at Amoskeag, was to take advantage of the hydraulic power afforded by the falls. To carry out this object, he had formed at the upper end of his canal a basin which afforded any amount of hydraulic power. He had only been able to use this power in driving a grist and saw mill, but he was an xious to induce capatalist to invest here in other mills,-and under the date of September 24, 1803, wrote that noted capitalist Wm.Gray, Esq., of Boston, setting forth the advantageous position of his great water power, and endeavoring to induce Mr. Gray to set up a nail factory, at Amoskeag. In this he did not succeed, andwas equally unsuccessfuil in inducing others to invest their money in' mills at this place. But he was 532 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ever eloquent, when he could find hearers, in descanting upon the advantages to be derived by this State from the water power at Amoskeag. In his mind's eye it was to be the Manchester of America, and he could see the brick walls upon his canal, as plainly, if not as substantially, as we, who occupy his place, a half a century later. And it is a curious fact, showing at least, the confidence he had in his own speculations, and we think, the correctness of his judgement, that prior to this, he had bought at Hooksett, the lot of land containing the clay banks, for the express purpose of affording the brick to build up Factories at this place! These clay banks have since been owned by the Hon. Richard H. Ayer, formerly of this city, and have furnished most of the brick used in building up the city of Manchester. Meantime while Judge Blodget was speculating upon the prospective advantages of his works at Amoskeag, the managers of the lottery with their friends and others of his enemies, were accusing him of neglecting the locks and canal, and of appropriating the money, received from the lottery, to his own private purposes. To show the progress of the work and to refute the charges of his enemies, he made a statement to the public, as to his proceedings, bearing the date of Dec. 6, 1803. The following extracts shows the state of the locks and canal at this time. "It has been a misfortune, that until within a few weeks past, the interruption by rocks and ledges, from the head of the Falls to the Canal, has had such an effect upon strangers, that they dare not venture into it with their rafts, without a pilot. The proprietors therefore have been to an expense of cutting a new Canal, from the head of the Falls into the old Canal by the eastern bank of the river, and nearly parallel with the same. This work is so well executed, that the water shoots directly into the old Canal, and such are the natural monuments on each side of this canal, that the stranger cannot fail, and will enter with ease and safety into the canal. There has been erected, at great expense, during the last season, below the second guard gate, a Basin, to receive all loose logs, drift stuff, so that a stranger, without the aid of a pilot, can pass from the head of the Falls directly into the basin below the mills, without interruption, and in less than half the usual time. From the basin to the lower canal are two locks of 100 feet each, through which we pass in twenty minutes. About thirty rods below these locks, there is a gate erected for the conveniency of BLODGET S CANAL. 533 stopping the water, by which we expedite the passage through the locks at half the usual time. By these alterations, business is done with great despatch, besides the saving of much labor, and the expense of a pilot. The last rafts that have passed the canal, have experienced all this. The canal below the last mentioned gate, is every way complete, so far as the slip through which the lumber passes into the Merrimack river again. From this slip to the river, requires four locks to be put down, of 9 feet lift, and 100 feet in length each, including that which must be placed in the river. Three of these locks are 100 feet each, are framed, and have lain at the spot over two summers, and are unavoidably in a mouldering condition. * * At the time I petitioned the Legislature of New Hampshire, for a lottery, to raise $9000, my sufferin s proved much more; for by taking a new route, which was recommended to me, and complied with, out of this $9000 exclusive of neccessary charges, Ihave received only $5000, all of which, and many thousands more, have been actually expended upon the canal, besides $1300 of tolls received the last season. So the reports now circulating of my being indifferent whether I complete the canal or not. and that I have made use of lottery money, in building a house, are both false and without foundation. So far from making use of the money I received by the lottery, I have expended more than $70t)0 upon the canal, besides the $5000 received by the lottery. This I am ready to prove, when called upon." From this statement it seems that instead of using the canai funds for private purposes, he had expended $7000 of his own upon the works since the granting of the lottery. It is difficult at this distance of time to come at the true state of the case, but it is evident that the sympathies of the con1mmuinity were with Judge Blodget; as in March following, the legslature of Massachusetts granted alotterV in aid of theBlodget canal, to raise $10,000 to be expended under the direction of that experienced engineer, Col. L. Baldwin, and in 1805, the legislature of New Hampshire passed an "Act to extend the time which was allowed Samuel Blodget for drawing a Lottery," granted July 18, 1802. We cannot refrain from remarking in this connection, that judge Blodget was mainly in the right; and the embarrassments consequent upon the failure of his locks and the destruction of his canal by a freshet, placed him in the hands of a set of speculators and sharpers, who taking advantage of his 534 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. age and embarrassments, threw every obstacle in the way of completing the work; that the same in an unfinished state might become so depreciated, as to pass into their own hands at a mere nominal price. But, blessed with a strong constitution, and possessing the confidence of the public, he lived down the aspersions of his enemies, and long enough to see the completion of his stupendous work. The avails of the lottery granted by Massachusetts, were not immediate or reliable, and but little progress was made upon the locks by Col. Baldwin, in the summer of 1805, and after November, the work was entirely suspended until September 4, 1806. Meantime Judge Blodget was not idle, and in the following winter brought the advantages to be derived from the completion of the Blodget Canal, before the public in a forcible manner, by contrasting the business done through his canal and slip, with that done through the Middlesex Canal, thus;'It will be acknowledged by all enquirers into canaling business, that the canals are, and soon wiil be of inconceivable advantage to the public at large, especially when the Blodget canal, so called by his charter, (but by the old Indian name Namoskeag,) is completely finished; here are the locks that command an immense property of a great and goodlv country of many hundred miles in circumference, round the lakes and heads of streams that empty into and form the Merrimack before they reach the locks at the Blodget Canal; this goodly country abounds with beef cattle upon a thousand hills, and all kinds of produce, and lumber in abundance, with wealthy inhabitants suitably interspersed all over it, who wish a commercial intercourse with the inhabitants of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. As the committee of the Middlesex Canal has published the particular articles that passed through their canal the last season the amount of which was 9405 tons of various - articles, the toll of which amounted to 1l,832 dollars, it may not, be amiss to inform the public the particulars and the quantity of each articte that passed through the locks and the slip of Blod' get's canal the last season, which is as follows; 941,647 feet pine boards 1134 tons. 1,333 feet oak boards 3 49,881 feet 2 1-2 inch oak plank 249 1-2" 13,000 feet 5 inch pine plank 75 " 13,800 feet 2 1-2 inch pine plank 38 BLODGET S CANAL. 535 15,250 clapboards 15 1-4" 343,500 shingles 68 3-4" 116,430 hogshead staves 204 35,750 barrel staves 35 3-4" 122,579 hogshead hoops 245,513 tons 3 feet oak timber 526 " 1,434 tons 27 feet pine timber 1230 " 62 tons 20 feet ash atnd elm timber, 62 1-2 " 240 empty hogsheads, 12 1,030 empty barrels, 25 3-4" 294 shooks, 5 " 2 empty boats for the Middlesex canal, 60 Amounting in the whole to, 3989 1-2 Eight tenths of said lumber was carried through said canal and slip, in two months, viz; from the 5th of April, to the 5th of June,' 1805, after which a very small quantity of Lumber passed through the canal owing to a failure of water and the Dam that is to be built for the purpose of turning the water into the head of said canal not yet being erected, the toll amounting only to 1080 dollars being fixed at the low rate of sixteen cents per ton for pine timber, and other articles in proportion which is done to encourage the business, the locks at the lower end of said canal being yet in an unfinished state, those people who come down the river with lumber are obliged to break their rafts in order to pass through the slip, and then r-e-raft said lumber, which not only subjects them to an extra bill of cost, but often detains them so long that they are obliged to haul up their rafts and wait for another rise of water, before they can proceed down the river, to the Middlesex canal, it's worthy of observation that the whole amount of every article that passed thiough the Middlesex canal both up and down the last year was 9405 tons. The whole amount of every article that passed Blodget's slip at Amoskeag the last season was 3989 1-2 " 5415 1-2 Deduct the articles of wood and cider which was carried through Middlesex in boats amounting to 5405 10 1-2 536 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Then there passed through the Middlesex canal only ten and a half tolls more than passed through Blodget's slip the last season. What may be expected when the Locks are completed at Blodget's canal; how must the merchants and the people of all descriptions in the country and in Boston and vicinity, rejoice to see that day?" This expose could not fail to produce a decided effect. March 14, 1806, the Legislature of Massachusetts granted a second lottery in aid of the "Blodget Canal." This was put in immediate operation, and by fall an amount of money was raised from this and the lottery in New Hampshire, to authorize the prosecuting the work with vigor, and by the end of December 1806 the locks were finished. But the completion of the locks and canal brought neither rest or quiet to Judge Blodget. He had offered the managers of the old lottery to settle their difficulties by arbitration, and after much delay, they had consented, and the winter and spring of 1807, he was busy in getting his accounts in readiness for the "Rule," and in getting the day of "sitting" appointed by the chairman of the "Rule." But during this time, borne down with age and trouble, his spirits were kept up by the anticipations of the coming "May Day." That day had been appointed for the "opening of Blodget's Locks and Canal," and the Judge looked foward to it as the proud day of his life, the day of his triumph, purchased at the price of a handsome fortune, and thirteen anxious years of his life! The day came, and with it an assembled multitude to witness the ceremony. Judge Blodget rode to the head of the Canal, at the age of eighty three years and a month, went on a raft with a few of his friends, passed through the length of the canal, and through the locks into the Merrimack! The burst of applause at the completion of the feat, from the multitude on shore, sealed his triumph! He returned to his house, and remarked as he left the chaise, "I have but one object now to live for, my canal is completed, let my difficulties with the managers be settled qefore the arbiters, and I die content! From this time he paid close attention to the settlement of his accounts, which was to come off at Haverhill the first of July. He was present as active as ever, at the sitting of the Rule, but returning from Haverhill to Derryfield on the third of July, he took cold, and on the fourth was confined to his room, and never left it until he departed to render his account to the great Arbiter of the Universe, the 1st of September. SOCIAL LIBRARY OF DERRYFIELD. 537 After the death of Mr. Blodget, the legislature granted a lottery to his heirs, June session 1810, for the purpose of completing the canal, but after a short time, it mainly passed from his family, into the hands of the owners of the Middlesex Canal, Meantime, while this great enterprise was being completed, other improvements were being made in the town, that indicated increasing prosperity. In 1794, the general government called upon this state for troops. At a special meeting held December 8, the subject of bounties to be paid soldiers from this town being before the meeting, it was "Voted to give those minutemen one dollar as bounty when they enlist, and one dollar when they pass muster, and one dollar when they march, and to give them the wages the Congress has voted, and as Much More as will make Eight dollars pr Month while they are in active Service and no longer." This requisition for troops was made by the general governmlent in anticipation of more serious trouble from what has been called the "Whiskey Rebellion" in Pennsylvania. However the insurrection was easily quelled by the troops under Gen. Lee, and the troops from this state were not called out. The grave-yard near the meeting-house was not fenced, and at the annual meeting, March, 2, it was "Voted, that the front of our grave-yard be fenced with good Stone-wall." The building of the wall was set up at auction, and struck off to Isaac Young, at 6s 6d per rod, the wall to be three feet thick at the bottom, and four feet two inches high. In the latter part of 1795 the project of a social library wgas started by the inhabitants of Derryfield and vicinity. Those interested in the project, associated under the name of the Proprietors of Derryfield Library. January 4, 1796, they bought their first books, of E. Larken, of Boston, at a cost of $32,94. On the 12th of December of the same year, they voted to form a society by the name of The Proprietors of the Social Library in Derryfield. The number ot the first proprietors or their names is unknown. The proprietors were incorporated in December 1799, at which time they numbered forty-six and had seventy-eight volumes of valuable books in the library. Additions were made from time to time, but the interest in it began to abate and 538 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. at length, in 1733, no annual meeting was held, and the library was at an end, each proprietor appropriating such books as he chose. On Monday, Nov. 7, 1796, the Presidential election took place in this town. The state of the balloting was thus; Benjamin Bellows, 27 John T. Gilman, 13 Timothy Walker, 28 Timothy Farrar, 28 Oliver Peabody, 28 Eben'r Thompson, 10 Robert Wallace, 18 The electoral vote of the State was thrown for John Adams, who was elected President of the United States. In 1791, the Legislature had passed an act, requiring the assessment of a tax of seven thousand five hundred pounds upon the several towns in the state, in proportion to their taxable property, for the support of common schools. This law soon excited a more general attention to schools, as the money had to be raised and expended. In Derryfield they were dilatory, and until 1795, there was not a school house in town. In that year a school house had been built by private subscription: near the Falls, for the accommodation of a school in that neighborhood. This was the first school house built in town, and was upon the same lot upon which the Falls school house now stands. The subject of building school houses at the expense of the town began to be agitated, and in the warrant for the annual town meeting for 1797, the ninth article was as follows;. "To see if the town will vote to pay fcr the school house which is now Built, and to Build two more for the town use." At the adjourned meeting, March 23, 1797, upon this subject, it was "Voted, not to Build School Houses in town agreeable to the ninth article in the Warrant." The friends of schools were beaten at this time, but the subject was fairly before the people, and they were soon to triumph. In this same year, Congress made a requisition for troops, to meet any emergency pending our difficulties with France. A special meeeting was called of the town, on the 30th of Octo LOCATION OF SCHOOL HOUSES. 539 ber, for the purpose of voting a bounty as an inducement for soldiers to enlist. Meantime the officers of the militia company in the town, called their company together, and the required number volunteered at once, without waiting for, or desiring any bounty. On the 20th of October the meeting was held as notified, but there was no necessity of any action of the town as to bounty to the soldiers, and the following comnplimentary vote was passed; "Voted, that the thanks of the Town be given to the officers and Soldiers of the town, for turning out Voluntarily to supply their Quotio requested by the requisition from Congress. " The spirit of 176 was still rife in the town. At the annual meeting, March 5, 1798, the friends of schools triumphed, and carried a vote to build two school houses, and to take that one already built near the Falls. A building committee was appointed, and the houses were built in the course of the summer and Fall. Those who had contributed towards building the school house near the Falls, were to be allowed the amount paid, in their taxes, and if they had contributed more than their tax, the overplus was to be refunded. The committee chosen to locate the school houses, located the first near the Falls, the second near a spring on the road betwixt Capt. Samuel Moor's and Mr. Enos Webster's, and the third on the road betwixt Mr. Archibald Gamble's and Major John Webster's. This report gave some dissatisfaction, but the people soon came to the conclusion that the locations were just and proper. At the annual meeting, March, 3, 1800, it was voted to build a Pound 32 feet square and 7 feet high, of square posts and rails of yellow pine "heart stuff." The building of the same was "struck off" for thirty dollars to Mr. Daniel Hall. This Pound was located upon the south end of the meeting house lot and continued in use until about 1830. The population of the town in 1800 was 557, being an increase of 197 persons in the previous ten years. About this period, the subject was started of "slipping" or locking Cohas Brook, so that the lumber adjacent to Lake Massabesic, might be readily run into the Merrimack. At length in 1803, it was proposed that the town carry the project into execution, and in the warrant of February 10, of that year, was the following article in relation to it; 540 THE HISTORY OF _MaANA;HESTER, "9th, To See if the Town will petition the General Court, for an act of Incorporation to Lock or Slip the great Coos Brook from the pond to Merrimack river, at the expense of the town of Derryfield, or any part thereof.' At the annual meeting March 7, the town voted to petition the Legislature for an act of incorporation for such purpose, and chose Samuel P. Kidder, Joseph Moore and Benjamin FP Stark, a committee to draft the petition. An act of incorporation was obtained, but in the year 1806, at an adjourned meeting holden March 18 of that year, it was "Voted, to give up the slipping of Cohas Brook to individuals in town who will do it." May 14, 1803, it was again, "Voted, to fence the grave-yard, on the south side, with a good stone-wall." From which it oppears that Mr. Young, who "bid off', the fencing the same in 1795, did not fulfill his agreement with the town. The building of the fence, L"4 1-2 feet high, 3 feet thick at the bottom," was again put up at auction, and bid off by Mr. William Farmer, at $3,40 per rod. Mr. Farmer built the wall, the same that remains. The annual meeting had heretofore been held on the first Monday in March, but at a special meeting held on the 4th day of February, 1804, it was "Voted, to have the annual meeting for the future on the Second Tuesday in March." From the first Presidential election to that of 1800, the electors had been chosen directly by the people. In that year the Legislature assumed to choose the electors, having altered the electoral law. But in June, 180(4 the Legislature passed an act referring the Presidential election again directly to the people. The election~took place in this state November, 5, 1804, and the vote in this town was thus: John Goddard 29, Oliver Peabody, 19, Levi Bartlett, 29, John Prentice, 19, John Steel, 29, William Hale, 19, Robert Allcock, 29, Timothy Farrar, 19, Tim'y Walker, 29, Robert Wallace, 19, Geo. Aldrich, 29, Benjamin West, 1-9, Winm. Tarleton, 29, Charles Johnston, 19. DIVISION OF TOWN INTO HIGHWAYS. 541 The electoral ticket receiving the highest vote in this town was elected in the state at large, and the electoral vote of the state was thrown for Thomas Jefferson, for President, and for George Clinton, for Vice President. In the fall of 1804, certain individuals whose names are now unknown, attacked and tore down the house of Alexander Irwin, that stood beside the brook near the house of Mr. John Huse. It was but a mere hovel, but it was his castle, and the outrage produced considerable excitement. Irwin entered a formal complaint to the Selectmen of the town, and in the warrant of Oct. 20, 1804, calling a special meeting of the town, there was an article in reference to the abuse of Mr. Irwin; and at the meeting held Nov. 5, 1804, Isaac Huse and Samuel P. Kidder, were chosen a committee, "To inquire into the complaint of Alexander Arwin, and prosecute the offenders if they think proper." This committee inquired into the complaint, and had the parties arrested; but upon a proposition to them to settle the affair, the committee stayed the prosecution, and paid the costs of the same, upon the respondents giving a bond for the payment of the sum of two hundred dollars. At the annual meeting, March 11, 1806, it was voted to divide the town into Districts for Highway work, and a committee consisting of John Perham. Daniel Hall, Joseph Moore, David Flint, and Benjamin F. Clark, was chosen to make the division. The town was divided into Districts for Highway purpc ses before, but the division was annual, not permanent, and made according to the judgment of the Selectmen for the time being. No record was made of the division save in the warrants directed to the highway Surveyors, and their warrants were not recorded even until 1793. At the adjourned meeting, March 18, 1806, the committee upon the division of the town, made their report and it was adopted, and the division into districts as then made remained substantially the same until the adoption of a City charter in 1846. At the annual meeting March 10, 1807, the subject of locking the Cohas was again before the town, and it was "Voted, the town carry on five Shares in the Locking or Slipping Co.hos Brook." 39 542 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. It was also "Voted, To have a committee, consisting of Joseph Moor, Jonas Harvey, and Samuel Moor, Jr, to "dispose of the remaining 145 Shares." From this vote it.eems the stock was divided into one hundred and fift7Lr ltires, but of the amount of stock, or what disposition was nmade of it, is not known. A requisition having been made on the part of the General Government for troops, a special meeting was held in this town on the 30th day of October, to take into consideration the subject of a bounty to be paid those who should inlist in this town, and it was voted to raise one hundred dollars to be paid the soldiers if they should be called upon. The militia company in the town mustered on the same day, and the number desired was immediately furnished by volunteer enlistment. In view of such promptness and patriotism, it was "~Voted the Town give the Soldiers two Gallons of West India Rum who turned out as Volunteers in defence of their Country." At an adjourned meeting, in March, 1808, it was voted to redistrict the town for the pnrpose of schooling, and to divide the same into five districts. A committee was chosen for this purpose, who reported at the annual meeting in 1809, and the report was accepted. The same year a school house was built near the Centre at an expense of $217,02, and a tax to that amount was levied upon the inhabitants of that district. At the Presidential election, holden on the first Friday of November, 1808, the state of the balloting in this town was as follows: Jeremiah Smith, 39: John Langdon, 33, Oliver Peabody, 39, Samuel Bell, 33, Samuel Hale, 39, Amasa Allen, 33, Timothy Farrar, 39, John Goddard, 33, Robert Wallace, 39, Robert Allcock, 33, Benjamin West, 39, Nat. Shannon, 33, Jona. Franklin, 39, Wm. Tarleton, 33, The ticket, headed by Mr. Smith, was successful in the state at large, and tile electoral vote of New Hampshire was thrown for Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Carolina, in opposition to Mr. Madison, the successful candidate. NAME OF TOWN CHANGED. 543 In 1810, the project was started of changing the name of the town to Manchester, and at the annual meeting held March 13th, of that year, the following vote was passed upon the subject: "Voted, Thomas Stickney, John G. Moor, and Amos Weston, be a Committee to petition the General Court to have the name of the town of Derryfield altered to Manchester." The petition was duly presented, and the name of the town was changed to Manchester by the Legislature, at the June session of that year. This change of name was effected out of compliment to the opinion of Judge Blodget, who was wont to say, that the town was "destined to become the Manchester of America." At this time however, the first Factory on the Merrimack had been started at this place, and Mr. Stickney who was a grandson of Judge Blodget fully believed, and many of the people hoped that his prognostication was soon to be realized. The population of the town this year was six hundred and fifteen, showing an increase of but fifty-eight in the last ten years, 544 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XXIII. Commencement of Manufacturing at Bedford.-At Goffstown. -Benjamin Prichard.-Amoskeag Cotton and Wool Factory.-Its history.-Sold to Messrs. Dean, Sayles, and others.-Dr. Dean.-Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. Plan of company.-Purchase of lands.-Willard Sayles.-Union of the Amoskeag with the Hooksett and Concord Companies. —Guard lock, weir, dam and section of canal built.-Appointment of new Treasurer and Agent. Wm. Amory, Esq. —Robert Read, Esq.-Incorporation of "Stark Mills."No. 1. built. —Laying out of the Town. —First land sale.-First houses built. Old houses then standing.-No. 2. Stark Mills built.-Machine Shop built. Nos. 1 & 2 Amoskeag New Mills built.-Foundries built.-Stark Mills enlarged - No. 3. Amoskeag New Mills built.-Manchester Mills and Print Works incorporated.- Mills built.-Nos. 4 &5, Amoskeag New mills built. —Departments of Amoskeag Manufacturing Company.-That of real estate and building.-Amoskeag New Mills.-The Machine Shop.-Hooksett.-Amoskeag YVillage.-Works of the Corporations in detail.-Machine Shop.-Stark Mills. -Amoskeag New Mills.-Manchester Print Works. The project of maitufacturing cotton upon the Merrimack, was started at Amoslkeag Falls, in 1809, by Benjamin Prichard and Messrs. Ephraim, David, and Robert Stevens. Mr. Prichard had been engaged in mill business in New Ipswich, where. also -he had to a limited extent become acquainted with cotton spinnmg, the first mill or Factory for the manufacture of cotton, built in New Hampshire, having been built in that town in 1803. The precise date of Mr. Prichard's coming to this section of the County cannot be ascertained; but as he paid taxes in New Ipswich until 1807, and paid his last tax in that year, it is probable that he left New Ipswich sometime in 1807. He first commenced the manufacture of cotton in Bedford at what is called the "Goffe Place," occupying for that purpose, a small -building upon the west side of the bridge, which he fitted up for spinning cotton. This building is now standing, is owned by J. B. Bowman, Esq. and occupied as a lath mill. His machinery was purchased at second hand of Mr. Samuel Slater, of Rhode Island. The machinery being old and worn, did not .!~ii-ji iiii i~:~. i i! i r. ~.~,' it ii ii!ii,li1( i ~5!i; a 6i ~1~1!~,~~~~~~~~~~~~~''M'......si i j~,~ ~1~ii,: I, oJ! i: jjjjjj! j ji;illl::i'. Aiiilj ili~''~ /t~i?'i/i~i~ i,,/~.' ii'~,~ ~....~'.'~! ai~ei~i~ii~::r i,1,/llt~,,~- l% t i ~'it~' /~ I ~: ~.; ~. " i /. ii~~~~~~~~~1.1R 2M"Oi' ~~i ral I 1.!i'fPw i~l ~j f ii IIi'li' ib a Il i lS B" i it-l N..~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~i:: i aii'i itiijtI i i iiiiiiliir i" Hiil.,i T~~~~~il.. it~ ~ ~~~1jlI ii~i~ -"I, 6)~~~~~~~1 1 fi limit:1'Jj II I ji i I:: i i t 3~~~~~~~~i!A r u! ~l~ji i~i ili i i i;IT;ii i'l iii~ ~ ~ ~~~~ FIRST MILL AT AMOSKEAG. 545 operate well, and the water-power was not sufficient through the year for more extended operations. The enterprise might be considered thus far a failure, and Mr. Prichard determined upon removing to a more eligible location, where he could enlarge his operations, and thus be warranted in obtaining better machinery. He accordingly obtained a privilege on the west side of Amoskeag Falls in Goffstown, probably in the early part of 1809, where he built a small mill, in connection with Messrs. Ephraim, David, and Robert Stevens. The water to propel this mill was taken from the dam of the Pollard or Harvey Mill, through a canal blasted in part out of the solid ledge, and which passed under the "ways," and west of that mill. Messrs. Ephraim and Robert Stevens, owned the Pollard, or Harvey mill, having bought it of Mr. Jonas Harvey, in 1804. It is probable that Mr. Prichard owned the principal part of the mill, the Messrs. Stevens owning such part as was equivalent to the value of the land, and water-power occupied by the mill. After getting a portion of the machinery into the mill, the enterprise dragged so heavily, that the proprietors concluded to enlarge the company, and drew up and signed a paper, embodying their proposals for the purpose as follows; "We the Subscribers, Owners, & proprietors of a large Tract of Land in Goffstown, in the county of Hillsborough, Joining on Amoskeag falls in the Merrimack river, with the water privilege Sufficient for carrying on the Manufacturing of cotton & wool at all Seasons of the year, and having began the works by cutting a Canal for Carrying the water, erecting Buildings Convenient for Said Factory, & preparing a considerable part of the Machinery, have agreed to form a Company for improving Said privilege, by dividing the Same into one hundred Shares, by receiving from Said Company a fair price for the privilege, and the Labour Expended, which if not agreed upon by Said Subscribers, & the Company, to be apprised by men appointed by Said parties, and a Good Title by the Subscribers. Ephraim Stevens, Signed by Benjn. Prichard, Robert & David Stevens. Goffstown, January, 18th, 1810."' To this paper was attached a caption of a subscription and signatures as follows; "We the Subscribers Agree to take the Several Shares in the 546 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. above mentioned privilege & factory annexed to our names respectively, agreeable to the above proposals. Proprietor's Names. Place of abode. No. of Shares. Benj'n, Prichard, Goffstown, 25 James Parker, Bedford, 2 William Parker, 3 Jotham Gillis, Goffstown, 1 William Parker, Jr. Bedford, 1 William Walker, Goffstown, I Ephraim Harvill, Bedford, l Samuel P. Kidder, Goffstown, I Robt. McGregore, Goffstown, 5 Joseph Richards, " 1 Seth Bartlett, ". Ephraim Stevens, " 1 David L. Morrill, 2" Isaac Hardy,'~ 1 Moses Hall, " 1 Benjamin Allcock, Bedford, 1 Alenson Prichard, Goffstown, 3 Elnathan Whitney, " 2 David Sargent, " 1 John G. Moor, Manchester, 17 The following notice was then issued; "Notice is hereby given that a meeting of the proprietors of the Amoskeag Cotton & wool Factory will be holden at Col. Robert McGregore's on Wednesday, the 3 1 day of January instant, at one of the clock P. M., for the purpose of taking into consideration the regulation of Said Factory, & dispose of Shares not sold. All persons who wish to become proprietors are requested to attend, when & where they may be accomodated with Shares. Benj'n Prichard. Goffstown, January. 25th, 1810."' On the day of meeting, January, 31st, 1810, the company was duly organized by the choice of Joseph Richards of Goffstown as President, and Jotham Gillis of Goffstown as Clerk. On the second day of March 1810, Messrs. Ephraim and Robert Stevens executed a bond to this company, agreeing to keep their dam in repair, and to furish the "Wool & Cotton Manufactory" a certain quantity of water, at all seasons of the year. The bond was as follows; FIRST MILL AT ANCOSKEAG. 547 "Know all men by these presents that we Ephraim Stevens of Goffstown, in the county of Hillsborough, and State of New Hampshire, Gentleman, And Robert Stevens of Goifstown, yeoman, are holden and stand firmly bound Jointly & Severally unto the proprietors of the Amoskeag Cotton & wool Manufactury, in the sum of two thousand dollars, to be paid to the proprietors, their Agents, Attorneys, Executors, Administrators or Assigns, firmly by these Presents, Sealed with our Seals, dated the Second day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand Eight hundred & ten. The Conditions of this obligation is such that if the Said Ephraim & Robert Stevens, their heirs, Executors, or administrators Shall and do at all times keep in good repair at all times their mill dam at Amoskeag Falls, so as to turn into the channel, Conveying the water to the cotton & wool Manufactory, so much water as shall be Sufficient for Carrying an old fashioned undershot Corn Mill, at all seasons of the year, & at all days in the year, so long as water is needed for carrying on the manufacturing of Cotton & wool in that place, by said proprietors paying annually to said Ephrairn & Robert, ten dollars viz; five dollars to each, then this obligation to be null & void otherwise to remain in full force &c. Ephraim Stevens. Robert Stevens. Attest David McGregore." The company had then chosen a board of Directors, probably at its adjourned meeting in February. The first meeting of the Directors was held March, 9, 1810, at which time there were present as Directors, James Parker, Samuel P. Kidder, John Stark, Jr., David McQueston, and Benjamin Prichard. James Parker, Esq., was chosen President of the Company, and Jotham Gillis Clerk. The Company was incorpored June, 15, of the same year, under the name of the Amoskeag Cotton & Woolen Manufacturing Company. The Machinery was finished up, and some additions made to the mill and the same put in operation in the summer of 1810, but the machinery being old, did not operate well, and in the spring of 1811, the company determined upon building new machinery. For this purpose they employed Preserved Robinson, then of Smithfield R. I. now living at Loudon, N. H. an experienced machinist. Mr. Robinson. commenced work for the company in June, 1811.. The record of the agreement to employ Mr. Robinson under 548 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. date of June 22, 1811, reads thus;'Agreed with Mr. Robinson to build machinery and superintend the business in the Factory, for three dollars and fifty cents per day, including the labor of Harvey Robinson, and furnish said Robinsons with suitable boarding, they finding their own spirits." At the same meeting of the Directors, Dr. Wm. Wallace of Bedford, was appointed Agent. Dr. Wallace did not accept the appointment, and at the next meeting of the Directors, July, 23, 1.811, Mr. Jotham Gillis was appointed Agent in his place. Mr. Robinson built for the Company, an Awkright Spinning Frame, and set it in operation, the first one built in the state, if not the first one used in it. He also built and put in operation the first machine for "winding cotton balls of thread." In November 1812, Mr. Philemon Wolcott, was appointed Agent to superintend the operation of the machinery in the Factory, doing up and delivering out yarn, &c." April 26, 1813, Mr. Wolcott was "released from Working in the Factorv," and John G. Moore, was appointed to superintend the factory until the annual meeting." July 28, 1813, Mr. Moore was succeeded as Agent, by F. G. Stark, Esq., now of this City. Mr. Stark continued in office about one year. There was no "picker," in those days, and the New Oleans and Demarara cotton, was picked by hand, being "let out," in the neighborhood, at four cents per pound. The machinery was for spinning alone, and the yarn was sold at the country stores, or was let out to be woven by the women in the neighborhood, as was usual in those days. The price paid for weaving, averaged about 3 or 3 1-2 cents per yard, 2 cents per yard being paid for weaving coarse cottons, and as high as 7 cents for the fine cottons. A "smart weaver" would weave of course cottons, as many ad eighteen yards in a day, "well tended," but the average was not over 10 or 12 yards per day, for good weavers. The yarn brought ready cash and it appears from the books that the stockholders took their dividends, and the officers and workmen their pay in yarn. The operating the mill, however, did not prove profitable to the proprietors, and after September, 1815, little or nothing was done in it, until 1822, when it was purchased by one 01ney Robinson from Rhode Island. He proved to be a man unequal to the management of the mill, and it passed into the hands of Larned Pitcher, and Samuel Slater, of Pawtucket, DR. OLIVER DEAN. 549 R. I., of whom Robinson had obtained money and machinery to prosecute his business. Messrs. Pitcher and Slater in 1825, sold out three fifths of the property to Messrs Oliver Dean, Lyman Tiffany, and Willard Sayles, of Boston, and a new company being formed, they commenced manufacturing forthwith. Abundant means and great experience being thus brought to bear upon the enterprise-their operations were extended with unusual success. Dr. Dean, an extensive owner, and a man of energy and enterprise was appointed Agent, and moved to Amoskeag in April 1826. He immediately commenced extending the operations of the company. Robinson put up the building, afterwards known as the Bell mill for a machine shop; this was three stories in in height and 80 feet in length, by 40 in width. This was enlarged by an addition of equal height, and 60 feet in length by 25 feet in width, and fitted up with machinery for making ticking. Soon after another building 80 feet in length and 40 feet in width, was built upon the Island for a Machine Shop; and to this an addition was made, 50 feet in length by 30 in width, and the whole was converted into a mill for the manufacture of tickings, known as the Island mill. Boarding houses, stores, and shops, were built, and soon the flourishing manufacturing village of Amoskeag was in existence. The cloths manufactured, were sheetings, shirtings and tickings, principally the latter, which became the best In the market, and held their high reputation as long as the mills were in operation, These mills were known as the "Old Mill,," the "Island Mill," and the "Bell Mill."'The Bell Mill was so called from the fact that the bell was upon it for calling the operatives to their work. The Island mill was destroyed by fire in 1840. and the Old and Bell mills. in 1847. DR. DEAN. Oliver Dean was born in Franklin, county of Norfolk, Mass. Feb., 10, 1783. After getting a good academic education for the times, he commenced the study of medicine with Dr. Mann, of Wrentham, and finished his studies with Dr. Ingalls of Boston, graduating at the Medical College of Massachusetts in 1809. He commenced the practice of his profession in Medway the same year, where he continued about a year, moving into Boston in 1810. While in Boston, he married Miss Caroline Francoeur, daughter of John Francoeur, Esq., a gentleman of respectability and wealth, who had fled from France, 550 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. during the French Revolution. Dr. Dean tarried in Boston a year and a half, when in consequence of the stagnation of business, incident to the war, he moved back to Medway, where he continued in the profitable practice of his profession until 1817. In that year, in connection with his brother-in-law, Willard Sayles, Esq., he commenced the business of manufacturing in Medway. He continned in this business with success, until the fall of 1825, when hc, in connection with Lyman Tiffany and Willard Sayles of Boston, and Larned Pitcher, and Samuel S!ater, of Pawtucket, R. I., purchased the property of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company at Atnoskeag Village in Goffstown. This property had been purchased in 1822, by Mr. Olney Robinson of Pawtucket, who had operated the mills. but to no advantage, and they had mainly passed into the hands of Messrs. Pitcher and Slater, to secure an indebtedness to them, for money and machinery. Robinson had made purchases of the large farms known as the "McGregor farm," and the "Blodget farm"-and other real estate, and thus in connection with his other operations had become very much embarrassed. When the purchase was made of him, he expected to have been continued as Agent, but it was soon found that he was entirely inadequate to the business, and Dr. Dean was induced, though reluctantly, to take the agency of the company. Accordingly, in the spring of 1826, he moved to Amnoskeag and entered upon his duties as agent. This may be considered as the successful starting point of manufacturing at this place. Possessed of competent knowledge as a mannufacturer, and a man of enterprise and energy, every thing about the premises soon began to assume a new aspect. The Bell Mill had been built for a machine shop, to be under the management of Mr. Ira Gay of Nashua; this was immediately enlarged and fitted up with machinery for the manufacture of tickings, in which Dr. Dean had excelled in Medway, and Walpole. Soon the works were extended, and the Island mill was built, and fitted up for the manufacture of tickings. The tickings manufactured here soon acquired a reputation unequalled,-which they retained under the name of"A. C. A. Tickings." But Dr. Dean's time was not confined exclusively to manufacturing,-every other interest connected with the prosperity of the town and village, came in for his attention. He was a pattern farmer, and the large farm below the falls, and which had become impoverished, and overgrown with brambles and bushes, from bad husbandry, soon began to present a new face under his intelligent care, and from being one DR. OLIVER DEAN. 551 of the poorest, became to be one of the best in the town. The success attending manufacturing under his charge, soon attracted the attention of other capitalists, and the project was started of occupying the entire water powe at this place, for manufacturing purposes. It is needless to remark that Dr. Dean was the soul of this enterprise. In June 1831, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company was chartered, Dr. Dean being the first grantee; and at the organization of the company under this charter in July of the same year, he was chosen President of the corporation. He was continued Agent and Treasurer of the company until 1834, when he declined the agency, having determined to live a more quiet life, and retired upon a beautiful farm in Framingham, Mass. IHe was still treasurer of the corporation, but declined this office in 1836, and was succeeded by John A. Lowell, Esq., of Boston. He still continued on the board of direction, and in 1853, npon the death of Joseph Tilden, Esq.. he was again chosen President of the corporation, which office he retains at the present time. In 1847 he was chosen President of the Manchester Mills Corporation, and through its various changes has remained a director of the same, and its President. In 1843, Dr. Dean moved from Framingham to Boston, where he now resides. Dr. Dean may be emphatically placed down as one of the fathers of the city of Manchester, as few men have done more for its existence, and its prosperity. Active, intelligent, and communicative; dignified, yet courteous; careful of his own interest, yet interested in the welfare of others; in a word acting upon the principle of "live and let live," Dr. Oliver Dean's name stands prominent ainoLg the founders of our city,-and is ever retained in grateful remembrance. The gentlemen now having control of the company, had a proper estimate of the capacity of the hydraulic power at the Falls, and the ability to avail themselves of its advantages; they therefore very quietly commenced the purchase of the lands in the neighborhood, and were soon the owners of the adjacent lands upon the west side of the Merrimack, that were likely to be needed for extensive manufacturing operations, or that would be enhanced in value by the building up of a manufacturing city. Gradually some of the largest capitalists of Boston and its vicinity became identified with the enterprise, and it was determined to commence manufacturing upon an extended scale. Accordingly in 1831, the charter for "The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company," was obtained, with a 552 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. capital of $1,600,000. The first meeting of the grantees was holden, July, 13, 1831, when Oliver Dean was chosen President, and Ira Gay, clerk. The act of incorporation was accepted; the stock of the old company became merged in the new one, at an appraised value, and the remainder of the stock was taken up in a short time, At the annual meeting, July, 12, 1832, Doctor Dean was chosen Agent of the Company. They soon determined to enlarge their operations and to take means to have their water-power occupied. The plan of this Company was to furnish other companies disposed to locate here, with sites for their mills, and boarding houses; power to propel their mills; to erect mills and run them upon their own account; and at the same time to put their lands into market in lots for houses, shops and stores, and thus build up a manufacturing town, at the same time that they greatly enhanced the value of their own property. A reconnoisance by competent engineers developed the fact, that the east bank of the Merrimack was the most feasible for their operations, both as a track for their canals, and a site for their mills; and in 1835 they succeeded in securing the most of the lands upon the east side of the Merrimack, that by any possible contingency might be neeessary for them. WILLARD SAYLES. ESQ. Willard Sayles was born in the town of Franklin, County of Norfolk, Mass., in April, 1792. While yet a child his father moved to Wrentham, Mass. In 1821, Mr. Sayles moved to Boston, and entered upon commercial pursuits in company with Lyman Tiffany, Esq.'hey soon became extensively engaged in manufacturing. His first investments in manufacturing, were in Medway and Walpole, Mass. At length as his business extended, he became connected with other establishments, and among them, with the mills at Amoskeag and at Hooksett. In the latter he became the largest owner, having at the time of its being merged with the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company in 1835, 24 out of 72 shares in that corporation. From this time until the time of his death, Mr. Sayles became largely identified with the operations of the companies in this place. He was a director in the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company and one of the committee to purchase the lands belonging to that company in this neighborhood. Shrewd in management, and of great tact in driving a bargain, it is probable that few persons could have done the business to better advantage for the Amoskeag Manufacturing company, than he. Many anec UNION OF COMPANIES. 553 dotes are told of his negotiating for the lands, that show his shrewdness in bargaining, if they do not add to his reputation as a man. His operations as manufacturer added to his business as a merchant, and few houses in Boston did a more extensive business in domestics, than that of Sayles & Merriam, or to greater advantage. Mr. Sayles died in 1847, at the age of 55, leaving a large property, gained by a life of energy and enterprise. -T'o prevent competition, negotiations were entered into to control the water power here, at Hookset, and at Garven's falls in Concord. At the meeting July, 8, 1835, Harvey Hartshorn was chosen Agent, and the project was consummated of merging the stock of the Hooksett company with that of the Amoskeag. The stock of the Hooksett company was thus owned; John Nesmith, 18 shares; Willard Sayles, 24; Isaac Hill, 10; R. H. Aver, 10; Foster Towns, 4; Samuel Bell, 4; and Thomas Nesmith, 2. These 72 shares were appraised at $400, per share and each holder had an equal number of shares in the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, at $1000 per share, paying for the difference, in cash or notes bearing interest. In October and December of the same year, they purchased a controlling interest in the locks and canals, both at Manchester and Hooksett, and in April 1836 completed the negotiation with the Concord Manufacturing Company, at Garven's Falls, whereby the stock of that company became merged with this, —the stock of the Concord company, appraised at $100,000 and the owners taking stock in the Amoskeag Company at $1000 per share. Thus rid of competition, the Company now commenced operations in earnest. In 1837, a wing dam and guard lock were constructed at the head of the Falls, of substantial masonry, the latter, a little below the entrance of "the Blodget Canal," and through which the water passes into an extensive Basin, also constructed that year, the west side of which, is of solid mason work, and which Basin occupies very nearly the site of the old Blodget basin, or mill pond. From this Basin a canal was constructed 10 feet in depth, and 75 feet wide at the Basin but narrowing to 45 feet, which canal carries water to the mills on the "Upper Level." This canal is walled with stone, laid in the most substantial manner, and now extends a distance of 5000 feet, from the Basin to the weir, where the water passes into the lower canal. The guard lock was built by Messrs. David A. Bunton,and Levi Sargent of this city. The weir, wall of the Basin, and 554 THE HISTORY OF MJANCHESTER. canal,was built by Messrs. Lobson and Russel, under the superintendence of Capt. Hiram Brown. The part of the canal built at this time, extended down as far as a point just below the Counting room of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. The surplus water from it then passed into a section of the lower canal, then built from the point west of where the upper canal stopped, to a point just below Bridge street, and near to the blacksmiths shop connected with the machine shop, where the water passed into the river, by a substantial stone weir. This weir was closed when the lower canal was extended as at present. In 1845 the upper canal was extended to its present terminus, a distance of 5000 feet from the Basin. At the same time the lower canal was extended south to its present terminus, the weir below Granite street, and north over the track of the Blodget canal to the Basin, its whole length being 7250. The upper section of this canal connects with the Merrimack near the site of the old "Amoskeag" or "McGregor Bridge" by a set of substantial Locks, for the passing of boats or rafts round Amoskeag Falls, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, having been under obligation to keep these locks and casials open for public use, in like manner as when they were owned by the Amoskeag Falls, Lock, and Canal Company; but atthe June session of 1855, permission was given to discontinue these locks, and they are to be closed. The water in passing from the upper, to the lower canal, falls 20 feet and in passing fronm the Lower Canal, into the Merrimack at the weir, falls a distance of 34 feet. In April, 1837, William Amory, Esq., of Boston was elected Treasurer, in place of Mr. Lowell, and at once in conjunction with Mr. Robert Read, who had been appointed Agent at the commencement of the year, in place of Mr. Hartshorn, proceeded to carry out the plan of improvements decided upon by the directors. WILLIAM AMORY, ES Q. William Amory, was born April 15, 1804, in Boston. His father, Thomas C. Amory, Esq., an eminent merchant of that city, died in 1812, much lamented. William his son, entered Harvard University, in 1819, at the early age of 15 years, and left at the end of three years to finish his education in Europe. He was a student at the University at Gottingen, in Germany, for a year and a half, and at the University of Berlin, for nine months, pursuing the study of the civil law, and of general literature. He then spent some two years and a half in travel, WILLIAM ARMORY, ESQ. 55) returning to Boston May, 30th, 1828, after an absence of five years. In 1831, he entered the Bar of Suffolk County, without however any intention of practicing the profession of the law. The same vear he was chosen Treasurer of the Jackson Manufacturing Company, at Nashua, and entered upon the business of a manufacturer. Young and inexperienced in the business, yet he brought to the performance of his duties a mind matured by study, and a knowledge of men and things, together-with an energy and enterprise not often foun i in young men nurtured in ease and affluence. With such- qualifications, he was destined to succeed, and the Jackson Mills, for the eleven years they were under the control of Mr. Amory, were eminently successful, and did not fail to make certain and large dividends. In January, 1833, he married Miss Anna P. G. Sears, daughter of David Sears, Esq., an eminent merchant of Boston. In 1837, when the Armoskeag Manufacturing Company had decided upon building up the manufacturing city of Manchester, they looked about for an efficient man, to take the responsible office of Treasurer, and of course of general manager of the affairs of the company. Mr. Amory's success in the management of the affairs of the Jackson Company, very naturally directed their attention to him, and fortunately for them, and our city, he was elected to that office and accepted it. He entered upon his duties at once, and for nineteen years has been the controlling and directing spirit, that has fashioned the destinies of our city. Of just and enlarged views, he has suffered no niggardly policy to mingle itself with the management of the affairs of the company. And the directors have had the good judgment to leave his action unrestricted. And to day, our citizens, who take pride in our public Library, in our beautiful cemetery, in our spacious streets, in our numerous and splendid public squares, so justly considered as ornaments, and a source of health to our city, may attribute them in a great measure to the enlightened policy of William Amory, Esq; while the corporation whose business affairs he controls, cannot but appreciate a policy, that is fast building up a manufacturing city, unsurpassed in beauty, at the same time that it is creating a stock, that in dividends and surplus, is the most desirable in the market. Mr. Amory is a stockholder and director in most ot the other corporations of the city, and has had much to do with their success. In fact, few men of his age can look back upon such a record of success in manufacturing, as the Treasurer of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. At the same time that 556 THE II[STORY OF MANCHESTER. he has been so successful in his manufacturing operations, his urbane manner, and quiet, and unostentatious courtesy, has not failed to secure to him, the respect and regard of a host of friends in the cities where his arduous duties have been performed. COOL. ROBERT READ. Robert Read was born at Amherst, in October 1786. His grandfather, Robert Read, moved to Amherst from Litchfield at an early date. His father William Read, was a well known and influential citizen of Amherst. Robert was apprenticed as clerk, with Messrs. Haller and Read, merchants of Chelmsford. He afterwards went into trade with his father, at Amherst, under the well known firm of William Read and Son. Subsequently, he formed a connection in business with Isaac Spaulding, Esq., which continued until a dissolution precedent to the commencement of manufacturing in Nashua,-where Mr. Spaulding removed and went into business. Few firms were more enterprising or better known in our state, than that of Read and Spaulding, of Amherst, and very few were more successful. Mr. Read, active and enterprising, soon became a leading man in the town. He was elected town clerk in 1815, and was re-elected to the same office, the twelve following years. He was also representative of the town for three years, viz; in 1826, 1827, and 1828. Prior to this time he had been in command of the West Company of Infantry, in Amherst, one of the most efficient companies in the state, he having served in all the intermediate grades from private to commander. In 1828, Capt. Read, was appointed Aid-de-camp, by Governor John Bell, with the rank of Colonel. In 1835, Col. Read, moved to Nashua. In 1837, he was appointed Agent of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, and entered immediately upon his duties, succeeding Mr. Hartshorn in that office. He continued to perform the arduous and responsible duties of his office for fourteen years, until Januury, 1, 1852, when he resigned and removed to Nashua, where he has since resided. During the period of his agency, and under his general supervision, a large portion of the operations of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, in the way of buildings and real estate generally, were completed. He performed his duties faithfully to the company by which he was employed, as every one will testify who had business i-i~. - /7 ----,./,-~~~~~~~::.::::~,, - \::-~-~ 1'~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i:: ~:::::?:::'-:-il K~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ii:i::::::::~:8:~~i~~;~-:-:r:::::-:: SALE OF LAND. 557 to transact with him. Strictly a business man, he mingled very little with other than business men, and hence was very little identified with interests disconnected with the corporations; yet no measure connected with the progress of our city, escaped his attention, and he most heartily coincided in all that liberal course of policy on the part of the Treasurer, and Directors, that has added so much of beauty and value to our city. Col. Read took very little part in the politics of the day, after he came to Manchester, still, in 1851, he was a member of the Convention for the revision of the Constitution. His first wife was Miss Rebecca French, daughter of Frederick French, Esq. of Amherst. He married for his second wife, Miss Jane Leland of Saco, Me. His intercourse with his fellow citizens, was marked with that courtesy of manner, that ever commands respect. Since his residence in Nashua, probably from want of his usual active exercise, his general health has become somewhat impaired, yet he still lives to take an interest in all the stirring events of our growing oity. In 1838, a new Company was incorporated for the manufacture of cotton, under the name and style of the "The Stark Mills"' with a capital of $1,000,000. The same year the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company erected for them the mill of 8000 spindles, upon the upper canal, it being the south wing of what is known as "'Stark Mills, No. i." They also erected for Them the.same season,, six blocks of boarding houses, for the accommodation -of their operatives. Meantime, they laid out the site of a town, consisting of a main street running about north and south, and parallel with the river, called Elm street; and various other streets, running parallel and at right angles to the same, together:with Concord and Merrimack squares reserved for public promnenades. After Elm street had been graded from Central street to Lowell street; Chestnut and Pine streets from Manchester street to Lowell street, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company held their first public land sale. This sale took place October, 24, 1838. There were 147 lots sold, situated between Elm street on the west, and Union street (not graded) on the east; Lowell street on the north, and Hanover street on the south. The lo-ts were numbered from the corner lot at the intersection of Lowell and Union streets, and there were 56 lots between Lowell and 40 558 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Concord streets. The lots numbered from 57 to 96 inclusive, located between Concord and Amherst streets, and those from 97 to 147 inclusive, were located between Amherst and Hanover streets. Soon after the "Company's Sale," building commenced in earnest and has continued with a rapidity seldom known in this country, noted for the rapid growth of its towns and cities. Mrs Anna Heyes, of Londonderry, in January, 1839, erected the first house that was built on private account, upon lands sold by the Company in what is called the city proper, being the the house at the west corner of Chestnut and Concord streets, opposite Concord square. The next building was erected on lots 50 and 51 upon Elm street, by J. T. P. Hunt, and Wm. P. Farmer, Esqrs. It was two stories in height, and is the block now owned by R. H. A. Barnes. This building was first occupied as a restaurant as early as March 26, 1839, by E. WV. Harrington, Esq., the cashier of the City Bank, —who first occupied, for the same purpose, the first building built on the west side of Elm street, that of Messrs. Ayer, Leach, and others, at the corner of Elm and Market streets. Thomas Hoyt, Isaac Riddle and J. G. Cilley, Esqrs., next built on lots 53, 54 and 55, and J. W. Mayo, upon lot 52. All are still standing. These were all wooden buildings of two stories,-and were Intended for stores upon the first floors, and tenements upon the second floors. Messrs. Plummer and Goodwin purchased a meeting house in Goffstown, took it down and erected it upon lots 95 and 96. This was a wooden building of three stories in height, and is now known as the "Ark." George Porter, Esq., purchased a store at Hooksett and erected it upon lot 94. This was known as the "Porter store," and is now owned by John H. Maynard, Esq. Samuel D. Bell, Esq., then erected the block upon lots 48 and 49 upon the same street, the same now owned by S. N. Bell, Esq. Farther down Elm street, E. P. Offutt, Esq. erected upon lots 88 and 89, the large wooden building, now known as "Offutt's Building," and the Messrs. Duncklees erected the brick building known as "Duncklee's Building," and is still owned by them. Still farther down Elm street, Foster Towne, Esq.. PRIVATE BUILDINGS IN 1829. 559' built the "Towne Block," upon lots 137 and 138, and Mrs. Shepherd, and Mr. Durgin built a block on lots 139 and 140both of wood and two stories in height. Next below, J. R. Page built the brick store of two stories, now owned by W. G. Means, Esq. Then on lots 143 and 144, Messrs. Munsey & Mahaffey, built a wooden block of two stories, and Ira Ballou, & Hoyt & Congdon, built a brick block at the corner of Elm and Hanover streets, a part of which is now standing, and a partwhere "Riddle's Block" now stands, was burned. Upon Concord street, Dr. Colburn erected a block upon lots 42, 43 and 44, and Dana Sargent, and Jonas L. Parker built a carpenter's shop upon lot No. 40; Foster Towne, Esq. built another large house upon lots 22 and 23. These were two stories and built of wood; east of Pine on lot No. 5, there was. also a wooden house of one story. These were on the northi side of Concord street. On the south side, Mc:ssrs. Patten! and Wallace, erected the wooden block of three stories, still owned by Mr. Wallace. Upon Vine street the Wallace Block occu:pied. lots 73 and 74; a Mr. McCoy built a story and a half wooden house on lot 76; Mr. Asa Reed built a two stor/ house on lot 79; a Mr. Wallace built another on lot 8O, and at the corner of Vin and Amherst street, on lot 84, Dea. Daniel Gooden built the two story brick block still standing. Upon Pine street Messrs. Moor, and Davis, of Chester, built a two story dwelling house of wood on lots 71 and 72 at the corner of Pine and Amherst streets, and on the east end of lot 71, they built a small one story house, both still standing, and owned by Cilley & Clark. Next north on lot No. 70, Mr. John Wheeler built a a two story house, still standing. Upon Amherst street, Messrs. Woodbury and Gould of Goffstown btilt the two story wooden block on lots 100, and 101, at the corner of Pine and Amherst streets On lot 102, Mr. Saunders built the one now owned by Mr. Hibbard Stevens; on 106, Mr. Joseph Prescott buil: the house sti 1 owned by him; on 108 a Mr. James built a two story house, and upon 109, J N. Brown built a one story building and a painter's shop.. Farther down Amherst street, and at the corner of Chestnut, on lots 115 and 116, Dr. Swift built the two story house now owned by Judge Bell; on 117 Michael Connelly built a small house since enlarged and owned by Alr. William Craig; on 119, was built Franklin Hall by T. J. Carter; on 120, was a small one story building; on L22 Mr. J. L. Bradford built the two story house still owned by him; on 126 and 127, on the south end of the lots, upon the old road leading to Amoskeag Bridge, 560 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Messrs J. T. P. Hunt, and Wm. P. Farmer, built a one story dwelling house now owned by Mrs. Brown, and standing upon Amherst street; on 130 which crossed the old road, Isaac Riddle, Esq., built two one story buildings, one on either side of the old road; and on 131, Mace Moulton, Esq., built another one story building upon the same old road. On the opposite corner, was Washington Hall, built by J. B. Goodwin, two stories, extending from the back street to the brick block. A third story was added to the western part and the whole finished into tenements. Upon Hanover street, Major Hiram Brown, built his present'house upon lot 97; on 98 Governor Samuel Bell built the dwelling house now known as the "Gov. Bell House;" on 99,the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company built the house for the Agent of the Stark Mills, now occupied by Phinehas Adams;,on 112 was a story and a half wooden shop; on 113, D. A. Bunton, built the two story house owned by E. W. Harrington;,on 134, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company built the house now owned by Charles Richardson, Esq.; and on Lot 135, the iFirst Congregational Society built the Hanover Street Church. These buildings thus particularly described were built in!1839; and at the close of that year, there were no other buildings upon the lands sold by the company, save those west of Elm street connected with the corporations, and certain old,houses belonging to the farms or lots purchased by the company. "Of these there were standing in the present thick settled and business parts of the city but six houses; one known as the "Philip Stevens house," nearly upon the site upon which is now the Company's house, between Mechanic and Water streets, occupied by Cyrus W. Baldwin and A. M. Cha-,pin, Esqrs.; which house was moved upon Bridge street opposite Tremont Square, and a second story added to it by Mr. Charles Clough, by whom it is now owned; a second house known as the "Gamble House" which atood near the east end of the old Amoskeag Bridge, upon the old river road, just south of its junction with the Derry road, and which was moved upon North Chestnut street, and now belongs to the heirs of the late J. B. Congdon; two small houses near the Gamble house one north and the other south of it, and both upon the old river road, the one north of the Gamble house having been burned a few years since, and the one south of it having been moved upon the corner of Lowell and Chestnut streets, and owned by Mr. Jacob Peavy; a fifth house, situated upon what is now,called Orange street, a little west of north Chestnut street, be -osa SxvPiv sIvimua~: a ao a ox WBrfiBE ffa ~tr~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~;i - ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~e Q~~~~~~~~~~ —--- - - - - ---- ----,xr~-rm~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~ —----------- ------------ I.;aq ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ b~~~ -------- ----- ------- ------ ----- -----........... oII1 TVK d{O NHO(&UGIS5U 1~ -4*Wp~~~~~~~~-~~pp ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ z~~c-lr= —~~~~~- ------- --- V- - Ir'l_ _ _ _ j j;: -I 1[ - FERR _________ ~ -~UI~>i4~ 2 ~.. P _ N~-i~N i/ It IMPROVEMENTS IN 1839 AND 1840. 561 longing to the heirs of the late Samuel P. Kidder, and torn down when Orange street was graded; and a sixth house known as the "Barrett House" which stood on Granite street, just opposite the Freight Depot of the Concord Railroad, and which now stands at the corner of Granite and Union streets. In 1839, the Amoskeag Manufacturing company built for the Stark Mills a second Mill of 8000 spindles, a short distance north of their first Mill, known as the north wing of "Stark Mills No. 1." The machinery for the first Mill was built in Lowell, and for the second one in Springfield. The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company still continued their improvements upon an extensive scale, according to their original plan, and to meet the demand for machinery, in 1840, they erected their Machine Shop, upon a section of the lower Canal. The Machine Shop was put in operation with the intention of furnishing the machinery for the mills, to be erected in this place, as well as to answer orders from abroad. In 1841, the Amoskeag Company built two mills known as "Nos. 1 and 2 Amoskeag New Mills." These mills were each 5 stories, 166 feet in length, by 50 feet in width. No. 1, contains S,960 spindles, and 234 looms; and No. 2, contains 8832 spindles, and 250 looms. In 1842, they built a Foundry, and in 1848, built the "New Foundry," larger and upon improved principles.'rhe same year they built a Grist and Saw Mill upon a privilege opposite the "Fishing Islands," a few rods below the site of the Whittaker Saw-Mill. In 1843, the Stark Mills having determined to enlarge their establishment, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company put in for them a centre piece, connecting their two former mills,, consisting of a front of 100 feet, of four stories, with a pediment end, surmounted with a cupola; forming with the two former mills, one entire building in the form of a cross; and in 1848, another large class mill was added, known as "No. 2. Stark Mills." In 1843 and 4, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company built another new mill, known as "No. 3, Amoskeag New Mill" capable of containing 20,475 spindles and 545 looms; 5 stories in height, and 444 feet in length, by 65 feet in width. This is operated on their own account. In 1839, a new Company was incorporated by the name of the "Manchester Mills," with a capital of $1,000,000. This name has since been chan:ged to the "Merrimack Mills," and subsequently to the "Manchester Print Works," and the capi 562 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. tal increased to $1,800,000. Their object is the manufacture and printing of Mouslia de Laines. To carry out the object, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company built for them in 1845 a mill of the largest class; i:1 1846, a large Printery facing upon Granite street, and near to the Granite Bridge; and in 1850, another large mill. These mills are upon the lower canal, just north of Granite street, and connected with them are 94 boarding houses. In 1847, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company built another large mill on their own account, known as "No. 4, Amoskeag New Mills," and of capacity for 24,576 spindles, and 630 looms, being 6 stories in height, and 260 feet in length, by 60 in width. In 1848 and 9, they built a new Machine Shop, and commenced the manufacture of Locomotives which is being prosecuted with energy and abundant success. In 1855 and 6, they built on their own account another mill, known as "No. 5, Amoskeag New Mills," 6 stories in height, 220 feet in length, by 60 feet in width, and containing 20,000 spindles, and 460 looms. This company has still hydraulic power for many more mills, and will build as occasion requires, there being many more eligible mill sites both above and below the present mills. When completed according to the original plan, the mills, warehouses, and boarding houses, extending on either side of the canals and railroad for a distance of a mile and a half, flanked on each side with a dense mass of public houses, stores, shops, and dwelling houses, and containing a population of fifty thousand inhabitants, Manchester must be the handsomest Manufacturing city in the world. The works of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company may be diviled into five departments. 1. The Real Estate and Building department. Of this department Robert Read, Esq, was Agent until January 1852, when E. A. Straw, Esq., the present efficient Engineer of the Company, succeeded him. This department has the general superintendence of surveys, sales of land, building factories, boarding houses, &c. The Clerk is Joseph Knowlton, Esq. 2. The Amoskeag New Mills, consisting of five mills, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. David Gillis, Esq., is Agent of this department, and Charles Richardson. Esq., was Clerk, until 1854, when he was succeeded by Charles L. Richardson, who continues as clerk at the present time. 3. The Machine Shop. This department includes the old and new Foundries, Boiler Shop, Forge Shop, Tank Shop. ~~~JoH ~~~~~~~~~[NI~~~~~~~y~7r ~ ~ H~-: ffi~~~~~~~~~~~~ii K>no-g.m:i?~~i,::.ii i:::!~'i l......... i: ------- - ----------- -, —-..-.-. —--..~i,~~.~:,::'~ng! i "':,! i'v' ig'.i;i,:~ ii I;!iiii~i,:;:>:. _..:.:,::-.-.-~::.~.: ============= =:!: iiiii:j~i,: -w~~~~~~ ji~~~iiiiii I~~~~iiiii~~~iliii';!:i:'i ~ ~ ~ - - - ----------- AMI,'SKEAG NEW MILLS. 569 There are 109 Tenements used for boarding houses, and overseers, tenements, A Savings Bank is connected with these mills for the benefit of those employed by the Company; amount on deposit, 164, 000,00 interest at the rate of 5 per ct. Among the articles extensively used at the mills, are 9000 galls. of oil. Gas is introduced throughout the mills. 350,000 lbs of Starch. 150,000 lbs, of Drugs. 5000 Cords of Wood. 1000 tons of Coal, 3000 bush. Charcoal. At the World's Fair, of 1851, holden in London, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, placed on exhibition samples of the goods manufactured by them, consisting of Sheetings, Drillings, Cotton Flannels and Tickings. This was literally, "carrying coals to New Castle.' Thus exposing their fabricks in the great commercial mart of manufacturing England, and asking comparison of material and manufacture, savored somewhat of presumption; but going upon the principle so briefly set forth by Patch, the Yankee diver, "that some things can be done as well as others," this Yankee company did it, and challenged comparison of their fabrics, with those of Europe. The Jurors who were to make the comparison were one half Englishmen, and the other half from different nations in Europe, except one alone from the United States. The Jury thus constituted, awarded the Prize medal of the Exhibition to the "Amoskeag Manufacturing Company," for the best articles in class 11, at the World's Fair, and they awarded no other medal to Exhibitors in that class. This is a high but well merited honor. The medal is of bronze, about 2 1-2 inches in diameter, and 1-4 of an inch thick. Its execution is n ost exquisite. On one side are busts in alto of Victoria and Prince Albert. Supporting the busts and as if a part of their drapery, are two dolphins, emblematic ot the mutual love of the royal pair; while in the rear is the trident of Neptune, shadowing forth that England claims to be mistress of the seas, but evidently with its handle broken, doubtless prophetic of the about to be established fact, that if "Brittannia rules the waves;" "America" would.-t walk the waters like a thing of life," 570 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. and come out winner as against the world! On the reverse are six figures and various other curious designs. In the centre is Industry, upon "'bended knee," receiving the crown from the hands of Brittannia seated upon a throne supported by a trident and various mechanical implements. Tile standing figures are representatives of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America! Europa, at the left of the group. has a sceptre in her left hand resting upon her arm; Asia stands next to her, with her right hand upon the shoulder of Industry; Africa is next, an Elephant's head projecting from above her ebon curls; while at the right stands America, with plume and bow, her Indian reserve completely overcome by the interest of the ceremony. The drapery and ornaments of allthe figures are appropriate in device and excellent in execution. The figures upon the dress of Industry, are so many bees, characteristic emblems, and of such exquisite workmanship, as when seen through a glass, found to be exact counterparts of the insects they are intended to represent! In the rear of the group is a bust of Flaxman, the sculptor; at its right an urn; beneath is a bale of goods, a cog-wheel, and other implements, emblems of the mechanic arts, commerce and the like. In a word every thing about this superb medal is most perfect in design and execution. The company may well feel justly proud of their works, the products of which, have received from European Judges, the award of the Prize Medal of the Industrial Exhibition of all Nations! In addition to the Sheetings, Flannels, Tickings, Denims, &c., for which the Prize Medal was awarded, and for which they have become noted throughout the country, they manufacture every conceivable variety of cottons, that can answer the wants, or meet the tastes of a varying community, for dress or covering; many of them of the most exquisite imitation of the finest linens, both in pattern and finish. This is a most desirable result to all classes of the community, and it is gratifying that the enterprise of this establishment so perseveringly and skillfully directed towards the accomplishment of such a result, has been completely crowned with success, and that this success has not only been acknowledged by the best judges in the old world; but that in the new, it commands not only admiration, but what is still better, ready sales. MANCHESTER PRINT WORKS. This establishment includes mills for the manufacture of 4t- ~ ~ ~ I VIV -— sBx> 93p Cr~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i\ 8 i~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Tm e;c~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ B~~~~~~~~ ~~s~~~ c~~DP ai Alle Baltic~~~~~~~jl M ip~~~~~~~~~~~~~; ~~~~~~~~~'iili~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ iblte ~ill W i~~~~rii i: i i i a i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i ~iI~~~~~~~" i 41 Via HillJ~~~~~jij~~~j~~i~~a;1jt1 "'.i'M HII VI, PH~i,Flemish~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~T ~l Rj~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Miller:I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~iiiii~lit. Hills 11~~~~ Ti; India,,E; ~ ii~f'ain't~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i f-~tli Collins4i~ PRINT WORKS. 571 Mouslin de Laines, and Print Cloths, and Print Works for printing these manufactures.'l'he Act of Incorporation was originally granted in 1839 under the name of "Manchester Mills," with a capital stock of $1,000,000. In 1847, this corporation became merged in one under the name of "Merrimack Mills," with a capital stock of $1,500,000. This change took place under the impression that the charter of the "Merrimack Mills," was more liberal in its provisions. But in 1851, the name was altered by an act of Legislature to "Manchester Print Works," and again in 1852, its capital was increased to $1,800,000. The first mill was built in 1845. It was 440 feet in length, 60 feet in width and 4 stories in height, besides the basement and attic. It contained thirty thousand spindles and seven hundred and seventy-eight looms. The second mill was built in 1850, was 324 feet in length, 60 feet in width, and five stories in heiglt, besides basement and attic. It contained 20,000 spindles and 600 looms. They employed, Males, 300 Females, 800 Number of Tenements, 62 Pay annually for labor, $220,000 Consume annually lbs. of Cotton, 1, 144,000 Wool, 1,300,000' " cords of Wood, 2,700 "s " lbs. of Starch, 1,000,000 " "'~ Oil Soap, 72,000 " tons of Coal, 400 I' " galls. of Olive Oil, 11,000 I" "' Sperm Oil, 6,000 " " L cubic feet of Gas, 1,192,200 Manufacture " yd's of Cloth, 14,000,000 " daily 4 "a 0 00 LL daily "' "r 45,000 Hon. George B. Upton, was the first Agent of these Mills. left Nov., 1845, and was succeeded by Winm. P. Newell, Esq., who left March 1., 1853, and was succeeded by Waterman Smith, Esq., the present Agent. Upon the same canal, below these mills, and upon Granite street, was the old printing establishmernt of this company. The main building was built in 1845, was 300 feet in length, 60 feet in width, and 6 stories in height. 572 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. In 1850 an addittion or L, was added, extending south from the main building, 225 feet in length, 60 feet in width, and six stories in height. The building for engraving, and containing dye stuffs and chemicals, and the Counting rooms of the printing establishment were east of the main building, while the Madder Dye House was north of the main building. HANDS EMPLOYEPD. Males, 400 Females, 30 Paid out annually for Drugs, $375,000 Pay Roll, 180,000 Fuel, 30,000 10 Printing Machines. Printed Annually De Laines, 13,000,000 yd's Daily 37,500 " Annually Cottons, 3,462,678 " Daily, 12,000' No. of Tenements, 36. The first Superintendent was James Peacock an Englishman, who left in 1848. The establishment then passed under the management of Wm. P. Newell Esq. the Agent of the De Laine Mills. In Dec. 1852, John P. Lord, Esq. —the former clerk of the establishment, was appointed Superintendent of the Printing Department and continued as such to 1853. Under his man~ agement, the establishment was enjoying unwonted prosperity. -But on the 22d of September,about 5 o'clock in the morning, the main building was discovered to be on fire and in less than an hour was in ruins. The fire took in the Dry Roomn, near the centre of the building, and having been subject to a high temperature for years, walls, ceiling and timbers had become of the most cembustible nature. By the greatest exertions, the counting, engraving and store rooms were saved, and the Madder Dye House and Boiler House. The loss by the company was estimated at $125,000 and was fullly insured. July 15, 1855, one half of the largest mill was destroyed by fire. The loss was estimated at $271,353,00. 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I.;Z]:I, I, ;7;::."%'-.G'I" ''-:"',,, , -...-I'''I', I,,dI : ,:: I I....I I....I...II I.III —. — I,. , I —..-.:-: —.'..',.' - 1'0141,,.,-",,;,.,.",.,l",:,::,:: A."'i "`i '.'.'iI.".2,,, 1 1., - ,, -, I I IIII,I..1'. "., 1' I I:, 1. 1,.1 11 I. Plr1_f~ "~-'''-. — - -go _ - ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~...\E..._. __,,. i=. A__... _ Aid~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~fl a ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ U gtg IJR K a5= a — =-rt ——.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ — --- - MOSIND AIT MLS PRINT WORKS. 573 buildings were re-built forthwith in the newest and most improved manner, and are now in perfection of arrangement, machinery, and appointments generally, equal to any in the world. The view given herewith, is the South front, as seen from the railroad, while approaching Manchester from Boston, or from the bridge of the N. H. Central railroad, which crosses the Merrimack river a quarter of a mile below the Print Works. The graceful proportions of the buildings rendered prominent by being painted a light color, attracts the notice of the traveler as the train "breaks up," preparatory to stopping at Manchester. The ground plan of the Printery is in the form of a capital H, the two wings being severally two hundred, and three hundred feet long, three and four stories high, and built of brick. The main body connecting the wings, and containing the printing machines, is a fire proof structure, of three stories, one hundred and sixty, by one hundred and sixty-five feet, the floors resting upon arches of masonry, supported by iron beams and columns. In the back ground are seen the mills belonging to the Company, which supply the Print Works with their various fabrics for printing and dyeing, consisting of Mouslin de Laines, barages, cashmeres, Persian cloth, calicoes, &c. The ordinary production of the works is, Mouslin de Laines, Daily, 35,000 yds. Calicoes, " 20,000' Print Annually, 14,000,000 " Value $2,000,000 They are able to increase the amount readily, to 80,000 yards per day, during seasons of the year when the demand for the fabrics is greatest. Capital, 81,800,000 HANDS EMPLOYED, Males, 750 Females, 1250 Mr. Lord was succeeded as Superintendent of the Printing Department. by C. H. Dalton, Esq., who commenced his charge of the establishment, January, 1, 1854. Under his care the 41 574 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. department more than sustains its former reputation, and the goods printed at this establishment, in neatness of design, and beauty of colors, are doubtless superior to any produced in this country. The officers for 1856, are OLIVER DEAN, President. CHARLES AMORY, Treasurer. -J. S. SHANNON, Clerk. OLIVER DEAN, DAVID SEARS, GEORGE HOWE, Directors. NATHAN APPLETON, WM. AMORY, S. R. PAYSON. 10~~~~, j~~;~~~-~ —~;-;I~~ ___= ____:_~t_~;~l; i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ii~;ii~~iiiiilf ~-.-.. —- ------- -- Hill ll —,-.J — 11 ~RES{DEN OF 0 I [ FO E, E Qli:RE"sriDE~i.;, ~Cz~ OF.~L FO,.E.R~.E~SQ, EFFECTS OF THE WAR. 575 CHAPTER XXIV. Effects of the war upon manufactures. —Stickney's canal.-A Factory. -Embarrassments.-Town petition for leave to send a representative.-Presidential election. -War of 1812. —Great excitement at Piscataquog.-Arrest of Wm. P. Riddle, William Hall, Col. John Carter, Sergeant McCoy, and others.Town permitted to send a Representative. —Presidential election. —Division of School Districts, Nos. 1 and 3.-Presidential election.-Population of Manchester.-Arrest and conviction of Daniel D. Farmer.-Death of den. Stark.-The controversy regarding the Mammoth Road.-Presidential election.-Populatinn of Manchester.-Mammoth Road again.-Presidential election.-Build Mammoth Road.-Small Pox.-Old Meeting House altered into a Town House.-Presidential election.-Substitute for part of AMammoth Road.-Insane Asylum,-Candia Road.-Additional Highway Dist. ricts.-Vote to buy a Town Farm.-Committee and money iaied.-Committee to make new school Dietricts.-Sale of lots by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company.-Town meeting to make additional municipal Regulations. First boards of Firewards and Police.-Annual town meeting of 1840.Attempt to adjourn.-Excitement.-Choose Constables -Choice of Selectmen.-Justice Stark's remarks.-Laying out of Elm, Bridge, Lowell, Concord, Amherst, Hanover, Manchester, Pin,, and Chestnut streets.-Laying out of Harvey or Nutt road.-Population.-Presidential election.Committee chosen on Town House, and Cemetary Lots.-Meeting as to these lots, at Washington Hall. —Deeds submitted front the Amoskeag Mannufacturing Company. —Deeds accepted.-Vote to hold next meeting in Baptist Church, on Manchester street —Accept deeds again from Company. New Town House Lot.-Order Cemetary lot to be fitted up.-Vote to build Town House, raise money for the same.-Town Meetrg as to Town Farm.Town House, and Pound.-Calef Road laid out.-Vine street, and various back streets laid out-.Reservoirs.-School houses at Nos. 6 and 9 built.Annual meeting of 1843.-Vote to adopt certain chapters of the Revised Statutes.-The Hooksett Road laid out.-Town Meeting June, 1843.-Vote to prosecute all persons who violate the license law, —to make the house on Town Farm a house of Correction.-Town Hall destroyed by fire.-Town Meeting Aug. 30.-Vote to build Town Hall.-V(te as to the feasibility ot bringing water into the town.-Twon Meeting of September 17, 1844.Reservoirs.-Presidential election. -Courts to be held here.-Committee on Common Sewers. —Murder of Jonas L. Parker.-Application for a city charter.-Vote to build Sewer from Bridge street to Granite street. —City Charter accepted. While the Manufacturing interest was thus thriving in this neighborhood and town, there was a corresponding thrift noticeable in most other interests connected therewith, although from the commencement of Manufacturing in 1810, to 1S 1 5, and perhaps to 1820, the difficulties with Great Britain had a visible effect upon the progress of the place. The stagnation of business incident to the war in the section of country bordering upon the Merrimack, above Amoskeag, had a decided effect upon 576 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the business of this place, as aside from farming, most of the people were directly or indirectly connected with the navigation of the river, or with the manufacture of lumber. But in a few years after peace was proclaimed, business again revived, and at length, the renewal of the manufacturing interest at Amoskeag in 1825, and its subsequent continuous increase, has produced a thrift in the place, at once surprising and unparallelled. After Judge Blodget's decease, his heirs, under the direction of his grandson, Thomas Stickney, Esq., attempted to finish the canal, and to carry out his plans of improvement. To further this end the grant of a lottery was obtained from the Legislature, as has been already named. Mr. Stickney proposed to commence manufacturing of some kind, and for this purpose built or completed a short canal, leading from the river below the main falls into the old and disused canal. At the foot of this canal, and directly across the old canal, he fitted up a building, two stories in height and 42 feet in length by IS feet in width for a mill. But the project failed, and it is not known what sort of manufacture was proposed to be prosecuted in the mill. The building was moved to the east side of the canal and is still standing. At length, after attempting to save a portion of Judge Blodget's estate, which was left much involved, Mr. Stickney became embarrassed in his pecuniary affairs, and returned to Boston, and the estate passed into other hands. Mr. Stickney is remembered as a gentleman of courteous manners, of sanguine temperament and of great energy, and it is probable that at some other more appropriate time, he might have secured a fortune out of his grandfather's estate. But the war of 1812 ruined his prospects. At the annual meeting in Manchester, March 12, 1811, it was "Voted to petition the Legislature to have leave to send a Representative." "Voted John Stark, Jr., Isaac Huse and Capt. Dwinell, be said Committee." The petition was presented, but without success. At the Presidential election holden Nov. 12, 1812, the vote for Electors in Manchester was thus: John Langdon, 59 John Goddard, 42 Timothy Walker, 59 Oliver Peabody, 42 Richard Dame, 59 Nathan Taylor, 42 Jedediah K. Smith, 59 Timothy Farrar, 42 EXCITEMENT AT PISCATAQUOG. 577 Benjamin Pierce, 59 Benjamin West, 42 Amasa Allen, 59 Samuel Hale, 42 Nahum Parker. 59 Caleb Eillis, 42 Abel Merrill, 59 Jonathan Franklin, 42 The ticket receiving the least number of votes i:l Manchester was successful in the State, and its electoral vote was thrown in opposition to Mr. Madison, who was again successful. But very few soldiers enlisted into the service during the war of 1812 aside from those who volunteered to furnish the quotas required from the town. Of these there were Nathaniel Merrill, Roger Stevens, James Saunders, Joseph Davis, Archibald Gamble, John Babson, and William and David Hardy. David Hardy, died at Plattsburg, January 21, 1814. During the war of 1812, party spirit raged with violence, and nowhere in a greater degree than in New Hampshire. The people of this day can have no idea of the acrimony that existed. Many men of both political parties, seem to have been in a perfect phrenzy. This state of things often produced resuits anything but honorable to the actors or to the state. Collisions betwixt the citizens and the soldiers were frequent, and it must be confessed, that while the latter were often outrageously ill-treated, they in turn often transgressed the bounds of law and propriety. An affair took place in this neighborhood betwixt certain citizens and soldiers, that produced the greatest excitement, and in which the soldiers were clearly in the wrong. A worthless fellow by the name of Thompson, had been arrested on a demand of some forty dollars, and after applying to various individuals in this neighborhood to become bail for him without success, William P. Riddle, Esq., upon the express guarantee of the sheriff, Mr. William Hall, that no harm should come to him by so doing, became his bail. This was in February 1813, and in a few days an execution was issued from the court at Amherst for the demand. Meantime Thompson had gone to Concord, and enlisted in the volunteer regiment under Col. Aquila Davis, Lieut. Col. John Carter, commanding. This regiment used the "Carrigan house," near the north end of Main street in Concord, as their barracks. The execution was put into Mr. Hall's hands, and in company with Mr. Riddle, he went to Concord for Thompson. Thomphad seen enough of soldiers' lite, and was quite willing to come away with the officer. Accordingly in the afternoon, Riddle rode up to the barracks, found Hall and Thompson upon the street, and they got into the sleigh, and came to Bedford. It being 578 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. late, Tnompson was put in the hands ot Mr. James Griffin as keeper, the sheriff intending to take him to Amherst the next day. Late that night, Sergeant McCoy with a corporal and three men, came to Amoskeag Village, with orders to apprehend Thompson, and Messrs. Hall and Riddle. William Hall boarded with his brother, Robert Hall, Esq. The soldiers called at Hall's house, and upon being refused admission, they broke in the door, and entered the house. They then proceeded to search the house, and conducted in an outrageous manner, sticking their bayonets into the beds, and cursing, swearing and behaving in so boisterous a manner, as to drive the women from the house for protection. They at length found William Hall, arrested him, and then went to Piscataquog Village, in search of Thompson and Riddle. Mr. Riddle slept at his store and McCoy knocked at the door and requested him to get up. Riddle getting up, asked, "Who's there;" upon which McCoy replied "a friend"; but Hall made answer. "soldiers from Concord." Upon this they seized Hall and commenced beating him. Riddle then opened the door and they left Hall and'vent into tile store and arrested himn. The next morning, Hall and Riddle went to Concord in charge of the corporal and two of the soldiers, Mc:Coy and the other soldier staying behind to find Thompson. At Concord, Riddle and Hall were taken to the guard-house and afterwards to the barracks, where after waiting a while, they were discharged,-blt refused to leave unless satisfaction was given them. After awhile, Col. Carter finding he had been too hasty, promised to pay them $25 for their time and trouble, and let the matter drop. They acceded to his proposal and left. At this time, some twenty or thirty of the leading citizens of Bedford had arrived at Concord and excitement ran high. However, the matter had been adjusted and they returned home. Soon after, Robert Hall obtained a complaint against McCoy, and his men for breaking into his house. They were arrested upon the complaint, bound over, and for want of bail were committed to the jail at Hopkinton. A complaint was then made out by the District Attorney, against Messrs. Hall and Riddle, for "man stealing," returnable before Judge Walker, at Concord. Upon the return day, the respondents appeared, but Judge Walker refused to sit in the case, and they were discharged. Upon this, a complaint was made out against Col. Carter, for false imprisonment of Messrs. Hall and Riddle. His examination came off at Piscataquog, before John Stark, Jr., and Jonathan Gove, Esqrs., who ordered him to appear EXCITEMENT AT PISCATAQUOG. 579 at the Court of Common Pleas, next to be holden at Hopkintonl. Col. Carter gave the required bail, and here the matter ended; for the Col. was soon after ordered to the frontier, and the case was continued from Term to Term, until after peace was declared, when he paid Messrs. Hall and Riddle their costs, and the case was stricken from the docket. The other parties did not come off so well. Thompson who was the cause of all this trouble, escaped from his keeper Griffin, who had secreted him in his barn, intending to elude the officers of the army, and his bail; but after their return from Concord, Messrs. Hall and Riddle got track of him, and took him in Londonderry. He was carried to the jail in Amherst, where he lay until he was let out upon taking the poor debtors' oath. McCoy and his party were kept in jail through the summer, and thus they were left behind by the troops upon their march to the frontier. At the Court in the fall, they were tried, and fined, and it is believed, that after remaining in jail a short time, they were discharged by the Court. It may well be supposed that this affair caused the greatest excitement in the neighborhood, and in fact, all the inteiior of the State. The examinations at Piscataquog and Concord were attended by large numbers of the friends of the parties, all under more or less of excitement. General Riddle informs me that his bill for the entertainment of his friends at Gale's tavern, for a day and a night, was one hundred dollars. Quite an item for those days of cheap fare and low charges. It was a question of military and civil predominance, and each party seems to have carried things to the greatest length, and officials put themselves greatly upon their dignity. At the court in Piscataquog, held by Messrs. Stark and Gove, Col. Carter, the respondent, appeared in full uniform, with his side arms. This was considered as improper by the Court, and they ordered the Constable, Mr. Joseph Patten, to see that Col. Carter laid aside his sword. Patten was a very stern man, with a loud, harsh voice, and his manner is now well recollected, when without ceremony, he executed the order of Court, by saying in his determined manner, "Col. Carter, take off your side arms!" The Colonel complied, and the Court proceeded with the examination. At an adjourned Meeting held in Manchester March 19, 1816, it was "Voted to make up ten dollars per month to the draughted soldiers in 1814." In 1815, the Legislature granted to this town the privilege 580 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of choosing a representative, and at the annual meeting, March 12, 1816, Isaac Huse, Esq., was chosen to represent the town in the Legislature, the first representative from the town apart from some district. The Presidential election occurred on the 4th day of November 1816. The vote in Manchester was thus: Thomas Manning, 61 John T. Gilman, 17 Benjamin Butler, 61 Nathaniel A. Haven, 17 William Badger, 61 Samuel Hale, 17 Amos Cogswell, 61 Robert Means, 17 Richard H. Ayer, 61 Thomas Bellows, 17 Jacob Tuttle, 61 George B. Upham, 17 Thomas C. Drew, 61 Benjanmin J. Gilbert, I' Dan Young, 61 William Webster, 17 The electoral vote of the state was thrown for James Monroe, the successful candidate. In 1817, attempts were made to divide several of the school districts. They succeeded in dividing Nos. I and 3. voting that No. 1 be divided according "as said district do agree, and that all those living below Joseph Moor's be a school district." A school house was located and built the same year'in district No. 3, "at the intersection of the roads on the Plain west of Jonas Harvey's Mills." The Presidential Election came off Nov. 6, 1820, and the balloting in Manchester was thus: William Plumer, 25 Timothy Walker, I David Barker, 26 William A. Kent, I William Fisk, 25 George Hough, I Samuel Dinsmore, 25 John West, 1 John Pendexter, 25 Benjamin Gale, l Nathaniel Shannon, 26 Levi Hutchins. 1 Ezra Bartlett, 25 William Stickney, 1 James Smith of Isaac Hill, I Grantham, 26 Thomas Chandler, I Richard H. Ayer, 1 The electoral vote of the State was cast for James Monroe, who was elected. The population of the town in 1820 was 761, an increase in ten years of but 46 inhabitants. On the 5th of April, 1821, this town was thrown into great excitement, by the news that one of its citizens, Daniel D. Farmer, had committed the crime of murder in the adjoining town of Goffstown. It was charged that he had killed Mrs. MAJ. GENERAL STARK. 581 Anna Ayer, of that town, at about 9 o'clock on the previous evening, by striking her upon the head. He was arrested and upon examination was committed to jail. At the Court in October at Amherst, he had his trial, at which the charge against him was proved: and he was convicted and sentenced to suffer the extreme penalty of the law, which sentence was carried into effect on the 23d of January, following. It seems that this Mrs. Ayer was a worthless woman, who had falsely sworn that she was enciente by Farmer. He called upon her to expostulate with her upon the falsity ot the charge, and getting excited by her continued reiteration of the falsehood, in the heat of passion, he struck the unlucky blow that resulted in her death. After the injury inflicted upon her, no attempt was made to save her life. A physician was not called until the next day; and the doors and windows were left open, and the wind of a raw cold day was suffered to pass through the room, while the woman lay uncovered upon a bed and the wound completely exposed. In fact, an open window was within a foot or two of of her head. People from the neighborhood and the adjoining towns visited the house in crowds during the day, and were admitted to the room without hindrance; and on the day of examination, some two or three days after the affray, the head of the woman was exposed to all who wished to see the wound, and the doors and the windows of the room were Icft open at will. Yet with all this neglect and exposure, the womatl lived some nine days, and there is hardly a doubt in the minds of many intelligent people conversant with the facts ot the case, that had the woman had proper medical attendance, she might have recovered frcm the wound. It is needless to remark, that under such circumstances at the present day, the extreme penalty of the law would hardly be meted out to a person. In May of this year, died at his residence in Manchester, MAJOR GENERAL JOHN STARK. The stirring events in the life of this gallant veteran, have been so fully narrated in the progress of this work, that little is left to be said of him in this place. Gen. Stark was the third* soil of Archibald Stark, Esq., one of the early settlers of Derryfield. His father was a man of education, and imparted to his children such instruction, and such principles, at the fireside, as few others upon the frontier, were able to confer upon their children. During Stark's boyhood, the remnants of the *On page 181 on the authority of other writers, it is stated that he was the SECOND son; but subsequent investigation shows that his brothers William and Satnuel were both older than he. 582 THE HI[STORY OF MANCHESTER. Pennacook Indians were still in the Merrimack Valley, and made Amoskeag their annual rendezvous during the fishing season, and in fact in the earlier Indian wars, some of them were employed as soldiers by our government, and were enrolled with other soldiers. In this manner, young Stark, a hunter from position and necessity, became well acquainted with the habits of the Indians. This knowledge gave him a superiority over most of his brother soldiers in the war with the Indians and French that followed. However, this knowledge would have been to no great purpose, had it not been united in him with other qualities peculiarly befitting a soldier of those times. He was remarkable for the vigor and activity of the physical man. and hence for his capability in sustaining fatigue. Adding to these, quick perception, indomitable energy, and remarkable decision of character, he was the soldier for the times in which he lived, and in fact, such qualities are the elements of success at any and all times. His success as an officer in the noted Rangers of the Seven Years War, gave him a popularity among the- people at large. and the soldiers in particular, that placed him in the front rank as a successful soldier, upon the breaking out of the Revolution. It was this popularity among the sol iers that gained his services to the country, for if his appointment or promotion had been left to the politicians of the day, it is doubtful from the way in which he was treated by them, whether he could have succeeded to any command. Once at the head of a regiment, and in service, the battle field told the story of his bravery. His brilliant achievements at Bunker Hill, Trenton, Princeton and Bennington, have been related. It n:ow remains alone to speak of his subsequent services in the Rlevolution, and of the close of his eventful life. Early in 1778 he repaired to Albany and assumed the command of the Northern Department, and remained there until ordered to join Gen. Gates at Providence. He passed the winter in New Hampshire, in urging forward recruits and supplies, but in the spring joined Gen. Gates at Providence. In November, by Gen. Wa.shington's orders, he joined him in New Jersey, and after a short time was sent by Washington to New England to make requisition for men and provisions. In 1780 he was with Washington at Morristown and took part in the battle of Springfield. Soon after, he was ordered to New England, collected a body of militia, and marched them to West Point. Gen. Stark was one of the Court Martial who decided the MAJ. GENERAL STARK. 583 fate of "Major Andre," and reluctantly, though in obedience to his duty. and for his country's advantage, favored the sentence of death upon that brave, but unfortunate officer. In 1781 he again took charge of the Northern Department. The country was overrun with robbers and tories, and he had but a weak and inefficient force, but his strict discipline and stern justice dealt out to spies and tories, soon brought things into better order. The capture of Lord Cornwallis brought the war to a close, but Gen. Stark was ordered to New Hampshire for men and supplies. The most of 1782 he was afflicted with a rheumatic complaint, brought on by long exposure, and was not able to join his command. In 1783, however, he joined Washington, and soon. after aided, by his counsels, in allaying those feelings of disquiet excitedby the treacherous Newberg Letters, among the officers and soldiers of the army. Upon News of peace, Stark bore the happy intelligence to New Hampshire, and forthwith retired to his farm at Derryfield, to enjoy that repose he so much needed. But his active mind could not be at rest, and he engaged in all of those plans for the advantage of the town and State which were so necessary to be matured, and carried out by clear heads and strong nerves. The unjust claim of the Masonian Proprietors to the lands betwixt a straight and a curve line, between the north east and north west corner bounds of the Masonian Grant, was first successfully opposed by him, and to his exertions, it was mainly owing, that the Legislature took the matter in hand, and established the claim of the State to the lands in question; thus quieting hundreds of small farmers in the possession of their lands, and in the end adding largely to the funds of the State. He was ever found upon the side of his country, and when, in 1786, discontent had ripened into open rebellion, and the Legislature had been surrounded by armed malcontents, the veteran Stark stood ready for the occasion, and would have volunteered his services, had not the insurrection been repressed bvy the judicious councils and determined action of the gallant Sullivan, who was, at that time, most opportunely, at the head of our State government. He refused all civil office that would take him from his home, but in his native town, he was ready to serve his townsmen in any capacity, where he could be of advantage, and that did not trespass too much upon his valuable time. 584 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Thus living, not for himself alone, but for his country, the veteran Stark passed into the wane of life, ever taking, as long as life lasted, a lively interest in every incident in our country's history. At length, suffering from the effects of a paralytic shock, at the extreme age of 93 years, 8 months and 22 days, the old hero departed this life on Wednesday, the 8th day of May, 1822. The Friday following his death, his remains were interred with military honors, in a cemetry he had enclosed upon his own farm, a large concourse of people being in attendance, to witness the imposing ceremony, and to pay their last respects over the body of the man who had contributed so largely il filling "the measure of his country's glory." The cemetery is situated upon a commanding bluff upon the east bank of the Merrimack, and over his remains his family have placed a plain shaft of granite, indicative alike of his simplicity and hardihood, upon which is inscribed "Maj. General Stark." This simple stone points to his ashes alone, but his deeds are traced in deep-lined characters upon the pages of our country's history, while his memory is engraved upon the hearts of his countrymen. Such a name needs no other monument. In February 1823, was the first movement in this town in favor of building the famous "Mammoth Road." The project of having a more direct road from Concord to Lowell, had been some time before the public. A route from the Londonderry Turnpike, in Hooksett, through Manchester, Londonderry, Windham, Pelham and Dracut to Pawtuckt Bridge, had been surveyed, and found feasible, and much more direct. The proprietors of a line of stages, from Concord to Lowell, the people of those two places, and many people on the line of the proposed road, were making a powerful effort to have the road built. Their first aim was to have the road laid out by the several towns through which it was to pass. In Manchester and Londonderry, there was the most determined opposition to the road, as its construction would be attended with very great expense to those towns, and at the same time accommodated few individuals in those towns. This opposition was participated in, to a greater or less extent, through the entire length of the road. The contest at length waxed so warm, that this question of the Mammoth i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~an tsS yg;i0 $sS 0 ----------------- - - ----- - -- - -......... -~~~~~-~~~~~-~~~~~c~ ~i+ El I,,,. N!... n 1. _ _ _ _ _- - - - O~~~~~~~~~~~i ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ IL~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:~~~~~~~~~~z~~~~~................... THE MAMMOTH ROAD. 585 Road controlled the local elections,-and interfered with our system of Courts. In Manchester, in the warrant for the annual meeting bearing date February 20, 1823, the 11th article was in reference to this road. As it describes the "Mammoth Road," and indicates the route of it through this town, it is subjoined; "Whereas a road leading from Hooksett, leaving the L. Derry Turnpike, near to Jacob Farnum's, running through Manchester, Londonderry, and to Dracut Bridge, would greatly convene the public, this article is inserted to see. if the town will lay out (where it is not already lard out,) their part of the said road, beginning or near Stark's bridge, so called, (meaning to meet that part of said road which belongs to the town of Hooksett to make) then southerly on the best ground practicable to the highway near David Steven's house, thence by the meeting-house to Derry line, wherever it may be necessary to accomplish the object in view." At the meeting March, 8, it was voted to dismiss the article. The proposed road passed the house of Ephraim Stevens, Jr. and he was much in favor of building it. Being a man of energy and influence he entered largely into the project, and succeeded in getting the selectmen to call a special town meeting; but although he could get petitioners, he failed in this instance to get voters to favor his views, for at the town meeting, held on the 8th of September, 1823, "To consider the expediency of laying out and building th Mammoth Road, the question was put to the meeting aw its expediency and there was In favor of it 1 Against it 45" It is said that Capt. Stevens was the one who voted in favor of the road. It w as then "Voted Joseph Moor be an agent for this town to join the committee chosen by the town of Lendonderry, to oppose the laying and opening a road through this town, Londonderry, &e in a direction from Hooksett to Pawtucket Bridge, as it is the opinion of the peop!e of this town, that the public interest does not require said road to be laid out, and that the expenses of making the road, would greatly exceed the benefit to be deriv 586 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ed from its bei. g opened and that it would lay a burden upon the town, which they are unable to bear, therefore said agent is instructed to procure such counsel and make such defence against said road, as he shall think the interest of the town requires." Those favoring the road, now applied to the County Court as their only alternative, and with such success, as that the Agent saw but little hope of preventing the laying out of the road. Another special town meeting was held on the 6th of December, 1823, to "hear the report of their Agent, Mr. Joseph Moor." And the 3d article in the warrant was, "To see if the town will discharge him and choose another." The whole subject was postponed to the annual meeting in March,-and then the subject was not called up. At the Presidential election, holden Nov. 1st. 1824, the vote in Manchester was thus; Josiah Bartlett, 31 William Fisk, 31 Hall Burgin, 31 William Badger, 31 Samuel Quarles, 31 Caleb Keith, 31 Moses White, 31 The above ticket was successful in the state, and its electoral vote was thrown for John Quincy Adams, who, there being no choice by the electoral colleges, was chosen President by the House of Representatives. In 1826 the subject was much discussed of building a meeting house, and at a special meeting held May 2, of that year, it was "'Voted to build a meeting house," and Nathaniel Moor, Ephraimrn Stevens, Jr., and Israel Merrill were chosen "a comnmittee to superintend the same." The meeting was then adjourned to July 4th, when it was "Voted that a committee be appointed to locate the meeting house." "Voted that the said committee be instructed to purchase the THE MAMMOTH ROAD. 587 pews in the old meeting house, and to see how much they can obtain by subscription for the purpose of building a new meeting house and that they report at the next meeting." Nothing more appears upon the records, as to the new meeting house, and it is probable that the committee did nothing as to the matter. In 1828, the subject of the Mammonth Road was again bee fore the public, and in the warrant of July 5th, calling a meeting of the town, on the 26th of July, the 2d article was "To see if the town will choose an agent to oppose the "Mammoth Road." On the 26th instant, the meeting organized and adjourned to the 16th day of August. At the adjourned meeting, the action upon the 2d article of the warrant was thus as recorded; "Proceeded to take the sense of this meeting to know how many are in favor of said road, and four rose in favor and about seventy rose against it." "Voted to choose an Agent to oppose the said road, who is to be subject to the control of the selectmen," And "Daniel Watts was chosen an Agent to oppose the said road." The Presidential election in this state occurred on the 3d of Nov. 1828. In Manchester the vote for electors was thus; John Harvey, 97 George Sullivan, 67 Benning M. Bean, 97 Samuel Quarles, 67 William Pickering, 97 Samuel Sparhawk, 67 Jesse Bowers, 97 William Bixby, 67 Aaron Matson, 97 Nahum Parker, 67 Jonathan Nye, 97 Thomas Woolson 67 Stephen P. Webster, 97 Ezra Bartlett, 67 Moses White, 97 William Lovejoy, 67 Of the above tickets, the one receiving the least number of votes in this town was successful in the state at large, and its electoral vote was thrown for John Quincy Adams, who was defeated, Andrew Jackson being chosen by the electorial colleges. At an adjourned meeting, held March 14, 1829, it was voted 588 THE HISTORY OF M1ANCHESTER. that the Prudential Committee in the several school districts be chosen by the inhabitants of the districts. It was also voted, to divide the literary fund among the several districts, according to the proportion of the school money raised by the town. In this year a school house was built in District No. 7, (the Stark District,) at a cost of $215.49. The friends of the Mammoth Road were successful, and at the session of the court in October 1830, the report of the committee was accepted, and the road, so far as it was within the limits of the County, was ordered to be built. The people of the town continued their opposition, to the Mammoth road and at a town meeting held January, 15, 1831, the article in the warrant "to see if the town will appoint a committee or Agent, to lay off into suitable lots or parcels, that part of the Mammoth Road within the limits of Manchester, to accommodate undertakers, & sell the making thereof at public auction, as soon as the necessary arrangements can be made, or take some other method to accomplish the object in view," was postponed to the annual Meeting in March. In this year the First Methodist Episcopal Society, which had been organized in 1829, built a meeting-house, at Manchester Centre. It is located on the west side of the road, a few rods south of the old meeting-house. In 1830, the population of Manchester was 887 showing an increase of 126 inhabitan ts in the last ten vears. At the annual meeting, March, 8, 1831, it was voted that the Selectmen petition the Court to discontinue the Mammoth Road. "and if failing to accomplish this, to make an extension of time & liberty to alter the road as the interests of the town may require & the public good admit." This vote was evidently dictated by a policy of procrastination; for after the decided action of the Court, there could have been no reasonable expectation that they would grant a prayer for its discontinuance. However the Selectmen presented their petition, and the Court continued the matter from time to time, for consideration. Meantime, March, 13, 1832, the town without waiting the decision of the Court, "voted to discontinue the Mammoth Road, or that part described in a petition signed by the Selectmen, or any part the Court may allow." The Court notwithstanding, decided adversely to the petition of the Selectmen, leaving the road to be built, and to be built as originally laid out. The Presidential election was on the 5th of November, of THE MAMMOTH ROAD. 589 in this year, in this state. The vote in Manchester stood thus; Benjamin Pierce, 107 Langley Boardman, 36 Phinehas Parkhurst, 107 Enoch Place, 37 Samuel Collins, 107 Joshua Darling, 37 John Hclhrook, 107 Edmund Parker, 37 John Taylor, 1.07 Thomas Bellows, 37 Joseph Weeks, 107 George B. Upham, 37 Moses White, 107 John French, 37 The ticket headed by Benjamin Pierce was elected in the state at large, and its electoral vote was thrown for Andrew Jackson, the successful candidate for the Presidency. On the 17th of August 1833, a meeting of the town was held, to see if the town would vote to build the Mammoth Road, and raise money to pay for the sali e; and the whole subject was indefinitely postponed. But at the October term of the Court, summary process was ordered by the same against the town in case of farther neglect to comply with the order of the Court. This was necessary, as most of the road was already built, and the neglect of this town was becoming a great inconvenience. Accordingly, there being no farther chance of delay, Mlarch 11, 1834, the town Voted, to raise seven hundred and fifty dollars to be laid out on the Mammoth Road, and chose George Clark Agent to lay out the same." They also "Voted, that the Selectmnen borrow two hundred and fifty dollars if necessary, to be laid out as aforesaid." Upon this, the building of the road was commenced in earnest. In the spring of 1834 the small-pox again made its appearance in town and produced considerable excitement among the inhabitants. A town meeting was held upon the subject, April 28 1834, at which it was "Voted that the Selectmen proceed to stop the spreading of the small-pox, or take such measures as they shall think proper to prevent it, as soon as possible." The cases of the disease were in a family living in the brick house nbw owned by Mr. John Huse. Vaccination was rec 590 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ommended to the people of the town, and no other cases occurred. At the annual meeting in March, 1836, it was "Voted to authorize the Selectmen to contract with some person to take down the old meeting house and convert it into a suitable building for a town house," and the sum of $500, was raised for that purpose. The Selectmen, instead of taking down the meeting house, expended the appropriation in altering and repairing the house. It was divided into two stories by putting in a ceiling and floor; and the outside was thoroughly repaired. The upper story -was intended for a school room, and the lower story was finishled for a town Hall. Thus repaired, it presented a very respectable appearance, as seen in the annexed cut. The Presidential election was Nov. 7, of this year, and the vote in this town was for Jonathan Harvey, 82 Samuel Bell, 1 Isaac Waldron, 82 Wm. A. Kent, L Tristam Shaw, 82 John Wallace, Jr. 1 Stephen Gale, 82 Samuel Grant, l Josiah Russell, S2 Joseph Healey, 1 Gawen Gilmore, 82 Jeremiah Wilson, 1 Ebenezer Carleton, 82 Joseph Sawyer, 1 The ticket headed by Jonathan Harvey was successful in the State, and its electoral vote was thrown for Martin Van Bu3ren, who was elected President of the United States. At this same meeting the subject of the Mammoth Road was before the town for the last time. The town had built the road, but a part of it had been built on a different ioute than the one laid out. This substitute commenced west of the McQueston house and extended "210 rods south to the old road." It was a more feasible route, and less expensive in construction than the original route as laid out by the committee. The Court became convinced of this, accepted the substitute and gave the town leave to discontinue that part of the Mammoth Road, for which a substitute had been built and accepted. At this meeting it was discontinued, and thus ended the controversy as to this road, which had been continued for sixteen years, to the no small injury of the towns engaged in it, and to the entire ruin of individuals. And all of this con -~~~ —~~-~~`~~=~~ __I — _ —-'-~~~~~~~~ —r~~~;~~,~~ —-~~~~ —— i o~~~ ------------------ --- ~~-L;-~~~ —- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~!li-i~., ~/:~_~ —~-7 ~'~-~_i~ l~,l-~,~~ —--- ~, =OiOUS'E~ -~~~~~~~~~- ~~~~~~~~~~~~~-~~~~~~~~~- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~' 4,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~St:in~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r:: --; —— LD MEETING HOUSE, t'Erd CANDIA ROAD. 591 tention was of no possible good to the public, for in consequence of the building of the Concord Railroad, and of the Manufac. turing city of Manchester, the road became deserted in a few years, and in many sections of it there is not travel enough to keep the grass from growing in it: At the same meeting the subject of building a Hospital for the insane was acted upon by the town, the question as to building a Hospital having been sent to the towns by the Legislature. The vote stood in this town upon this subject, In favor, 15 Against, 67 The expense of building the Mammoth Road made the people fear an increase of taxes, even for such an object of charity and humanity. March 14, 1837, the town authorized the Treasurer to receive its proportion of the surplus Revenue, and to loan it "at not less than'6 per cent." At the same meeting one hundred dollars Nwas appropriated for painting the Town House, under the direction of the Selectmen. A road had been laid out by a Committee from the Court, leading "front Anmoskeag Bridge to Chester line." This is the road as now travelied from Merrimack street, through Hallsville to "Daniel Hall's corner,"' and from thence to Chester (now Auburn,) past the Massabesic House, and known as the "Candia Road,'" The town was opposed to this road, and at a town meeting held October 27, 18S37, it was "Voted to choose no Agent to build a road laid out by the Court, and to raise no money for building the same." However better counsel prevailed, and at a town meeting held November 18, 1837, it was voted to build the road, and Mr. Benjamin Mitchel was chosen Agent to build it. Nt the same meeting propositions to purchase a Town Farm, and "'to finish the upper story of the Town Hall into a school room, or permit individuals to do it, and take pay in rent," were dismissed. At the annual town meeting March 13, 1838, an appropriation of $1300, was made to build the road from Chester line to Daniel Hall's, and the Setectmen were authorized to colsider the,expediency of purchasing a Town Farm and to report at the annual town meeting for 1839. The building of the road to Chester line, or the Candia Road, proved more expensive than anticipated, and at a town meeting held Dec. 13, 1838, the Selectmen were authorized to borrow $2300, to build said road. 59'4 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. The Selectmen made three additional Highway districts viz: Nos. 12, 13 and 14. In 1838 died MAJOR CALEB STARK. Major Caleb Stark, the eldest son of General Stark, was born December 23, 1759. In the 16th year of his age, as a volunteer in the 1st N. H. regiment, he was present at the Battle of Bunker's Hill, and soon after an Ensign in the Company of Capt. George Reid. He served with the regiment in New York, and in Canada, and after the retreat from that Province, in 1775, he was appointed Adjutant, in which capacity he served at Trenton, and in the actions of September, 19th, and October, 7th, 1777. In the latter engagement lhe was wounded in the left arm. Soon after he became the Aid de Canip and Brigade Major of General Stark, nnder whose immediate command he continued to the end of the War. In 1778, and 1781, in addition to his other duties, he performed those of Adjutant General of the Northern Department. Upon the close of the war, he engaged in merchandise at Haverhill, Mass, and Dunbarton, N. H., and afterwards at Boston, Mass. In the course of his commercial transactions, he visited the West Indies, and Great Britain. When the war of 1812, commenced, he closed his business in Boston, and turned his attention to manufacturing, at Pembroke. N. H. In 1830, he disposed of his establishment and proceeded to Ohio to prosecute the claims of his family to lands granted for military services in the Revolution; which after a tedious course of law suits, he recovered in 1837. He died in Ohio August 26, 1838. His remains repose in his iamily cemetery at Dunbarton, N. H. He possessed a strong memory, read much, and perseverance supplied the deficiencies of early education. Schooled in the stormy strife of the Revolution, he was well versed in the political and military history of his own. country, and that of other nations. He was known through life as a man of energy and decision of charactwr. At the annual town meeting, March 12, 1839, the Selectmen made a report in favor of the purchase of a Town Farm, and a vote was carried to purchase one, and a committee, consisting of Moses Noyes, John Gamble and James McQGueston, was chosen to mal e the purchase. The sum of $1000 was appropriated "in part pay of town farm," and the committee was to give "town security" for the NEW BUILDINGS. 593 balance of the purchase money, and were instructed to purchase such farm as they should think for the interest of the town, "without reference to cost." At the same meeting it was "Voted to district the town anew as regards School D)istricts" and the following committee was chosen to district the same, and report at the next annual meeting, viz: No. I John Hall, "2 Jos. B. Hall, 3 Joseph Moor, " 4 James McQueston, ~' 5 John Proctor, 6 Thomas Cheney, 7 George Clark, "8 Peter Mitchel. This committee never made any report. In the course of the summer of 1839, there was a large increase of the inhabitants of the town, in consequence of the laying out and sale of lots by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company in the preceding year. These lots were fast bei:g improved, and Elm, Amherst, and Hanover streets during the summer of 1839, assumed the appearance of an enterprising and thrifty village. The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company had built the house for the Agent of the Stark Mills, on the corner of Hanover and Pine streets; the one for the Superintendent of the Stark Mills upon Hanover street, then occupied by Mr. Warren, but now owned by Charles Richardson, Esq., and the "AManchester House," on the corner of Eltn and Merrimack streets: now owned by William Shepherd, Esq. The lot upon which the Manchester House was built was covered with a growth of pitch pines, in the spring of 1839, and Merrimack Square, just south of it, was coveted with birches, pines, and alders. rhe pines were cut and the stumps removed by the roots, before digging the cellar, and putting in the foundation for the Manchester House, in May of 1839. Since Mr. Shepherd purchased the Manchester House, in 1845, he has enlarged and improved it so that it is now one of the largest, as it is one of the best hotels in the state. The Hanover street church, Rev. Mr. Wallace's, built this year, is one of the most spacious churches in the city. It is of wood, after the Grecian style of architecture, 80 feet in length, by 64 in width, and is one of the most beautiful publie buildings in the state. 594 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. The lot upon which this church was built, is the generous gift of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, it being their liberal policy to furnish each denomination in the city with a lot whereon to build a church. They have done this as yet in every instance, where religious societies have selected lots east of Elm street. Those lots for such purposes, on the west side of the street, have been purchased by the societies occupying them; but it is understood at reduced prices. Business took such a start, and there was such a demand for lots, that the Company decided upon a second sale, which took place October S, 1839. The lots sold were situated between Hanover and Merrimack streets, and betwixt Elm and Union streets. They sold readily and at prices much higher than those of the first sale. On the 24 of September, of this year, the people of the town were thrown into great excitement by an affray at Goffstown, in which Mr. Jeremiah Johnson of this town was killed. It was the day of the annual muster; "Goffstown Muster," as the annual parade of the ninth Regiment was more generally known. Johnson was a member of the Manchester Rifle Company, commanded by Capt. Ira W. Moore. After dinner, the Rifle Company marched upon the field for manoeuvre and drill. In their march they encountered a horde of gamblers, who had erected their tables for their various games, in one part of the field. Some of these they tumbled over, and broke down, and the gamblers making resistance, a general melee followed. In the affray, a mall by the name of Elbridge Ford, struck Johnson over the head with a club, and fractured his skull. Johnson was taken from the field and his wound cared for; but he died the day following, about 7 o'clock in the evening. Ford was arrested upon the 25th of September, upon a complaint for assault, but Johnson growing worse. he was arraigned, and the case was continued to the next day. On the 26th, Johnson having died the evening previous, Ford was arrested on a complaint for murder, and after an examination before Isaac Riddle, Esq., during three days, was committed on the 28th of September. A bill was found against him by the Grand Inquest of the County at Amherst in October following; but the case was continued until October 1840, when he was tried and found guilty of manslaughter. He was sentenced to the state prison for a term of five years. Ford was originally from Nashua but was at work in Manchester for the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. He was a daring, rough sort of a man, not NEW MUNICIPAL REGULATORS. 595 particularly vicious, and it appearing that he was drawn into the affray without any sort of malicious intent, after a three years imprisonment, upon petition, he was pardoned by the Executive. Johnson lived upon the Mammoth Road, upon the farm norw belonging to his heirs, and known as the "Johnson Farm." He left a widow and four small children. After the second land sale, there was a large accession of inhabitants, and building went on more rapidly than ever. Unprepared for such progress, the people of the town in March of this year, had made no more than their usual preparations for town affairs, in the way of appropriations, municipal regulations, and municipal officers.'lThe necessity for a different order of things was apparent to every one. Accordingly, a town meeting was called by the Selectmen to be held on the 26th of October to meet this necessity. As the transactions of that meeting were very important, the record of it is mainly transcribed, as follows: "Voted on motion of Mr. Bell, That an an act, entitled an act to establish a system of Police in the town of Portsmouth, and for other purposes, passed June 28th, 1823, and "an act, entitled an act in addition to an act entitled an act to establish a system of Police for the town of Portsmouth, and for other purposes, passed June, 23d, 1823," passed July 1st 1831, be adopted in the town of Manchester." "Voted on motion of Mr. Bell, that "an act, entitled an act, defining the powers and duties of fire-wards and other persons in certain cases," passed December 16th, 1828, and'an act. entitled an act, in addition to an act, defining the powers and duties of fire-wards, and other persons in certain cases, passed December 16th, 1828,"' passed July 3d, 1830, be adopted and in force in the town or Manchester." Provided however, that such inhabitants of said town of Manchester, as live remote from the compact part or said town, that is to say, more than one mile from the corner of Amherst and Elm streets, shall be exempted from the operation of the tenth section of said first mentioned act. "Voted that the inhabitants of the New Village have the privilege of nominating Fire-wards and Health officers." "Chose accordingly 596 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Amory Warren. Hiram Brown, David A. Bunton, Henry S. Whitney, John H. Maynard, William P. Farmer Fire- Wards." Timothy J. Carter, James Wallace, Mace Moulton, George W. Tilden, Issac N. Ford, "'Voted, to choose a board of Health officers, to consist of three in number." Chose accordingly, George B. Swift, Zaccheus Colburn, Health Officers." John D. Kimball, ) "Voted on motion of Mr. Bell, to discontinue the Public Highway leading from the Amoskeag Bridge towards Manchester Meeting House, Beginning at said Bridge, and extending to the point where Manchester Street intersects the same, Provided that the Court of Common Pleas shall consent thereto, if such consent is by law necessary." "Voted that the public highway leading from said Amoskeag Bridge to the store in said Manchester, lately occupied by William P. Farmer, be discontinued, Provided that the Court of Common Pleas shall consent thereto, if such consent is by law necessary."'* "Voted on said motion of Mr. Bell, to discontinue the public highway leading from the house now occupied by David A. Bunton, near Amoskeag Falls to the Stark house so called, Prcvided that the Court of Common Pleas shall consent, if such consent is by law necessary."' Also on motion of Mr. Bell, "Voted to discontinue the road leading from said Amoskeag Bridge to the Barrett house, so called, beginning at the north line of the Phillip Stevens farm, and extending to the point below the Stark Mills, where Canal street intersects the same, *Farmer's store was next west of the Steam Mill at Janesville. tMr. Bunton lived where S. -B. Kidder, now lives. NEW MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS. 597 Provided that the Court of Common Pleas shall consent thereto, if such consent is by law necessary."* "Voted on motion of Mr. Bell, that the Selectmen & Firewards, be authorize I to borrow not exceeding one thousand dollars, to purchase engines and apparatus for extinguishing fires, provided the same can be obtained on reasonable terms, and on extended credit." "Voted that the Selectmen be authorized to borrow one thousand dollars, for the purpose of building the remainder of the Candia road, and repairing that part already built." The board of Fire-wards organized forthwith, and agreeably to the vote above, purchased an engine, and apparatus for the same. This was the first step towards our present efficient Fire Department. Prior to this, there had been an engine in the Stark yard; but it was owned by that corporation, and this one now purchased, Merrimack, No. 1. was the first engine owned by the town. As early as 1818, there was a fire engine in Piscataquog, now a part of the city, but at the period treated of, a part of Bedford. This engine was obtained through the influence of Isaac Riddle, Esq., and the company having charge of it, was incorporated by a special act of the Legislature. The Candia Road was forthwith repaired, and finished in accordance with the vote of the town, and on the 28th of November, the Selectmen appointed Hiram Brown, Nehemiah Chase, James Wallace, and J. T. P. Hunt, Police officers of the town of Manchester. Thus the "New Village" as it was called in the vote of the town, might be considered as fairly recognized and organized. But these "new comers," as the people of the "New Village" were often called, were looked upon as interlopers, by many of the old inhabitants of the town, and so great were their jealousies of them that had they been aware of their prospective power, in spite of their self interest, it is very doubtful whether the villagers could have got any sort of votes in their favor at this town meeting. These jealousies soon became mutual and produced confirmed opposition, which was exhibited in a decided manner on various occasions, soon after. The Representative. the first paper printed in Manchester, was established this year by John Caldwell. The first numeThe Barrett house stood on the south side of Granite street, nearly north of the Freight Depot. 598 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ber of the paper was issued on Friday, the 18th, of October, 1839. It was published every Friday, and advocated the principles of the Democratic party. The Representative was continued until Decermber, 1842, when it was sold to Kimball and Kidder, and merged with the Manchester Democrat, which is still published. The Lowell Street Church, Rev. Mr. Tiilotson's, which had been in the course of building through the previous season. was finished and dedicated in Feb. 1840. It is situated on the corner of Lowell and Church street, is of brick. originally was 80 feet in length, by 50 feet in width, and cost $6,500. It has since been much enlarged and repaired, being 80 feet in length, by 75 in width, and having a beautiful portico in front, while its interior is fitted up with elegance and taste. The Memorial, the second paper that was published in Manchester, was commenced with the new year, the first number being published Wednesday, the first day of January, 1840, by Joseph C. Emerson. The Memorial was a neutral paper at first and remained so till 1842, when it abandoned its neutral course upon the publication of the Democrat, and advocated the principles of the Whig party. Its name was subsequently changed to the Manchester American,-and more recently, after a union with the Messenger, it was changed to the American and Messenger, under which name it is still published. Upon the appearance of the Memorial, Mr. Caldwell commenced the publication of a neutral and literary paper of the same size. It was made up of the miscellaneous matter of the Representative, and was continued some six or eight months. It had become apparent, that the inhabitants of the "New Village," would soon outnumber those of the town, if they did not at that time. The people of the village did not talk or act, with much moderation. They openly told their intention of controlling the affairs of the town,-and the nominations for town officers by the two parties, seem to have been made with this idea, as all the candidates for the important offices in the town, lived at the "New Village," or in its immediate vicinity. At the annual meeting, the votes of the first day showed conclusively, that the people of the "New Village," predominated. Accordingly when about to adjourn on the evening of that day, a motion was made to adjourn to meet at Washington Hall on Amherst street, at ten o'clock, A. Mi., of the next day. EXCITING TOWN MEETING. 599 This motion at once produced a most stormy discussion.Upon putting the question, the utmost confusion prevailed and a poll of the house was demanded. Finally it was proposed that the two parties to the question, should form in lines upon the common, in front of the Town House, and should be counted by the selectmen, thus taking the vote surely and in order. This suggestion met the views of all parties; the question was put by the Moderator and a large portion of the voters went out and formed lines as suggested. While most of the voters had thus left the house, some one made a motion to adjourn the meeting to the next day, then to meet at the Town House the Moderator put the vote, it was carried, and the meeting was declared adjourned. When the'outsiders" heard of the vote, they rushed into the house —but to no purpose, the meeting was adjourned, and the Moderator wou'd hear no motion. After much confusion, the people left the house, and went home; but on both sides, it was only to rally their forces for the contest the next day. The voters of the "New Village" met the same night in Washinlgton Hall, and laying aside their political preferences, nominated a union ticket for town officers. The next day the parties were at the polls at an early hour,all under much excitement: so much so, that it soon became apparent that they could not procceed with the meeting without an increase of the constabulatory force it was accordingly "Voted to postpone the choice of Selectmen until constables be chosen."7 They then made choice of thirty constables as follows, viz: James McQuestion, J. L. Bradford, David Young, Willliam P. Farmer, Mace Moulton, Matthew Kennedy, Walter French, John H. Copp, Levi Sargent, Adam Gilmore, Jonathan R. Cochran, Isaac C. Flanders, Joseph B. Hall, Jr., Alonzo Boyce, Nehemiah Chase, Taylor L. Southwick, Barton Munsey, Geo. W. Tilden, Josiah Stowell, Thomas Gamble, Jona. C. Furbish, E. W. Harrington, Hiram Brown, Alonzo Smith, Reuben Kimball, John H. Maynard, Henry S. Whitney, Jacob G. Cilley, Joseph M. Rowell, and Ebenezer P. Swain. They then proceeded to elect the board of Selectmen, and made choice of the gentlemen nominated in the caucus at the "New Village," viz: Amos Weston, Jr. Jona. T. P. Hunt. Selectmen. Hiram Brown. ) 600 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. After this ballot, the business of the meeting passed off quietly, the village party, having things their own way. After choosing the usual town officers, they raised a committee, consisting of the selectmen, George Clark, and James Hall, to purchase a "'Pauper Farm," without limitation as to the price, and authorised the selectmen to hire such a sum of money as might be necessary to pay for said farm. They also constituted the selectmen a committee to take into consideration the subject of a new division of the town into districts for school purposes. The villagers were triumphant,-but they seem to have been moderate as victors, as the selectmen called the very next meeting for the choice of electors at the Town House. It may well be imagined that a people of as strong prejudices as those of Manchester, could not look upon these "new comers" over-riding them in a town meeting, with any great degree of complacency, and many stories are told of their remarks, during the excitement. One is told of John Stark, Esquire, or "Justice Stark," as he was commonly designated. He went into the Moderator's desk, and addressed the people thus: "W\ho are ye, that are here to act, and to tread upon us in this manner? I'll tell ye who you are! —Your'e a set of interlopers come here to get a living upon a sand bank, and a d d poor living you will get let me tell ye i" Upon this, the "interlopers" made so much disturbance, that the "Justice" could not be heard and he left the desk. The resutilt was decisive. The people of the old part of the town saw at once that their power had departed, and that henceforth Manchester was to be controled by the people of the "New Village." The various boards of Municipal officers were organized, and they proceeded at once to carry into effect the various contemplated improvements. The fire engine having been purchased at an expense covering the appropriation, a house for its accommodation, was at once built upon individual responsibility, trusting to a fiture appropriation. This engine was the "'Merrimack, No. 1,;' and the house for it, the first in our town, was built on the lot on Vine street, now occupied by that engine. The selectmen performed their duties with promptness and energy. They at once appointed a board of police officers, consisting of Mace Moulton, Jacob G. Cilley, James Wallace, Henry S. Whitney, Nehemiah Chase, Joseph M. Rowell. and Stephen C. Hall. SMALL POX. 601 On the 20th of May, upon petition, they laid out Elm, Bridge, Lowell, Concord, Amherst, Hanover, Manchester, Pine and Chestnut streets, as far as they had been laid out and made pasable by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. Upon laying out Bridge street, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Companty, gave an obligation to the town to erect and maintain a bridge across their canal, and to indemnify the town against all damages for which the town might be liable in consequence of its want of repair or inemficiency. On the 4th day of July of this year, Mr. J. C. Emerson, commenced the publication of The Manchester WVorkman. It was a campaign paper, advocated the election of Gen. Harrison, and was discontinued after his election. A Court's committee, upon a petition of Jonas Harvey and others, had laid out a public highway from the south line of the Company's land, in direction of the Harvey Bridge across the Cohas, k::own as the "Nn'tt Road"'; on the 22d day of September, upon petition, the Selectmen proceeded to lay out the same, and it was built with all convenient dispatch. InI the sulmmer of 1840, the small pox broke out in a family at' Towlesville. A Mr. Aiken, of Hallsville took the disease from caressing a dog belonging to this family, and died of it. There was great excitement in the town, and no one could be obtained to bury the corpse. At length Dr. Thomas Brown took the body upon a wheel-barrow, and conveyed it to the cemetery and buried it in the north east corner of the same, where the solitary grave without a monument is still to be seen. The Board of Health recommended general vaccination, and large numbers were vaccinated at the expense of the city. The disease spread no farther however, and the excitement was soon allayed. The population in 1840 was 3325, showing an increase of 2338 inhabitants in the last ten years, and this increase was principally in the two years last past. The Presidential election took place November 2d, 1840. The vote in this town was thus: John W. Weeks, 370 Joseph Healey, 284 Stephen Perley, 369 Geo. W. Nesmith, 2S4 Samuel Hatch, 370 Joseph Cilley, 284 Andrew Pierce, Jr. 370 Andrew Pierce, 284 )02 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. John Scott, 370 Wm. Bixby, 284 Francis Holbrook, 370 Thos. M. Edwards, 284 Samuel Burns 370 Amos A. Brewster, 284 Samuel Griffin, 3 Isaac Crosby, 3 Albe Cady, 3 Asa Freeman, 3 Freeman Crosby, 3 John D. Quimby, 3 Jared Perkins, 3 The ticket headed John W. Weeks, was elected in the State at large, and its vote was thrown for Martin Van Buren, who was unsuccessful, Gen. Winm. H. Harrison, being chosen President of the United States. At this meeting, a committee consisting of the Selectmen was raised "to ascertain where and upon what terms a site for a Town House and Burying Ground may be had of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, in the new village and report at the next annual meeting." The Selectmen also made their report at this meeting, dividing the town itito nine School Districts) and their report was accepted. [The report is given in full, in the Chapter in relation to Schools.] This jear was remarkable for the progress of the town in permanent improvements. Aside from the buildings built by the Corporations, many other buildings were erected that bespoke the healthy and permanent growth of the place. The second Methodist Episcopal Society built a Chapel of wood, upon Han( ver street. The Calvinistic Baptist Society built a commodious brick Church on Manchester street 80 feet in length by 60 feet in width, at an expense of $7000; and many houses were built by private individuals for residence or for rent. The Granite Bridge was also built across the Merrimack, at an expense of $10,000, being 480 feet in length. The Amoskeag Insurance Company, and the noted military company known as the "Stark Guards" were also organized during this year. In January 1841, the first town meeting was called in the "New Village,"' at Washington Hall. The Warrant bore date date of January 1e, notifying a meeting to be held "at Wash. ington Hall, in said Manchester on the first day of February SITES FOR TOWN HOUSE AND CEMETERY. 603 next." The objects of the meeting were to hear a report of the committee upon sites for a Town House and Burying ground; to authorize the building of a Town House and raise money for that purpose; to discontinue certain highways; and to see what the town would vote to do as to the Bald Hill and Calef roads, which had been laid out by the Court's Committees. At the meeting February 1, 1841, the Selectmen made their report as to sites for a town house and burying ground, submitting deeds of lots for those purposes, and one granting certain rights of way, to be delivered to the town upon their complying with certain conditions named therein. One deed conveyed to the town about twenty acres of land for a Burying Ground, the same now known as the "Valley Cemetery." The main conditions of the deed were, that the town within two years should discontinue the parts of the old roads intersecting with the streets built and about to be biuilt by the company, and that the land should revert if ever used for any other purpose than a cemetery. [The conditions of this deed are given in the Chapter containing the topography of the city, under the head of Valley Cemetery.] The second deed conveyed to the town ten thousand feet of land at the intersection of Merrimack and Elm streets, and constituting the Northeast corner of what is now Merrimack Square. The main conditions of this deed were, that the same highways should be discontinued as were described in the deed conveying the cemetery, within two years, and that it should revert in case it was used for any other buildings than thsoe for town purposes. and the buildings erccted thereon should be used for no other business than that pertaining to town and State affairs, such lectures as should be author. ized by the town alone being excepted. The third deed conveyed to the town, provided certain roads were discontinued within two years the right of use of all streets built, or to be built by the Company south of Bridge street and betwixt Elm street and the upper canal, and stipulated to keep them in repair, unless they should at any time, one or all be laid out for public highways. After the deeds had been read, upon motion, it was voted, 166 ayes to 136 nays to accept the deed conveying the land for a cemetery aid to discontinue the roads stipulated in it. The other two deeds submitted by the committee were accepted by a vote of 162 ayes to 91 nays. At this day it is difficult to conceive what possible objections could have weighed against these measures in the minds of any individuals. These large and commodious lots were 604 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. given the town for certain purposes, upon the condition that certain parts of old roads that convened nobody, should be discontinued to make room for streets and buildings for the convenience of every body. Yet there was much opposition to these measures, and it is reasonable to suppose that the prejudices of the people of the old parts of the town were brought to bear upon them, as opposition to them can be accounted for in no other manner. It is highly probable that most of the opposition arose from that cause; for this was the first town meeting held in the "New Village," and at this same meeting a resolution was presented and carried, instructing the selectmen to call the next annual town meeting at some place in this village. The site for the town house appears not to have given satisfaction, and it was "Voted that a committe of three be appointed to ascertain where and on what terms a site can be obtained for a Town House. Also to see if the Amoskeag Company will offer some other lot for a Town House in exchange for the one now granted to the town. Also to ascertain the probable expense of building a suitable Town House, and make a report of the doings at the next annual meeting." and Mace Moulton, Thomas Hoyt, and Geo. W. Morrison, Esqrs., were chosen said committee. The selectmen were instructed by vote to post the warrant calling the annual meeting' in ten suitable places, also to publish it "seasonably in the Representative and fMlemorial." On the 19th day of February 1841, upon petition, the Selectmen laid out that part of Orange street betwixt the house of Wilkins and Kidder on Chestnut street, and Elm street, and that part of Union street between Merrimack and Bridge street. Very important matters were to be acted upon at the annual town meeting. The opposition to the project of a Burying Ground and a Town House ran high. Upon demand, articles were inserted in the warrant to see if the town would vote to rescind the proceedings of the town meeting of the first of February as to those subjects. The friends of those measures had inserted in the warrant articles as to hearing and acting upon the report of the Committee appointed February 1, 1841; in relation to sites for a Burying Ground and Town House; in re.ation to purchasing a lot for a town house, at the "north, west corner of Merrimack Square;" also one on the "west sido of Elm street, opposite of Hanover street," and also as to discontinuing certain roads stipulated in the deeds of those lots. DEEDS OF LOTS FOR TOWN HOUSE AND CEMETERY. 605 Thus those subjects were to be fully before the annual meeting, and the friends and enemies of the measures proposed, were in full feather for the contest. The annual meeting for 1841, came off at the Baptist Meeting House, on Manchester street, on the 9th day of March. Tuesday the 9th day was spent in balloting for State and County officers. On Wednesday the 10th day, after the choice of officers, and acting upon various articles, about which there was little excitement, a motion was made to "pass over the 11th, 12th, 13th. 14th and 15th articles in the warrant." These were the articles in relation to the discontinuing of roads and the rescinding certain proceedings of the meeting of February 1, 1841. It was then "voted to take up the 16th article in the warrant," which was to hear and act upon the report of the committee appointed in relation to a site for a Burying Ground and for a Town House. The committee made their report which was to the effect, that they had three deeds from the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company; one conveying the same lot as before, at the north west corner of Merrimack Square for a Town House with similar conditions; another conveying the same lot as before for a Cemetery with similar conditions; and a third, of a "lot on the west side of Elm street, opposite to Hanover street, containing ten thousand square feet, for twenty-five hundred dollars," with similar condit.ons as to the discontinuance of roads, with the other deeds; and farther stipulating that the town release all interest in the lot at the north west corner of Merrimack Square, and-build nothing upon this lot but a Town House, of brick or stone, and necessary out buildings, and that they might use all parts not required for town purposes, "for stores, offices or any other uses they may think proper;" but the committee did not report as to the probable expense of building a Town House. The report of the Committee was accepted, and it was voted to accept the deeds submitted from the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, "upon the conditions contained therein." It was then voted to discontinue the several roads named in the deed from the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, and that the Selectmen apply to the Court of Common Pleas for liberty so to do; and that the town release to said Company any claim they might have acquired to the lot "situate at the corner of Elm and Merrimack streets." A committee of seven, consisting of Mesrs. Samuel D. Bell, Geo. Porter, Hiram Brown:. Geo. B. Swift, Walter French, J. T. P. Hunt, and Alonzo Smith, were then chosen "to superintend and fit up the Cemetery." 43 606 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. It was then voted, "That the town build a Town House the present year;" that "the Selectmen be authorized to raise money by loan, not exceeding twenty thousand dollars, for the purpose of building a Town House," and paying for the lot; they chose a committee, Messrs. John D. Kimball, Edward McQueston, and J. T. P. Hunt, to'superintend the building of the Town House, and out buildings." The articles passed over in relation to rescinding certain votes of the meeting held February 1, 1841, were then dismissed. It was then voted "to accept the deed from the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, conveying to the town certain rights of way, and also to instruct the committee on the subject of a Town Farm, to ascertain if such a farm could be purchased, "as would be for the interest of the town to purchase, and in that case to apply to the Selectmen to warn a meeting on that subject." The meeting was then dissolved, and thus ended a town meeting of greater importance to our town, and city, than any other ever held within its limits. The committee upon the town farm were unwilling to perform their duties, so many farms were presented for their consideration, and at their request the Selectmen called a town meeting by warrant, of date March 19, 1841, to be holden on the third of April following. The objects of the meeting, as expressed in the warrant, were to choose a committee to purchase a town farm; to hear the report of the old committee; to authorize the Superintending committee to build a Town H-ouse forthwith; to divide school district No. 3: and to build a Pound. At the meeting all these measures were carried. Messrs. Isaac C. Flanders, George Clark, and Israel Merrill were chosen a committee to purchase aTown Farm. They proceeded forthwith to perform their duties, and in a few days bought the farm of Mr. Moses Davis, being the one now known as the "old Town Farm." The price paid was four thousand dollars, and the deed bore date of April 22, 1841. The Superintending Committee upon the Town House entered upon their duties, and in the course of the summer built the large and commodious house. now known as the "old Town House." It was built of brick, 90 feet in length by 66 feet in width. It had the post office and four stores on the first floor, a Town Hall 63 feet by 70, with two rooms for offices on the second floor; and a hall in the attic, with armories on either side, for the military companies of the town. The building was surmounted with a cupola, on the top of which was an eagle 'TIVA MA 01 MOC~e IS I - g daC~ w~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~..........~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 ii: ~: "~~~~~~i~~~ c~~e I,"~;5Z_=E~~~~~~~~.~~IC-lER ffr 5 --- - ---------— l!lil I111 ~f!l lt;i JIl~ld i 4~v ~ ii ~~~i mlin le~l ol;lIMh ~ d lltl: llla ~~~~L~~~~~ ~~~~~~c ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~-~~~~~~ -fall ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ it I L)L~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i i~~~~~~~~~)~~~~~~~~~l I:~~~~~~~~~~.imn t CALEF AND BALD HILL ROADS. 607 of fine proportions. It was also furnished with a clock, and a fine toned bell, of 2800 lbs. in weight. The whole structure with out buildings, was completed at an expense of about $17,000. The Selectmen built a Pound, on the town farm, the one now standing and used upon it. May 29th, 1841, the Selectmen upon petition, located the school house lot in District No. 4, upon land of the heirs of.Joseph Moor, and a school house was forthwith built upon it by the District. The same season a school house was built in District No. 3. In the Summer of 1841, a Court's Committee laid out the road now known as the "Calef road." It was thought, and probably truly, that the public good did not require the road, and hence the Selectmen refused to lay out the road. A committee thought otherwise. The same year another committee laid out the "Bald Hill" road. This road was thought by the town still less necessary for the public, than the Calef road. A town meeting was held on the 14th day of August, to take into consideration the building of these roads, and other matters of interest to the town. At this meeting certain regulations were voted, for the management of the Valley Cemetery; it was voted to discontinue that part of the Bald Hill road, between the Mammoth road, and Chester line; to build the Calef road to Litchfield; to fence the Centre Burying Ground; and to have a clock, and bell, upon the town House. These votes were all carried into effect, the Court of Common Pleas consenting to the discontinuance of the Bald Hill road. On the 14th day of September, 1841, the Selectmen upon petition laid out Vine street, and Merrimack street from Elm street, to the old road to Manchester centre; also the lanes east of Elm street, and those betwixt Merrimack and Manchester streets; betwixt Amherst and Hanover streets; betwixt Concord and Lowell streets; betwixt Pine and' Union Streets; and betwixt Hanover and Manchester streets. The progress in building this year was very rapid. Aside from the many private buildings, and the splendid Town House already described, the Free Will Baptist Church was erected upon Merrimack street. It is of wood, and cost $5000. School District No. 2, also built the Brick School House, on the corner of Lowell and Chestnut streets, this year. The 608 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. lot containing 10,000 square feet, was the gift of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. The building cost $3,000 and its basement is occupied for two primary schools, while the second floor is appropriated to the High School. It is to be hoped that a more commodious building will be furnished for this school at no distant day. The Union Building on the corner of Elm and Market streets, owned by Messrs. Ayer & Leach, was also built in 1841. This was the first building erected by private individuals on the west side of Elm street, upon land sold by the Company. E. W. Harrington, Esq., was its first occupant, as he had been of the first building built upon the street in 1839. He occupied the restaurant at the corner of Elm and Market streets, and one of the tenements upon Market street. The annual meeting for 1842, was held March 8, in the new Town Hall. At this meeting it was found that the rateable polls had increased to more than ten hundred and fifty, thus entitling the town to four representatives, and four were accordingly chosen. Five hundred dollars were appropriated to build reservoirs, and the selectmen were instructed to prepare and print for distribution 1300 copies of the receipts and expenditures of the town for the ensuing year, on or before the 15th of March, 1843. This last vote was the origin of the plan that has ever since been practiced, that of printing in book form an account of the annual expenses of the town. The money raised for reservoirs, was expended in building one at the intersection of Elmn and Hanover streets; and another in front of the residence of Isaac Riddle, Esq., upon Lowell street. These were the first reservoirs built in the place. In 1842, the Concord Railroad was opened to this town. The first train of passenger cars passed over this road with the officers of the road, and -a few gentlemen invited to witness the trial trip, on Tuesday, the 28th of June; but the opening of the road for the public travel, was not till July 4th, when the cars made free trips to Nashua, and thousands of people were present from the adjacent towns, to take their first ride in the cars, or to witness their incoming or outgoing. The trial trip is well remembered by niany of our people, as connected with the death of one of our most valuable citizens, FOSTER TOwNE, ESQ. He was one of the gentlemen invited from this town to par "#~~~~~~~~~ *~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,Ad,.....t.. tr }aF9.,n 4., _. _ _ -d ~ i:i -ta ~ —l:: 9::~i~ ~(_::~~i~r i~:::: —~-.: j:jp; 97~:4,j-, xi: /:" -::::: 1.-i~::'::~:::::::-:::_;;-isr~- ~S~:::::' ——:-~:~.:: 1-~i'.;_-:_-:: ~~":':-::'-;:(Ak~~ I::~:j:-:::::.:::::::~:g,) DEATH OF FOSTER TOWNE, ESQ. 609 ticipate in the trial trip. The day was rough and windy, and Mr. Towne took a severe cold, and was seized with violent pains in the cars; after his return to his house, about one o'clock P.M., became delirious, and died on the 1st day of July. Mr. Towne was a native of Londonderry, lived some years in Hudson, where he was a trader, and removed to Hoolksett in 1827, as Agent of the Factory in that place. He continued as Agent some six years, when he resigned, and went into trade in Hooksett. Hle continued in trade about two years, when he removed to Pembroke and went into trade. From Pembroke, Mr. Towne moved to Manchester in June, 1S29, where he became largely interested in real estate. At the time of his death he was Secretary of the Amoskeag Mutual Fire Insurance Company. Being a man of business, enterprise, and property, his death was a public calamity, and although it took place in the early time of our city, when the bonds of social intercourse were but slight and fragile, yet hisname is held in respectful remembrance by our citizens. He was 44 years of age at the time of his death. In the summer of 1842, a school house was built in District No. 6, and another in No. 9; also a Hook and Ladder House was built on Market street in the rear of Union Building, where the Franklin street church now stands. And the same season, the fence about the Burying Ground at Manchester Centre; was finished, and a portion of the lot which had been occupied by the town for the purpose of burial, but which was owned by Mr. Henry Varnum, was purchased of him, and enclosed with the iest of the lot. The Manchester Lyceum was organized this year, and has since continued in successful operation. T[he Second Methodist Episcopal Society having sold their Chapel upon Hanover street, to the Unitarian Society, built their large and commodious brick church upon Elm street. It cost $16,000, and was dedicated Dec. 6, 1842. The Amoskeag Falls Bridge was also built this year, at an expense of $12,069. The Manchester Democrat was established this year, by WV. HI. Kimball, and Joseph Kidder, Escirs., its first number having been issued, Tuesday, May 3d, 1842. It advocated the principles of the democratic party. It has been continued to the present time. Some time in the summer of this year, Messrs. J. C. Emerson, and 0. D. Murray, proprietors of the Mlemorial, purchased and removed to Mianchester, "the Iris," a month 610 TIlE HISTORY OF MIANCHESTER. ly paper, and the "Literary Souvenir." a weekly paper. L. B. Everett, Esq., was the editor of those papers. The first of September, the Memorial passed into the hands of Messrs. Wetmore & Wallace; the Iris and Souvenir were united and published monthly, and soon after Mr. Murray left the establishment. The first of December, Mr. Emerson commenced the publication of the Semi-Weekly Advertiser, Col. Isaac Kinsman, editor, which was continued only some four or five weeks. The Gleaner, a paper in this town, that gained an unenviable notoriety for its abuse and scurrility, was first published on Saturday, November 12, 1842, by Mr. John Caldwell, The Manchester Allodium, a neutral and literary paper, was started with the first of the year, 1843, by Mr. Willard N. Haradon. This paper took the place of the Semi-Weekly Advertiser, published by Mr. Emerson, Mr. Haradon having purchased:Mr. Emerson's printing material, and its first number wvas issued January 14th 1843. Mr. Haradon continued the publication of the Iris and Literary Souvenir. HIe continued to publish these papers until April 8, of this year, when he sold them to Mr. E. D. Boylston, now the Junior editor of the Amherst Cabinet. Mr. Boylston continued both palpers, but under new names. The name of the Manchester Allodium was changed to the Manchester Transcript, and the Iris and Souvenir was changed to the New Hampshire Magazine. Mr. Boylston continued their publication through the summer and fall, when the New Hampshire Magazine was discontinued, and the Trancript was moved to Great Falls. At the annual town meeting in 1842, a most liberal policy prevailed, in regard to our schools, and it was voted that the sum to be raised for the support of schools, should be as much greater than that required by law, "in proportion as the inventory of 1842 exceeds that of 1840." This was a liberal appropriation. But in this year, 1843, they voted the specific appropriation of $1300 for the support of schools, over and above the anount required. This example of liberal policy, thus early set by the people of the "New Village," has been followed to the present time, and with such success that few towns in New E_ gland, have a superior system of Common Schools. They also adopted the provisions as to the internal police of towns contained in the Revised Statutes of the state, with such exceptions as the: situation of the town demanded. LIOQUOR PROSECUTIONS. 611. December, 30th, 1843, 3Mr. Haradon, commenced the publication of the Manchester Operative, a paper devoted to the interest of the operatives, as its name would indicate. This was discontinued in November, 1844. The first of September 1843, Mr. Haradon, with Messrs. J. C. Stowell, George S. Wilson, and SaLmuel E. Young, purchased the White Mountain Torrent, a paper devoted to the cause of Temperance, and published at Concord and moved the same to Manchester. It was published here until sometime in November, when it was removed to Concord. The community were greatly excited this year, upon the cause of temperance. A decided effort was made by the friends of temperance, to restrain the traffic in intoxicating drinks. Individual efforts had ceased to be of much avail, and it was proposed to bring the authority of the town to bear upon the subject. Accordingly, at a town meeting, held at the Town Hall, June 5, 1843, it was "Voted that the selectmen be authorised to prosecute all persons who may violate the license law.," It was also "voted that an agent should be appointed by the selectmen, to purchase all intoxicating liquors for sale in town on the first day in June inst., at first cost and proof, and that an agent be appointed to sell the same for medicinal and mechanical purposes only." Other important matters were transacted at the same meeting. The selectmen were authorized to fit up the house upon the Town Farm, for a House of Correction; to build the "Hooksett road," as laid out by the Road Commissioners, leading from Elm street northerly to the Mammoth Road, near the "Wycome Farm;" also to build the roadleading from David Dickey, Jr's, to the Derry road; and the Representatives were instructed to' favor the purchase of a farm by the County for the keeping of the County paupers. The selectmen forthwith proceeded to carry into effect the votes of the town. The building of the roads was jobbed out; the House of Correction was fitted up; an agent for the sale of intoxicating liquors appointed; and various prosecutions instituted for the violation of the license law. Public opinion however, does not seem to have sustained the vote or the law, and the whole movement being in the hands of men who had not the public confidence, if they had that of the friends of temperance, the prosecutions in the end had but little 612 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. effect in restraining the sale of intoxicating liquors. They were so managed as to savor a great deal of oppression; suspicions were afloat that individuals had private ends to accomplish, politics were mixed up with the prosecutions; private character was assailed, and in short a state of public feeling was induced that savored very little of temperance. This state of things existed in a greater or less degree through the year 1843, and into that of 1844, a period of time during which but little advancement was made in the moral and social character of the town; and of a surety the cause of temperance suffered, rather than gained by the excitement. Nevertheless the extraordinary growth of thet own continued, the companies and individuals building largely for the accommodation of the increasing population. St. Michael's (the Episcopal,) Church was built, in 1843, the society having been organized in 1841. The church is located pleasantly on the corner of Lowell and Pine streets, is of wood, 60 feet in length by 40 feet in width, and cost $3000. The Manchester Atheneum was established in the winter of 1S44, mainly through the influence ahnd exertions of Hon. Samuel D. Bell, who has contributed largely of his time and nleans, to forward the interests of an institution, that is an honor to our city, but which owes its permanent success to the encouragement and liberal donations, amounting to more than two thousand dollars, bestowed by the Arnoskeag Company, the Stark Mills, and Manchester Print Works. This institution has been merged in the City Library, a particular account of which is to be found in the Chapter upon our "Schools, Educational and Literary matters." At the annual Town Meeting, March 12, 1844, the sum of $3,100, was raised, "to defray the expense of schools, the ensuing year;" and it was voted, that "$2,400 of said money be expended in School District No. 2." This district comprised the "New Village." It "was also voted, "that the bell be rung twice each week day, for the benefit of Schools the ensuing year." At this time the population and business had so increased, *that it was thought just and proper, that the Courts should be held here a portion of the time. Accordingly,-a town meeting was called to consider of the subject, May 15, 1844. At this meeting, it was voted, "To instruct our Representatives in the General Court, to FOURTH OF JULY, 1844. 613 use their-best endeavors to -obtain one term of the Court of Common Pleas, and two additional terms of the Probate Court for the County to be holden in said town of Manchester." The Selectmen were also instructed to fit up the town Hall for the use of the Courts, and to tender the same to the County, and also to present a petition to the Legislature, praying that a term of the Court of Common Pleas, and two additional terms of the Probate Court be holden in this town. The Selectmen forwarded the petition as directed, and an effort was made by our representatives as instructed. to accomplish the desired object, but their efforts failed; the people of the County had not then opened their eyes to the importance of the "New Village," of Manchester. However, at the Fall session, December 28th, 1844, a bill passed the Legislature providing for the holding of the October Term of the Court of Common Pleas in the town, whenever the Clerk of that Court should be notified by the town, that a proper place had been provided for holding the same at the expense of the town. The Unitarian Society organized in 1842, having bought the Chapel of tile Methodist Episcopal Society, situated upon the corner of Hanover and Chestnut streets, upon the lot now owned and occupied by Nathan Parker, Esq., moved it upon their lot, at the.corner of Merrimack and Pine streets, in 1844 and fitted it up for a church; the same now occupied by that Society, except that, it has since been much enlarged and improved. Political excitement was rife in this state as elsewhere in 1844. The presidential canvass was carried on with great zeal., Both political parties decided upon having a grand political demonstration of their forces at Manchester, on the 4th of July. The utmost exertions were used to have the people present in masses, and with success. The streets were filled with men, women, and children. It was estimated that from 15,000 to 20,000 people were present from out of the town. It had been conjectured that no house could accommodate the audience of either party, and accordingly preparations had been made for the speakers in the open air. The place of meeting for the Whigs, was the ravine just below Granite street, then covered with its primitive growth of hemlock and pine; while that of the Democrats was in a primitive growth of pines, betwixt Tremont Square and Pearl streets. The oration before the Democrats was pronounced by George Barstow, Esq., and that be 614 -THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. fore the Whigs by Charles Francis Adams, Esq., of Boston. Objections were brought against both places on account of their "distance;" one was said to be "away up," and the other "away down in the woods." Military Companies were present from Nashua, New Boston, and Weare, >which in addition to those of the town, made an imposing display. On Monday the 12th day of August, 1844, the new Town House was destroyed by fire. Smoke was discovered issuing from the bell deck about half past 10 o'clock, A. M., and in a few moments was forcing itself through every crevice and cranny of the roof. Shortly after, the flames burst out of the north west corner of the roof, and in an hour the noble structure was a heap of smoking ruins. The fire took in the armory of the Stark Guards, from a lighted piece of paper, inadvertently thrown upon the floor. This doubtless, through some grains of powder scattered upon the floor, communicated to shavings beneath, betwixt the floor and the Hall. Here it was confined, and had been burning some time before the smoke and flame found vent. Upon breaking out at the north west corner of the building, the fire seemed to spread at once all over it. Taking in the attic, and being thus under way, no efforts could save any pait of the building. Most of the goods in the stores and cellars were removed, as also the contents of the Post Office: but the printing office of Mr. J. C. Emerson, in the third story, and the offects of the Stark Guards, and Granite Fusileers, in their Armories in the attic, were almost entirely destroyed. The loss to individuals and the town was about $30,000 of which $11,000 was covered by insurance. A town meeting was called immediately, to be held on the 30th of August, to take into consideration the subject of rebuilding the Town House; and other matters for the protection of the town against fires. St this meeting, it was "Voted to build the Town IHouse, as good, or better than the old one, and put a clock and bell, on the same." A committee consisting of Messrs. Daniel Clark, Asa 0. Colby, John M. Smith, Elijah Hanson, Stilman Fellows, Walter French Samuel D. Bell, Alonzo Smith, E. A. Straw, and W. A. Burke, were chosen to procure a plan and specifications for the new Town House, and upon those being in readiness, the Selectmen were authorized to receive proposals for building the same. This committee with the selectmen were authorized "to appoint an Agent to oversee the building of the Town House, and fix NEW TOWN HOUSE. 615 the compensation of said overseer or Agent." It was also voted, that the selectmen and this committee be instructed " to build the Townr House the present season.'" Another committee was raised consisting of Messrs. Samuel D. Bell, John A. Burnham, Walter French, Ezekiel Blake, E. A. Strav, Isaac C. Flanders, and lMoody Currier, to examine the different sources from which water might be obtained for the purpose of extinguishing fires; the selectmen were also directed to purchase two fire engines with the necessary apparatus, and authorized to borrow a sum of money, not exceeding twenty thousand dollars, to meet the expenses of the Townl House, bell, clock, and engines. It was also voted that the plan of the Town House should be such, that every part above the stores in the basement should be for town purposes alone, and that no part should be let for any purpose whatever, above the stores, except the Hall. The meeting adjourned to September 17th, then to hear the committee on the subject of water. The selectmen and Committees entered at once upon their specific duties. Two engines, the':"Massabesic, No. 4," andl the'Torrent, No. 5," were purchased immediately, with the neccessary apparatus. The plan and specifications for a Town House of Mr. Edward Shaw, of Boston, were accepted by the committee, and a contract was made with him to construct the building according thereto. The committee upon water. examined the various sources from which water might be obtained for the purpost of extinguishing fires, and made a report on the 17th of September, that a full supply of water could not be obtained short of bringing the water of the Massabesic Lake into the town by an aqueduct. While this committee were making the necessary surveys, as a basis for their report, the fact had transpired, that water could not be furnished the town by aqueduct, short of an amount of money entirely beyond its means. It had been supposed that Ray, Christian, IMile, and Amoskeag brooks, one or all, might be brought into the town, at a comparatively trifling expense, and thus an abundant supply of water could be furnished, but surveys and inquiry established the facts, that those brooks were not high enough to supply water only to a small portion of the town, and that all cormbined, they could not afford a supply of water only through a portion of the year. Under these circumstances, aunother town meeting had been called, to take place on the same day to which the meeting of 616 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the 30th of August stood adjourned; and in the warrant calling the same, such articles were introduced as would enable the town to act upon the subject of securing an abundant supply of water, in case of fires, and for that purpose only. Accordingly on the 17th of September, the Committee made their report; it was accepted, and the meeting was dissolved. Upon its dissolution, the new meeting was organized, and the following votes were passed; viz: "Voted, that the board of Fire-Wards be authorized to construct a new reservoir on Pine street, near the Culvert, and a reservoir on Lowell street, near the School House, to complete the reservoirs now commenced on Union street, to deepen and improve the reservoir in Concord Square, and to make necessary arrangements to render the Pond which is expected to be made by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company on Merrimack street, useful in case of fire." "'Voted that the sum of onl thousand dollars be appropriated for the foregoing purposes, and that the Selectmen be authorized1 to hire the sum. on the credit of, and to give notes in the name of the town." "Voted, that the fire-wards be authorized to procure if possible, the land necessary for a reservoir on Union street, of such height that the water may be distributed thence to other reservoirs in the Village, and make report at the town meeting to be holden in November next, with an estimate of the expense necessary for that purpose." "Voted, that the Selectmen be authorized to establish such a watch as they may deem necessary for the protection of the town against fires." "'Voted, that the Selectmen be authorized to build two or more engine houses, for the use of the town." "Voted, that the Selectmen be authorized to procure by purchase, or otherwise, at such places as the Fire-wards shall direct, lots of land, for the erection of Engine houses." "Voted, that the Selectmen be authorized to borrow on the credit of the town, one thousand dollars for the purpose of procuring lands and erecting Engine houses thereon." "Voted, that the Selectmen prohibit as far as possible, the digging in the streets to the injury of the reservoirs now built or that may be built at any time hereafter." MEye ITHL CTHL CITY HtALL. NEW TOWN HOUSE.. 617 In pursuance of these votes, the various reservoirs were enlarged, new ones were built, the Ponds on Concord and Merrimack Squares, were made available as reservoirs, and the Pond upon Hanover Square, was so fitted up as to afford an abundant supply of water at all times to most of the reservoirs below Pine street. A night-watch was established, and lots purchased, and houses built upon them for the accommodation of the two new fire engines, "Massebesic No. 4," and "Torrent, No. 5," the same now occupied by those engines. T'hus, the burning of the Town House produced this result, that Manchester has the best supply of water in case of fires, of any city.n Nev England, Boston alone excepted, and a fire department second to none. Mr. Shaw entered immediately upon his contract, under the supervision of Mr. Elijah Hanson as Agent, and the Town House was nearly finished in Oct. 1845. It is of a very peculiar style of architecture, nothing of the classical or pure about it, but still a fine looking structure. The design of the architect was that the building should have been entirely of stone, the columns hammered and the wall ofj ashler work; but the committee deviated from his plan, and the building is of stone and brick, the columns and caps being of hammered stone, while the walls are of brick, painted and sanded to imitate stone. The building is one hundred feet in length, by sixty feet in width, and has five stores, with an office for the City Clerk, and a room for the Common Council on the first floor; the City Hall, and the offices of the Mayor and City Mashal on the second floor, and the rooms for the Engineers and the School Committee on the third floor; while to the disgrace of the city, the Lobby or the City Prison, is in a cellar at its south west corner. The whole structure, with clock and bell cost $35,000. On the 26th of September, of this year, the company had another public land sale. The lots sold were situated between Merrimack and Park streets,-and Elm and Union streets,and brought higher prices than at any previous sale. The Presidential election came off in this state, November 4, 1844, and was holden in this town at the Methodist Episcopal Church on Elm Street. The ballot was thus; Joseph Low, 635, William Badger, 518 618 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Joseph Healey, 636, John McNeil, 518 John Rogers, 635, Elijah R. Currier, 518 Benj. F. Farley, 635, Isaac Hale, 518 Rufus Parish, 635, Elijah Sawyer, 517 Samuel Garfield, 636, John L. Putnam, 516 Jesse Woodbury, 46 Peter Clark, 46 Noah Piper, 46 Daniel Adams, 46 Reuben Porter, 46 Isaac Crosby, 46 The ticket headed by William Badger, was successful in the state at large, and its electoral vote was thrown for Janmes K. Polk, who was chosen President of the United States. At the same meeting the question was taken as to the expediency of altering the Constitution of the state, and also as to abolishing capital punishment. The votes were thus; In favor of altering the constitution, 322 Against, 381 In favor of abolishing capital punishment, 318 Against, 417 On the 14th day of December, the Selectmen laid out the road leading from Gilman Harvey's to the Mammoth Road near Londonderry line. This was built the next season. At the annual meeting, March 11, 1845, the town voted to raise $1,800, in addition to the amount required by law and that 8S50, of this amount should be expended in the out districts, and the balance, in District No. 2; that the Selectmen furnish suitable rooms for the accommodation of the Court of Common Pleas; and that they appoint an agent to sell spirituous liquors, for medicinal, chemical, and mechanical purposes, the names of all purchasers, and time of purchase, to be recorded. A committee was also chosen, consisting of Messrs. John A. Burnham, Hiram Brown, and Isaac C. Flanders, to examine into the subject and estimate the expense of a Common Sewer in Elm street, and to report at the next meeting of the town. In accordance with their instructions, the Sclectmen appoint MURDER OF JONAS L. PARKER. 619 ed Messrs. Tillon and Sweetser, agents for the sale of spirituous liquor, and decided upon the Town House for the accommodation of the Court of Common Pleas. On Thursday morning, March 27th, 1845, the people of this town, were thrown into the most intense excitement, by the knowledge of the fact that Mr. Jonas L. Parker, a well known citizen, had been murdered the previous evening, in a thick grove of pines, just east of the village. This piece of woods was the original growth in part, was thick and dense, and just the place in all the neighborhood, for a deed of darkness. It was situated south of Hanover street, betwixt Union street and what was known as the "Old Falls Road," vestiges of which are now visible. The trees have been cut down and much of the land is now covered by buildings. The place of the murder however, was on, or near the south east corner of lot No. 1275 upon the south side of Manchester street, the same upon which stands the house of Mr. Augustus F. Hall; the old road leading east through these woods to the Falls road, passing near the south end of this lot. Mr. Parker had been the Collector of taxes for the town for 1844, had lately sold some real estate, was negotia':ing for more and without a doubt was decoyed into the woods, and murdered by some person well acquainted with the fact, that he had a large amount of money about his person; and in all probability by some one well acquainted with him, as it is hardly probable that a man of Mr. Parker's well known caution, could have been induced to have gone into those woods, in the night with a stranger. Still this is a matter of conjecture, and the whole affair is clouded in mystery, the murderer still being unknown, though the most perservering efforts have been made for his detection. The circumstances attending this atrocious murder were these. Mr. Parker resided on Manchester street, and kept a Bowling Saloon. which was connected with his dwelling, there being an entrance to the same from the street, and also from the entry of his house. Two men were playing a game of checkers on the evening of the 26th, in the office of the Saloon. While thus engaged, and about half past nine o'clock, Mr. D. E. Hill, the gentleman who had the imtn ediate charge of the sa-'loon, was entering the front door leading into it, he saw a man standing on the front door step which led into the saloon by a side door from the entry, and also up stairs where his family were. Mr. Hill had just got seated as the man rang the bell. There were several persons in the saloon, and as Mr. Parker 6'20 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. arose to answer the call of the bell, Capt. Stilinan Fellows also arose to leave and go home. As he passed the front door of the house where the man stood, he heard him inform Mr. P. that a Mrs. Bean wished to see him on urgent business at Janesville. IHe inquired what Mrs. Bean, and was informed a lady from Lowell, who wished to see him upon important business, as she was to take the cars early the next morning. WNhile Mr. Parker stepped in to get a lantern, Capt. Fellows enteied an alley or by place, and just as he returned to the side walk, the man and Mr. Parker were ahead of him. He followed them as far as his own residence on Manchester street, entered his house and thought nothing more of the matter. The two passed up Manchester street, crossed through Pine to Merrimack street, and up that street to where the old road through the woods diverged from the Hallsville road. This point was near the east line of the lot upon which is the Free Church upon Merrimack street. Near this place, a young man heard them as he was returning to Hallsville from a singing School. Parker and his companion were walking along and conversing together. As the young man passed them he remarked, "It is very muddy walking," and one of the two answered, "Yes, very muddy." The young man passed on some 30 or 40 rods, when he was startled by the thrilling cry of "murdemurder, murder,i' and then immediately followed the cry of "' don't, don't, don't." He was very much frightened, and he immediately hastened home and retired to bed, making no mention of what he had heard for fear the people of the house might jest him upon his affright. A lady living some thirty or forty rods to the northeast on the Old Falls road, heard the noise as she was reading, got up, and went to the door and listened. She distinctly heard the cries of the dying man, "Oh don't, oh don't, oh don't," till they terminated in an indistinct groan. As noises were not unfrequent in the neighborhood at that time of night, she came to the conclusion that some one had been arrested by the Police, and resumed her reading. Soon, however, she heard voices in that direction, again went to the door, and heard two or more persons having high words upon Hanover street, and then a horse and wagon drove down the street. This circumstance confirmed her first impression, that some one had been arrested by the Police. Others in the same neighborhood heard the same noise, went to the door, and came to the same conclusion. The next morning, Messrs. Seavy and Sargent, who had heard the noise, the eve THE PARKER MURDER. 621 ning, and had suspicions that all was not right, went into the woods in the direction of the noise, and discovered the body of Parker, lying upon his left side, his throat cut, and the head almost severed from his body! Beside him lay a butcher knife and a razor, while at a few feet distance, lay the lantern, so crushed, as to show that it had been broken in dealing a blow. The ground was covered with snow and ice, not hard, and this was trodden in a circle some fifteen or twenty feet in d;iamneter around the body, showing that a fearful struggle had taken place, before the strong man was overcome, and that probably more than one was engaged in the murder. The men immediately went down into the town and gave the alarm. The body was identified as Parker's, as his family had made known his absence, and his friends were on the look out for him. Mrs. Parker had looked into the Saloon for her husband, and not seeing him, she came to the conclusion that he had gone out on business, and made no inquiry for him. After waiting for him awhile, she retired to rest. In the morning, finding he was still absent, she became alarmed, went to Mr. Goodwin'.s, and made inquiries for him, and finding Mr. Goodwin had not seen him since he left the Saloon, she alarmed his friends and neighbors, who commenced a search for him. While making inquiries for him, the men who had discovered the body came into the village, and the mystery of his d.isappearance was solved. The murderer did not take a wallet which was in the pocket of Parker's pantaloons, and which containad $1635, but his pocket book, which he carried in the side pocket of his coat, and which contained some thousands of dollars, was taken. His tax book had been taken from his pocket, and examined, as marks of the murderer's fingers, imprinted in fresh blood were left upon its leaves! There were found upon his person upon examination before the Coroner, Joseph M. Rowell, Esq., several extensive awounds; one entering at the angle of the jaw on the right side and passing into the cavity of the mouth at the root of the tongue, which severed the external jugular vein. Another commencing by five or six cuts, a little to the left of' the wind pipe, and passing obliquely upwards and around the right side of the neck, for more than 3-4 of its whole circumference. By this wound, the wind pipe was cut across in two places, once completely, the instrument passing through the aesophagus, or stomach pipe, lying behind it, and entering the space between two of the joints of the back bone in the 44 622 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. neck; and once for about 2-3 of its circumference. The common carotid artery, the internal jugular vein, with their accompanying nerves, were completely divided. The central artery going up through bony rings in the spine, to the brain, was cut across in two places. All the great mass of muscles and cords, upon the back of the neck, was wholly divided upon the right side, and small pieces wvere chipped off from the processes of the bone. There were two or three other slight cuts upon the head and neck, and several small ones upon the hands. There were also two stabs upon the right thigh. One of these was quite deep, but did not injure any of the great vessels. The coroner's jury consisted of D. Clark, Esq., Dr. Charles Wells, and Dr. D. J. Hoyt. A large number of witnesses were examined, and every circumstance of suspicion traced as far as practicable for many weeks. Tile murderer after rifling the pockets of the murdered man fled up the cart road to the Old Falls Road. As he went he dipped his hand in the snow to wash the blood from it, and the prints of this operation remained for some hours. When' upon the Falls Road he went north in it as far as Hanover street, and then retraced his steps, and followed the Falls Road to the Amoskeag brook at Hallsville. HIe could be traced no farther. As soon as people had recovered from their surprise, officers and others started in pursuit -of the murderer. It was supposed from the traces of blood in the snow, that his right hand was severely cut. This supposition led those in pursuit of the murderer to look for a man -with a lame hand, and hence the murderer readily escaped detection, as he doubtless received no injury,,the blood upon the snow being that of the murdered man, washed from the hand of the murderer. The most intense excitement prevailed, and every effort was made to detect the murderer. The Selectmen of the town immediately offered a reward of 8500, for the detection of the murderer. The Governor of the State also offered a reward of a $1000, for the apprehension of the murderer. Various individuals were suspected at the time, and some were arrested; but without avail. Mr. Parker had been to Saco a few days previous, for the purpose of purchasing real estate, and was accompanied by a man by the name of Phipps. While at Saco, Parker and Phipps occupied the same room at a public house, and an attempt was made one night to enter his room. This fact, naturally led people to suspect, that some one from Saco was en THE PARKER MURDER. 623 gaged in the murder. At length, in the winter of 1848, Asa Wentworth, and Henry T. Wentworth,. brothers, who had forlerly been connected with a tavern of bad repute, at Janesville, Xin the neighborhood of the murder, were arrested on a requisition from the Governor of New Hampshire, upon the Governor of Maine, charging them with the murder of Parker. -The grounds of suspicion against themn were, that Phipps always persisted in saying, that it was one of the Wentworths wvho attempted to break into their room at Saco; that Henry T. Wentworth who had. absconded from the State, to avoid a liquor prosecution, had beei back to Manchester, and had been secreted at a Mr. Morrill's house on the Hall. hill inll the garb of a woman, where he had answered to the name of Bean; had been visited there by Parker; that Wentworth knew that Parker had a large amount of money about his person, and it was alleged that he was here in Manchester on the day of the murder; and the suspicions were that he was the Mlrs. Bean, whom Parker was decoyed out to see, the most direct way to the house on the Hall hill, being the path they took through the woods. These allegations and surmises, together with the fact that certain connexions and accomplices of the Wentworths had often and vaguely charged them with the crime, and that they possessed an amount of property, greater by far, than their means and opportunities of accumulating property would warrant, led to their arrest. After an extended examination, however, they were. discharged. In 1850, in May, the Wentworths were again arrested upon a requisition from the Governor; the evldence was more conclusive, and they were surrendered upon the requisition. They were brought to Manchester, and the 30th day of May, in connection with Horace Wentworth of Lowell, and one William C. Clark, were arraigned on a complaint for the murder of Parker. A long and tedious examination followed, extending through more than 30 days, in which the labor of the counsel for the state and for the respondents was most unwearied, bringing into the case an amount of legal learning, skill, ingenuity, tact, and finesse, unparalleled in this state, to say the least. Gen. Pierce made the closing argument for the respondents on July 3d, which was characterized by:his usual ability and eloquence, and was followed by Samuel H. Ayer, Esq., the Solicitor, in an argument at great length -and of much force, in which he reviewed the whole testimony in the case, and argued that the respondents should be committed to answer further for the crime, with which they were charged. Upon the close of the arguments of the counsel, the 624' THE HISTORY; OF:MANCHESTER. court adjourned to July the 5th inst. Upon the 5th, the Court gave its opinion in the case, ordering the discharge of Horace Wentworth, and Clark, and the commitment of Henry T. and Asa Wentworth, and they. were committed to the jail in Amherst. On Monday following, the Solicitor went before the Chief Justice at Concord, and stated in presence of the respondents' counsel, that in his opinion, there was not sufficient testimony in the case to warrant the finding of a bill against the Wentworths by a Grand Jury, and on the testimony he should advise a Jury not to find a bill. At the Term of the Superior Court holden at Plymouth, on the same week, Henry T. and Asa Wentworth, were brought before the Court on a writ of habeas corpus, a letter was laid before the Court from the Chief Justlce, repeating the statements of the Solicitor, also an affadavit of the respondents' counsel, rehearsing the Solicitor's statements to the Chief Justice; and upon this statement of the prosecuting officer, and without going into the testimony in the case, the Court decided that the respondents should be admitted to bail, the same being fixed at $5000, for each individual. They accordingly gave the required bail, and were set at liberty. At the October Term of the Court in Manchester, some few of the many witnesses in the' case were sent before the Grand Jury, and no bill was found against them, and thus the affair ended, the murderer of Parker being still at large. The act of the legislature of Dec., 1844, providing for the appointment of a board of Engineers for fire departments, was adopted by the town this year, and went into operation for the first time. The board appointed by the selectmen, consisted of Daniel Clark, Chief, and Richard G. Smith, William Shepherd, David Gillis, Walter French, Jacob G. Cilley, William C. Clarke, John A. Burnham, and Oliver W. Bayley, Assistants. The board was organized, and published their regulations, which are of record. The Independent Democrat, was first published in this town May Ist., 1845, by Robert C. Wetmore. In a few weeks it was removed to Concord, where it is now published. On Sunday evening, June 8, 1S45, died at his residence, the Hermitage, near Nashville, Tenn., Gen. Andrew Jackson, in the 78th year of his age. His death was noticed in this town by public exercises on the 12th of July, in which the people of the town participated without distinction of party. ; HONORS -TO IGEN. JACKSON. 625 The day was ushered in by the tolling of bells and the firing of minute guns. The national flags were displayed at half-mast, and those suspended over Elm street, beneath which the procession was to pass, were appropriately trimmed with mourning. At mid-day, the stores and shops throughout the village were closed, and the shops upen Elm street, were shrouded in mourning. Our citizens, without distinction of party seemed to vie with each other in assisting in appropriate tributes to the memory of departed worth. The people were flocking in from the neighboring towns, so that by the tin e of forming the procession, in spite of the extreme heat of the day —the thermometer at 99 in the shade —the streets were thronged. At 2 o'clock, according to previous announcement, the procession commenced forming at the Methodist Church, under the direction of the Chief Marshal, E. Hill Esq., and his deputies., amid the tolling of bells, and the firing, of minute guns. The escort, consisted of. those excellent companies, the Stark, Guards, the Granite Fusileers and Manchester Rifles. Next followed the C"Torrent," Fire Engine Company, No. 5, in uniform and full ranks, and their engine appropriately trimmed. Then followed as in the order of the Chief Marshal, the President, Orator, -Chaplains and Committee of Arrangements of the day, with a vast concourse of citizens from this and the neighboring towns; among which as the most conspicuous, were some hundreds of ladies, whom the burning sun could not deter from uniting in a tribute of respect to the illustrious dead. The procession passed the several streets, the Manchester and Nashua Brass Bands alternately playing dirge music, to the Grove, where the exercises were to take place. A more beautiful place could not have been selected for the ceremonies of the occasion. It was a. deep ravine about a hundred rods from our village, covered with a primitive growth of pine, hemlock, and birch, whose thick foliage was impenetrable to the rays of the sun; the bottom cleared of under-brush, and traversed by a clear and beautiful stream of water, and its sides, steep banks some eighty, or ninety feet high, descended by steps scooped out of' the surface of the ground. At the bottom of this ravine were erected the speaker's stand, trimmed in mourning, and seats for the military; while the eastern bank of the ravine, here taking an elliptical form, was fitted up with ranges of seats and the declivity of the western bluff, was furrowod with seats scooped in the surface of the same, the whole presenting a great, natural amphitheatre of the most imposing appearance, and 626 THE HISTORY -OF MANCHESTER. when filled with spectators forcibly reminded one of the amphitheatre of ancient times. This place so appropriate, was filled with an audience who evinced by their noiseless carriage, that they were deeply impressed with the solemnities of the occasion. The Marshal then announced the order of exercises from the stand, which announcement was followed by music from the Band. The Rev. Mr. Moore read a selection from the scriptures, followed by the Rev. Mr. Cilley, in a prayer. The President of the day, Hon. James MeK. Wilkins, then made a few appropriate remarks upon the occasion of the meeting, and introduced to the assembly the orator of the day —George Barstow, Esq. Mr. Barstow touched upon all the prominent incidents in the life of the departed Hero, from his cradle to his death bed, in an appropriate manner. The ceremonies were as a whole, a credit to our Town, County and State. They were alike creditable to all our citizens, without distinction, for they were all willing, at the grave of the Hero, to let the pall of charity cover all else, save the recollection of the virtues of him who "had filled the measure of his country's glory." The first of September, of this year, the publisher of the American, started the Semi-Weekly American. It was continued until about the middle of April, 1846, when the American establishment passing into the hands of J. 0. Adams, Esq., the Semi-Weekly American was discontinued. On the 23d of September, a Town meeting was held at the Methodist Church, at which the selectmen were authorized to pay the reward offered for the detection of the murderer of Parker; the act of the Legislature was adopted for the supptession of Bowling saloons; and that part of the Old Falls road was discontinued betwixt Union and Pine streets. The fourth and lastland sale of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, took place September 30, 1845. The lands sold were situated beween Elm and Union streets, and Lowell and Orange streets. They averaged much higher prices than at any.previous sales. The Saturday Messenger was started the last of November of this year, by Mr. Charles H. Chase. It was united with the American in June, 1852. On the 29th of November, a town meeting was held for the GROWTH OF THE TOWN IN 1845. 627 first time in the new Town House. At this meeting,. that part of the Old Falls road, betwixt Orange street on the north, and Bridge street on the south, and betwixt Union street on the east, and Chestnut on the west, was discontinued. The growth of the town in 1845 was unprecedented. A newspaper* of date, May 21, 1845, thus speaks of its progress. At no previous time, has business of all kinds been so brisk in Manchester, as at the present time. In addition to the mammoth mill now being constructed, which is to be 440 ft. in length, we understand that another is to be constructed this season, of the same dimensions. Upon the corporation a large number of brick tenements are now building, and other improvements in grading and the like are continually being made, giving employment to a large number of laborers. Among our citizens also there is great animation in the way of buildings. As a town they are building a Hall, that we hazard nothing in saying,will be as beautiful a building as is to be found in New Enggland. The basement is already up, and with its large and beautiful granite columns, now gives an earnest of its appearance. Then across the way, our enterprising citizens, Messrs.:Barnes and Putney, are just finishingLa large block of buildings, ink a style superior to anything in the state. They are three stories, of press brick, with granite front, and glazed with the largest size of plate glass, and in other matters are finished in a style alike creditable to the taste and enterprise of its worthy owners. Then upon the west side of Elm street, a company of our worthy citizens, have commenced building another brick block, which we understand is to be the crack building of the state. It is to be three stories, with a basement front of iron pillars, surmounted with an iron balustrade. The block is to- extend from Mechanic to Water st., a distance of one huuldred and forty four feet, to be occupied as stores and dwellings. Then again Mr. Ballou, at the corner of Elm and Hanover sts., is removing his large brick store and house, together with a three story building, occupied for offices, &c., to make room for a block of stores, to be of three stories and granite front. This improvement just opposite the building of Messrs. Barnes and Putney, will add much to the beauty of the street. Then the "September Sale," is being covered over with dwellings; we counted 40 buildings erected or in progress, upon this. ground, some of which was cleared the past season. At the north end, also, improvement is going on with rapid strides. *The Democrat. 628 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Our friends who visited us on the 4th of July, will hardly credit us, when we tell them that as many as 11 beautiful cottages are building in the woods hard upon the "celebriation ground." With a taste alike rare and creditable, several gentlemen have purchased these pine groves, leaving enough of the forest trees for shade and ornament, are fitting up beautiful grounds, preferring natives to exotics. and having an immediate pleasure instead of anticipation. A number of gentlemen lately bought a large lot of land on Elm street between Lowell and Bridge streets, and running back to Birch street. They have formed two new streets; one running from Lowell and Bridge streets on the west side of the Universalist Church, is named Church Street; the other running midway from Lowell and Bridge streets, from Elm to Birch street, is called Washington street. This lot of land is subdivided into thirty-three lots, twenty-two of which will be built upon this season, and we would not be surprised if every lot should be covered with buildings before the setting in of next winter. The buildings on Elm street are to be of brick, three stories high. The others of brick and wood as the purchasers may fancy." Some 200 buildings are now in the course of erection in Manchester, and something near a hundred more will be commenc, ed prior to the 4th of July. There is no procrastination here. A building is decided upon and it goes up, as if by the power of Alladin's Lamp. Where now stands the noble block of Messrs. Barnes & Putney, all blinded, 60 days since stood a -most unseemly block of';ten footers," and on the spot, where is now a handsome brick store and Messrs. Ballou & Pierce are selling boots and shoes at cost, in 90 days is to be a block of stores of press brick with granite front! One year from this writing will show a fact of this place, of which no other section of the country can boast, a School District, that eight years since had but 125 inhabitants, teeming with a busy population of 10,000 people. The Court of Common Pleas commenced a session in this town, on the 28th of October, 1845. for the first time. The Court was held in the Towll Hall, which had been appropriately fitted up for the occasion, Hon. Ira A. Eastman, presided. Before the term of -the Court closed, all in attendance became satisfied that it was highly proper that a term of the Court should be holden in Manchester, and it is very much doubted, whether Judges, Lawyers, Jurois, or suitors, would consent to have the October Term moved again to Amherst. BUILDING OF SEWER. 629 At the annual meeting March 10, 1848, the rateable polls had so increased, as to entitle the town to eight Representatives in the Legislature, and that number was accordingly chosen. It was voted to raise the sum of $4000, for the support of schools, $850, of the amount to be expended in the out Districts, and the balance in District No. 2; to pay the firemen tell cents an hour for each hour of actual service at fires; to choose a committee to petition the Legislature for a City Charter "when they shall deem it expedient"; to build a sewer from Bridge street to Granite street, and to choose a committee for that purpose. The committee chosen to petition the Legislature for a City Charter, consisted of Messrs. David Gillis, Samuel D. Bell, Isaac Riddle, William C. Clarke, John A. Burnham, Luther Farley and Walter French. They considered it expedient to ask for a City Charter forthwith, and accordingly in June presented a petition to the Legislature for that purpose. The town appropriated the sum of $6000, for the purpose of building the sewer from Bridge street to Granite street, and chose Messrs. Samuel D. Bell, David A. Bunton, and J. T. P. Hunt, the committee to build the same, who forthwith proceeded to put in the sewer as voted by the town. June 1!6, 1846, the Selectmen laid out Pine street, north to the Old Falls Road; High street betwixt Union and Chestnut streets; Birch street from Lowell to Bridge streets; Chestnut street from Merrimack to Park street; Union street from Merrimack to Park street; Lowvell street from Union to Chestnut street; Central street from Elm to Union street; and Park street from Elm to Union street. July 20, the Selectmen laid out upon petition, Washington street from Elm to Birch street, and Church street from Lo well to Bridge street. The Legislature, in June, 1845, passed an act incorporating the city of Manchester, and on Saturday the Lst day of August, a town meeting was held for the purpose of accepting or rejecting said act.of incorporation. Upon balloting the vote stood thus: In favor of Charter, 485 Against, 134 Upon the same day, upon petition, the selectmen laid out a 630 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. road from Mr. John Proctor's house north westerly to the Candia road. The election for officers under the City charter tookl place on the 19th of August, 1846. There were four candidates for Mayor, viz: Hiram Brown, Williamn C. Clarke, Thomas Brown, and -William Shepherd. The result was as follows: H. Brown. Clarke. T. Brown. Shepherd. Whole No. votes. Ward l 34 65 8 4 111 2 78 65 21 3 169 " 3 85 38 30 15 170 " 4 1OS 26 8 0 143 "5 123 93 28 6 252 6 95 74 5' 10 185 " 7 46 81 6 4 137 569 442 106 42 1170 Necessary to a choice, 586 H Brown's vote, 569 Majority against Brown, 17 The other officers chosen at this election were ALDERMEN. Ward I Andrew Bunton, Jr. 2 George Porter, 3 William G. Means, " 4 David Gillis, 5 Timothy 3Blaisdell, 6 Edward McQueston, " 7 Moses Fellows. COMMON COUNCIL. Ward I John S. Kidder, George W. Eaton, William Boyd. 2 Hervey Tufts, Daniel J. Hoyt, James M. Morrill. 3 Israel Endicott, Joel Russell, George P. Folsom. 4 David Cross. Abram Brigham, William M. Parker. 5 Ebenezer Clark, Asa 0. Colby, Nathaniel Herrick. 6 William Potter, J. G, Cilley, F. A. Hussey. 7 Sewell Leavitt, William W. Baker, Rodnia Nutt. SCHOOL COMMITTEE. Ward 1 Archibald Stark, FIRST CITY OFFICERS. 631 " 2 Nathaniel Wheet, 3 Joseph Knowvlton, " 4 Moses' Hill, " 5 James McCauley, " 6 William W. Brown, 7 Amos Weston, OVERSEERS OF TIlE POOR. Ward 1 Joseph M. Rowell, 2 B. F. Locke, " 3 Francis Reed; " 4 Levi Batchelder, 5 Caleb Johnson, " 6 Flagg T. Underhill, 7 James Emerson. ASSESSORS. Ward 1 Edward Hall, " 2 Ira Ballon, " 3 James Wallace, " 4 Charles Chase, 5 Lewis Bartlett, 6 Stilman Fellows, " 7 James Hall, Jr. The second and successful trial for the choice of a Mayor, was on Tuesday the first day of September. rThere were five candidates, viz: Hiram Brown, Isaac C. Flanders, Thomas Brown and John S. Wiggin. The result was as follows: HI. Brown. Flanders. Wiggin. T. Brown. Whole No.. votes. Ward 1_ 41 48'2 4 100 " 2 79 47 15 26 175 " 3 98 36 17 23 183 4.112 16 4 9 142 " 5 124 65 9 30 236 6 00 72 4 14 1S6 "7 58 64 0 4 132 602 347 51 109 1154 Hiram Brown had 602 Necessary to a choice 578 Brown's majority 24 Agreeably to public notice, the citizens generally met in the 632 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. City Hall, September 8, 1846, at 10 o'clock A. M., to witness the organization of the City -Government. At the request of Moses Fellows, Esq., Chairman of the Board of Selectmen, prayer was offered by the Rev. Cyrus W. Wallace. senior clergyman of the City. The oath of office was then administered to the Mayor elect by Daniel Clark, Esq. The Mayor then administered the oath of office to the members elect then present, of the boards of Aldermen, Common Council, Assessors, Overseers of the Poor and School Comnnittee. The Mayor then delivered an address. after which the various Boards of officers retired and organized by the choice of officers. The Common Council elected Wm, M. Parker President of that body, and David Hill, Clerk. J. S. T. Cushing was chosen City Clerk, and Thomas Hoyt, Treasurer, in Convention; and George T. Clark was appointed City Marshal, by the Mayor and Aldermen. Hon. Samuel D. Bell was appointed by the Executive, as Justice of the Police Court, and Isaac Riddle and Joseph Cochran, Jr., Esqrs., as special Justices, September 28 1846. Thus the City Government was in full tide of experiment. r3~~~~~~~ RESIDENCE~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i'. OFi~ii HON::,MESSR'. NORI ~i.D MOR ISON, REIENE Y O.MESS"NRI ADMRRSN THE BOUNDARIES OF THE TOWN. 633 CHAPTER XXV. TOPOGRAPHICAL HISTORY. Manchester.-Its boundaries and Natural History.-Rivers,-Merrimack, Pis. cataquog, and Cohas.-Lakes and Ponds,-lMassabesic, Long, Little, Fort and Skenkers.-Brooks,-Sudden Pitch, Kimball's, Ray, Christian's, Mile, Amoskeag, Fort, Little Cohas, Heathhen, Mill-stone and Black.-Hills, — Oak, Blald, Heathhen, Bushnell's, Middle, and Stark.-Rock Rimmon. -Villages,-Amoskeag, Piscataquog, Janesville, Towlesville, HIallsville and Moors.-Town Farms,-Old and New, Cemeteries.-North, Ray, Christian's Brook, Valley, Goffs Falls, Centre, Forest, Merrill, HEuse, Amoskeag, Piscataquog, Catholic and New.-Squares,-Concord, Merrimack, Tremont, Hanover, Reservoir, and Park. The city of Manchester, is situated on both banks of the Merrimack, in the extreme eastern part of the county of Hillsborough, in latitude 42Q 58 north. It is bounded on the north by Goffstown and Hooksett; East by Auburn and Londonderry; south by Londonderry, Litchfield, and Bedford, and on the west by Bedford and Goffstown. It is made up of territory originally parts of Chester, Londonderry, Bedford, Goffstown and txwo ungranted tracts of land along the east bank of the Merrimack, known as Harrytown and Henrysburg. In those parts of the city taken from incorporated towns, the original surveys and "lottings" have been preserved and are still recognized. As to the other tracts, very little regularity in surveys or lots has been preserved.' Upon the charter of the town in 1751, that part of it not before incorporated, extending for eight miles along the Merrimack, by direction of the Masonian proprietors, was surveyed and divide 634 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ed into lots by Col. Joseph Blanchard, of Dunstable. The lots were mainly of 100 acres each, running from the river to the lines of Chester and Londonderry, in oblong squares, where, distance or position would admit of it, but leaving froIn the form of the territory, many lots of irregular shape and of less area. This plan of lots was returned to the Masonian proprietors, and December 6, 1751, the same were drawn by them. These lands having been occupied, at least most of them, for a number of years at this period, they were conveyed to the occupants usually for a small consideration, and they continuing their original bounds, rather than those upon the Blanchard plan, this surveying and "lotting" by the 5Masonian Proprietors,. was of little use, and it is not known that a single line then es, tablished is recognized at the present time. Manchester is a half shire, the County Courts alternating t - twixt Manchester and Amherst. Its area comprises about 21,700 acres. Its surface is broken and uneven, yet affording some fine farms in almost every part of the town. Upon the west side of the Merrimack are some excellent interval lands, while upon the Cohas are some extensive low meadows. Hills and Valleys alternate in wild but pleasing variety in the north and east part, while in the south are some extensive plains intersected however by brooks and ravines. The north part _of the city was originally covered with a heavy growth of oak, maple, ash and white pine, while the banks of the rivers and the south portion of the city, with the exception of the intervales, were covered with a heavy growth of yellow and white pine. These so extensive, gave the name of Cohas, (the pines) to the river of that name that discharges the waters of the MIassabesic into the Merrimack. The intervales had a heavy growth of maple, elm, hemlock and white pine. In the swamps is found the magnificent Rose Bay (Rhododendron maximurn) and the beautiful and sweet-scented azalea, while upon the hill sides is found in abundance the splendid spoonhuch (Kalmia Latifolia.) Extensive bogs and swamps occurred on the brooks leading into the Merrimack, Cohas and Massabesic. Some of these were composed of peat, affording a sickly growth of alders, spruce, maple and pine. Others composed of more compact soil, were composed of maple, birch and brown ash. The peat bogs at Little Pond, on Ray Brook and Heathhen Brook, afford most excellent peat for burning, and occurring in vast quantities iti either place, will hereafter afford a supply of fuel, to meet the demands of our people. QUADRUPEDS, BIRDSI AND REPTILES. 635 The face of the town being thus diversified, it was the haunt of the most noted beasts of the forest. The bear, catamount, moose, deer, wolf, wild cat, lynx, blackcat, fisher, beaver, otter, and other animals of common atld less notoriety, were formerly often found within our limits. The bear, catamount, Wildcat, lynx, and otter, have been found in this vicinity, within a few years. A catamount was seen in this neighborhood some two years since, which killed a number of dogs inl the adjacent town of Goffstown. This doubtles, was the same animal that was afterwards killed at Lee. It had probably strayed from the north and finding plenty of food, had its range along the Uncanoonucks, Saddle Back, Pawtuckaway, and other moutains in the south part of state. The ferocious species of panther called by the Indians Luncasoux, was once found in this neighborhood. The hair of this animal is of a bluish color like that of the Maltese cat. It inhabits the deep forests of Canada, and is the terror of the Indians. A bear was killed in this town as late as 1810, upon the Island in the Amoskeag Falls. Of the smaller animals, not often found in other sections of this state, but found here, is the coney. This animal, somewhat larger than a hare, was formerly found here in abundance. In the lower part of the city and in Bedford, and Merrimacl, they are now occasionally met with, particularly In the latter town. They burrow in the ground, and delight in the sandy, and gravelly soil of the pine bluffs. Of birds, the usual varieties are common, and the cock-of-the-woods or the great redheaded, black woodpecker, the quail, and the heathhen are sometimes seen. The heath-hen was formerly found on Heathhen, Hill, in abundance. They are somewhat larger than the quail, have a grey plumage, and their head is crested somewhat in the manner of the pea-cock. Their flesh is said to be sweater than that of the quail or partridge. Of reptiles, the rattle snake formerly was found in abundance, and occasionally one is now found in the north east part of the town. The copper head is also occasionally found. This snake is the same- one familiar to our old inhabitants. as the poisonous, water-adder. It is the true copper head, as no adder has fangs. The horned or bearded snake. is also found in this section. This snake is usually when grown, some ten to-fifteen inches in length, the back of a brown color, the belly white, and sometimes tinged with red, a white ring or band about its neck, and its tail tipped with a hard, hornlike point. This is its weapon of attack and defence, and it will strike it 636 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. into an object with a good deal of force. It is not poisonous. Of fish, the Salmon, Shad, Alewife and Lamprey, were abunidant in our waters. The salmon is a sweet, lucious meated fish, of great strength, and superior as a swimmer. It "run" up the Merrimack in June to deposit its spawn, seeking the cold springy, shaded branches of the river for the purpose. Hence it freque:ited the Pemegewasset branch of the Merrimack river, and never was found in the Winnepesaukee. On the contrary, the shad, "running" at the same time and for the same purpose, sought the warm streams and ponds. Hence they went tip the Winnepesaukee, and were never found inthe Pemegewasset. How singular, that these fish, making their way up the Merrimack in company, should be led by instinct to part company at its forks, that they might better answer the laws of nature in producing their progeny: The alewife was of similar habits to the shad, but they preferred smaller streams and ponds for their haunts. The lamprey, made its way up the river for the same purpose, but deposited its spawn in any place in the river where it could find a pebbly bottom. It would deposit its spawn, and then for its protection, would construct over it a fortificatien of pebbles, from the size of a robin's egg, to that of an ostrich. These fortifications, or eel-beds, were usually a mound some foot or more in height, and two or three feet in diameter at the base. Each pebble was carried by the eel, and deposited in its proper position. The manner of transportation was thus: The eel, after viewing a pebble, and determining its fitness, would apply its mouth or sucker to the surface of the pebble, and becoming attached firmly to it, would remove it to its place and deposit It with the greatest care. It would then seek another pebble and then another, and so on through days of toil until the bed was completed. Upon the eggs or spawns hatching, the young Lampreys would readily find their way out through the interstices among the pebbles, and would as readily retreat within their fortifications upon the approach of danger. Meantime their parents would glide around their beds, aud watch their young with apparent solicitude! These eel beds were often so extensive on the Merrimack in certain positions about its islands, as to stop the canal boats for a tirme. When a boat struck upon an eel bed the boatman would stand in the bow of the boat, and commence rocking it to and fro; this movement would diminish the structure of pebbles and the boat would pass along, but the works and the QUARRIES IN MANCHESTER. 637 hopes of the Lampreys were demolishe.: with their ill-located beds. Granitic gneiss, usually called granite, abounds in all sections of the town. The Clark, Ray, Wilson, Herrick, Bald Iill, Baker, Mitchel and Company's are well known ledges. The ledge at Bald Hill worked by Kimball & Co., produces some beautiful stone of fine color and even grain. The columns of the City Hall were obtained from boulders of variegated or stratified gneiss found in the south east part of the city, near to the Morse farm. It is a stone entirely different from any in this region, beautiful and durable, and it would be interesting to know in what section of the country it is to be found in situ. Slaty gneiss is fboundin small quantities at Amoskeag falls. In blasting the ledge for the canal, a kind of gneiss was found, intermixed with 3iron pyrites, which upon being blasted, and exposed to the atmosphere, crumbled to a loose sand. Carbonate of lime was found at the Company's ledge, opposite the Eddy, accompanying trap dikes. In digging for the foundation of the Print Works, a fine bed of silicious marl some five feet in thickness, was found. Specimens of Schorl and Garnet are frequently met with. Iron and copper pyrites is often found. Crystals of quartz, hornbjende, epidote, and mica, are often seen. Clay occurs in large quantities on the banks of the- Cohas. where it is 0,orked extensively into brickl. It is met with in the east and upper. bank of the Merrimack, but contains too much sari for use in making brick. Iron ore is found in small quant;aes, in the shape of crystals imbedded in talcose slate. BJg ore is to be met with in the meadows around Little Pond and upon the Great and Little Cohas; but ia small quantXies' It was found in Bedford, and was formerly worked oy Col. Goffe, and also by Mro James Martin. The latter wvo~.ed it extensively, and furnished the government with cannDn balls during the revolution. A few feet below "tie pulpit" in the Amoskeag Falls, is an appearance deserving notice, as it tends to demonstrate, that our rocks generally are not primitive, as they are often called, but that they are secondary and metamorphic, that is, wade up of the ruins of ritore ancient and primitive rocks, indurated by the action of heat, as brick are hardened in a kiln. In the solid mass of a course granite bed will be seen at the place referred to, two large granite boulders, of several cubic feet each in size, 45 638 THE: HISTORY -OF MANCHESTER. of fine grained granite, rounded apparently by the action of water, imbedded in the ledge like plums in a pudding, which it seems hardly possible to doubt, were consolidated and worn to their present form, andburied in the mass of materials which nowv forms the ledge, while it was yet in the state of a mere bed of mud or gravel. Fruit was not cultivated extensively in former years; there are now however some fine orchards of apples, and plums are cultivated extensively. In fact, it is found that few places are better adapted to the cultivation of the various kinds of plums. Whether owing to the proximity to the river, or to the soil, it is found that most kinds of this fruit grow in the greatest profusion, and of superior size and quality. THE MERRIMACK RIVER. The most important natural feature connected with Manchester is the Merrimack. It ever has been, and is now the source of prosperity. When the Pennacook Sagamons had their royal residences at Namaoskeag, the Merrimack was the object of their -attraction. When the Scotch Irish claimed this territory undcr their title from Col. Wheelwright, the fish of the Merrimac was the object that prompted their claim. The thrifty meni of Rerryfield and the thriftless men of the s'ame place, were equa l' indebted to the Merrimack, the former for their thrift and th atter for~their living. And the people of Manchester derive a\ their importance from the same source. The Merrimack is thee. eat aorta that supplies it with its life blood, its energy, enterpri and prosperity. The falls in this river are the cause of sch rults; in former times by presenting an obstacle to the free pass e of fish, causing them to collect in immense schools in the e ds below the rapids, and thus becoming an easy prey to the..shermen; and latterly by a judicious and scientific application f their hydraulic power. These falls and the adjacent country shave long been known by the name of "Namaoskeag.'"'Namaoskeag," or as called by the English, and now written, Arniskeag, has been a noted place for centuries. The terminals, oo'. ook and:uk, written by the English auke or ook, were used by the Indians to represet a placeor spot of land or water; and eah, eeg and eek, ( written by the English, eag, eke and ic were the terminals used by the Indians, to represent long or extended places of water. Thus, Namaos means a fish, and compounded with eag, with FALLS OF AMOSKEAG. 639 the k thrown in for the sake of the sound, becomes the Indian derivative noun, Naliaoskeag, a long or continued place of water jor fish, and was doubtless app]ied by -the Indians to that part of the Merrimack river, consisting of falls, rapids, and ripples, extending from the Souhegan in Merrimack, to Turkey Falls in Confcord; for although as late as 1675, Gov.: Leverett of Massachusetts, speaks of "the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Naamnkeake,' thus locating "'Namaoskeag", at Chelmsford, where Lieut. Henchman lived; yet the Rev, John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians, and who was intimately acquainted with their language, and the geography of their country,- says, in a letter under date of October 29, 1649, "inl the way" from Pawtucket to "Namaske"' and above "Nashalway" "he passed through a great people, called Sowahagen Indans, some of which had heard me at Pawtucket and Nashua,* thus plainly showing that the'Namaoskeag" of Eliot's time, was above the Souhegan River; which empties into the Merrima'cdk at. the town of Merrimack. And within the last half century, the fishing ground emfibraced a portion of the same extent of water, say from the mouthl of, the Soiihegan to the Amoskeag Falls. But a's the country became settled, and-fish scarce, the "Namaoskeag"' became limited to the rapids in the irminediate vicinity of the "Namaoskeag" 1falls.- As is usual in such cases, the name of the place of lwater, became, in theparlance of the people, to be applied to the adjoining territory, and the "Amoskeag," of late years comprised the portions of Derryfield, Bedford and Goffstown,: in the neighborhood of the falls. The ancient "Namaoskeag" is now shorn of its importance by the:entire loss of its fish, and the absorption of a "spindle city;" and Claims only to give name to the falls, and a small village opposite to them,- on the west side: of the river, and' almost'its entire territory~is swallowed up by the present city of Manchester.. - i But aside from their notoriety as a fishing plate, the falls of Amoskeag were celebrated in early times, for their grandeur. The indians told of their beauty and f6rce, and the whites long talked of their "terror." In fact, two centuries since, when twice the volume of wAter passed in the Merrimack during the' year, that does at present, the Falls of Amoskeag at any time in Spring or Fall, must have presented a grand spectacle, and might; well have been called "hideous;" as the breaking upon, and tumbling over huge rocks and ledges, of so-large a volume *See ante pages 68 and 69. 640 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of water, through a distance of more than a quarter- of a mile, is as much more'"hideous" or grand, than a perpendicular fall of the same volume 6f water, as the foaming and dashing of the angry ocean waves upon a projecting and craggy ledge, is more grand and sublime than.a mountain wave, rolling, and spending itself upon the unresisting bosom of the smoothi, sandy beach. Nor were their notoriety confined.to this country, for an account of a curiosity still to he seen at these falls was published in the "Philosophical Transactions" in Londoi, communicated in a letter from the celebrated Dr. Cotton Mather, thus: "At a place called Amnuskeag, a little above the hideous Falls of Merrimack River, there is a huge rock in the midst of the stream, on the top of which are a great numiber of pits, made exactly round, like barrels or hogsheads of different capacities, some so large as to hold several tons. The natives know nothing of the time they were made; but the neighboring Indians have been wont to hide their provisions in them, in the wars with the Maquas; God had cut them out for that purpose for them. They seem plainly to be artificial." The tintutored Indian may be excused for his fancy as to the purpose of these pot holes, and how they were made, but a Doctor of Divinity and the Savans. of a Philosephical Society, can hardly be excused, the on-, for calling them plainly artificial, and the others for endorsing such an opinion; as it requires no stretch of the imagination, were proofs wanting to establish the fact, to suppose them made by a stone, held upon the ledge by a whirlpool of waters, and forced round with such velocity, as in the lapse of time, to produce such a cavity in the ledge, as is to be seen at "Namaoskeag," and which so excited the wonders of Mather and his compeers in Europe. Such pits have ceased to excite wonder, as the mode of their formation is plainly illustrated at the Atl oskeag Falls, where is to be seen, a section of an immensepit, the side and bottom of which has been worn away by the action of the current; and there suspended between the remaining walls of the pit, is still to be seen, one of the revolving stones, through whose partial agency the pit was formed, the main agent having long since passed into the current below. The "Namaoskeag" fisheries were early an object of interest to the whites, and were often visited prior to 1700, during the fishing season. But their importance came more particularly into notice'in 1719 and 20. The colony of'"Scotch Irish," that commenced the' settlement of Nutfield, (now Derry, Lon FISHERIES OF AMOSKEAG. 641 donderry, Windham and a part of Manchester,) were, as has been suggested in a previous chapter, the first who took and claimed possession of the Fal!s and territory south and east of them upon the Merrimack. FISHERIES AT AMOSKEAG. From this time, the fisheries at the Falls began to assume importance, so much so, that the government of Massachusetts laid claim to thlem, and endeavored to control them.by legislative enactments, thus In 1733, when she granted three farms to Thaxter, Dunrlar,\ and Turner, the fishery at "Namaoskeag" was reserved. Again in 1734, when the territory between Litchfield and Pembroke, and three miles in width on the east bank of the Merrimack, was granted under the name of Tingstown, to Ephraim Hildreth, John Sheply and others, the lands about'Namaoskeag" were reserved for catching and curing fish. Ahout the same tinme':Narragansett township No. 4" was granted at "Namaoskeag," upon the west side of the Merrimack, comprising nearly the territory now known as Goffstown and so important were the fisheries of "Namaoskeag" considered that the Legislature of Massachusetts made the grant of a townshipsix miles sqluare-:"Reserving such quantity of land as the Court think proper, for fishery at Amoskeag Falls." And it wvas "Ordered, That John Blaisdell, Mr. Samuel Chandler, and Mr. 1-iltchins be a committee to repair to Amoskeag Falls, take a view of the lands and report what amount of land may he separated for the public and common benefit of His Majesty's subjects itl taking, making al.d packing fish there." Two hundred acres were reserved for this purpose. People of the present day, may smile at such votes of a legislative body, thinuling that it was "'mich ado about nothing"; but they can form no proper estimate oI the abundance of fish that swarmed in the Merrimack in those days. The rivers, rivulets and brooks were literally full of salmon, shad, alewives and eels. These fish were so' plentiful, as to be used for manure for corn, both by thle Indians and whites. Alewives ran up the small brooks, and were thrown out b)y women and children with shovels, and pieces of board and bark. The salmon and, shad were taketl by weirs extended across the river or branches of it, below the pools and basins. At Anioskeag they had every facility for' taking fish. Below the main pitch of the falls and upon the west side of the river is a large pool or basin of still water. - Into that pool the 642 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. fish collected of their own, accord, or driven by the force of the current, as the myriads' were struggling up the falls. Here they were safe, as the aquedahcan or weir at the narrow pass or outlet at the bottom of the pool or basin, kept them from passing out. The Indians then, itl their light birch canoes, glided upon the surface of the pool and took the entrapped fish with spear or dip net, as suited their convenience or fancy. The fish taken were dressed by the esquaws and hung in the sun to dry, or upon the' poles of their wigwams to smoke. The Indian village was close at hand, situated upon the high bluffeast of, and pverlooking the "'Namaoskeag," and which village was long the royal residence of the Penacook Sagamons, during the fishing season. The Whites took the fish with spears, scoop nets and seines, and in large quantities; so that people coming irom the sur-.rounding country with their wagons and carts, could get them filled sometimes for the carting the shad away, to make room *for the salmon; and' always for a mere trifling price. Immense quantities of shad were taken at one haul or drag of the seine. The N. H. Gazette of May 23, 170, has the following item under its editorial head: "One day last week, was drawn by a net at one Draught, Two Thousand Five hundred odd Shad Fish, out of the River Merrimack near Bedfordi in this Province, Thought Remarkable by some people." i: After the country became settled about the Falls- particular spots for fishing with the scoop net, and eel-hook, or'for dragging seines, were claimed:by individuals, and held by consent, and afterwards by possession. Many of these spots or "rights" upon the ledges of the falls, atd upon the bank of the river, have been held until within a few years. when,they werre bought up by the "'Amoskeag Manufacturing Company," or were abandoned for the want of fish. These "rights" or localities for fishing, were known by various curious names, such as: EEL FALLS.-This was the head of the eastern channel, and the highest place in the falls where eels could be taken. Tr1he eels caught here were poor; as it wvas a small channel and only the poor and weak eels frequented it,'the large and fat eels passed up the large channels. Just' above the Eel Falls, was the old canal dam, and the top -FISHING PLACES.- 643 of the danm across the main channel, was covered with plank, fastened down to cross timbers, with wooden pins. John McCutchins was upon a raft In the river above; which had got within the current and out'of his control, he jumped fiom the raft, but was too late and the water took him over the dam. As- he' went over the -dam he seized upon the head of a wocden pin,at the lower end of one of the planks, and clung to it. At the same time he could touch a rock in.the boiling water below with his toes. In this position he could hold his mouth out-of water, and keep from drowning. Capt. Israel Merrill, was in sight, and immediately went to his relief. He swam out to the dam to which McCutchins hung,- got upon' it, waded along upon the rcks to the ilmminent danger of his own life, seized him, and dragged him upon a large rock, where they remained until taken off by a boat. For this daring and huimane act, Capt. Merrill received a gold medalfrom the Massachusetts Humane Society. FIRE MILL. —ThiS was the'name of a`fishing pla'cb about two rods from the Todd Gut, where eels were once caught in abundance.' Its name was derived from the custom of build-. ing a-fire upon the ledge above. The eels ceased passing the channel, and it was abaidoned. ToDD GUT. The Todd Gut was ohen called the Eel Gut. It was called the Todd Gut from the fact, that one John Todd, son of Andrew Todd, of Londonderry, was drowned there in 1759. Young Todd was fishing at the eel gut with his cousifi John Bell, of the same town. By some mishap,.he lost his balance, aud fell from the platform upon which he was standing, into the rushing water. The platform was fastened to the ledge and lay alrnost upon the surface of the water, which rushed through beneath with great- impetuosity. Its force drew Todd immediately under'the platform) not so quickly however' but Bell. seized him by one of his limbs, and held him. Though a powerful man, such was the force of the current, he could not drag hirnm from beneath the platform, and to let go his hold was to let him pass over the falls to his sure destruction. In this dilemma, he held on to the struggling man, and called for help. Help was obtained, but when dragged upon the platform, life was extinct, and no possible effort could resuscitate the body. This fishing place was located just below the Amoskeag Falls Bridge, on the east side of the falls, and betwixt a ledge or rock that out-crops the water, and upon which stands. a pier of the Amoskeag Falls bridge,and a large but lower rock some twelve or 644- THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. fourteen feet south of it, which is the first large rock in the dam above the guard gate: It was fitted up in this wise. At low water, a stick of hewn timber was fitted to the rock, across the bottom of the channel, some eight or ten inches in height, and- fastened to the ledge by iron bolts, thus forming a dam and fall of some three or four feet on the lower side. At high water the eels came up this chanpel in vast n-umbers. Coming to this daim, they were obstructed in their course, fastened themselves to the rocks and'ledges, and in this position, were readily "hooked" by the fishermen standing upon the ledge above, or upon a staging, below the dam. This was one of the most noted fishing places at the falls. There were repeated accidents at this place; Leonard Rowell, now of DunbarLon, fell into this place one night, and passed down under the platform. His brothers, Joseph M. and John. were present, and Mr. John Young. Young was fishing with a dip net, below the dam in the gut. When Rowell, came down the gut, Young dexterously threw out his net, caught him, and dragged him on to the ledge. A Mr. Underhill of Chester, was drowned just below the Todd Gut, in what was called the Near Gut. He had come over to "election,?' and hurried to the falls in advance of his companions. In passing across the Near Gut upon aplank, he fell off, and was drowned.' His body was recovered some: weeks afterwards against the Island below the falls. This place was claimed by Jonas Harvey, Ephraim Stevens, Daniel Ha-ll, Lieut. John Stark, Samuel P. Kidder, and John Starkl, Esq. Russ RAY'S HOOKFNG PLACE.-;This was a place claimed by Mr. Russ Ray, and had the initials of his name cut in the rock. He fished in a peculiar way at this place, after an invention Of his own, but was not s uccessful.- It was occupied by any one who: first went upon it. It was upon the old Fire Mill place. SOUTH GUT.-This was the channel next south of the Todd Gut. It was sometimes called the Near Gut. It was of but little account as a fishing place. A pot was sometimes placed there, and the ledge blasted away for that purpose, and some persons put a staging there; but as old Mr. Jesse Baker said of it, in his testimony as to the fishing places, "it ended in nothing.", THOMPSON PLACE.-This was belo w the Todd Gut, a rod or two.i It was claimed by Messrs. Thompson of this town~ who FISHING PLACES. 645 removed to Maine. The Messrs. Dickey, afterwards claimed it, but the eels ceased to frequent it, and it was abandoned. WATCHING FALLS.-This was a place blasted, and fitte,d up with a staging by Mr. Albert Stark. It was of no great account. It was just below the Near Gut. LITTLE PuLPIT.-This'was quite a noted fishing place near the:Thompson Place. Fishing there was called 5'fishing under the rock," as the eel-hook had to be runl ilLder the slhelving rocks. The freshets carried, off the large bolllders that formed the sides of the chanlle, ard the little pl)tpit was ahandonled. It received its name from a curve in thle iock lavinlg a flancied resemblance to a pulpit. It was on the nortll side of the Todd Gut, next below the Hooking place. MUDGET PLACE. —The Muldet Place received its name from the fact that a man by the nalme of Mtudget, fell from this place into the water and was drowned. Wllat was hlis given lame, his place of residence, or the time of Ills death, I have not been able to discover. Jonas Ke)mp -fell from tile samne place anid was drowned. He lived in this neighborhood, lhavin)g come from Townsend, Mass. The Mudget Place was sitlated on the east side of thle Pulpit Stream, and directly under tthe sotithl side of the Amoskeag Falls Bridge. SLASHI HOLE.-The Slash HoIe was a noted place. It was used by Mr. Peter Emerson. onie of tile 1,ost,loted fislcermcll of the place. It was very expetnsivc to build ttle stage at this place, takling a large and long stick of titmxter for the flont side of it, and no one attempted to use it. MC. EmaersonEs Caf)t. Wm. Perham and Messrs. Jonathan, Hezekiati, and'Josepltlh Young, used to fish at the slash hole and were verly sutccessl'tlt at certain stages of the water. - The Slash Hole was on the east side of tCle Palpit stream, just above the Point Rock.: POINT ROCK.-This was a famious-place for satinotl a-nd shad. One man occupied the place, dipping his nlet unttil lie caullht a fish, When he-left and another one took his place, hie dipping his net until he caught a fish, and then leaving to imake room for a third, and so on. This was the law of the Point Rock, and if any one endeavored to fish out of his time, or threw off a boy, or weaker party, the rest interfered and. riglited the matter. Shad were ciaught in this place in abundance. In formler times, whoever 646 THE HISTORY OF- MANCHESTER. got on the Point Rock first, and kept upon it, he had it for the season. People have gone to this place, upon snow. shoes, to be first in possession. It afterwards became to be governed by the same rule as other shad places, that each should occupy till he had netted a fish. The Pboint Rock'was the extremity of the ledge, between tile Pulpit Stream, and Todd Gut. BLACK ROC h. —ThS was a famous place for salmon and shad. It was difficult of access, and was occupied only by expert fishermen. It was situated on the west side of the Pulpit Stream. nearly opposite the Mudget place, and nearly under the south side of the Amoskeag Falls Bridge. Mathew McCurdy fell off Black Rock, about. 1820. He was upon the rock fishing and, making a misstep fell into the Pulpit Stream. The water carried'himn down with great velocity. Capt. Israel Merrill, Israel'Young, and Josiah Gillis were near by fishing, arid saw McCurdy when he fell in. They all rushed down the bank as fast as possible. It so happened that the current carried McCurdy against a jam,of log's, some 80-rods below Black Rock, and over against the Island opposite the Blodget house. Here he held on to'a log, with all the desperation of a dirowning man. Capt. Merrill immediately plunged into the river, swva across and dragged him to the shore. The' 6thers came to his relief in a boat. Life seemed to be extinct in McCurdy, bu t they commenced rolling and rub}ling thebody, to no avail however. At length Merrill opened a vein in his arm with a pen-knife, and in a few minutes he shew signs, of life,: and finally recovered. Fo-r this act, in connection with saving the life or McCuitchins, he received a gold medal from the Massachusetts Humrane Society. SWINEs's BACK.-This rock was name'd from its fancied resemblance to a swine's.back. It was used for catching salmon and shad, biut was not a good fishing place. It was located just above the Black Rock.. Mr. Amos Kimball fell from the Swine's Back, into the river but lodged against the rocks and got out in safety. SNAPPING PLACE.-This was a ff-mnons fisbing place, claimed by Gen. Stark, the Messrs. Wilson of Londonderry, and the -Messrs. McClarys of Goffstown. It was located on the west side of.the Pulpit Streami, next north of the Pulpit' and just south of the foot bridge, and where at low water, a spur from'. the ledge on that side is seen projecting out into the stream. FISHING PLACES. 647 POLPIT.-This was a noted place, it was on the west side of the -Pulpit Stream on the eastern channel and next below the Snapping Place, which was some feet below the large pot hole which is now such a curiosity; one half of it being worn away and the rock that has worn it, remaining suspended ini it at the present time. This was such an object for the fishermen, that it was occupied for weeks before the fish began to run, and was watched even of nights to retain possession. HACKET'S STAND.-This was another famous fishing place. To fish here required much strength and considerable dexterity, as a very long pole was required, and the current was rapid. It was divided into six shares. Among the shareholders; were Messrs. McMurphy of this town, Messrs. Hackett and Paterson, of Goffstown, and Messrs. Patten and Gardner of Bedford. Hacket's Stand received its name from Mr. Emery Hacket, and was situated next below the Pulpit. Sut.L1VAN's POINT. —It was once a good place for catching shad, but was abandoned. It was situated just below the Hacket Stand, and opposite the Point. It was called thus from the fact that a man by the name of Sullivan, fell from this point and was drowned. CRACK IN THE RocK.- This was on' the west side of the Pulpit Stream, and nearly opposite the mouth of the <'o'dd Gut, and was a noted place for eels. It was a large fissure in the ledge, into which the eels passed anid were readily taken. It was owned by a Mr. Cheney of Goffstown, and Messrs. John Stark and Amos Kimball of this town. BAr PLACE. —This was for eels and claimed by Lieut. Johln Stark of this lownl, and Matthew Kennedy of Goffstown. It, was sitla-ied just below the Crack in the Rock.''I he scopp net was used at this place. DALTON PLACE.-This was called from a man of that name. It was an excellent place for eels. It was si tuiated on'the west side of the east channel near the head of the Island. PrUPpy TRAP.-This was situatdd on the east side of the west channel, nearly opposite the Pollard mill. It was used by the proprietors of the Hackett Stand. POT PLACE. — This was below the Puppy Trap, on the same channel. PATTEN ROCxK. —This was a right claimed by Messrs. Patten of Bedford. It had been occupied for a great length of time, 648 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. and was a noted fishing place. It was situated on the west side of tile west channel directly under the Island bridge. SETTING ['LACE. 1-I)is was a good fishing place, situated directly below the Patten Rock. It was always claimed unitil the. rule was established of taking turns ill fishinlg. MAPLE STUMiP.-Trl'his'place was named from a maple stump near to it. It was anL excellenlt.fishing place for salmon, and was claimled by the Messrs. Jones alld Richards. of Goffstown. It was situated about twenty rods below the Settilg Place. TIE CoL.'. —llhis was of tino great celebrity It was situated just below the Maple Stunlp on the samye side of the channel. SALM.o RPocK. —This was a notecd place for salmot. It was situated on tlhe vest chiatnue ncextl to the Islandc and opposite the Map'e Stump. E:L rAP. —Thi was w as a place onl the Island and upon'the chllanel that rutlls to thle Bleachlery. SALMON Gr~.-TEhis was a smtall stl'eam that itl high water, passed betwixt thle western chanrnel and the Island. MAST RocK. —Tllis ws a fishling place for eels and salmon near a harge rock of that nlame situated in the wvest strean betwixt the old Island Factory, and the western banilk, againtst wlhich int olden time' masts were oiten lodgued and biroken.. Some of' these were owned by Comlpanies of itndividuals living it. t he lJeighlborhood, bult manuy of them, were claimed by no particutlar manl or company of mein bIt the personi who first occupied in the, spring, held the place through the season, unlesshe was so unlluckyv as to get displaced. Some of the urnclaimed fishing places were so valued, tthat individuals would take possession and occupy them for weeks before the "fish began to rln!" Mr. Jonas tHarvey says that lie "fished upon the rocks in the falls, twelve days and twelve nights without going off to eat or sleep!" Thle rule, or law of thie fishermrel as to these unclaimed places, was that those who got on them first held them. B-ut hemnst hold tlhem conitinually. If he stepped off the stage long enough for another to turnl the slabs or planlks of the stage "'t'other side up, he lost possessioli." Such a rule, of course, was the FISHING PLACES. 649 occasion of a great deal of strife, as people were, always upon the look out to gain possession of good places, and would make the attempt when ever there was the least prospect of success. Mr. John Dickey got possession of the Todd Gut one spring, against the claim of some people who were earnest in their endeavors to get possession of it. They could not get him off and -at len'gth they threw slabs upon the stage around him, completely enclosing him as he lay upon it. After this they placed on the surrounding slabs a platform of planks, thus'enclosing the persevering fisherman. They_ then got upon the platform and commenced fishing. The bystanders at length interfered, drove the intruders from their platform and released Dickey. No person had a right to cover two fishing places with one stage. Mr. John Hall covered the Little Pulpit, and Todd. Glt with one stage, and Mr.'Jesse Baker, threw the slabs from the Little Pulpit into the, stream. Upon this a most desperate fight ensued.. Hall attempted to drive Baker off the ledge, but Baker throwinga slab on the ledge, quietly seated, himself upon it, Hall' then attempted -to push Baker into the river and almost succeeded.'The bystanderh called upon Hall t'o desist, telling him he would -rown Baker, but Hall replied. "his blood be upon his own had," and persisted in his attempt, At length, the bystanders interfered and drove Hall. forn the rock;-and Baker retained possession of the place. Then at various eddies, or places of smooth water, from the "Namaoskeag Falls, to Goffe's Falls," were "rights" for dragging seines. One. of the best was at the "Great Eddy" at the foot of the' "Namaoskeag'Falls,", at which was an aquedahcan, or weir of the Indians. Near the centre of this "Eddy" is an island of Sand, its cap covered with willows. This island was built or formed by' Mr. Jonas Harvey, as a alanding" upon which to drag his seine of shad and salmon. He informed the writer that he had often dragged upon this island five hundred shad to a "'haul!" This "right" was owned by Mr. Jonas Harvey and others. On. the east side of the. river, just below the "Granite Bridge," at the foot of "Merrill's Falls," wasanother "Seine Right" known as the "Merrill" or "Musquash Seine,." -. There was another":.Seine Right,".on the east side of:.the river opposite:the: nouth of the Piscataquog, owned, by Mr. Jonas Harvey and others, known as the "Harvey Seine." Sti!l lowrer: down one the same sideo was: the ".Baker Seine,?' at t,:,the 650 THE HISTORY OF M1ANCHESTER. "Musquito Island," and still further down and at the head of "Griffin's Falls," was the "Griffin Right,"' where they "swept both sides of the river." On the west side of the river, after leaving the "Eddy Seine" there was no ground fit for Seine fishing until they got below the mouth of the Piscataquog. There was a good fishing right known as the "Piscataquog Seine."' Still farther down and opposite the "Baker Seine" was the "Harvell Seine."' Alnd farther south yet, at the head of:Short F'alls," was the "Patten Seine." The Provincial Government early took measures to protect the fishing at this place, and people wvere restrained by statute, from fishing, upon certain days; slnices were to be built in all dams upon certain rivers and rivulets emptying into the Merrimack, and tip which alewives and shad passed; and in the "Cowas Brook," and in the Merrimack within sixty rods of the mouth of the "Cowas," people werelforbidden to fish within a year at a time, such was the improvident destruction of shad and alewives at the "spawning time;" or to take fish at any time with "Seine' Fish Pot, or Were." thus interdicting the use of every kind of implement wherewith to take "fish except the Scoop Net." And at a still later day, statutes were enacted by our state gdvernment for the preservation of fish in the Merrimack and its tributaries. Thus in June, 1790, one passed forbidding the catching. of salmon, shad, or alewife, in the Merrimack, Winnepesahkee or their tributaries, from sunrise on Saturday, until sunrise of the Wednesday following, and the building of any dam, or other obstruction more than half way across the Merrimack or Winnepesauke, from the first day of May, to the last day of October'; or the obstructing the free passage of fish during the same months, up the tributaries of those rivers; and forbidding the catching of such fish at any time within twenty yards of any mill-dam, or sluice-way upon said rivers or their tributaries. All this under penalty. This act was repealed in January, 1785, and a substitute enacted. It was found that in -the neighborhood of large fishing-places, all were more or less interested in the fishing-rights; as a consequence, the statutbe remained a dead letter, as amnong the people in the immediate vicinity, while those from abroad were entirely interdicted, unless they came to fish "during lawful days," and then the fishing places were sure to be occupied; thusathe business of fish-' ing was monopolized by those in the immediate neighborhood of the Falls. By the statute -of 1795, the catching of salmon, MILLS AT AMOSKEAG. 651 shad, or alewife, was interdicted from sunrise of every Thursday, until sunrise of the followin.lg Monday, in the Merrimack, Pemegewasset, and Winnepesaukee, and their tributaries; and also prohibiting the setting of wase, seine, net, or fish-pot, at any time in any of the tributaries of the Merrimack. All under penalty, to be recovered upon complaint of any person. But to secure the execution of the law, each town joining upon the Merrimack, Pemegewasset, Wlnuepesaukee, and their tributaries, were required to choose annually, not more than seven nor less than three persons, called fish-wards, whose duty it was to see the law put in force. And if a person thus chosen, neg lected or refused to be sworn, or neglected or refused io execute the office, he was subjected to the penalty of a fine of ten dollars for each and every offence. This law for a while stopped illegal fishing, but ways were soon found to elude the watchfulness of the fish-wards, and the old fishermen usually had a plenty of fish for sale in the season of them, ol "unlawful days" as well as upon others. This law was- continued in force with occasional modifications until 1823, when all laws upon the subject were repealed; it having been found that the legislature coulq not enact fish into or out of the Merrimack, or its tributaries, or prevent persons from catching fish on any day, or with any such inrtrument as they might choose, and that these fish acts are prolific sources of broils, tumults neighborhood quarrels, and immorality generally. The methods resorted to by the fishermen to elude the fish-wards were various, the most common one doubtless being that of bribery; and a history of unlawful fishery at the Falls would be more voluminous than interesting. MILLS AT AMOSKEAG. Capt, John Stark built a mill at the falls somewhere about 1760. It stood on the north side of the Amoskeag Bridge, the large rock or ledge there running and forming a part of the western side of the canal being the foundation of the west side of the mill. The water from this mill passed through the Todd Gut. It was in this mill that C(apt. Stark received the news of the battle of Lexington. During the Revolution it became decayed and worthless from want of use and repair. A few years subsequent, Gen. Stark and Hon. Samuel Blodgett built a mill upon the same side of the river, and operated it in company. 652 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. This mill was purchased by Judge Blodget and the privilege flowed out, in forming the pool or pond for his Canal and for his'Great Mill, the Industry," which was located upon the river's bank, a few rods below the "Guard Locks" of the Amoslkeag Mantufacturing Company. His son William owned another mill just above the Industty. At:this time there was, or had been, a saw-mill on the- west side of the Falls, in Goffstown;, owned if not built by a Mr. Patterson, and k;nown as the Patterson mill. This mill probably stood upot the same place where afterwards was built the Pollard or Harvey Mill. A man by the name of Whittaker built the fourth mill erected at these Falls, long knowni as the Whittaker saw mill, which stood just below where the Old Blodget House, nbw stands. He sold it to Judge Blodget. Judge Blodget ever had in view, in. all of' his-extensive operations at these Falls, their great hydraulic power; and with this object in view, lie secured a title to the lands adjoining the Falls. And while talking of his canal and its'great advantages, he ever kept in view its vast water-power, as one of its greatest advantages. "For," he would say, "asthe country increases in population, we must have manufactories. and here; at my canal will be a manufacturing townl-the Manchester'. of America.!" People then called him an enthusiast, insane, and the like, but he heeded none- of their remarks; but kept onward in his-improvements, and trying to enlist the monied men in his enterprise up to the day of his death.'He at-one time contemplated establishing a nail factory, and intended to make use -of the building now used as a barn, and attached to:the old Blodget House, but which was then used as a Store House, or Hall, and was standing atright argles, to its present position-across the canal. The water to propel the' factory was to have been brought from the river below the main falls. He tried to induce capitalists to engage in his enterprise, and solicited the Hon. Win. Gray, of Bostonl,better known as "'Billy Gray." ACCIDENTS AT AMOSKEAG. 653 After this time, the difficulties Mr. Blodget encountered with the managers of his Lottery, prevented his'prosecuting his plans for the use of his water power, but it was ever the theme of his conversation until his death. About 1795, Mr. James Pollard bought a "common right," of land in Goffstown, and upon it built a saw mill, upon the west side of the Falls, upon the bank of the river, and near the west abutment of the "Amoskeag Falls Bridge."' As before suggested, this was probably built upon the lot where was the "Patterson mill." In 1798, Mr. Jonas Harvey purchased the "Pollard mill," built a substantial stone dam, and made- other improvements. Mr. Harvey sold the mills in 1804, to the late Capt. Ephraim, Stevens and his brother Robert, and who. occupied it for some years, when the mill becoming decayed, the privilege was sold for manufacturing purposes. In 1801 and 1802 another' saw mill was built upon the Island by Isaac Rowell, Wm. Reeside and Samuel Wood. This privilege was purchased for manufacturing purposes. Somewhere about 1800, Robert McGiregor, Esq., built a sawmill on the west side of the river, a few rods,above the McGregor or Amoskeag Bridge. This mill was known as the "McGregor mill." It went to decay with his other property and was never rebuilt. There have'been many accidents at these Fal's, some'of a serious, and others of a ludicrous nature. Of the latter the escape of William Ferson, or "Billy Bangup," as he he was called by the river-men, may be an instance. - Ferson was one day fishing upon the west side of the Falls, above the Pollard mill, sitting leisurely upon the bank, and smoking his pipe. Getting drowsy or losing his foothold, he fell into the river below. The current is remarkably swift and boisterous, in that vicinity, and he passed over the first pitch, into the western channel, that at all times, is foaming and tumbling as from a "mill-tail." Ferson was an expert swimmer, and he managed to keep his head out of water occasionlly for,breath, and to keep his mouth closed when under the foaming current. He exerted all his strength to keep in the channel, and thus managed to keep from being dashed against the rocks, He soon passed under the Island bridge, and in a few moments was in the still waters of the'Eddy," where he leisurely crawled upon a rock, with his pipe still in his mouth! The wags used to say, that. his pipe was-still lighted! At any rate, it was - 46 654 THE] HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. soon after, for his first request was for tobacco, to fill his pipe with, his own having been a'leetle moistened.'" Ferson is still living and delights in telling of his miraculous escape. Mr. David Quimby, of Goffstown, was upon a raft at the head of the Falls or rather upon a part of one, consisting of a crib of staves, attempting to get it to the shore. The crib got within the force of the current, and Quimby, either from fright or calculation, remained upon the raft, rather than attempt to swim ashore. Clinging to the crib, he went safely over the first pitch of the Falls, and plunged into the Pulpit Stream, as the east channel is called. By a miracle as it were, he passed through this engulphing whirlpool, without being torn from the crib or dashed upon the rocks, and his frail and unwieldly crib, following the boisterous current, lodged against the Island,where Quimby, somewhat exhausted, made a safe landing, and from which he was soon taken in a boat by his friends. Mr. James -Aiken, of Bedford, while fishing at the Falls, on the west side of the river Jan., 12, 1823, by some mishap, fell into the river, and no one being near to lend assistance, he was was drowned. His body-was found some few days after, below the Falls. THE PISCATAQUOG RIVER.-This river empties into the Merrimack on its west side in the city of Manchester, and passes through, and gives its name to the " Piscataquog Village.?" It' waters a rich and interesting section of Hillsborough County; its north branch rising in. Weare and Henniker, and its south branch rising in the mountains of Francestown. All along its branches are extensive meadows-affording, in former times, pasturage and refuge for innumerable deer; hence its name, Piscataquog, being derived from pos (great) attuck (deer) and auke (a place) and meaning " The great deer place." And true' to its name, it afforded a great supply of venison long after the English had settled upon the Merrimack Halestownl now Weare, being noted for hunting ground. This river discharges the waters of the heights of land between the Contoocook and Merrimack in a distance'of twenty-five miles, and hence' its current is of necessity interrupted by rapids and falls, affording many excellent water privileges, many of which have been for a long time improved. Mills: were built at Kelley's Falls, about a mile and a half up the river from the Merrimack, soon after the Revolution. -These were a sawmill:and a:gristmill, and weie built by Col. Moses Kelley of Goffstown. who was for many years Sheriff of the County of Hillsborough. These THE COHAS. 655 mills were mortgaged to'and became the property of a Mr. Frazer of Boston, were suffered to go to decay, and have never been rebuilt. At Piscataquog Village, just above the mouth of the river, are falls that have been occupied for mills of various kinds from a remote period, probably for near a hundred years. However, the first definite date of their being thus occupied, is 1779, when a saw and gristmill were upon the falls, owned by Mr. Samuel Moor. The mills passed from Mr. Moor into the hands of a Mr. Dow, since which time they have been owned by various individuals and devoted to various manufacturing purposes. In 18 IS, a Lock was built at the mouth of the Piscataquog, east of the lower end of Bass Island, by William P. Riddle, Esq., that boats might have access at all seasons of the year, to his store near the Piscataquog bridge; and at one time the project was rife of building a canal up the valley of the Piscataqtuog, to unite the waters of the Merrimack and Connecticut. Fish were. for a long time abundant in this river, and large quantities of shad and alewives were caught at its mouth, but the Piscataquog was excepted in 1797, in the law for the preservation-of fish in the Merrimack and its affluent streams, the fishing upon it had become of so little value in consequence of the many dams upon it that prevented their passage. THE' COHAS RIVER.-This river was originally called Massabesic, and in the old records we find it so designated. Thus in the early records of Londonderry, is this certificate;. Tuesday ye 23d of February, 1724,-5. We the subscribers being upon oath, and being employed by the Committee of Chester and Londonderry, to run the line between the sd two towns, we began at the Beech tree on the westerly side of Kingstown, which is ye corner bounds of ye above sd towne, we run ten miles on a west north west point without any allowance for crookedness of way, and run to Massabesic River. James Stevenls, Surveyor. Benjamin Barker, Chairs John Carton. m men. Samuel Ingals, } Committee of Thomas Smith. Chester. James Gregg, Committee of:David Cargill, John MoL urphy. Londonderry. The above is decisive of the name of that river at that period. 656 THE- HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Subsequently it was called Cohasset, or Cohassack, very near the original Indian word, Cooashauke, which was derived from Coash, (pines,) aud auke, (a place,)meaning the place ofpines. This name was applied to the land upon the Merrimack. between Litchfield and the river, on account of its being covered' with pines. It afterwards became to be applied to the falls in the Merrimack, and to this. river. These falls still retain the name of Cohasset, while the name of the river has been corrupted into "Cohas," and the river itself has been diminished to a brook, in common parlance. It has thus been shorn of its dignity, the better to distinguish it from the Merrimack river into which it empties. The name river applied to both streams of water, led to frequent misapprehension, and the smaller was designated as a brook, to prevent such misapprehension. The Cohas is a rapid stream, some more Than three miles in length, from the Massabesic to the Merrimack. In this distance there is a fall of one hundred and twenty feet, affording of course some fine mill-privileges. These have long been occupied. Webster's mills near the outlet of Lake Massabesic, have been noted mills in times past. At this privilege John McMurphy Esq. built mills in the early settlement of Chester, fifty acres of land at this place having been granted him in 1739, by the proprietors, upon condition that he should build a Grist Mill upon the privilege, within two years, and should "Grind for ye Proprietrs & inhabitants of Chester, aforsd & their successors before, & in preference of their Grists to ye Grists of any'other prson or prsons wtsoever, for three days in every week forever, (viz:) every Tuesday, Wednesday, & Thursday forever."* The proprietors reserved the right to build Iron Works, or a Saw Mill upon the privilege, not to interfere with the power necessary for the Grist Mill, and McMurphy to have the offer from the proprietors of building said Works and mill for himself. It is probable that McMurphy built a sawmill as early as 1742, for in 1743, in a deed of other lands from the Proprietors, to him, reference is made to his mills, plainly indicating, that lie had more' than a Grist mill. The Iron Works were never built, "as a sufficiency of oar or Iron mine" was never found. McMurphy never moved upon the grant but carried on his mills in connection with his son Alexander, who probably moved here at the time of building the first mill, in 1741. Alexander McMurphy at length bought the mills Mf his father, and subsequently he sold them to a Mr. Sheldon. F;oim Sheldon these *Records of Proprietors of Chester. THE COHAS. 657 mills passed intothe hands of Mr. John Webster, and for most of a century have been known as the "Webster Mills." They are still known as such, though the Messrs. Websters have parted with their interest in them, first selling one half of the saw mill to James M. Gregg, Esq., and subsequently their entire interest in the Mills, privilege, and adjoining lands, to William Fiske, of Lowell, Mass. Mr. Gregg's'interest has also come into the possession of the-same gentleman. In 1854, Mr.' Fiske sold the rrills and privilege, to Mr. John -H. Moor and others, by whom they are now owned. At an early date in the history of the manufacturing interest in our state, this privilege had been examined in reference to its capacity for manufacturing purposest and it is probable, that it was purchased by Mr. Fiske for that purpose, though its ultimate use by the Lowell Manufacturing Companies, in connection with the Massabesic,, as a Reservoir, may have been in view. Still it is to be hoped that at no distant day, it may be used for a different purpose, that of furnishing the city of Manchester, with an abundant supply of pure water. It is esti miated that by a dam at these falls, the water of'the Massabesic can be brought into the.city for $80,000. -To say nothing of the advantages to the city.of pure water, that amount'of money would:be saved to the city in a few years, in the decreased expenditures o'f our Fire Department, and it is to be hoped that our city will soon take the initiative steps to accomplish an object, every way so desirable. The next falls upon the Cohas, were formerly known as the "'Alewife Falls." These were early owned by the Hazeltines, upon which a mill was built by them, and continued in the family for a great many years, and is now known as the "Hazeltine Mill," though but little is left Lof it but. rotten timbers. The fall is not sufficient to make this privilege one of any cousiderable value, and it is doubtful whether it will ever again be used for hydraulic purposes. Next below the Hazeltirie Aill, is the Harvey Mill, This mill is upon one of the bestiwater privileges afforded by the Cohas. The first mill built within the present limits of Manchester. was the saw-mill built upon these falls by Ephraim Hildreth, in 1735, or 1736, he claiming them by virtue of a grant from Massachusetts. The falls were within the township of Londonderry, and had been reserved by that town for their water power. In 1720, July 15, the Proprietors of Londonderry, 658 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. "Voted, that the Falls of Cohaset Brook reserved by'the Proprietors out of Robert and Hugh Wilson Equivalent land with all the- other privileges reserved to sd -falls, shall be sold by cant to the highest bidder." And the record goes on to state: " The aforesd falls being put to cant and no person appearing to overbid Patrick Douglass in what he proposes to give for it, which is ten pounds in bills of credit-Voted that Patrick Douglass or his assigns shall have the said falls for what he offers, which is ten pounds, with all the proferts, privileges and advantages reserved for the use of said falls, and shall have what assurance is needful for the same when he pleases, he having paid the said money at the same time the vote was passed." The deed was not executed to Douglass as appears by the entry on the records: "Monday, March 6, 1731-2-Voted that the selectmen for the present year, or the major part of them shall give ald execute a deed to Patrick Douglass of the stream and privileges thereunto belonging as its entered of the Falls upon the brook at Cohaset." The claim of Massachusetts to these Falls, and their occupation by Hildreth, deterred -Douglass from improving his purchase, and we hear nothing further from him in relation to the claim. The title of Hildreth to the main falls passed to Mr. John Harv'ey, and they still remain in possession of the HarveysMr. Jonas Harvey, grandson of Johnl Harvey, having purchased the farm upon which they are located in 1804.' The Hildreth mill was up the brook from the present Harvey Mills, and in an easterly direction from them. Still further up the Cohas, in the bencd of the river below the Harvey bridge, was the:' Nutt Mill,'" a sawmill built and owned by Mr. William Nutt. This privilege was of but little account, as a dam sufficient to produce effective head, flowed the meadows above the bridge. The Harvey privilege is valuable, and if not purchased by the city to carry into effect a system of " water works," will eventually come into use for manufacturing purposes. The next falls inl use for hydraulic' purposes are the wellknown 1" Goffe's Falls." These are within a few rods of the Merrimack, and were first occupied by Col. John Goffe in 1749. 7In that year, Col. Goffe entered into an agreement with a Mr. Follansby of Haverhill District* to erect a mill upon these falls. Goffe was to furnish the privilege, and Follansby was to build the dam and mill, ready for us3 at his own expense, and the two were to own the mill in common, each having a moiety of the same, the privilege to revertto Goffe and the mill irons * That part now Plaistow. THE COHAS. 659 to Follansby, at the. end of twenty years; each one bearing an equal share of the expense of repairs during that time, and Goffe reserving the right to build a cornmill upon the privilege, not to interfere in any manner with, the power necessary to carry the sawmill. At the end of twenty years, Follansby claimed one half the mill, denying that Goffe owned any of the land on the south side of the Cohas, or that he agreed to build the mill upon any other terms than that he should have one half of the Privilege. A long and vexatious suit followed, which resulted in establishing Goffe's claim to the privilege. Soon after building the sawmill, Col. Goffe built a cornmill, but in what year cannot now. be ascertained. These mills were known far and wide as " Goffe's Mills," and at the death of Col. Goffe in 1786, passed into the hands of Capt. Samuel Moor, and have remained in his possession or the possession of his heirs to this6'day. After the mills passed into the possession of Capt. Moor, they became to be known as "Moor's Mills," and as the people increased in that neighborhood, the village and mills were designated as "Moor's Village." At the time this change was going on, the name cf Goffe was gradually left from the designation of the falls upon the Cohas, and prefixed to those in the Merrimack above the mouth of the Cohas, and those have ever since been known as "Goffe's Falls." A building fitted up with carding machines for carding wool, and "clothing works" for the dressing of domestic cloths, was some years since erectod at " Moor's Village" by Mr. John Calef, and subsequently machinery for the manufacture of satinets was put into the same mill by the same gentleman. This mill is now in operation under the direction of a Mr. Peters. But the Cohas has gained the most notoriety as a fishing place. When its ba::ks were first settled and for nearly a cenltury afterwards, in the spring of the year, its waters were literally filled with alewives, passing into the Massabesic to deposit their spawns. This stream is frequented the more by these fish, from the fact that a large lake for these deposits was accessible so near the salt water, and so near the Merrimack, up which instinct led them in myriads, in search of still, fresh water. They were so plentiful in this stream in the spring, that the water was literally black with them, and the bottom oftentimes could not be seen for fish! They were taken at the falls with scoop-nets, and oftentimes were thrown out by the women and children with "shod-shovels and fire-slices." They were so readily taken here, and in such abundance, that people 660 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. coming the distance of twenty-five- and thirty miles could get a ready supply-of alewives, and the people in the immediate neighborhood caught them for manure, putting one, two or more in a hill of corn, after the manner of, the natives. It will readily be seen, that the Cohas fisheries were of great importance to the people of this neighborhood: and the adjacent towns. It was to them a source of ready, cheap, and excellent food. Fresh, salted, or smoked, alewives were most acceptable food to a people, who had little fresh, or- saltneat, save what was provided by their skill in hunting. Being of such importance, every'sort of protection was thrown around them, by reservation and legal enactments. ~ In the grant to. McMurphy, by the proprietors of Chester, in 1739, of the privilege at the outlet of.the Massabesic, the following reservation was made, viz: "Always reserving a liberty and privilege to ye proprietors and ye inhabitants of ye town of Chester afores I to pass and repass without, interruption'to and from ye- aforesd'Massabesic River to catch and take at ye falls of sd River below ye aforesd pond for necessary family support such fish as may be obtaind." In March, 1754, the people of Derryfield passed the following vote as a municipal regulation, viz: "Voted that every person or persons that has any structures or any irncumbrance on said brook; or any other persora or persons whatsoever, whereby the alewives have been or shall be impeded or hindered in their passage from Merritnack River into Massabesick Pond in Derryfield, be removed so. far as to make a free and open passage for said alewives: from said Merrimack River.into said pond, and if any'person or persons who have any such incumbrance on said Cohass Brook or any otherer prson or persons from what place soever shall neglect or refuseto remove such incumlrance as soon asthe alewives is known to come, into said brook, and so to continue removed until the said alewives have done running into said pond:,shall for, every days neglect or refusal forfeit and pay the sum of forty shillings, one-half moiety to the use of the poor of-the town and the other half to the complainant, to-be recovered-by,bill,- plaint or information before any of his majesty's Justices of the Peace for:the Province of New Hampshire, and that no person or persons'shall fish. with any net- in said >brook within fifteen rods-of- Merrimack river or he shall' pay-;the-'sum of twenty shillings as a fine, one half!moiety. to the-poor of the town and the other half: to the complainant, to- be recovered by' bill, plaint or information -before LAKES AND PONDS. 661 any of the Justices of the Peace within the Provinco of New Hampshire." Finding that more stringent measures were necessary, application was made to the legislature, and in consequence, the first legislative act passed in New Hampshire for the preservation of fish in the fresh waters of the state, was enacted for the preservation of fish in the " Cohas Brook." This act limited the time of fishing to certain days; provided for the removal of dams that obstructed the free passage of alewives up the Cohas during the "running season"; and prohibited the catching of alewives with nets near the mouth of the same. The expense of obtaining this act was paid by the town, as appears from the following vote, passed Sept. 5, 1754: "Voted that Alexr McMurphy have eighteen pounds three shillings, old tenor, for obtaining the Elewife bill, and making a Constable's Staff, and taying man's Staff." Tetn years subsequent, in 1764, an act was passed for the preservation of fish in the Merrimack, and the streams emptying into the same. This act included the Cohas, and would seem to have been sufficiently protective; but the inhabitants though t otherwise, and upon petition two other acts were passed for the protection of the fish in the Cohas. But fish are governed by natural laws: and statute laws had little effect upon their scarcity or plentifulness, so long as the streams were kept clear for their passage. LAKES AND PON D S. Lake Massabesic is another important natural feature of Manchester. This word means in the Indian language, the place of;much water; a corruption and contraction of Massa, (much) nipe, (water) and auke, (place.) TlThe Massabesic is a most beautiftil sheet of water, or rather sheets of water, for it is in reality, two lakes united by a strait some twenty feet in width, and some sixty rods in length. It is very irregular in form, and indented with points, and dotted with islands, it presents to the eye a most picturesque appearance, from any point of view. In fact, from the highlands overlooking it, some of the most enchanting views meet the eye, and we very much doubt whether any water scenery can be found in our country to surpass the views to be had of portions of this lake, from Deer Neck, or Folsom's Hill, the two promontories that nearly divide the lake into two parts. The Derry Turnpike passed over these high lands indenting the lake, and the views from various 6'62 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. points in this road are the admiration of all who see them. The lake is about twenty-five miles around it, while its greatest di-: ameter is not more than three miles. The eastern part of the lake is wholly in the town of Auburn, and is surrounded by a sandy.or rocky shore, while a large portion -'of the western part which is mostly in Manchester, is skirted by a rocky shore. -As a consequence, the water of the lake is clear and pure. This lake was much frequented by the Indians, for the purpose of fishing and hunting, and many of their implements have been found on the adjacent lands. In later timnes it has become a fashionable resort for invalids and pleasure seekers. - Two large Hotels have been built within a few years for the accommlodation of visitors, one upon'the north side of the lake by Mr. E. P. Offutt, and known as the "Massabesic House," and the -other upon the south side of the lake, by Mr. H. C. Joy, and known as the "Island Pond House." Both of these houses are in Manchester, although but a few rods from -the line — of Auburn. Connected with the Massabesic House is a small steamboat, the "Gem (f the Lake" that runs upon the eastern part of the lake for the accommodation of parties of pleasure. Like mrany,larger lakes, this one boasts of its three hundred and sixty-five islands, a. number equal to the days in the year; but to make up this number some of the large.rocks in the lake must be counted! However, it has many beautiful islands,: and one of them, Brown's Island, contains some seventy acres, has afforded. large quantities of wood and timber, and some phrts of it have been cultivated. There are others that contain several acres each, and all of them covered with-wood and shrubbery, and scattered over the silvery b6som of the lake in beautiful disorder, form a panorama both pleasing and enchanting. The waters of the Massabesic are discharged into the Merrimack, through the Cohas. LITTLE POND.-This Pond lies south west of Bald Hill, and at its base. It contains some twelve acres, is well stocked with fish, and discharges its waters into the Merrimack, through the Amoskeag Brook. This is sometimes called Stevens Pond. LONG PONDi.-This lies south of Massabesic, and at the distance of some twenty-five rods from it. It contains some thirty acres, alnd'discharges its water into the -Little Cohas through Gillis's Brook. SKENKER's POND.-This is a small pond near the school house n No, 9. It contains only some eight or ten acres, and its out BROOKS. 663 let called Musquito Brook, empties into the Great Cohas. This is often called Musquito Pond. FORT POND: —This Pond is situated near the Nutt Farm, and betwixt the road to the Harvey Bridge, and the Manchester and Lawrence Rail Road. It contains about fifteen acres, and the /outlet is Fort, or Baker's Brook, which empties into the Merrimack. Stark's Fort was on its western shore near the outlet. This pond in ancient time was known as Swager's Pond, and latterly it is often called Nutt's Pond. BRoOKS. SUDDEN PITCH BROOK.-This stream rises in Hooksett and passing across that gore of land, formerly known as Henrysburg, empties into the Merrimack, nearly up to the north line of the city. COLBURN'S BRoOK. —This is a small brook rising on the Stark hill and flowing west that crosses the river road, near the school house in District No. 1, and empties into' the Merrimack. RAT BROOK.- This brook takes its rise in the south eastern part of Hookseit, and empties into the Merrimack, some seventy five rods above the Amoskeag Falls. In some part of its course, it is known as Burnham's Brook, taking this name from' Mr. James Burnharn, who some years since built a saw-nill upon it in Hooksett, and just east of the " Mammoth Road." This mill is now owned by Mr. Hiram Mace. The brook was anciently called Gregg's Brook, from a man of that name; but it is now known, and doubtless will continue to be known, as Ray Brook, thus nanied from Mr. John Ray, who owned the large and extensive farm through which it passed in the last mile of its course, and which now has upon it some beautiful private residences, and ere long will doubt. less contain the sites of some of the most splendid residences iu the city. Upon Ray Brook was built, I have reason to believe, the se6ond or third saw mill in the town. It was built by Archibald Stark, Esq., and probably soon after he mnoved into the place in 1736. This mill was located a few' rods west of the Hooksett road. This mill was in existence in 1756, but probably in a somewhat dilapidated state, and doubtless was used but very little after that time, as four years after, in 1760, Mr. Stark had built a millat the Amoskeag Falls. Mr. Geo. W. 664 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Eaton erected a bark mill, in connection with a tannery, upon this. brook, just east of the river road, which now is in ruins. Betwixt the river road and the Merrimack, the water falls some seventy-five feet, affording two good mill privileges. with sufficient water through a-large portion of the year. As with our increasing population, such privileges for small manllfactories, must become important and valuable, it is probable that these falls at no distant period, will be occupied for manufacturing purposes. CHRISTIAN'S BROOK.-This brook is the one that crosses the road just south of the school house near the Amoskeag Falls. It recived its name from an Indian by the name of Christian, who had his wigwam on the southern bank., The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company has completed a fine Reservoir upon this brook near where it crosses Elm street. It rises upon Oak Hill, and reaches the Merrimack in the distance -of some over a mile. MIrE BROOK.-This brook rises on Oak Hill, and passes through the most thickly settled paft of the city, by means of culverts. It passes through Janesville, and then into Hanover square, furnishing the supply of water to the pond in that square. Then it passes by a culvert diagonally across Hanover, Manchester, and Merrimack streets, to Merrimack square, supplying the water to the pond in that square. Thence it passes by a culvert, into the sewer on Elm street, and is discharged into Amoskeag Brook, just west of Elm street. A portion of the water of this brook is taken by a culvert down Hanover. to Chestnut street, and up'Chestnut street to the reservoir on Concord square. Thence it passes through Concord street into the sewer on Elm street. The Reservoirs on Manchester, Pine, Hanover, and Merrimack streets are also supplied from the same source.'lhe west branch of the Mile Brook, was formerly called the Bear Brook, from an incident related of Mrs. Joseph Farmer. She was about to cross the brook near twilight, when she discovered: upon the edge of the adjoining swamp, a' bear., She immediately ran home, told her husband what she had see'l, and after the neighbors bad got together in sufficient numbers to follow the animal, the party repaired to the brook, Mrs. Fariner leading the company, to point out the position of the bear when seen by:her.-: As they drew near the spot, sure enough there sat bruin in- stern silence at their approach. A shot from -a musket - did' not even diconcert him, and upon ap; AMOSKEAG BROOK. 665' proaching nearer' it was discovered that the bear was only a blackened pine stump! T This incident served to give for a time a nameto the brook. It is not. large enough for ordinary hydraulic purposes, and no mills have ever been built upon it, still it has been made to do excellent service- fori our city, in -furnishing; reservoirs, and cleaning our sewers. It had worn a deep gully in its passage'to the river, the width and depth of which'may'be estimated on Merrimack and H-anosquares, the side banks of the ponds' in them, being merely the banks of the ravine which the brook had worn. This brQok after leaving what is now Merrimack square, passed in a direction diagonally across Elm and Granite streets, C'rossing the latter' a few rods west of its intersection withl Elm street. Here the ravine grew deeper and wider, and its sides covered with the original forests, became a vast, natural amphitheatre.,Before the axe and shovel of improvement, entered upon its walls and levelled them to a grade for the habitations of our-increasilg people, this natural amphitheatre, was often used as a place for public celebrations, and few scenes were more grand, or imposing, than this old temple of nature, filled with thousands of human beings. AMoSKEA-G BRooK.-This brook is one now generally called the Cemetery Brook, and discharges the waters of Little or -Steven's Pond, into the Merrimack,.at the Company's Weir, below'Merrill's Falls. It formerly emptied into the Merrimack a few rods above Granite Bridge, at a point now occupied by the Print Works. After crossing Elm street as now, it formerly turned north in the directron of the -Depot, reebived the waters of Mile Brook, passed along near to the store of John H, Moor &Co., and crossed Granite Street near where the Canal now crosses that street. As eazrly a 1750, there was a saw, and grist mill, upon this brook, just below Moor & Co's., store, south of Granite street. They were built and owned by Mr. Benjamin Hadley, and were known as "Hadley's Mills." They afterwards were owned by Mr. John Tufts, and were suffered to go to decay, and weere never re-built. Near the mouth of the brook, and where'the Print Works now stand, there was in ancient time a saw mill, built by Mr. Benjamin -Stevens, one of the original settlers, and who came into town under the auspices of the Massachusetts Government, probably in 1735, or,1736. The mud-sills of this mill were dug up in preparing for the foundation of the Print Works. 666 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Just above where the brook crosses the road to Hallsville, a small mill was erected a few years since,- by Hon. F. G. Stark. for wheelwright purposes. In 1850, Mr. Chas. Barnes purchased the mill and fiited it up as a mill for paper hangings.' In 1855 this mill passed into the hands of Mr. John P. Lord, who has fitted it up as a mill for printing calicoes and delaines. Farther up the brook there was for many years another saw mill just east of what is now' known as Hallsville, this. was built by Mr. John Hall, probably as early as 1750, and was known as the "Hall Mill." Subsequently it passed into the hands of Mr. Hugh Thompson. It finally went to decay, and but a vestige of it has remained for near half a century. Its position may be traced about twenty rods down the brook from where the same first crosses the road leading from Hallsvilles to Manchester Centre. The mill-pond extended quite up to the road. The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company have diverted this brook from its original channel, taking its waters soon after it crosses Elmn Street, in a new channel direct to their canal, and by grading and other improvements, have entirely obliterated the most wild and beutiful forest and water scenery that was connected with any stream in this vicinity. The citizens of a few years hence will hardly believe that within twenty years of their period, a person walking in the vicinity of Granite street could have entered a deep gorge, in a primeval forest, a vast amphetheatre, overhunig with pine, hemlock, and maple, and trversed in mnost intricate windings, by a limpid, pebbly bottomed stream. Yet such is the fact, and such was nature, where now; Improvement has erected those vast piles of mortar and brick. The water of this brook is very clear and pure, and with its meanderings, forms one of the most beautiful features of the Valley CemeterJ. In ancient deeds it is sometimes called Hum. phrey's, and again Thompson's, brook, but in the record of the laying out the highway from Amoskeag falls to Chester line, in 1751, it is called Amoskeag, which was undoubtedly then its appropriate name, and we should hope the name would be continued. FORT BRooK.-This stream discharges the waters of Fort Pond into the Merrimack. It is often called Baker's Brook, from the fact that it crosses the farm of the late Mr. Jesse Baker. In 1846 a Sashi and Door Factory was built upon this brook in the Baker field betwixt the road and the Merrimack, by Packards, Pillsbury and Ross. It was burned in June, 1847, THE LITTLE COHAS. 667 and has not been rebuilt. A small mill for a Laundry was erected just west of the road in 18 i6,.by Mr. Oliver Gould. Some years since the project was set on foot of clearing this brook of obstructions, so that the alewives rmight pass up it into Fort Pond. The brook was cleared, but the alewives did not accede to the proposition.'Phe Stark Fort was on the south bank of this brook, near where it passes from the pond —hence its name. THE LITrTLE COHAS BRooMs.-There are two brooks in the city called Little Cohas; one rising in Auburn east of the MTassabesic, passing thence southerly into Londonderry, and thence turning towards the northwest, passing into Manchester, and discharging its water into the Great Cohas, north and near the Corning school-house in District No. 9. The other brook bearing the same name. rises in L'ndonderry, and passing west empties into the 1Merrimack, opposite Cohas falls. Both of these streams are mainly south of the Cohas, and in former times before the country was cleared, the two were thought to be one and the same stream, rising east ot the Massabesic. running southerly through Londonderry, and discharging into the Merrimack. After the fact was discovered that they were different streams, the names were still continued. The Little Cohas that empties into the Great Cohas, in District No. 9, is the Little Cohas of ancient time, as shown in the records, it having been designated by that name in the original division of Londonderry into lots, more than a hundred and thirty years since; while its competitor for the name, can show no such ancient record in its favor. To this stream then, belongs the name of Little Cohas. There have been upon it mills at various times. One near Mr. A. G. Corning's was known as " Corning's mill.." This was a sawmill built by thie elder Corning at an early period. There was a cornmill near where the brook crosses the road beyond M r. Walter Il. Noyes's. This was owned by a MTr. McDuflie, and was known as "McDuffie's Mill" as early as 1795. These mills have long since passed away. In later times there has been a sawmill further up the stream, in Londonderrv, built by Col. Francis Menter, and known as " Menter's mill." This has gone to decay. The Litt!e Cohas receives the water of Lonlg Pond by a brook joining with it near the house of Mr. John Huse. Aside fromr this it receives no considerable tributary. The rtreaim emptying into the Merriniack near the Cohas 668 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. falls, should be called COHASANTEE or (COHASETT, to distinguish it from the one described above. This passes but a little way in Manchesteri crossing that tongue of land in the lower part of the city lylng betwixt Londonderry and the Merrimack. GILLIS, OR LONG POND BRooK. —Gillis Brook: empties the water of the Long Pond into the Little Cohas. It is the brook that crosses the Derry road near the house of Mr. John Huse. HEATHHEN BROOK.-This stream empties inlto the Massabesic south of the'S"Massabesic House' Its west branch rises on Heathhen Hill, and hence its name A large tract of land in that vicinity was purchased about 1800, by Mr. Wade Cogswell, who came here from Ipswich, Mass. He had two sawmills upon the brook, one where the Messrs. Lougee's mill now is. and the other some half mile above. The upper' mill was suffered to go to decay, while the other with the upper privilege, passed into the possession of Messrs. Marden and Seavey. From them it passed into the hands of Mr. William Coult, who sold it to Mr..Edward P. Offutt. He sold to the Messrs. Lougee, who now operate the mill. MILLSTONE, BROOK.-This brook rises in Goffstown and empties into the Merrimack about two nliles above the Amoskeag Falls. It takes its name from the fact that a set of millstones belonging to Judge Blodget remained upon the river's bank for many yeais, near where the brook empties into the Merrimack. These millstones were hauled there for him, and being engaged in more important- business he had no use for them. One of them remains there to the present day. The brook was for- - merly called Blodget's Brook, which name gave place to Millstone from the foregoing incident. BLACK BROOK.-This brook takes its rise in Dunbarton, and passing through Goffstown empties into the Merrimack some hundred and fifty rods above Amoskeag Falls. Judge Blodget's farm was upon this brook about a mile from its mouth. He built a sawmill upon it in the neighborhood of his house, in which he prepared much lumber for the market.,He kept this mill in operation until after his removal to Derryfield, when his other business took up his time. his farm became neglected, and his mill wvent to decay. It was never rebuilt. Within a short distance of its mouth are Farmer's Mills, owned by Col. Daniel"Farmer. These consist of a sawmill and gristmill. There was a'sawmill built here by Mr. Thomas Pollard about 1800. on the west of the road. Subseciuentlv HILLS. 669 another was built by his son Thomas Pollard, in connection with Col. Farmer about 1820. This was where the present sawmill stands. At a later period the whole of the privilege with the mills passed into Col. Farmer's hands. He had built and owned a mill some years previous to this, upon the brook about a half of' a mile above the old Blodget mill. This went to decay and was not rebuilt. In former times, there was water enough run in this brook to carry the mills upon it mainly through the season, but at the present time, the adjacent country having been cleared of its wood and timber, there is not water sufficient to carry the mills more than eight months of the year; yet from their proximity to the business part of the city of Manchester, they have become very valuable. HILLS. There is no very considerable elevation of land in this city. OAK HILL is the second in height, being the hill directly east of Amoskeag Falls. This is some three hundred feet in height. From the top of this hill is presented.a fine view of'the city and the adjacent towns. The south part of this hill, and this hill itself, is often called Hall's Hill; but the ancient records designate it as Oak Hill. BALD HILL.-This is the third considerable elevation in the city, being about 425 feet in height. It receives its name fromn the fact, that frequent fires in former years, burned off the scrub oaks as fast as they grew, so that it has continued bald of trees since the original growth was taken from it. The hill is underlaid by a vast ledge; outcropping in many places, so that the land will never be very valuable for tillage purposes; otherwise it might make a very desirable farm. From its top is gained a very extensive view-the Kearsearge, Saddleback, Uncanoonucks and Sunapee mountains being in the distance-While the Massabesic is directly at its base. RHEATHHEN HILL.-This hill is at the northeast of Bald Hill. it is little worthy attention save for its name. which it receives from the fact that in former times the heath-hen was found upon it. This is a bird a little larger than the quail, with a tuft upon its head somewhat like the peacock. -They were often found upon this hill twenty-five and thirty years since. They are occasionally seen in this neighborhood at the present time. 47 670 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. B]USHNELL'S HILL.-This is northeast: of Oak Hill, and is mostly in Hooksett. MIDDLE HILL. —Middle Hill is the one north of Little Pond, betwixt Oak and Bald, hence its name. It ig the highest point of land in the city, being some 445 feet'in height. From this hill the White Mountains and many other of the principal mountains in the state are to be seen. STARK'S HILL. —Stark's. Hill is the elevation in the north< part of the city, and receives its names from Archibald Stark, who first settled upon it. This is a fine swell of land, and-is mostly capable of cultivation. A fine- view of the city and. the< Merrimack is to be:.had from this hill. ROCK RIMMoN.-This is a noted ledge of rock just west of Amoskeag Village, and some 200 rods from the Merrimack. It is known far and wide as "Rock Raymond," a corruption of a well-known Scripture name. It is in itself a very great curiosity. It is an outcropping of gneiss from the midst of a sandy plain, being an immense mass of that stone some three hundred feet in length, one hundred and fifty in width, and some seventy or eighty feet in height. The ledge extends nearly in a north and south direction, rising gradually from the north so as to be of easy ascent in that direction, and ending in an abrupt precipice towards the south and southeast, some seventy-five: or eighty feet in height. This rock is seen: at a considerable distance up and down. the valley of the Merrimack, and from its top is a splendid view of the city of Manchester and its neighborhood. [t is a place of great resort in the summer, and the paths. to itpare kept well beaten, making it a pleasant jaunt on foot or in a carriage. T'here are ledges on the eastern bank of the river equally high with Rock Rimmon, but they are covered mostly with soil, while this, by some convulsion of nature, is left projecting its frowning battlements to the skies. VILLAGES. AMOSKEAG VILLAGE.-ThiS is the name of the Village on the. west side of the Merrimack, opposite and adjoining Amoskeag, Falls, and formerly was in Goffstown. It became a part of the territory of Manchester, by annexation, in 1.853. Here; was located the first cotton mill upon the Merrimack, built by Mr. Benjamin Prichard, in 1809. In 1S10, his mill was purchased by a Joint Stock Company, and the business of manu AMOSREAG VILLAGE. 671 facturing cotton yarn was prosecuted with some considerable energy. From this period may be dated the commencement of the Amoskeag Village, though its name as applied to that locality, may be traced back more than two centuries. And it is highly probable that its very site had been occupied by an Indian village, for centuries before a white ran placed foot upon the territory. It was for thirty years a thrifty manufacturing village, and so continued until its proprietors determined to extend their operations,and change their location to the east side of the river in Manchester. Since then their policy has been to repair but not to rebuild at Amoskeag. Accordingly the village has greatly depreciated. The cotton mill upon the Island was destroyed by fire in 1840, and was not rebuilt. The only cotton manufactory carried on there now, is that of batting, in a small brick mill, operated by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. The remaining buildings upon the Island are occuipied by Capt. James M.I Varnum, as a bleachery. The stores, shops, and boarding houses of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company were leased to Messrs. H. Boyd & Corey, shoe manufacturers in 1852, for a term of years. This operation has restored the village in some small measure. Messrs. Boyd' & Corey employ 350 people in cutting, binding, and making shoes. They manufacture 150,000 pairs of shoes annually, principaly for the southern market. Amoskeag is in Ward 8, and contains most of the inhabitants cf that ward, being entitled to one representative, and having its Alderman, Councilmen, and other city officers. Is is probable that at no distant day, when the power upon the east side of the river becomes exhausted, that the privilege at Amoskeag may again be occupied for manufacturing purposes. The Farmer Village on Black Brook, is reckoned a part of Amoskeag, and with increase of buildings, will soon be part and parcel of the same village. This is utpon the "'Tileston Grant," so called from Col. Thomas Tileston, who received a grant from the government of Massachusetts of 300 acres, the south line of which grant, extended to Amoskeag falls, and its east boundary was the Merrimack, for a mile or so up the river. PIscATAQuOG.-This village was a part of Bedford, and was joined to Manchester by annexation, in 1853. It comprises, in population, the principal part of Ward 7-which is entitled to one representative, The village is pleasantly situated on both banks of the Piscataquog river, from which it derives its name. 672- THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. It contains near 200 dwelling-houses, and about 1200 inhab. itants. According to the History of Bedford,,'TVhen the town was first laid out, and allotted to the proprietor., Lot No. I. on the Piscataquog, containing 25 acres, now occupied by James Walker, was drawn to Gov. Belcher. No. 2, now belonging to the Amoske;g Land and Water Power Company was drawn to James Davenport. ]Between thes3 two lots and the range line at the head of the home lots extending west from nearly where the road now is, west and south of the Piscataquog river, including the mill privilege, and the most thickly settled part of the village, was lot No. 123 of the third division, containing, probably a hundred acres or mo e. The records do not state to whom it was drawn. Next, south of that, extending from the range line to the river, was lot No. 73,-drawn to "' Madam Livingstoln." Home Lot No. 1, on the Merrimack river, south of the last named, was drawn to Jacob Griggs; No 2, td John Plvmpton; No. 3, to Habijah Savadge, E]sq.; No. 4, to John Simpkins; No. 5, to Samuel Hollis; No. 6, to James Yeates; No. 7, to Israel Hubbard; which will probably be the extent of the village, south. The Island in the mouth of the Piscataquog, was drawn in the third division to Samuel Baes, as a meadow lot, and hence probably called'Bass Island." At this time, 1781, there were but three houses within the limits of the present village of Piscataquog, and one mill; and here the historian may well pause andlook around to find the elements of its prosperity as a business and commercial place. A vast amount of white and hard pine, and white oak suitable for ship building. the facilities for rafting at the mnouth of the river, and the increasing population of the surrounding country, crowned with the recent return of peace, permanently secured by the independence of the country, were the elements of its prosperity-but inactive and -valueless, until acted on by a motive power. i About this time, viz: in 1785, William Parker, in the language of his biogra; her, moved from Litchfield to Bedford, and built a small house ne r where the school house in District No. 5, now stands, and worked at shoemaking. To his energy, enterprise, and perseverance, we are indebted for the foundation of this flourishing village; yet, as we shall hereafter see, others, emulous to equal him in prosperity, as they were perhaps equal to him in enterprise, took up in his declining years, and carried out the great plan: of prosperity which he had begun.'1 he manufacturing operations at Manchester, likewise, have had a great influence in building up the Village, especially that part on the north side of the Piscataquog river, which now comprises ome hall of the whole number of dwelling houses, is the most compact, and bids lair to increase more rapidly than the other part There are now in the village, two:stores, two taverns, one mill, carried by water power, {or grinding meal and plaster and manufacturing lumber, and one steam mill, two school houses, and,)ne academy, and meeting liouse,inder the same roof. Its proximity to the growing city of Manchester, with which it is connected by the Granite Bridge, built in 1840 by an incorporated company, made free by a vote of the town of Bedford, and the city of Manchester, in 1848, renders it a desirable resort and pleasant retreat from the busy din of that city of spindles, and will afford some of the most pleasant country residences in the vicinity. The New Hampshire Centril Railrcad, intended to connect the Vermont Roads, by the way of Claremont, Bradford and Hfenniker, with the Lawrence Road, passes through the heart of the village, and by a bridgb aeross the Merrimack, connects at present with the Concord, affording hereby increased facilities for communication with all parts of the country. The business of theplace continued to increase, andin 1811, Wm. P. Riddle opened a store an the building opposite his present residence, and in company with William Parker, purchased the mills then owned by a Mr. Dow, and commenced the lumber'trade in good earnest, sending down a vast amount of wood and lumber every year, The following lear, 1812, boating on the Mer-: PISCATAIqUOG VILLAGE, 673 rimack river was first extended up to this place, which for a number of years was the head of navigation on the Merrimack. During this year, Isaac Riddle then a successful merchant at the centre of the town, and Caleb Stark of Dunbarton, alike at that time friends of internal improvements, conceived the design, in connection with the recent imprcvement of the river by locks, and the Middlesex canal, of navigating the river by boats. Accordingly they built a boat at Bedford Centre, and drew it a distance of three miles and a half, to the Merrimack river, with forty yoke of oxen, and there launchedl it amid the shouts of the multitude assembled to witness the novel scene, and named it the Experiment. It was loaded and navigated down the river, and through_ the Middle.sex Canal, to Boston, where its arrival was hailed with cheers, the firing of cannon, and the following announcement in the Boston Centine'. "Arrived from Bedford, N. I., Canal Boat, Experiment, Isaac Riddle, Capt. via Merrimack river and Middlesex canal." This introduced a new era in the trade of the place, by increasing the facilities of transportation and reduction of freight on heavy articles. Previous to the commencement of boating, freight was eighteen dollars per ton, but after the boats began to run, it was first reduced to ten, and afterwarcls to four dollars per ton. In 1816, finding his business so much increased, Win. P. Riddle built a large store and boating-house at Piscataquog bridge; and in order to facilitate his increasing boating business, in 1818 he built the locks at the mouth of the Piscataquog, and at one time it was seriously contemplated to unite the waters of the Merrimack and the Connecticut by a canal up the valley of the Piscataquog. Wim. Parker, Isaac Riddle, and Isaac Riddle and Sons, were the principal ones engaged in boating until the death of the former; after which, up to the time when the Railroad was built, boating was mostly carried on by Wim. P. Riddle. In 1817, the firm of Isaac Riddle and Sons, was formed for mercantile boating, and manufacturing purposes, carrying on a very extensive business in various places, viz: Bedford centre, Piscataquog village, Souhegan village, Merrimack, and Boston. The business of this firm in this place, amounted in a few years to $30,000, supplying by way of boating and trade, in conjunction with the other stores, the towns of Goffstown, Weare, Iunbarton, Hopkinton, Warner, Sutton, New London, Fishersfield, now Newbury: and probably more lumber has been boated and rafted from this landing, than upon all the rovers above Nashua. In 1820, the year after the toleration act, so called, was passed by the Legislature, the inhabitants of the village took measures, to erect a meeting house, dividing the stock into shares, the principal part of which was owned by James Parker, and the heirs of the late WVm. Parker. During this year, the bridge across the Piscataquog, was rebuilt, under the superintendence of W. P. Riddle. The other traders in the place at d fIerent times have been, Thomas Parker, Riddle and Aiken, Charles Redfield, Ozias Sil-bee, 1. R;ddle and Whittle, WVm. F. Riddle, Parker and Palmer, Kendrick and McGaw, Jonathan Palmer, James Walker, Abbot and Melvin, Aaron Gage, Kidder and Rundlett, Moor and French, WVm. French, Frcnch and Barr, WVm. and J. N. French, F, G. Stark, James Walker, R. V. Greely, James Wilson, A. W. Dickey. In 1843, the meeting-house was purchased by an association of gentlemen, the upper part remodeled, and converted into convenient rooms for an Academy, which has very ably sustained itself without funds, under the instruction of 1Hiram Wason, who continued in it about a year; and Benjamin F. Wallace, under whose instruction it has been, since March, 18145, with the exception of about a year, while under the care of the Rev. Amnos Abbott. A good apparatus has been furnished the Academy by the liberality of the ladies and gentlemen of the village. This place has been probably the greatest depository of hr ps, for inspection and boating, of any place in the state,-Gen. Riddle having inspected and forward 674 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. ed to market, either by purchase or on freight, four or five hundred thousand pounds in a year. A great number of sleepers have also been furnished to various rail-roads in the country from this place, and even sleepers have been exported by some of the business men of this place to Cuba, in the WVest Indies. Next to Moor, a Mr. Dow owned the mills in this place; they were afterwards owned by Thomas Parker, Buzell & Wm. Parker, Win. Parker & Isaac Riddle, until they were again carried off by a freshet. They were again rebuilt by Kendall & Gage, and sold to David Hamblett, who carried on a large business in grain, meal, plaster. and manufacturing lumber, until his death in 1848; and there is still a good business done there. This village, now belonging to the city of Manchester, will in a very few years cease to be known by its present name. In fact, when the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company shall put their lands into the market, upon the west side of the river, and shall throw across the Merrimack one or more bridges, then Piscataquog and Amoskeag Villages will become Manchester west of the Merrimack, and their present distinctive names will pass away. Identified with the origin and growth of Piscataquog, and in fact with the business of this entire section of country, and worthy a more particular notice in this connection, are the names of Matthew Patten, William Parker and Isaac Riddle. I HON. MATTHEW PATTEN.-This gentleman was born in Ireland, May 19, 1719, and was the son of John Fatten. His father emigrated to this country in 1728. In 1738, he moved to Souhegan East, now Bedford, where he settled as a farmer, upon the plains, and with his sons made the second clearing in town. I am~ not able to discover where Mr. John Patten spent his time from 1728 until he came to Soubhegan. Wherever it was, his son spent it to good advantage, for in the season he was wont to go to Londonderry and work for his board with his uncle McMurphy, for the privilege of his uncle's instruction of evenings and other leisure time. In this way, upon coming to Souhegan, he possessed a good education for that time-could write a good hand. and was the only surveyor in the region, nearer than Dunstable. With these qualifications, he soon had to do the business of the region, in the way of surveying, making deeds, contracts and the like. Matthew Patten married Elizabeth, daughter of John McMurphy, Esq., of Londonderry. He was a very methodical man, and kept a diary, in which all his transactions were placed down with the utmost minuteness, as will have been seen from the exktracts from it in this work. At the age of thirty-two, in 1751, he received from Gov. Benning Wentworth a commission as Justice of the Peace. This was a compliment to him, as HON. MATTHEW PATTEN. 675 few people out of the circle of personal friends and favorites, received a commission as provincial magistrate, at so young an age. From this time ~Mr. Patten transacted most of the business of a magistrate, in all this region, often trying causes, civil and criminal in New Boston, Goffstown, Derryfield, Merrimack and Litchfield,'besides sitting in the Court of Sessions at Amherst, for the county. Entries were made in his journal of all such treats. Some of them are very amusing. Under date of June 1, 1761, is the following entry: "I fined Mr. Loggan 16s for swearing one profane oath in Derryfield." There is no means of coming at Mr. Patten's scale of fines, but it is to be presumed that Mr. Loggan was fined for swear, ing a very big oath, as the very next day there is the following entry:,' 2d, I fined James Steel 4s for swearing four profane oaths in Derryfield."' Mr. Patten was one of the leading men in obtaining the charter of the town of Bedford, which was granted in 1750, and for twenty consecutive years, from 1752, he was chosen clerk of the town, for ten years during the same time, from 1759 to 1772, was chosen selectman of the town, and for twelve years, from 1783 until his death in 1795, was chosen treasurer of the town. These facts show the unlimited confidence that was placed in him by his fellow townsmen. He took an early and earnest part in the cause of the Revolution, and was elected to the County Congress at Amherst. as the delegate from Bedford, in May, 1775. He was elected by that Congress as one of the County Committee for the trial of causes and exhibition of difficulties, and soon after was chosen by the town as one of the Committee of Safety for Bedford, in obedience to the order of the Congress at Exeter. In 1776, he was chosen as the member of the State Committee of Safety for the County of Hillsborough. In this office, he was particularly active, to the discomfiture of the plans and practice of the tories in this section of the country. In 1778, he was chosen Counsellor for the County of Hillsborough. In every position through our struggle for independence, Mr. Patten took a prominent and active part, and in connexion with Col. Goffe, contributed greatly of his time and money towards forwarding the patriot cause. With a large family, and at an advanced age, he could not enter upon active military life; but in enlisting troops, furnishing them with arms and equipments, and his judicious advice, no man did more than he in this section of 67' 6 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the state. Besides, three of his family, John and Robert, his sons, and John Dobbin, his hired man, entered the army at the firing of the first gun at Lexington. John died in the service. After the Revolution was over, Mir. Patten was appointed Judge of Probate for the County of Hillsborough under the Constitution of 1784. He was particularly qualified for the office, as for years, he had been engaged in the settlement of estates in this region. He performed the duties of his office most acceptably tintil 1789, when being 70 years of age, his commission expired by constitutional limit. Mr. Patten died suddenly, August 27, 1795, aged 76 years. On that day, he carried some refreshments into his field to his workmen, who were mowing; after which he sat down to rest himself undbr a tree. Soon after, the attention of his workmlen was attracted to him, when it was found that he was dead. He had expired without a struggle or a groan. WILLIAM PARKER, Esq. —The History of Bedford, has the following sketch of the life of this gentleman; "'This gentleman, a native of Litchfield, moved to this town in 1775.. He had been in the Revolutionary service, and was stationed one winter in Charlestown, on Winter Hill, He built a small house, which stood near the school-house No. 5; worked first at shoe-making, and there his oldest son and second child was born. While engaged there, he used to watk out about twilight at evening, and seat himself on the side-hill, near the present mansion.house, and there he would contemplate the fiture prospect. It was then all woods, there being only one house at the Mills and one where Deacon MeQuesten lives, and another, east of James Harvel's on the interva!e. While sitting there he had a view of the travel from Concord to Boston, and also do wn the Mast Roa-d, turning off each way to Concord, and Boston. Some little lumber laid on the landing, on a little spot cleared off to roll in masts. Here it occurred to him that some day it would bec.me a place of business. The land was owned by old Mr. Samuel Moor. He thought, if he was able he would purchase an acre, so as to command the four corners wihere he built his tavern house, where his stable stood, where his store stood, where his house now stands. Accordingly he applied to Moor, to know what he would take for an acre of land, to let him select it where he chose. Mr. Moor would sell on this conditionh, one acre for $100 and a pair of calf skin boots. Parker wanted the land, but he was poor and did not know how to raise the money. He went to Amos Martin, and offered him one half in common, if he. would help him to buy the acre. Martin at first agreed to do so, but on reflection, he thought the land too high and backed out. Not so with Parker. He persevered, closed the bargain, took his deed, and paid promptly, according to his agreement. He moved the little house he had built, near the school house, to the spot where the tavern now stands, added a little to it, and resumed the business of shoe making, which he now united with a little store of spirits and tobacco. As his business increased, he took an apprentice; laid up money: was soon able to purchase, in his way, about six or eight thousand feet of boardz, at $4 per 1000; rafted and sent them to Newburyport; sold for $8; made a handsome profit; laid out the money in the purchase of more boards, which he sent off with equal success. And here was the starting point in his lumber trade, that brought him so much property. In this way he added to his acres ISAIXC RIDDLE, Esq. 677 and added to his tracle, and a few years found him in possession of a store of goods. He soon became popular, as an honest trader, and this multipied his customers. All this time his tavern was open to travellers, and being a central place he had as much company as he could accommodate; and money was coming in from all qu arters. He always paid punctually; and in this way he raised his credit in Boston, so that he could get trusted for any quantity of goods. "I have known," says his son-in-law, "his creditors, when settling up his bills where he purchased his West India goods, to hand h;im at the close.50," no doubt to retain his custom. In 1796 or 1797 he built his large tavern house, and adlded to his store —his business all the time increasing. He established his brother-in-law, Winm. Parker, in trade in West Goffstown —he was knwwnt as " Farmer Biil-." That being a good place to get liumber in exchange for goods, they soon became wealthy." TSAAC RIDDLE., Esq.-According to the History of Bedford, in the year 1737, three brothers, Hugh, Gawn and Robert, came to this coLlntry fiom Coleraine, county of Londonderry, in the North of Ireland. They first settled in Londonderry, N. H., and removed to Bedford, N. H., in 1748. The same bark that conveyed the brothers across the ocean, brought also Mr. John Bell and family, among whom was a daughter AIary, then fourteen years of age. She subsequently married Gawn PRiddell, and their fifth child was Isaac, the subject of this sketch. The edtucation of Isaac Riddle was acquired not from books, but from intercourse with mankind, guided by early parental training. When only seventeen years of age, he enlisted in Col. Nichols's regiment, and did military duty at the important post of West Point, in the year 1780. On the 10th of June, 1783, MIr. Riddle became of age, with about fifty dollars in his pocket, mostly money saved ~from his earnings during military service. He wvent to Newburyport to purchase a stock of goods. That place was then the market for all this section of the country; the goods were transported on drays, or dray carts, drawn by one horse, or two in tandem style, as the baggage wagon or light cart was not in use. Occupying for a storehouse the front room of his mother's dwxvlling, trade increased until he was able to commence the manufacture of potash. But the funds were wanting to purchase a new kettle at an expense of thirty-five dollars. Emrboldened by conscious nltegrity, without money or city acquaintance, he started for Boston. On arriving at Medford, he was met by Maj. John Pinkerton, who was a man of the same stamp, the pioneer of trade in Derry, who gave him a line of introduction. The manufacture of potash proved to be a lucrative business. It was taken to Boton by ox teams, and bartered as an article of export, for imported goods. 678 THE HISTORY -OF MANCHESTER, After some years had elapsed, Mr. Riddle purchased a tract of wild land, at Bedford Centre, and built a spacious farmhouse, and in 1788. he was united in marriage to Miss Ann Aiken. She was-a woman well fitted to take the charge of' a household in those troublous times, when the fathers were all minute men. To the kindest sympathy she enforced that strict unhesitating obedience, whlich she considered the foundation of all success in the education of children. By indomitable energy, and perseverance in business, Mr. Riddle added farm to farm, and made the purchase of lands in most of the surrounding towns. His house became literally a home for ministers, strangers, and a large circle of (acquaintance. He presented to the town of Bedford, the land for the central graveyard, and by his decided generosity in performing acts of kindness, he gained the respect of a wide-spread community. HIis fellow-townrsmen elected him to some of the highest offices in their gift. He was Justice of the Peace "quorum unus," and Representative to the State Legislature. Often called upon to render pecuniary assistance, many instances are rendered worthy of note. Judge Eben'r Webster of Salisbury, when on onil his way to Amnherst, to attend County Court, usually passed the night at his house. On one occasion he spoke 8f his embarrassment on account of his son Daniel, then in college, and asked assistance, which was promptly rendered by the loan of money. Being one of the first stockholders in the Concord Bank the officers often made application to him for aid in order to meet the exigencies of the times. Such calls were effectually answered, he often being obliged to take a journey to Portsmouth, and obtain the money in his private capacity. In 1806, Mr. Riddle was married to Margaret McGaw, daughter of Jacob McGaw, Esq., of Merrimack, his first wife having died in consequence of having been thrown from a horse. Not content with his limited operations in business, he purchased an extensive tract of land at Souhegan, (Merrimack) in the y ear 1807, which was afterwards called Riddle's Village, and built factories for the manufacture of cotton, nails and wool. In 1811, lie superintended the building of the locks and canals for the Union Lock and Canal Company. The funds expended in building this canal were raised by lottery managed' by gentlemen from Concord. According to the History of Bedford, in 1812 he conceived the design of navigating the river by boats, in connection with the recent improvement of the river by locks and the Middlesex Canal. The landing at West Manchester, near Piscataquog ISAAC RIDDLE, Esq. 679 bridge, was for many years the head of navigation in the Merrimack river. In 1815, it was extended to Concord, mainly by the enterprise of John L. Sullivan, Esq. The first canal boat that ever floated in the river was built bv Mr. Riddle, in connection with Caleb Stark of Dunbarton. It was built on the bank in front of his house in Bedford, and named the "'Experiment." The occasion was one of no ordinary interest.~ All passersby gazed at the Newburyport architect with antediluvian wonder. Launching day, clothed with so much novelty, drew crowds of people from both sides of the river. The boat was drawn a distanco of three miles by forty yoke of oxen, to Basswood landing, where amid the shouts of the multitude, it glided off upon the water, destined to lead the line of prosperous activity until the iron horse, with its burning breath, should sweep all minor improvements off the track. It was loaded, and went down the river through the Middlesex Canal to Boston, where its arrival from a distant part of' New Hampshire, was received with loud cheers and the firing of cannon. Large contracts for lumber were furnished by Mr. Riddle, and sent from the landing at West Manclhester to build many of the famous bridges in Massachusetts. With his usual method of despatch, he sent off the lumber employed in building the Essex Merrimack Bridge at Newburyport. Owing to the bad state of the Pawtucket Canal, near Lowell, the rafts were delayed; forthwith he notified the Company that they had forfeited their Charter. The case was litigated in the Supreme Court for years and according to the M'assachusetts Reports, he was awarded heavy damages. In 1814, a public call was made by John T. Gilman, then Governor of New Hampshire, for volunteers of that class of citizens who were exempt frcm military duty in the ranks of the militia, to form themselves into companies for home defence, in case of sudden invasion. The call was responded to by a veteran band of men, numbering about sixty, of fifty years ot age and upwards, under the command of Capt. Isaac Riddle. The firm of Isaac Riddle and Sons was formed in 1817. The business of this firm in West Manchester, in conjunction with their other stores, supplied by way of boating and trade many of the towns in New HIampshire and Vermont. And there probably has been more lumber boated and ratted from this landing, than upon all the river above Nashua. About this time, an incident occurred which is still cherished in grateful remembrance. When lMr. Riddle was returning from "Pem 680 TRIE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. broke Muster" he saw a ferry-boat nearing the fatal plunge at Hooksett Falls, crowded with people. Without a moment's pause, he sprung from his chaise, plunged into the streamn, and, when all were expecting instant death, his courageous arm caught the rope attached to the boat, and thus saved over thirty valuable lives. Mr. Riddle's second wife died Dec. 18, 1816, being respected for her piety and true worth. In 1820, he resigned in a measure, the care of his extensive business and property to his sons, and was married to -Mrs. Mary Vinal of Quincy, Mass. She was an accomplished lady, belonging to one of the best families in the state, being a sister of Ex-Governor Lincoln and Capt. Lincoln, one of the party that destroyed the tea in Boston harbor in 1776. Mrs. Riddle reckoned among her treasures the axe which her brother used to sunder the "' memorable chests of tea." About the tiame of Mr. Riddle's last marriage he removed to Quincy Point, Mass., and built a spacious mansion, where in the sunshine of earthly prosperity,. he passed the remainder of his life. He died suddenly from the effects of a slight wound received at the time his factory was burnt at Souhegan. His remains were brought to Bedford, and deposited in the family tomb, which he had just completed. HALLSVILLE.-This is a village that was started about 1840, on the road leading to Manchester Centre, just below where it is crossed by Amoskeag Brook. When the Amoskeag Company first commenced operations on the east side of the river, they had secured most of the land on in the immediate neigborhood. Not placing their lands in the market, or holding them at prices beyond the means of many, certain villages grew up outside of the lands owned by the Company, where people could purchase lands at ordinary prices. Hallsville was thus built up and at one time had quite a flourishing business, there being a wholesale, and two retail stores, and a tavern in it. In fact for a time, certain people thought it bid fair to retain its business, and invested their money in real estate, but to no great advantage, as the trade has left the village, and real estate bears no higher value than other agricultural lands in the suburbs of a thriving city. It received its nanle from Joseph B. Hall, who owned a large portion of the land in that neighborhood. JANESVILLE.-This was another village built up in the same manner as Hallsville. It is situated on Mile Brook, near to MOOR'S VILLAGE. 681 where that crosses Bridge street. In the course of improvement this village has almost become united with the city proper, and will soon be part and parcel of it. Janesville received its name from Mrs. Jane Southwvark, wife of Taylor M. Southwark, whose maiden name was Jane Young, and who inherited the land upon which the village was built. TOWLESVILLE. — Down the Mile Brook betwixt Janesvill,;, and the Amoskeag Company's land, and extending south east on the old Falls road, is Towlesville, a village built up in the same manner as Hallsville, and Janesville. This received its name from Mr. Hiraln Towle, who owned most of the land on which the village is built. In this village upon Concrd and 5Hanover streets extended, are some of the neatest dwellings in the city, and shortly the village will be bult a part of the city proper. In- fact, in a very few years, these localities. Hallsville, Janesville, and Towlesville, will cease to be known as such, and their localities will be merely matters of history.! MooR's VILLAGE -This village is situated on both banks of the Cohas near its junction with the Merrimack. It has been a village of some note for many years. It was originally known as'"Goffe's Mills," and subsequently as "Goffe's Falls." It received its first name fiom Col. John Goffe, who settled there in 1734. It took the name of Moor's Village after the mills and Goffe farm passed into the hands of Capt. Samuel Moor, who married a daughter of Col. Goffe. It has been a place of considerable business, the water power being the best upon the Cohas; and the mills having been operated by men of energy and enterprise. The manufacture of lumber has been prosecnted to a large extent, while the other mills have always done a good business. A public house was long maintained by Capt. Joseph Moor, who was well known under the designation of "Landlord Moor." A machine for carding wool was started here in 1817. by Mr. Jacob Brown, now of this city. The machine was built by Messrs. Golding and Knowles, of Chelmsford, and cost Mr. Brown $500. The first rolls were manufactured the 3d day of June, 1817. In 1820, Mr. Brown, sold his interest to Mr. John Calef, who has carried on the business of carding and dressing cloth since that time. Mr. Brown moved from here to Vermont in 1820, but not liking his position there, in about six months, he returned to Manchester, and erected a clothing mill at the Harvey privilege. Mr. CalQf having enlarged the mill purchased of Brow'n, in 682 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. 1832 commenced the manufacture of satinets. The satinet mill is now operated by Mr. Peters. A store was started here about 1826, or 1827, by Messrs. Franklin and Reuben Moor, subsequently it was carried on by Joseph, Charles, and Stephen Moor. These gentlemen had an extensive trade. Captain Moses Fellows carried on the manufacture of shoes very extensively in this village some years past, manufacturing about 150,000 pairs annually, and giving employment to a large number of workmen. He carried on a store usually. in connexion with the shoe business. Moor's village comprises School District No. 4, and contains about a dozen houses, and near 100 inhabitants. It is about four miles from the City Hall, and must from its position, and facilities, become a place of considerable importance in the waj of manufactures. TowN FARMS. OLD TOWN FARM.-This farnm was bought of Mr. Moses Davis, for the poor of the town. It contains 100 acres and cost $4000. It was upon the old road to Deer Neck on the south west side of Oak Hill, but is now upon Bridge street. The poor of the town were kept upon this farm until the purchase of the New Town Farm. NEW TOWN, OR CITY FARM.-rThis was the well-known Stevens Farm, and lies upon the Mammoth Road, being the old Tavern Stand of Capt. Ephraim Stevens, Jr. It passed into the hands of Hon. F. G. Stark, and was sold by him to the City in 1846, for $6000. Since the purchase, the City have paid to the widow of Capt. Stevens, $1000, for right of dower, making the cost of the farm $7000. These have proved most profitable investments to the city. Either farm would readily bring twice what both cost the City. CEMETERIES. NORTH CEMETERY.-This is a private Cemetery on the river road, near Mr. John Campbell's, for the accommodation of the northern section ofr the town. THE RAY CEMETERY.- This is on land now owned by Joseph M. RQwell, Esq., on the southrbank of Ray Brook, and adjoining the west side of the river road. It was on the farm of the late John Ray, and was enclosed by him as a family CHRISTIAN'S BROOK CEMETERY. 683 Burying Ground, although some of his neighbors are interred in it. CHRISTIAN'S BROOK CEMETERY.-This burying place was on an oak knoll south of Christian's brook, and upon the farm of John McNeil. It was lately graded in part by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, the remains having been removed into the Valley Cemetery. This was a private burying ground and of course passed with the land. Most of the graves were without nonuments. Solme however had them; these were six in number. The oldest in date of death, and probably in erection, was that in memory of Mrs. Janet Riddel. The inscription on her monument was thus; Here Lyes the Body of Mrs. Jenit Riddel Wife To Mr, John Riddel She Died Septr, 18 1746 Aged 50 years. The next stone in date read thus; Here Lyes The Body of Mrs. Chresten McNeil She Died September 17t'h 1752 Aged 66 years. The next stone in age read thus; Here Lyes The Body of AMr. Archibald Stark He Departed This Life June 25th 1758 Aged 61 years. The next stone in age read thus; Erected In memory of Samuel Stark who died March 16 1800 Acet. 73 Samuel Stark was the second son of Archibald Stark and was a brave soldier in the "Old French War." Beside his grave was that of his wife, whose tombstone read thus; 682 THE HISTORY OF 3MANCHESTER. Erected In memory of Elizabeth Stark who died March 10 1817 Aet. 73 Near to the above grave was the next in date and last having a tombstone, which read thus; Miss Polly Stark Died Oct. 22 -1820, in the 49th year of her age. Miss Polly Stark was the daughter of Samuel Stark, and died as above, unmarried. THE VALLEY CE1METERY.-The ground for this Cemetery was given to the town of Manchester in 1840, by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, by their deed bearing date the 29th day of January, 1840. It contains nineteen acres and seven-tenths of an acre, and is most pleasantly located upon Mile Brook, being bounded on the north by Auburn street, east by Pine street, south by Valley street, and west by Willow street. The conditions of the deed were, that certain highways or parts thereof, should be discontinued within two years from its date, and these being performed, the town was to hold the land for a Cemetery under the following restrictions, viz: "c'he said town of Manchester shall thenceforth hold- the said premises to said town of Manchester and its successors in fee simple forever, for the sole use and purpose of a public Cemetery or burial ground for the use of said town, and for no other use or purpose whatever. The said Cemetery to be under the entire caie and control of a Committee to be appointed for that purpose by said town as may be provided by law or by votes of said town; a suitable. portion of said tract to be by such Committee designated to be used as a common burial place; and the residue thereof to be divided fromn time to time by suitable walks and alleys, and allotted into lots not exceeding six hundred squat e feet each, and sold at such prices as may be from time to time fixed by such Committee for the purpose of family tombs and burial places, subject to such reguJat ons as the said Committee shall prescribe; and the monies arising from such sales to be applied by said Committee to the sole purpose of enclosing and ornamenting said Cemetery. Provided furti er, that if,aid premises or any part thereof, shall be applied or used tor any other purpose whatever than that before stated, or if any money arising from the sale of any lots as aforesaid, or in any manner arising from the said pr emises, shall be applied to any other purpose except that of enclosing and ornamenting said grounds, then this conveyance shall be void. Provided further, that said Company shall have the right to flow the valley through which the brook crossing said premises runs by any dam which they may erect for the purpose of carrying any mills ox machinery upon the stream below said premises." *See Records. VALLEY CEMETERY, 685 The town took immediate possession, and appointed a committee, and what is often unusual in such cases, they continued the same committee in office for a series of years, thus enabling them to carry out their plan of laying out, and embellishing the avenues, paths and alleys, which was conceived in much good taste. Through its centre, passes the clear and limpid Mile Brook, now confined in its meandering channel; but formerly so wild in its movements as to have worn a deep gorge, its sides now swarded over, and its bottom a level meadow, affording an abundance of natural grass. This gorge is still covered with its primitive growth of forest trees —only such having been removed as were in the way of the necessary improves ents. Paths have been constructed down the sides of this gorge to the meadow, in such manner as shall take the least from the natural features of the place; while two or three rustic bridges, and here and there a fountain, alone show that art has been brought to the assistance of nature, in beautifying this resting place of the dead. The southeast side of the Valley Cemetery, upon Pine street, is a level plain, a l.ttle rolling to the south, and covered with a growth of small pines. Where too thick, these have beeni cut away, and in some parts other ornamental trees have been planted. The ground here has been laid out with much taste. An avenue passes in a southeast direction along and conforming to the sinuosities of the gorge or valley. This is called Pine Avenue. Upon it are some of the finest lots in the Cemetery, fitted up with taste, and having, most of them, rich and elaborate slabs or monuments. There are many other avenues and paths east of this, upon which are very many pleasant lots, all fitted up with more or less taste; and some in the most rich and expensive manner. On the west side of the Valley the land is more uneven, and the lots are laid out with less reglularity. On this side is the public portion of the Cemetery — the city tomb, and some very rich and appropriate monuments. The main entrance, that from Chestnut street, is upon this side of the Valley. This is by an iron gate, the gateway being of massive granite, after a design by Moses W. Oliver, Esq. The whole produces a very fine effect. The most of the lots are already taken up in this Cemetery, and the city have secured a capacious lot for another, aLout 2 1-2 miles below the city Hall, on the Calef road. They had purchased a lot for this purpose in 1853, upon the Calef road, 48 686 THE HISTORY OF MlANCHESTER. but it was found that it was not fit for the purpose, and another purchase has been made, to meet the demands of our increasing population. This is called, PINE GROVE.-It contains about 40 acres and is located upon the point of land between the Calef and River roads. It is mostly covered with a second growth of pines, and is soon to be finished and laid out with walks. Laid out with taste and judgment it will make a most delightful cemetery. GOFFE'S FALLS CEMETERY.-This is a private Cemetery just below the forks of the Harvey and the River road at Moor's;Village, for the accommodation of that section of the town. THE CENTRE CEMETERY.-This burying ground was located Dec. 13th, 1759, by the following vote; "Voted that the Burying Yard in Derryfield, shall be in that place of ground that Levt. John Hall gave a deed of ~to the town, in the most suitable part of it, not improved." This was the meeting-house lot, and the "Burying Yard," was located in the south part of it. It was cleared and enclosed in 1777, with "Merchantable boards, and oak posts." It was covered with bushes, and was cleared in that year. In 1803. May 14, the town "Voted to raise money to fence the Grave Yard on the front side, with a good stone wall said wall to be 4 1-2 feet high, 3 feet thick at the bottom, and one foot thick on the top, with a good and sufficient gate, painted." The building of the wall was sold by auction, to Mr. William Farmer,:at $3,40 per rod. This wall stood until 1842' when it was replaced by a substantial picket fence. This Burying Yard was more extensively used than any one in town until the Valley Cemetery was laid out in 1840. THE FOREST CEMVIETERY.-I have taken the liberty to apply this name to the first burying ground in this place, located in the woods south east of the late residence of Mr. Rodnia Nutt, near the south west corner of ancient Chester. and upon land of Captain Amos Weston. This Cemetery was located and used by the grantees from Massachusetts, who came here in 1735, as mentioned before. It was adjacent to the meeting house, built under the requirement of the Massachusetts grant. It was probably not much used after 1740, when the line was established betwixt New Hampshire and Massachusetts. rThe graves are now in the midst of the forest, and are covered with COMMONS. 687 stately oaks their position alone marked by the rough cobbles at their head and foot. THE MERRILL CEMETERY.-This is another private Cemetery in District No. 5, near the school house, at the forks of the Harvey and Merrill roads. It has not been much used. THE HUSE CEMETERY.-ThiS is a private Cemetery on the Derry road, near to Mr. John Huse's house, for the accommodation of the southeast section of the city. AMOSKEAG CEMETERY.-This Cemetery is very pleasantly situated on the plain west of Amoskeag Village, and on the road to Rock Rimmon. The ground is tastefully laid out, and covered with thriving pines, is alt:ogether a creditable affair to that village. PISCATAQUOG CEMETERY. —ThiS is upon. the plain overlookingl the Piscataquog, and in the midst of the village of that niamne. It should have been located at a greater distance from the village, but at the time of its location, the present or prospective growth of the village was not anticipated. The lot was given to the town by William Parker, Esq. The first interment was that of a child of Mr. James Griffin in 1814; the next that of a son of William Parker, Esq., April 8, 1814. THE CATHOLIC CEMETERY.-This Cemetery is in the, very west part of the city, upon the road to Amherst. It occupies a very pleasant position, and is capable of being made a pleasant'resting place for the dead." It has been used for such purpose only a few years, and as yet very little has been done to it by way of improvement. COMMONS. One of the most pleasant and beneficial features in the topography of our city, is its system of Commons, or Squares. as they are generally called. These have been reserved and laid out by the Amoskeag Manufacturing- Company, and passed to the city under certain restrictions, with a liberality highly creditable to all concerned in that Corporation. It has been said,. that "Corporations have no souls," but without speculating upon this saying, it may be said with truth, that this Corporation, though it may be a sole exception, in the laying out this manufacturing city, has displayed a whole-souled regard for the health and comfort of its inhabitants, in furnishing a system of Commons, so many lungs or breathing places, that serve to puri 688 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. fy the air of the same, while they afford a pleasant resort to our people on public occasions, and after the severe and confined labors of the day. There are six of' these public Squares east of Elm Street, while upon the west side of that street, there are several private Squares, for the benefit of the occupants of the Overseers' Blocks and Boarding House Blocks, belonging to the various corporations. CONCORD SQUARE.-This common was the first one laid out in this city. It is situated betwixt Concord, Amherst, Pine, and Vine Streets, and contains about 4 5-8 acres. This was laid out in 1839, previous to the Company's first sale of lots. It is provided with walks, and ornamented with various forest trees, the Elm predominating. In the Centre, is a reservoir, or small pond, supplied with water from Mile Brook. In passing the common to the city, it was stipulated that the same should be enclosed with an iron fence in'five years, or revert to the corporation. The time has transpired, but the fence has not been built. It probably will be however, when the present substantial wooden fence shall have decayed. MERRIMACK SQUARE.-This Square was next appropriated to public use. It is situated east of Elm Street, betwixt Merrimack and Central streets and contains 5 7-8 acres. This is a beautiful and picturesque common.. Mile Brook passes through it, furnishing a beautiful pond in its centre, while on the south east part of it, a portion of the original forest renains, affording a cool and quiet shade from, the scorching sun of summer. Brook trout originally abounded in this pond, but the horned pout has driven them from it. The musk-rat burrows in the banks of this Square and their gambols in the water and upon its surface, of a moon light evening, are among the pleasant features of this Square. It is laid out with walks and ornamented with trees. This is the only Square upon Elm street in the lower part of the city. TREMONT SQUARE.-This is a beautiful Square betwixt Bridge, High, Union, and Pine streets, and contains 2 1-2 acres. It was deeded to the city Jan. 25, 1848, by the Amoskeag Manufaeturing Company. Many of the original forest pines have been left upon it, and other ornamental trees have been planted upon it, which add greatly to its beauty, and make it though wanting any water scenery, one of the prettiest squares in the city. Fronting upon the west side of this square, are the residences of Hon. Moody Currier, and the late Capt. Walter rES!DENCES OF MOOPY CURRER, ESQ. AND CAPT, WALTER FRENCH COMMONS. 689 French. forming one of the most beautiful villa scenes in the city, as seen in the accompanying view. RESERVOIR SqUARE —This is a splendid Common in the north part of the City. In the centre of it is the Company's Reservoir, hence its name. This Square contains about 6 12 acres and is situate d between Gore, Harrison, Oak, and Buzzell streets. The Reservoir in its centre is 150 feet above Canal street, and is capable of containing 11,000,000 gallons, being 484 feet in length, from north to south, 234 feet in breadth from east to,west, and 8S feet in depth.Water is forced from the Merrimack by pumps in the centre shops of the "Mechanics Shops." The Reservoir is enclosed by a picket fence, outside of which and on the rim of the Reservoir is a fine terrace furnishing a splendid promenade. The Square is set with trees, and when finished according to the liberal plan of its projectors, will be one of the most splendid Squares in this or any other city. PARK SQUARE. —This Square is situated between Pine, Chestnut, Park, and Cedar streets. It contains 3 1-2acres. This Square is very level, and when finished will be a beautiful common. Many of the original trees have been spared from the axe, and add much to its beauty. 690 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XXVI. ROADS, BRIDGES, AND CANALS. Road from Chester.-Road over Perham's bridge to Londonderry.-From Falls to Centre.-To Archibald Stark's.-River road. —Road acrcss Alewife Falls. —From Merrill's Ferry to Manchester Centre.-From Hall's Ferry east.-From Centre over Oak Hill.-New river road laid out by order of Court.-From Haseltine mills to Manchester Centre,-:From Manchester Centre to Londonderry.-To line north of Massabesic.-To Martin's Ferry.-Past the Grandison Morse place.-To river near Peter Mitchel's.Road through Piscataquog.-Mast Road.-:From McGregor's Bridge to Deer Neck.-Pawtucket Road.-To. Andover Bridge,-To Chester south of the Massabesic.-Town divided into Highway Districts.-Streets —Elm street. Hanover, &c.-Wards.-Blocks. —Merchant's Exchange, Smyth's, Stark, Central, Plumer's, Union, Merrimack, Granite, Ayer's, Museumn.-Bridges.-Cohas, Amoskeag, Granite, Amoskeag Falls, Piscataquog. Ferries, Hadley's, Goffe's, Martin's, and Merrill's.-Amoskeag Canal. —Report of Directors of the Middlesex Canal. —-Lock on Piscataquog. —-lRail ways. The first roads in this town were mere bridle-paths. Of these one from the Falls, past what is 110ow known as Manchester Centre, to the Cohas, and so on to Londonderry, and a second, diverging from the first, south east of Tremont Square, and passing through the Valley Cemetery, to the old red house near the Gas Works -thence to the Cohas at Goffe's Mills, and so on to Litchfield, were for a long time the principal roads in Harrytown. From these, paths diverged in various directions, for the accommodation of individuals. These roads were all built at individual and not public expense. It is possible, that the people of Chester and Londonderry, bore most of the expense of the construction of some of these, but still, no evidence has been found to show that this expense was a public charge. i i - -= - - =` = - -: - - - - WI//I/I~~~~~~~~~~~~~-~;:=~ —--- I-~~ /1 RESIDENCE OF GEG M FL4NDEES ESQ~ —------ HIGHWAYS, 691 Upon the incorporation of the town, in 1754, the principal roads were laid out arnd recorded. The first road laid out by the Selectmen was thus described and recorded; "October, 3, 1751, then laid out a highway, or t)wil Rhoad for the use and benefit of said town Beginen at the town line then Running By marked trees to william perham's land and then throwe said perham's land to the East End of John harvee's house to a Bridge Caled perham's bridge, then RunningN. E. by marked tries to Barber liselie's land, then Running northly upon said lisley land to a pine tree marked H, then Eisterly, crose willem Ellete's land By marked trees to a Rhode recorded by Chester or as near to said marked trees as good grouend will allow not (e) said Rhoad is allowed and laid out three Rhoudes wide. Daniel McNeil, ) Nathaniel Boyd, Selectmen." William Perham. This is the road leading from Londonderry across the Harvey bridge, past the late Capt. Israel Merrill's farm to the road passing from the Gen. McQueston farm to the farm of Rodnia Nutt. William Perham lived on the Young farm; John Harvey lived where Jonas Harvey now lives; Barber Leslie lived on the "Harrison Weston farm,' and William Elliot lived on the James McQueston farm. This road was the continuation of a road down thle Cohas from the outlet of the Massabesic; and thus completed a direct avenue from n Chester meeting house, around the ferry at the south end of the Massabesic, the Amoskeag Falls, and other points upon the Merrimack river. The road laid out by Chester, extended from the Gen. McQueston farm on the "Mammoth Road,'" to the Rodnia Nutt farm, following the general direction, and very nearly the same track of the road now leading from the - "Mammoth Road,": past Capt. Amos Weston's house to the Harvey road. The same day the Selectmen laid out a second road, thus described: " Beginen at Chester line, at pine tree marked H, then running by marked trees to a Brige upon the'Amoskige Brook where the Rhoad now gows, then by marked trees ase the rhoad now goes to Daniel McNeill's to a pine tree marked 136, or as nier to the marked tree as good ground will allow." This was the road leading front the Falls to Manchester Centre. The Chester line crossed the road just beyond Hallsville; the Amoskeag Brook is the one that crosses the road just this side of Hallsville. and passes through the Cemetery; Daniel McNeil lived not far from the intersection of Chestnut and Orange streets; and the road laid out passed through Towlesville, through the house lot of Col. Frank A. Brown, that of Wm. P. Newell, Esq., crossed Tremont Square, through the lot 692 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. of Mr. Charles Cheney, that of Mr. Shaw, and "theAcre" to the "'pine tree marked 136." A third road laid out the same day was described as follows:'Beginen at a pine tree marked 136 standing at the east eand of Daniel McNiells houes, from thence by marked trees to the wast eand of John McNiells Barn, from thence to Amoskeag falls as the Rhoad is now troad, from thence as the Rhoad now goes to the wast eand of John Rihedels hones, from thence by marked trees to the eaist eand of Archibald Starkes hones as the Rhoad now goes, from thence by marked trees to a brook nowen by the name of Coborals brook, or as near to saide rmarked trees as good ground will allow." This road passed west in the direction of Orange street; crossed Elm street near the " Sand Banks;" then took a northwesterly direction to John McNeil's house, who lived near McNeil street, about midway betwixt Elm and Canal streets; thence it passed up the river to Archibald Stark's, the State Reform School farm, nearly as the road now runs. The fourth road laid out the same day was described as follows: "Begining at Litchfield line at a dead large pich pine marked H, thence running northerly as the Rhoad now runes throw Thoms Clarks land to the Bank of the River, and so upon the bank of the Merrimak river till it comes to a bank of a small brook, then upon the bank of sd brook till it coms to a for'way over said rune, thence due north to Little Chohass Brook and down the dugway and so to a grat white oke tree marked:H, thence n: e. to the fut of the rig e. of the intervail, and so upon the fut of the rige to Grate Cohas Brcok, then across sd brook near the rige foling tl I1 it git passt Goffe barn, then up the rige by mark ed trees about n: till it comes to the fall of the rige, and then sloping down the rige to the foot and so folloing as near the fut of the rige as the land will admit till it coms to a small brook, then cross the brook by the fut of the ridge to the hollow near Secombs house, and then esterly up sd hill to the top, and then runs north by foat of Rocky hill, and then north to Quimbys house, and then as the road to Skeutus brook, and so keeping the plain t> a brook northerly and then norwesterly to a dugway in Abraham Merrill's lot." This was the river road to Goffe's Falls and Litchfield. Rocky hill is the ledge below the junction of the Calef and river roads; Skeutus brook is Fort brook; and "the Dugwvay in Abraham Merrill's lot" was near the Gas Works, a passage dug through the sand hill from the plain above to the intervale. Abraham Merrill lived near the "Red house" by the Gas Works. On the 25th of October, the same year, the Selectmen laid out another road, described thus: "Then begining at Mickell McClintos on the eaist sied of the house where the fence is marked, then runing to a stump marked, then straight to a black chiry tree, then straight as the tree is marked into the Eallwife falls into the rhoad before mineihenod note. This is in exchange for a rhoad formerly laid out through Mickel MacClintos and Nathaneal Boydes lande." Gillis lived probably near where John Huse now lives, and this road crossed the Alewive Falls, at the Haseltine place, HIGHWAYS. 693 thence to Michael McClintock's, who lived upon what is now known as the Gen. McQueston farm. On the 27th of the following month, they laid out four more roads. The first is thus described: "Begining at Daniell McNiells at a tree nomber 136, then runing sourldly by marked trees to Abraham Merrils dugway as straight by marked trees as good ground will allow to pich pine marked H." This was a part of the river road to Goffe's Falls and Litchfield. It followed the road to Manchester Centre to a point a few rods southeast of Tremont Square, where it divergld and passed to the south, crossed Mile Brook east of Maj. Hiram Brown's house, thence it passed through the northwest part of the Valley Cemetery, crossed what is now Elm street a few rods this side of Amoskeag Brook, then down the bluff to Abraham Merrill's' dugway."' The second road laid out this day, commenced thus " Begining at the rhoad betwIxt Thomas Gorge and Abraham Merrill's land, then runing eisterly on said line to Moss Willes land, thence easterly by marked trees as near to said marked trees as good ground will allow to a brige in John Halls land to the north sled of hies fieldes, from thence to a rod lidinge from John Hall to Roabort Andrsons." This road is the one that passes the Company's Hospital, and so on east to the " Mammoth Road." The third road of the same day began at. the "Ferreywaye at a Eallerr tree one the wan side and a pich pine one the other side, thence runing by marked trees to Bingmien Hidilis houes as near to said mark trees as good ground will allow, from thence running eisterly by marked trees to a brige in said Hidlies land, from thence by marked tees into a rhoad leiding from Daniel MlcNiells to John Goffe, then cro-sing said rhoad by mlarked trees easterly to a rhoad liding from John Hall to Daniel M'cNeills." This road is entirely discontinued. The " Eallem tree" is supposed to be the one now standing north of Amoskeag Mill, No. 5, as Hall's Ferry wa. at that place. It passed Hadley's house, which stood near the intersection of Granite and Bedford sts. west of the Concord Railroad; thence it passed northeasteriy to near the Manchester House, thence easterly, and crossed the Mile Brook betwixt Merrimack and Manchester streets, thence extended east, crossing the Goffe's Falls road near Union street, and thence continued on in the same direction to the road leading from the Falls to Manchester Centre, and known as the'"Old Falls Road." Those recollecting the locality of the "Parker Murder" need not be told that it was on this road, then passing through a dense pine forest, but now recognized only by a few vestiges of it along the Back street betwixt Manchester and Merrimack streets, and east of Beech street. The fourth and last road of this date commenced 694 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. 9" 40 rhods north to ye of Robort Andrsons houes at a pine tree marked H, then runing northrly by mark trees to the eaiest eand of the oke hill sow calld, then northerly by marked trees to the town line to the wast end of Bushnel's hill, or as near to said marked trees as good ground will allow." Robert Anderson lived where Charles and McGregor Hall now live, and this road is the one that leaves the Old Falls Road a few rods west of the school-house in District No. 7, and passes the houses of James Hall and Robert Stevens, uniting with the "Mammoth RKad" just above where Hanover street crosses that road. The Mammoth Road passes over the track of this road to near the house of D. A. Bartlett. The old road then diverged westerly, passed the house now owned by M. D. L. Stevens, then extended north over the Oak Hill to the Johnson house, and so on to the town line, near Bushnell's Hill, which is now mainly in Hooksett. The first road laid out by the selectmen on the 27th of Nov., did not satisfy the people living upon the river. They wanted a road near the bank of the river, instead of one farther east on the plains, for the purpose of hauling lumber past the Falls. Accordingly at the annual meeting, it so happened that John Goffe, Archibald Stark, and Alexander McMurphy, Esqrs., were chosen Selectmen of the town, the two former living on the river. As a vote of the town could not be obtained to discontinue the road laid out, recourse was had to the Court of Quartar Sessions, and a petition presented that Court, by a majority of the Selectmen as follows; To the Hon'ble His Majesty'r Court of General Quarter "PROV. OF Sessions of the Peace to be holden at Portsmo., for the NEW HAMPSHIRE. ~ Province afores'd upon the First Tuesday of September, next Insuing. The F; tition of us, the Selectmen of Derryfield, Humbly sheweth, that we apprehend that it is greatly nessessary to have a County Road Laid out from the head of nameskeg falls un o Litchfield, as near the river as the ground will admit, not only for the great Benefit of Travelors up and Down said River, but as our River has become a martime Plase for Transporting Timber, Plank and Board, we know severall who have been Injured very much, for the want of Said Road, and therefore we now Earnestly Pray your Honours to take the Premises into your Consideration and grant us such Relief as the Law in such Cases Directs and your Petitioners as in Duty bound, shall for ever pray. JOHN GOFFEr Augt 20th, 1752. Selectmen." APRCHtIILD STARK. The prayer of the petitioners was granted and the Court issued the following order:'IOrdered by the Court, that Capt. Thomas Coburne, Robert Poyes, Esqrs. and Thomas Parker of Litchfield all in the Province of New Hampshire be and hereby are appointed a committee to Lay out the Way, above Requested & Represented to be Nessesary so as may be most Convenient for Travellors and to Enter that Due Satisfaction be given by the town thro which the said Way will Run to the Party through whose Lands the Same Shall be Laid and set forth the Same by Due Bounds breadth and other Descriptions as Will be suf HIGHWAYS. 695 ficient to Assertain the Same and Likewise the Particular Sum of money they Shall award or adjudge the owner of any Land wh. shall be so Laid out as Satisfaction for such Land and make Return of your doings as soon as may be. The committee attended to their duty, and laid out the road asked for, making the following report; "Plaov'e cr I We the Subscribers a Comitte appointed by their IonNErw H.i-PSIRE. ours His Majestys Justices of the General Sessions ot the Peace Holden at Portsmouth on the first Tuesday of September 1752, appointed & Directed us the Subscribers to Lay out Certain Highway or Country Road in Derryfield In Said Province as minuted In the Petition of the Selectmen of Said Town to Said Court and have Proceeded upon the business and have Laid out a highway or County Road int Derryfield from a Plase Called Whiting Brook at the heed Namaskeag Falls Leading Southerly to Litchfield Line as Near Merrymack River as will be Accomadable which Highway is Bounded,-Discribed by the Return ot Joseph Blanchard Junr Surveyor and Chairmen. WVe the Committe are of oppinion that no Damages ought to be allowed to any Person whose Land the Road goes through in this town but think that they are Preveledged thereby. THoMAS COBURN. ROBERT BoYES. THOMAS PARKER.. The action of the Selectmen and the Committee, gave great dissatisfaction to the majority of the people of the town, and at a special meeting, held Feb. 2, 1753, they voted not to pay any of the cost of the Court's Committee, amounting to ~44,-arld at the annual meeting held on the fifth of Match following, Goffe and Stark were left front the board of Selectmen.'The new board of Selectmen petitioned the Legislature for redress as follows: "To His Excell'y Benning WVentworth, Esq'r., Gov'r., and Comrnnder in Chief In & Over his Majesty's Provce of Newlhampshire And to the Hlonourable his Majestys Coun'l & House of Repres'ves In General Court Assembled March the 17th 1753. Thkv Humble Petition of Subser's Selectmen of Derryfield, of the Province aforesaid. That whereas upon a petition of the Selectmen of Derryfield to His Majestys Court of Quar'r Sessions Dated Augt 10th 1752 the Said Sessions were pleased to appoint Cap't Thom's, Colbourn Robert Boyes Esqrs & Thom's Parker of Litchfield to be a Comittee to lay out the Road petitioned for by Said Selectmen pursuant to which the Said Comittee have lard out said Road In a place where(In Case it Should Standl)it will tend much to the damage of the town In General and of particular Inhab'ts Considerin g the natural badness of the ground wch will require great Labour and Cost to make it a tollerable Road and Considering also that it Cuts in pieces Some of the most Valuable Land and Impv'ts the purchase of wch will be chargable to the Town if Justice is done to the owners of Said L'ind all wch will appr more Evid't to the Court by a Plan of Said Road & Land that will be produced along with this Petition. May it please therfore please your Excell'y & Honours to give order that the Said Road be altered according as is laid down In said Plan wch will tend much more to the general good of the Town & your Pet'rs as In duty Bound Shall Ever pray, &c. WILLIAM PAIRHAM. Select JOHN RIDDELL, L ALEX. MACMURPHY. 680 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Upon this petition the Legislature appointed a Committee, consisting of Zebulon Gidding, of the House, and Richard Jenness of the Council, "to take a view of the two ways referred to in the petition." The Committee attended to their duty and Mr. Jenness' report is as follows; "Since I was By this Honreble house Desiered to lay befor this Genneral Cort in Riten my Report of the two highways at nameskeag in Deryfeld mr. Gidens and I went thar as the Gennerl Cort ordred to make Report which of the 2 highways set forth in a plan of the Said 2 highways or Both may serve the Town and Public Best. and 1 am fully Satesffied the old highway as thay Call it may Be the Best highway it is higher and Dry Land for the most part the New highway By the River wants three or four Bridges and as for the Distances that is But a Little Dirfence the old highway must be Cept a oppen highway to Dery and haverl. and I am of the opinon that it will be a Hardship with a witness to forse them pore men Setelers to Lay open a highway at present thro thar Corn felds and mowing Ground or above a mile of fence. RICHARD JENNES." Mr. Gidding's report is not to be found; it is probable, however, that he differed from Mr. Jenness, and reported in favor of the road laid out by the Court's Committee. Be this as it may, the subject being brought before the house, January 11, 1754, by, Daniel Warren, Esq., the petition was dismissed, and the town had to pay costs and build the road. It is probable that it was a hardship to the people of the town, but there can be no doubt that the public good required the road. This road continued in use till 1840, when the part from Bridge street-to the Hezekiah Young farm, now the Company's Hospital, was discontinued. December 10, of the same year, the selectmen laid out another road, commencing "At the Eliwife falls then a cros the Wastwater to the saw mill then beginniug at the for minshined Ellwife falls, runing by marked trees throw John Houges land wher they formlay past a bout 40 Roudes to ye north of a bridge which is in said houges land, then a cr6s mathow Ramesy by marked trees on the north side of a whit Pine swamp to the Cornore tree Betwixt William gambles land and the said Ramesy lot which is a whit Eash then from thence By marked trees a crose the 18 iote and the 17 lote then a crose Broukoup land in waltore mac farlands land then by marked trees into a rhoad In John Halls land to the south of said Hall houes to marked trees as good ground will allow." This road led from the Haseltine mill north westerly to where David Dickey 3d now lives; thence through the farms now owned by Samuel Gamble and Isaac C. Flanders, Esqrs., and so on to John Hall's house, near the meeting house. The most of this road was long since discontinued. A part of it from Dickey's to the Hazeltine mill is now usbd. HIGHWAYS. 697 July 6 1753, William Perham and John Riddell, as selectmen, laid out a road, "'Beinning at London Derry line at a pine tree marked H, one on the north sid of the Rhoud, thence running by marked trees to to thomas gillies house from thence to william me Clintons house, by marked trees ase the rhoud his formerly trod from thence to John Hall land.By marked trees in the ninth lot of land i:n the forth divishon in Chister then a crose John Hall land a poun the Eiest of the marked trees by the Eiest Eand of said Halls house then a cruoes Robert Andorsons land ase the highway hies been trod to London Derry line to a pine tree marked H, one the south side of the highway marked by the selectmen of Derryfield." This road Is the one now mainly in use to Derry, extending from Manchester Centre, past the McQauestonl farm, diverging to the east, at the McQueston house, across the Cohas, and so on past John Haseltine's house, the School House in District No. 9, and the houses of J. A. Webster, John Huse, and Walter H. Noyes, to the town line. The same day they laid out another road, "begining at William Ellets Houes frome thence Runing a crones soume peart of said Ellets Land to WTilltam m Clintos Land then a crose William me Clintos Land as the rhoud ties bien trod to a rhoud Laied out and Lieding from London Derry by John Halls houes to amose Skiege fall,." This is the road leading from the Harrison Weston farm, easterly past James McQueston's to the Mammoth road. March 1, 1755, William McClintock and John Hall as selectmen laid out a road, "'Beging at ye Road leadinr past R)bert Anderson's & John Halls' said Road to Begin upon John Halls & Robert Andersons line so roning Esterly ye nearest & best way to the highway land to Rouning along said road to ye nore west corner of the sixtenth lot then East to the nore East corner of said lot firom thence northlthe best way to the sow west corner of the thirty third lot then runing about nore Eist to ye Brook about ten rods below ye forard way then runing Easterly to the lot number thirty two." This was the road leading fromt the falls road near Charles and McGregor Hall, to the town line north of the Massabesic. It is now known as the Old Road to Candia. January 16, 1756, Danriel McNeil and John Harvey laid out a road "leading towards Suncook." "4Begining at a white oake tree at Colburns Brook so called and then extending northerly by marked trees to the north line of sd Dirryfield as near said marked trees as good Ground will allow." Colburn's Brook is the one near the house of the late Amos Kimball, and this road is the one passing up the river to Martin's Ferry. All the roads laid out up to this date were three rods wide 698 THE HISTORY OF MANCIIESTER. September ye 1st 1758, a road was laid out.'"Beginning at the high way betwixt ye secound and third lot in the first Reange & runing southerlay between ye two lots to a Booge & so by marked trees a lounge the wast siead of ye Booge to a small Brlock & southerlay by marked trees to Sezer Griefens land at ye norwast courner & so to hies house and so by marked trees to the lien Betwixt London Derry & Derryfield." This was the road leading past the "Grandison Morse place" to Londonderry. This road was the extension of the one leading from Manchester Centre to the Huse, or Gen., McQueston farm. It commenced on the south of the Cohas, and ran south in the direction of the Mammoth Road. It made a turn to the east near the junction of the Musquito Pond road with the Mammoth road, and passed Cesar Griffin's house which stood on the north side of the road leading from the Mammoth Road; passefd Jeremiah Barker's house to Londonderry. and at about a third of the distance betwixt J. and E. Harvey's house and Barker's house. From Griffin's house the road was nearly the same that now passes the houses of Messrs. Barker, Cross, and Drewsj to Derry. Cesar Griffin was a negro who owned the farm lately known as the "Grandison Morse Place," and now owned by Messrs. J. & E. Harvey. October 15, 1759, the Selectmen laid out another road thus described. ",Begining at the North End of Hugh Sterling barn inning Near a Nor wast Point by marked trees upon the said of saied trees to the banck of the Intervalle and then running upon a wast pointe by marked trees to Merrimack river to a white ash tree marked H, Nort said road to-be three rods wide and six rods wide bank fore rodes from low water mark." It is not certain where this road is; but it is probably the road leading from the river road past Mr. Peter Mltchel's house to the Merrimack. The road to Amoskeag through Piscataquog village, was made at a very early date. The first of which we have any account was a bridle-path cut prior to 1649, for the Rev. John Eliot, who was proposing to come to Namnaske, to preach to the Indians. This path was doubtless kept open by the fishermen visiting the falls. In 1740, the proprietors of Bedford expended ~40 for "rectifying the way from Souhegan river to Piscataquog river." In 1759, that part of the road leading across the Piscataquog and to Hall's Ferry which was just below McGregor's house in Goffstown, became worn and out of repair, and Mr. Thomas Hall petitioned the town of Bedford to repair it. The town refused, and then Hall petitioned the Court of Quarter Sessions to order the repair of the road. This HON. MATTHEW PATTEN. 699 they refused to do, when the town of Bedford agreed to repair the road, build a bridge across the Piscataquog, and pay the costs that had arccued, amounting to ~59, and the matter was stayed. The road from Bedford line to Amoskeag Falls had been bullt probably by individuals engaged in fishing.' The first mention of it, in the records of the Proprietors of Goffstown, is under date of Dec. 23, 1753, where a committee say, "There is a Highway containing 4 acres, - aid 3-4 of an acre, from the road now improved, to and from said Hall's Ferry, to the land reserved at the common landing place, from the fishing Islands in said Namkeag Falls." The road known as the Mast road, and leading from Piscataquoag village to West Goffstown, had been built prior to this period. In 1756 a road was laid out from the Mast road and,'Begining at the line of Bedford and Goffstown, where the mast road was last improved, crosses said line, thence, as the said mast roiad was formerly improved to the hill noxt to the mast roll:ng place, on Piscataqnog river, thence on: the north side of a swampy place in Said mast road to the said rolling place, thence down the south side of the said Piscataquog river to the mouth of said river, where it empties into the river "Merrymac," thence down the said Merrymack about twenty-five rods, so far as to take in the head of the eddy, in the river next to the mouth of said Piscataquog; the whole way of said road to be four rods wide from the top of the upper hank. And also another piece of highway beginning at the highway at the wes' erly end of the first range of house lots, and at the north end of the road already laid out on the said ends of the said lots, from thence starting up the ridge until it comes to the old mast road above laid out.* In 175S, another road was laid out at Piscataquog, -"Begining at the westerly end of the liver rarge of the home lots, probably very near wh ere the road by the Academy building crosses the range line above the McCoy house, so called, and runs on the said lots till it comes where the line of the said lots turns dawn the hill to the north west. of Lieut. Moore's house, supposed to be a little north of James Harvell's hou-e, and thence on the hill to the west of the swamp, around the same, along between Robert Gilmore's house and barn, to the north west corner of No. 7 home lot on the river from thence south on the heads or westerly ends of the river home lots to the north west corner of Samuel Patten's river home lot, on No. 20, joining on said lot: said road to be four rods wide."*' These roads answered the purpose of the inhabitants and we find little done in the way of laying out and building new roads for near thirty years. In fact, the next serious movement for new roads was not till after building of the Amoskeag Bridge when various roads were laid out by Committees of the Legislature. In 1794 a bill passed the Legislature, to lay out a high way from Hale's bridge in Walpole, to Deer Neck in Chester. This See History of Bedford, pgs 236 238. 700 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. road crossed the Amoskeag bridge in this place thence continued in a north-easterly direction to near the junction of Elm and Orange streets, thence easterly to the old Kidder house which stood near the south side of Orange street and about midiway betwixt Chestnut and Elm street. It then passed south easterly nearly in a straight line, to the junction of Pine and Pearl streets. r'Ihis last part of the road was never built, as the "Old Falls Road," though crooked, was used instead of it. From Pine street, this road extended east to Union street, as Pearl street now runs, and across Union street in the same direction, continuing onward up the Hall or Oak, Hill, to John Hall's house, thence over the hill, in nearly a straight line to Daniel Bartlet's house, on the "Mammoth Road." Thence it passed nearly in the direction of the "Bald Hill Road." across the Bald hill, and bearing south of that road, on the east of the said hill, it continued to Deer Neck. In many places this road was laid over old roads, while the parts laid out were never built. This road was very straight and direct from Walpole to Portsmouth, but was never completed, as intended, for the reason that the public would not travel upon a road whose only recommendation wvas its directness, and which passed over some of the most steep and precipitous hills in this section of the state. Other avenues were found to the seaboard above and below, not so hilly, and this went into disuse. The same year the legislature appointed a committee to lay out three other roads leading from Amoskeag bridge,-one to Pawtucket bridge in Dracut, called the "Pawtucket Road," and passing through Manchester Centre, crossing the Cohas near the McQueston place, and continuing on the Derry road as now traveled to the Haseltine and Saunders Tavern, which stood near the Corning School house in Disrict, No. 9, thence round said school house and past the Johnson Morse farm to Londonderry line, thence past the Dickey Store near Wilson's crossing, and so on south, past the old meeting house, in Londonderry; through Windham, past the meeting house in Pelham to the state line;and connecting there with the road to Pawtucket bridge: a second one, leaving the Pawtucket road at Haseltine and Saunder's Tavern in this town, continuing past the Huse and Noyes' farm over the road to Derry, as now traveled, and so onkpast the old meeting house in Derry, through Salem to the State line, and connecting there with the road over Andover bridge: and a third leaving the Pawtucket road sixty four rods HIGHWAYS. 701 below the meeting-house at Manchester Centre, thence passing to the meeting-house in Chester, round the south end of Lake Massabesic, nearly over the road as now traveled, except that it crossed the long narrow bay at the south end of the Lake, known as the " Fang,7" instead of passing ronnd it, as at present. The project of bridging the Fang was found too expensive and was abandoned. rhese roads have mainly continued in use to the present day, though other roads have taken the travel frotn them. It has already been named that prior to 1806, the town had been divided into Districts annually by the Selectmen, but that no record had been made of the districts until 1793. In 1806 at the annual towen meeting, it was voted to re-district the town for highway purposes, and a committee was appointed to perform' that duty.'This committee at an adjourned meeting, held on the 18th of the same month, made the following report: 4' The Committee appointed to lay the town of Derryfie'd out into highway districts, having met and agreed, beg 1 ave to make the following report, that is to say, District No. 1 shall begin at Chester line near Kimball's and extend Southerly to within ten rods of Gen. Stark's on the north. No 2 shall begin ten rods north of Gen. Stark's house and run Southerly by Knowls to Humphries Brook not including the Bridge-from said Brook by Amoskeag B idge to B. F. Starks and from amoskeag Bridge to John Harwoods and from amoskeig bridge on the river Road to a ditch south of Cutlers. No. 3 shall continue as it has heretofore been taking in HIumphries Brook bridge. No. 4 shall begin at the ditch above Philip Haseltine Jr., thence down the river road to Nathaniel Bakers also from Eliphat Parkers to John Browns house So Called and from tIarveys ferry to the meeting house and there Stop. No. 5 shall begin at the meeting house thence down the road by Major Websters and Black Jims tavern to Chester line and up to Jonathan Hlaseltines and John iHaseltines and Molses Merrills and David Haseltines and John Dickeys. No. 6 Shall begin at the Crotch of the Road at Abner Pingreys thence down the main Road tc) Derry line and to Cornings and from the great Road to Winm. Perhams. No. 7 sha1l begin at John Browns house so called- down by Capt. Ferhams towards Adamses and Pages to Derry line and to Benjamin Giles and to the Road leading to E. Cornings and from David Dickey to De:ry line towards Joseph Mloors and towards Major Akins to the Eastward of the pond and to inelilde Nehemiah Merrill. No. 8 shall begin at and take Nathaniel Baker thence by Moors to Litchfield line and towards William Perhams to the Rolling place and from the main Road to Smiths ferry. John Perham, David Flint, Daniel Hall, COMMITTEE. Benj. F. Stark. Joseph Moor, This system of Districts remains mainly the sapme to the pre~sent day. 49 702' THE HISTORY- OF MANCHESTER. THE STREETS, COURTS AND PLACES in Manchester, according to the Directory, are as follows, viz: Amherst, from Elm, Arcade B. to Beech, and contirnious. Amherst, fromn Main, P., to Catholic Burying Ground. Ash, trom Lowell to Orange, 1st east of Beech. Auburn, from State, north of Cemeteryy, across Elm to Union. Beech, from Merrimack to Orange. 1st north of Union. Beanville, at the head of Manchester. Bedford, from Central to Wier, west of R. R. Depot. Belmont, all east of Wilson. Birch, from Lowell to Bridge, 1st east of Elm. Bowman pl. opens on High, P. Bridge, from Canal north of Stark Mill, across Elm and Maple and continuous. Brook, from upper canal to Oak and the Reservoir. Canal, from Auburn to Bridge and Amoskeag, east of R. R. Depot. Cedar, from Franklin to Union, south of the Park. Central, from Bedford. north of R. R. Depot to Union. Charles, from Spring to Bridge west of Kidder's B. Chester, n, head Amherst, Towlesville. Chestnut, N. from Concord, centre of Concord sq. to Hooksett Road. Chestnut, S, from the south gate of Concord sq: to the Cem'y. Church, from Lowell st., Church to Bridge. Church court, from Manchester, Baptist Church. Clinton, from Maine to West, P. Concord, st., Towlesville. Crescent pl. opens on Bridge, opp. Birch Depot, from Canal, east of. Freight Depot, to Elm. Derry roed, to.the town of Derry. Derry st. near head of Amherst, Towlesville. Dunbarton, from Front, A. East. from Granite, P. Elm, principal business street north and south. First, from Mill to Bridge, A. Franklin, from Market, west of church, to Valley. Front, from Hooksett line and continuous, A. Goffstown road, from Front, A. Granite, from Elm, via Granite bridge, to Pleasant, P. Green, from Franklin, south of Hall, to the Cem'y. Grove, from Franklin, south of Green, to the Cem'y. Gore, from Oak to Russell, north of the Reservoir. Gooden's avenue, from 9 Central. Hall, from Franklin, south of Auburn, to the Cem'y. Hallsville, head of Spruce and Cedar. Hanover, from Elm, opp. City Hall, to Towlesville. Harrison, from north Hooksett road, Elm to N. Chestnut. Harvey road,: from Nutt to Moor's village. High, trom N. Chestnut, south of Tremont sq. to Union. High from Amherst to Mast, P. Jane, Janesv lle to Lowell. Janesville, head of Bridge and Pearl. Kidder's court, rear North Grammar School. Laurel. from S. Chestnut, Merrimack sq., to Rye Field. Main, from Amoskeag, through Piscataquog village. Mammoth road, south to Lowell, Mass. Manchester, from 86 Elm to Beach. Maple, from Bridge, north Jarlesville Steam Mill, to Brook. Market, from Elm, City Hall, to Canal. Mast, from Main, west, via Piscataquog River. Mechanic, from Elm, north of Central B. to Canal. Mechanic' court, from 12 Concord, opp. Concord sq. Mechanics' row, rear Blodget Paper Mill, lower canal. Merrimack, from Canal across Elm, south of Ianchester house, to the Rye field. Methodist court, from 4 Methodist Church. Middle from New Mill counting room to Franklin. Mill, from the river to Canal, south of Amoskeag Mill. Mill, from AmoskeagIsland to Front, A. Myrtle, from Elm to Russell. Nashua, from Concord, Towlesville, to Bridge. Nut; road, south from Elm. Orange, from Elm to Union, 1st north of Pearl. Oak, from Myrtle to Gore, south west of the Reservoir. Park, from Elm, north of South Grammar School, to Belmont. Pearl, from Elm to Union, north of Bridge. Pine, from Orange, east of Concord sq. and the Cemetery to Valley. Pine grove, Manchester, west of Wilson's. Hill. Pleasant, from Elm, south of the Museum B., to Canal. Pleasant, from Walnut to Granite, P. and continuous. Prospect, from Elm to Russell, north of Orange. Second, from Mill to Bridge, A. South Chestnut, from Amherst to the Cemetery. State, from Mill to Valley, east of lower Canal. Stark, from Elm, STREETS. 703 Patten's Block, to Canal. Summer, from Franklin, south of Auburn, to State. Spring, from Elm, south of North Grammar School, to Canal. Spruce, E. from Union, east of the eark, to Pine. Spruce, W. from Elm to Che~tnut, east of the Park. Towlesville, head of Concord and Amherst. Third, from Mill to Bridge, A. Union, from Orange, east of Tremont sq., to Valley. Valley, from the river south of the Cem'y to Union. Vine; from Amherst west of Concord sq., to Concord. Walnut, from Amherst, opp. Hanover, sq., to Orange. Valnut, from Main to Pleasant, P. and continues. Water, from Elm, opp. Elm St House, to Canal. Water; Janesville, above steam mill. Weir, from State, on the lower canal weir, to Franklin. West, Walnut to Clinton, P. Willow, from Valley, west of the Cem'y, to Auburn. Wilson row, Bridge street. Wilson, from Hallsville to Janesville. Of these streets, Elm is the most capacious and extensive one in the city and is intended for the business street. It runs nearly north and south and is already laid out from beyond Ray Brook on the north, to Bakersville on the south, a distance of some over two miles. It is L00 feet in width, having spacious sidewalks and ample room for carriages. N row of elms was originally planted in the centre of the street, and hence its name. The trees were long since destroyed, the gas from leaky pipes destroying the last in 1855. It is perhaps well that the design of trees in the centre of the street has been abandoned, for the street now is hardly wide enough for the continuous travel, aind with an increasing population and business, the proposed trees, however healthful, would have been much in the way of travel. The street now extends south only to Bakersville but will ere long be-extended farther. Bakersville is a small village, built upon the old, or river road to Litchfield, upon the farm of the late Jesse Baker; and hence its name.It is about a mile south of the City Hall and comprises mainly School District No. 3. Like Hallsville, it has been built up by people who preferred cheap and eligible lots at a short distance from the centre of business, rather than to pay the high prices for which the Company's lands had been sold. Elm street being already extended to it, and ere long to pass still farther south, Bakersville will be merged in the city proper, and with its light wooden cottages, will present a pleasant contrast to the brick, stone and slate of the Elm street of to-day. So of North Elm street. That part of it above the Falls is to be built without restrictions to brick, or stone and slate, and will be one of the most pleasant parts of it. Parallel to this street, and wvest of it, are Canal and Franklin, Bedford and State streets, and east of it, Vine. Church, Birch, Chestnut, Pine, Union, Walnut, and Beceh streets. At right angles to the above streets, are, Orange, Pearl, 704 THE HISTORY:OF MANCHESTER. Bridge, Washington. High, Lowell, Concord, Amherst, Hanover, Manchester, Merrimack, Laurel, Central, Park, Granite; Spruce, Cedar, Auburn, Summer, Hall, Weir, Green, Grove and Valley streets. Of these,Lowell and Concord streets are already extended over the Hall Hill eastward to the Mammoth Road ~ and most of the others at right angles to Elm street will eventually be extended to the Mammoth Road, while Union street extends from Park. street north over the Stark Hill a distance of nearly three miles; Pine street extends from Harrison street south, nearly two miles to the road from the Centre to Merrill's Ferry, and is to be extended still farther; Chestnut street extends from the Valley Cemetery north to the Hooksett Road more than a. mile, and Canal street extends from the Falls to Granite street and can be extended either way indefinitely, the old river road being an extension of it north to the city line. Upon these streets east of Elm street are many fine private residences. Of some of these we have kindly been furnished with views. Upon Bridge street is the residence of F. Smyth, Esq., and that of Col. J. S. Kidder. Upon Lowell street are the houses of J. T. P. Hunt, Esq., Maj. J. G. Cilley, and Col. F. A. Brown; on Concord street are the residences of Herman Foster, Hon. G. W. Morrison, the late Hon. Moses Norris, and Geo. W. Flanders, Esq.; upon Hanover street is the house of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, occupied by Phinehas Adams, Esq., and that of Major Hiram Brown; upon Pine street are the residences of Hon. Moody Currier, and the late Capt. Walter French; upon Water street is the residence of C. W. Baldwin, Esq., Agent of the Machine Shop; upon Market street is the house of David Gillis, Esq, Agent of the Amoskeag New Mills; and upon Franklin street is the residence of E. A. Straw, Esq., Agent of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. These are all fine buildings, of modern architecture, and with their ornamental grounds add much with others to the beauty of our City; views of these accompany this work. Much attention is paid by our citizens to planting trees, and most of our streets are already ornamented with thrifty elms and maples that add much of beauty to it, and will eventually in this particular, make it one of the most:beautiful cities in New England. The streets spoken of above, are on the east side of the Merrimac. The streets upon the west side of the river are not so regular, but conform to the old- lines of travel. Thus at WARDS. 705 Piscataquog the principal streets are Main, Mast Road, North and Granite streets. Main street runs parallel to the Merrimac and is the old road from Amoskeag and north to Boston. Amherst street is the old road from Main street to Amherst. The Mast Road crosses Main street at right angles on the west bank of the Piscataquog, and extends parallel with that river to Goffstown. Granite street extends from the Granite bridge west, crossing the River road nearly at right angles and passing over the bluff to the N. H. Central Railroad on the east bank of the Piscataquo,. North street is parallel to Granite street and next north of it, extending from the River Road west to the railroad. At Amoskeag, Front street is the main street of the village, being the old road from Hooksett to Piscataquog. At right angles to this are various short streets, the longest being the one leading from Front street to the Amoskeag Falls Bridge called Bridge street. The most of these streets lead from the sites of the old mills to Front street. BOUNDARiIES OF WARDS. The City is divided into wards according to SEc. 2 OF CITY CaHARTER. The City of Manchester hereby is. and shall continue to be, divided into eight wards, which shall be constituted as follows, viz: Ward No. 1 shall include all that part of the city situated between Merrimac river on the west, and Elm street on the east, and the centre line'of Market street produced to the river on the south, and the centre line of the road leading from the Amoskeag Falls bridge to Elm street on the north. Ward No. 2 shall include all that part of the city situated between Elm street on the east, and the Merrimac river on west, and that between the south line of Ward No. 1 on the north,-and a line from the point where Elm street intersects tho old river road near the Valley Cemetery, due west to the Merrimac'river on the south. Ward No. 3 shall include all that part of the city now included within the limits of School District No. 1, and so much of School District No. 2 as is situated east of Elm street, and north of.the centre lire of Lowell street, produced to the easterly line of said School District No. 2. Ward No. 4 shall include all that'part of the city situated between Elm street on the west, and the Wilson road on the east, and between the south line of Ward No. 3 on the north and.Hanover street on the south. Ward No. 5 shall include all that part of'the city situated between Elm st on the west, and the Wilson road on the east, and the south line of Ward No' 4 on the north, and the centre line of Central street produced to the Wilson road on the south. Ward Mo. 6 shall includeall that part of the city on the east of the Merrimac which is not included in any of the above wards. WVard No. 7 shall include all that part of the city severed from Bedford in 1853, and known as Piscataquog. Ward No. 8 shall include all that part of the city severed from Goffstewn in 1853, and known as Amoskeag. 706 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. The Manchester Directory names the following Blocks and Buildings. "Ayer's Block, between Museum and Crosby's Block. Bean's Block, Pine, s, Merrimac. Bell's Block, Elm, below City Hotel.Boston Block, Laurel, c. Pine. -Central Block, between Stark and Mechanic. Chase's Block, Walnut, c. Pleasant, (P.) Cheney and Marshall's Building, Elm, c. Central. City Bank Block, Hanover, n. Elm. Crosby's, Block, Elm, corner Merrimac. Dickey's Block, Main, n. Granite, (P.) Ferren's Building. between Methodist Ch. and Union B. French's Building, Granite, n. Main, (P.) Gas Works, Elnd, near the Cemetery. Granite Block, Elm, n. -Merrimac. Jackson's Block, N. Chestnut, corner Pearl. Johnson's Block,!Elm, near Bridge. Joy's Block, ni. Merrimac. Knowles's Block, Chestnut, cor. Merrimack. Kidder's Block, rear-Elm, between Bridge and Spring. Masonic Temple, Hanover, n. Elm. Merchants' Exchange, 72 Elm. Mer-. rimac Block, Elm, corner Merrimack, opposite Crosby's B. Museum Building, berween Merrimac and Pleasant. Page and Riddle's Block, Bridge, n. Elm. IParson's Block, Concord, between Chestnut and Elm. Patten's Building, Elm, north of City Hall. Plumer's Block, 62 Elm. Rundlett's Block, Manchester, n. Baptist Church. Smith's B., West Spruce, between Elm and Chestnut. Smyth's B1 ock, Elm, between Water and Spring. Stark Block, Elm, between Water and Mechanico Union Building, between Market and Merrimac. Webbers' Block, Chestnut, c. Laurel. Wallace's Block, Vine, corner Concord. Well's Building, Elm, corner Spring." Of these, the Merchants' Exchange upon Elm street, betweenHanover and Manchester streets, is one of the best structures in the State. It is 185 feet in length by 100 in depth, the front and wings being four stories in height. The first story in front is cast iron, and above, the structure is of brick, with stucco in imitation of dark sand stone. It is owned by Messrs. Moody Currier, J. G. Cilley, D. & ID. J. Clark, L. Raymond, J. N. Brown, and J. A. Perry, and cost $72,000. SMYTH'S BLoCK-is a fine building, 144 feet in length by 100 feet in depth, and four stories in height. It is upon Elm, between Spring and Water streets. The first story is of cast iron in front, and above, the walls are of brick, stuccoed so as to imitate white marble. The imitation is perfect, and the building makes a splendid afjpearance. It was built by Messrs. William Patten, Frederick Smyth, and Daniel W. Fling, and is now' owned by Messrs. F. Smyth, and Wm. Richardson.The first door is used for stores; a fine Hall, the Merrimack River Bank rooms, with offices are upon the second floor; and the remainder of the block is fitted up into halls and offices. l l -'iii' i ~ llt~fit~i~l, lltll allM itlilxl01l55W1 i EME lE~,, i liRl' W- f~gi~ ff;'i ~ ~ MM ii~~~~~~g ~'1741 Ill t\/8i,In lfili ijitwjjii|b!1| Idre~ *'llii i: BLOCKS. 707 PATTEN'S BLOcK.-This a splendid block, 92 feet, in front on Elm street by 100 feet in depth on Stark street. It occupies the same ground as Patten's Building, which awas burned in February 1856. It is of brick finished with mastic, and three stories in height. The lower story is occupied for stores, and by the Manchester Batnk. The second story is occupied for offices. while the Halls in the third story are occupied by the Amoskeag Veterans. This block was built and is owned by Messrs. William and Samuel Patten. PLUMER s BUILDING.-This is a substantial and elegant bLilding on Elm street nearly opposite Patten's Block. It is finished in altogether the most costly and elaborate style of any building in the city. - It is 100 feet in length by 25 feet in width and four stories in height. The first story in front is of granite while the remain-. ing part of the front is of press brick and marble;,11 the corners, heavy cor- 21 [ nice, window caps and sills being of fine white, _ I- i I I marble. It was built and is owned by Mr. John Plumer, Jr. The first _ floor is occupied as a store by John Plumer, Jr.,,; t Co., while the remain- der is used for offices, &c. There formerly stood upon this site a wooden block."' Tohis was purchased in 1846,] by Mr. Plumer, and being. -_. too small for his business,... it was removed to make way for the present one, Nwhich is an ornament to our city. TEMPLE BLocK. —-This is upon Hanover street. It is three stories in height, 100 feet in length, by 100 feet in depth. It is of brick, the first story of the front of cast iron, the remainder of press brick-the window caps and sills being of grante. The first floor is used for stores, the second for offices, 708 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. aild the third contains a splendid Hall, occupied by the Masons and Odd Fellows. This building makes a fine appearance, and equals, if it does not surpass any other in the city for its good taste and substantial finish. It was built and is owned by Messrs. I. C. Flanders, E. W. Harrington, Thos. P. Pierce. W. A. Putney, and J. J. Straw. STARK BLOCK.-This is a fine brick block of three stories, with cast iron front to the lower story. It is 144 feet on Elm street, and extends from Water street to Mechanic street, having wings on each of the latter streets 100 feet in length. It was built by the Messrs. Appleton of Boston. The first floor is for offices and the rest of the building for tenements. CENTRAL BLOCK.-This is next below'the Stark Block, between Mechanic and Stark streets. It is a brick block three stories in height, the lower story of granite, 192 feet in length, with wings on Mechanic and Stark streets 100 feet in lengths The first floor is for stores and the rest of the building is for offices. RIDDLE'S BLOCK.-This block is at the corner of Elm and Hanover streets. It is of brick, three stories in height, 25 feet in width by 100 feet in length on Hanover street The first floor is occupied for stores, the second for offices, and the third'for printing offices. It was builc by Mr. Ira Ballou, but is now owned by Isaac Riddle, Esq. UNION BuILDING.-This was the first brick block built upon Elm street. It is three stories in height-the first story of granite and the remainder of brick. It extends from Market street to Ferren's Block-131 feet, and is 100 feet upon Market street. The first floor is for stores and the remainder for offices, &c., the Amoskeag Bank and Cheney & Co's Express office being in the wing upon Market street, M.ERRIMACK BLOCK.-This Block extends from Methodist Court 202 feet to Merrimack street. It is three stories in length with a wing upon Merrimack street 100 feet in length. The first story is of granite and the remainder is of brick.The first floor is occupied for stores and the remainder for offices and tenements. GRANITE BLOCK.-This is a large block on the east side of Elm street, next north of the Manchester House. It is three stories in height, 75 feet in length by 60 feet in depth; the front being ot granite. The first floor is occupied for stores, the second for offices, and the third contains a commodious hall. The building was built and is owned by Col. Greenleaf Clark of Atkinson.. BRIDGES. 709 MusEUMa.-This building is at the corner of Pleasant and Elm streets, being 100 feet upon Elm street and 100 feet upon Pleasant street. It is three stories in height, the first floor being used for stores, the second for offices, the third for a museum hall and offices, and the attic for dramatic performances. BRIDGES. COHAS. —The first bridge built in town of any note was built across the Cohas on the road leading from Manchesiter Centre to Londonderry, by Messrs. Michael and William McClintock. They built it at their own expense. This was about 1.738 as appears from the following vote in the Records of Londonderry. "Nov. 27, 1738. Voted and agreed that Michael McClinto and William McClinto shall have twenty shillings per year payed to them by the inhabitants of Londonderry for the space of ten years, providing that they the sd McClintos do keep up two good, sufficient Bridges near Great Cohasset upon the highway or Road to Amoscege for the space of ten years, commencing their time from this present year 1738." Other bridges were built across the Cohas at later periods, but by whom does not appear. BRIDGES OVER THE MERRIMACK.-The first bridge over the Merrimack in this town was built in 1792, as is named on page 521 of this work. A Boston paper of October 1792 thus speaks of it. " AniosIxEAG BRIDGE-In the State of New Hampshire. was begun tEe 3d of August last, at which tilne the timber was growing, and the rocks dispersed in the river. On the 29th of September following, which make, 57 days inclusively, the bridge was passable for travellers, and is now completed. "DITMENS10Ns.-556 feet in length, is supported by five piers and an abutment on each side-the piers are 60 feet in length and SO in width-.the outside made of hewn timber, and filed with stones." This bridge was kept in repair for some years, but at length it was suffered to go to decay, and became Impassable for teams about 1812, or'15. People on foot continued to cross it after that time; but in a few years it became completely impassable. In November 1824, another company was started. to build a bridge at the foot of Amoskeag Falls to replace the old bridge. The stock was divided into one hundred shares. The subscription paper bore date November 20, 1824, and the comp:any was incorporated December, 1824, by the name of the Proprietors of Amoskeag Bridge. It was the intention of the proprietors of the new bridge to purchase the shares in the old corporation; but so little attention had been paid to it, that 710 THE HISTORY OF.MANCHESTER. no one in this region knew who the proprietors -were. It was supposed to be owned in Portsmouth, and an Agent was sent there to make inquiries-and purchase the stock. James McKWilkins Esq., was Agent, but he succeeded in findingg only eight shares, and those in the hands of Nathaniel Adams, Esq.-for which the Agent paid $8, as appears from the records. It does not appear that any others were -purchased. Col. Wm. P. Riddle contracted to build the bridge for the sum of $3,600, to be cbmnpleted by -the middle of November, 1825. Col. Riddle completed the bridge according to contract and it was accepted by the directors November 25, 1825.. It was built upon a stone abutment on:the east side of the river and seven wooden piers, and was twenty feet in width. The bridge needed little -repairs till 1837, when, January 23d, at a meeting of the Proprietors, the Directors were ordered to repair the same. This they did at an expense of some $1500. The Amoskeag Manufac~turing Company having commenced their improvements on the east side of the Merrimack, commenced negotiations for purchasing the bridge, and April 29, 1837. a Committee was chosen by the Proprietors of the bridge to confer with that Company upon, the subject. The result was a sale of the bridge, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company buying the stock of the holders. Accordingly, at a special meeting of the Proprietors, held April 4, 1838, the old officers resigned and new ones were chosen in their places-viz. Robert Read, President. Robert Read, WWm. Amory, Directors. Thos, C. Lowell, Willard Sayles, Treasurer. Winm. G. Means, Clerk. It was then voted to abolish the toll on foot-passengers.- In 184S two piers were taken from the west end of the bridge by a freshet. It was repaired and remained till 1851, when it was carried completely away by a freshet. It has not been rebuilt. GRANITE BRIDGE. —Granite Bridge was built at the head of Merrill's Falls, in 1840. The act of incorporation was granted June, 1839. The stock was divided into one hundred shares. The act of incorporation provided that when the stockholders should have received in dividends from tolls, the cost of the bridge and interest upon the same at six per cent, it should become free. The bridge was completed in September 1840, and BRIDGES. 7.11 Granite street, extending from Elm street to the bridge, and from the "bridge west to the river road in Bedford, was built by the corporation at the same time, for the accommodation of travel to and from the bridge, the use of the land for the same being given by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company as long as tolls were taken for passing the bridge, the repairing and fencing the same being at the expense of the proprietors of the, bridge, during its use by them. The experiment was a successful one and proved that the bridge was of great public advantage. An abstract from the report of the Directors to the Legislature, made June 19, 1843, will show the situation of the corporation at that time. "And first, we consider the original cost of our Bridge, Toll House, and Road, as the amount of our capital stock, which amount was ascertained and reported-to the Leg slature in Junre 1841, and was $10,281.08. Nine thousand dollars of which had been discharged by assessments upon the shares of the stockholders, and the residue from the money received for tolls. We have paid out since the bridge was completed for repairs and other incidental expenses, the sum of $1393.60, which being added to the original cost of the bridge, &c., shows a total outlay of $11674.68, exclusive of interest. "'The whole amount of money paid out to the stockholders in dividends up to this-time has been $2600.00, to which add the balance of original cost of the:bridge, &c., which balance was paid out of money received for toll $1248.88 and it shows our total receipts to have been $3848.88, and:that a balance is now outstanding against the bridge and in favor of the stockholders of $7825 80 besides the interest upon the assessments." In 1847 the public became impressed with the belief that the bridge should be free according to the conditions of its charter, and measures were taker: to bring about this result.Petitions were presented to the Mayor and Aldermen of Manchester and the Selectmen of Bedford, praying that Granite street should be laid out over the bridge —and be made a public highway. A hearing was had upon the petition before the Mayor and Aldermen of Manchester on the 18th of December, 1847, and before the Selectmen of Bedford about the same time. The result of the hearings was -that the highway was laid out, and the bridge became free. upon the payment of the sum of $400 to the stockholders. Thus free, the bridge became the property of Manchester and Bedford and to be supported by them. During the ice freshet of 185-1 the ice became obstructed in the eddy above the N. H. Central Railroad bridge, and the water rising some feet, the bridge was lifted from its piers and carried off In the summer of 1 851, another bridge was built at the expense of the two towns. Asis often the case with partners, they could net agree what kind of a bridge to erect-and Bedford built the west part in lattice worlk while Manchester built the east half after another plan. It is 712 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. believed that the abutments and piers were built of the same kind of stone! The bridge was built in a substantial manner, upon stone piers laid in the most approved style under the direction of Major Hiram Brown. The bridge is 450 feet in length and 25 feet in width-with two drive-ways for teams, and two walks for people on foot, and is not covered. Its whole cost was about $18,000. AMOSKEAG FALLS BRIDGE.-In 1839, a charter was granted for a bridge byy the name of the Amoskeag Falls Bridge to be built across the Merrimack at the head of Amoskeag Falls.The stock was divided into one hundred shares. The act of incorporation provided that the bridge should become free after the dividends firom the tolls should amount to the cost of the' same, and interest thereon at ten per cent. The bridge was completed in 1842. It was built after Town's patent. It was an uncovered bridge, 450 feet in length, and 25 feet in width, built upon abutments and four piers of stone. In 1852 it was made a free bridge after a hearing before the Road Commissioners, the public highway being laid out across it and $3000 being awarded to the proprietors to be paid by Manchester and Gof'stown. In March, 1853, this bridge was carried away by a freshet. It was re-built in 1854 by the City of Manchester. It is a covered bridge upon abutments and five piers of stone. It is 450 feet in length by 25 in width, and cost $20,000. " BRIDGES ovER THE PISCATAQUOG. At a town meeting, held June 11, 1759, "Voted, Robert Walker, Hugh Riddle, and John Moor, be a committee to build a Bridge across Piscataquog river," which was built near where the bridge now stands. "Jan. 22, 1770. Maj. John Goffe was employed by the town to build the second bridge over Piscataquog river. It was raised July 16, 1770, and they finished laying the plank, Dec. 12, 1770. It was built near the former.: While raising the bridge, six men were thrown off, of whom Mr. Holmes, Mr. Dugal, and Joseph Moor, were seriously injured, the latter so much so, that he died in thirty hours. This was carried off *y a fre.shet in 1784. " Nov., 1785. "Voted, John Patten, Adam Dickey, Joseph Patten, Lieut. John Orr, Ens. John Riddle, be a committee to repair or re-build the Piscataquog Bridge, and build it near the sanmie height as the present one, or as they may see proper." "Nov. 1795. Chose a committee consisting of Benj. Barron, Lieut. John Riddle,. Lieut. John Palten, John Orr, Esq., and Mr. James Darrah, to build a new bridge. This committee was to sell the work to the lowest bidder, and the construction was to conform to a plan exhibited; the bridge to be finished by June 1, 1796. It does not appear from the minutes of the meeting who built the bridge; but at a meeting held March 23, 1796, John Orr, Mr. Joseph Patten, and Maj. Stephen Dole, were a committee appointed-to inspect the timber and workmanship of the re-building of Piscataquog Bridge. They reported to the town at the next meeting after the bridge was finished, Aug. 29, 1796; and the town accepted the report of the committee, which recommended to allow David Riddle $20.00 for extra work and timber on said bridge, from which it seems that David Ridale must have been the builder in 1796.'March 26, 1812. Isaac Riddle, Samuel Chandler, and William Moor, were FERRIES. 713 appointed a committee to build Piscataquog Bridge, the north abutment to be of split stone, (the south abutment being built of stone the year befo e.) with a middle pier built of wood, with good and substantial railing, stringers and plank. Wm. Ridd'e, Esq., was the builder of this bridge, which was completed in the summer of 1813 or'14. Oct. 17, 1828. A committee was chosen, consisting of Capt. Winm. Patten, Col. Wm. P. Riddle, and Jonas B. Bowman, Esq., to re-build Piscataquog Bidge. This committee were authorized to draw mon y not exceeding $300, if necessary. Builder, John P. Rtouston, in 1829. " Oct. 4, 18-12. A committee was chosen consisting- of Fred. G. Stark, Jas. Walker, and Wm. P. Riddle, to reconstruct and rebuild Pisrataquog Bridge. This is the bridge now in use, the abutments on both sides the river were widened, a lattice, similar to the Granite bridge, made, and the whole finished as abridge ought to be in such a thoroughfare of travel. It was completed in 1843."* FERRIES. The earliest ferry upon the river in this region, was established by the town of Londonderry for the purpose of accommodating their townsmen in prosecutin, the fishery at Arnoskeag Falls. This was in 1731 [See page 169]. Subsequently ferries were established at several places upon the river, where the public convenience demanded, such as HADLEY's. —This was established sonmewhere about 1735by Mr. Benjamin Hadley. It was located below where was afterward the Amoskeag or McGregor bridge. The landing on the east side of the river was just south of the Elm, near the north end of No. 5 Amoskeag New Mills, while that on the west side was a few rods below the Amosk';ag bridge, and is still to be seen. After Mr. Hadley's death it passed into thle hands of Mr. Thomas Hall, and has since been known as "Hall's Ferry." It was discontinued when the Amoskeag bridge was built, in 1792. MARTIN's.-This was a Ferry established in early times by Mr. Samuel Martin. Hence its name. It was near where Mr. Peter Mitchel now lives and probably was of little account. GoFFE'S.-This was at Goffe's Falls, was- a noted ferry, and is still in existence. It was established by the noted Col. John Goffe, probably soon after his settlement at the mouth of the Cohas in 1774. It was chartered by royal authority, November 7, 1766. The charter upon parchment is still in the hands of Col. I. W. Moor, a great-grandson of Col. Goffe. The ferry is'located between the mouth of the Cohas and Goffe's Falls. * See History of Bedford. 714-:: THIE -ILSTORY OF MANC HESTER. UMERRILL'S.-This ferry was at the foot of Merrill's ]Falls and just below Granite bridge. It was established as early as 1750 by Mr. Abraham Merrill and hence its name, as also the name of the Falls. This ferry was discontinued soon after tie rebuilding of the Amoskeag bridge, in 1]825. CANAIS. The Amoskeag Canal has been fully described in a previous chapter. After this passed into the hands of the proprietors of the Middlesex Canal, it became an object with them to make it as profitable as possible. The most effectual way was to render the river navigable betwixt the Middlesex and the Amoskeag Canals-and as far above the latter as was practicable.Accordingly various acts of incorporation were obtained to effect this purpose. Of these, that known as the " Union Canal" was mainly in Manchester. This comprised some miles of the; Merrimack river below the Amoskeag lower locks. This section was rendered nlavi able by building dams and locks at Merrill's Falls; near the Granite Bridge; Griffin's Falls nearly opposite Mr. Peter Mitchell's; Short Falls opposite Walker's Mill, Goffe's Falls a short distance above the junction of the Cohaswith the: Merrimack; Cohas Falls near the mouth of Little Cohas; and Moor's Falls in Litchfield. To give the reader a complete description of a system of works of such vast importance to this section of the country, the report of the Directors of the Middlesex Canal, made to that, corporation in 1816, is here inserted. The report was as follows: "'The Committee of Directors, pursuant to the-intentions of the Board, hay.. ing visited and examined the canals in New Hampshire, at the falls of Merrimack river, in which the proprietors. of the Middlesex Canal are interested, report, That having proceeded to Concord, they embarked there on the river at the Landing Place, of the Merrimack Boating Company, and at a distance of two miiles below, entered the channels, formed in Turkey Falls to admit the passage of boats. This fall they understood, was naturally impassable, and its improvement came within the plan of the Bow Canal. Accordingly, the dam which raises the river to fill that canal, backs the water over these falls; and although they are still swift, are not difficult of ascent. The length of these; channels, formed by removing rocks, is about a half a mile. The entrance to Bow canal, is nearly a mile lower - down the river on ihe westerly side. It consists of strong stone abutments, raised fourteen feet, and twelve feet thick, to support the guard-gates, and defend the canal in high freshets. Near them begins the dam which is thrown across the river at the head of the Falls. It measures four hundred and fifty feet in length, and fromseven t') twelve feet high; formed of very large timber and plank, and loaded with stone, and strongly bolted to the ledges on which it is founded. From the guard-gates, for five hundred and sixty feet. the canal is dug principally in stone, and partly in gravel, thirty feet wide, and eight feet deep. It is then CANALS. 715 carried by a wall and embankment, twelve feet high, for three hundred and sixty feet across a cove of the river; it then enters a small hill or ledge of rock, through which it is carried for three hundred and twenty feet, sixteen feet deep, and twelve feet wide; thence; the canal was dug in gravelly ground, two hundred feet to the Locks. The descent into the river below the Falls, which are twenty-seven feet perpendicular measurement, is effected by three Locks, which are supported by walls of split stone, which average seven feet in thickness, twelve feet high, and measure, both sides of the Locks together, five hundred find twenty feet in length. The lower Lock being sunk four feet below the lowest water-mark, a channel was made from,thence to the channel of the river. The who'e is about one third of a mile. Your Committee gve these ou;lines of this and the works to be subsequent. ly mentioned. that the Board may have some data to compare with the expense of them. The property of the canal consists of the ground it occupies, and four acres of good land contiguous, and a house thereon, for the residence of the Lock Tender. By the Act of Incorporation, this prorietary is divided into two hundred shares. The whole expenditure thereon, including the channels of Turkey Falls, has amounted to near $20,000. Bow Canal went into operation for rafts in 1812, and to the 31st of May, 1813, received $290,51: the year ending 31st May, 1814, received $497,01; the'year ending 31st Maiy, 1815, received $868,78. The present year beeide the toll on raft.s, it will have the advantage of the ascending business by the boats since the 1st July last. The management of this Canal is in the same hands, and similar to the Middlesex, as far as local circumstances will allcw. The current expenses will be the const:nt wages of one man, and occasionally of two others, and moderate pay to the officers of the Corporation. From Bow Canal to Hooskett, six miles, the river is unobstructed and gentle, its width is generally about two hundred yarids. At the head of Hooksett Falls, stands a smell Island which gives its name to the place. To this-Island a Dam is thrown to a ledge of rocks, which stands ninety feet from the western shore. This space-is occupied with a high and thick wall, which supports the guard-gates, and: defends the work from high freshets. The Canal consists of two spacious basins, between the main Dam, which forms one side, and the shore the other; and of two Locks supported by strong stone walls. The fall is seventeen fert perpendicular measurement. The Corporation purchased the Mill privileges at this place, and eight acres of land. Considerable work had been done, which was made subservient to their object. This proprietary is divided into one hundred shares, and has cost fifteen thousand dollars. The toll received ott rafts in the year ending the 31st May, 1814, was $336,78; and to 31st May, 1815, $451,47. The present year will have additionally the benefit of the ascending trade. The Canal and the Mills, and the roads which mee, here, are inducing a rapid settlement of this vicinity, and the general business increases. From Hooksett Canal to Amoskeag, a distance of eight miles, the river is unobstructed, wide and gentle. Amoskeag Canal, the greatest work of the kind in New England, except Middlesex, though not owned in any part by our Corporation, is, however, principally in the hands of proprietors in the Middlesex Canal; and it being of great importance in the chain of water-communication, formed by the rest cf our works, we are happy to state that for the most part, it is new and permanently constructed, and that what remains of the old works, will probably be renewed the present year. On leaving Amoskeag Canal, you enter on that section of the river nine miles in extent, converted by law, into the Union Canal, comprehending in that space, six distinct falls; at each of which, and at several intermediate places, work has been done. The first Lock is at Merrill's Falls, erected at the 716 THhE HISTORY QF MANCHESTER. foot of this rapid, near the eastern shore, supported and protected by strong wall, from which dams formed of timber find stone, extend from the one side to the shore, and from the other to the head of the falls, and obliquely nearly across the river; forming a still basin or Canal in this instance, one hundred and forty rods in length. In great freshets when the river is unnavigable the Lock is overflowed. As the water subsides the works re-appear for use; and are calculated for a variation of the surface, perpendicularly for eight feet. Precautions appear to be taken to guard against the effects of winter; and the experience of five seasons provt s them secure. The other Locks, viz: at Griffin's, Goff's, Coos, and Moor's Falls, ar3 constructed on similar principles, varying in position, or strength of the works according to circumstances. In several instances, considerable difficulties were to be surmounted by dint of labour, and places were pointed out where channels had been tormed by the removal of masses of rocks from under water, by force of powder and machinery. Descending the river five miles further, we came to Cromwell's Falls; where a Lock has been built under the same Act of Incorporation, by a subsequent grant of the Legislature, with a separate rate of toll. The toll oC the Union Canal above described, is seven a'hd a half cents a ton per mile, or sixty seven cents per ton; and by a recent act of the Legislature, a toll on rafts has been granted. The cost of Union Canal, including Cromwell's, mav be estimated in round numbers at $50,000 dollars; which however, will be reduced, (to the proprietors) twenty thousand, by the avails of the lottery, granted in aid of this expensive and hazardous undertaking. This Canal has begun to receive toil, and is under a like system of management. After descending the river fifteen miles further, your Committee entered Wicasee Canal, and passed the Lock therein. This work being in the same county as the Middlesex, maybe considered as an appendage thereof. It consists of a.natural passage between Tyng's island and the north shore, which was cleared out and deepened and a substantial Lock built to raise the height of Wicasee Falls, which are on the other side of the island; in which Falls there are dams to check the water back in a low state of the river, to save the expense of digging the Canal deeper. The cost was about $14,000 dollars, and there is a separate toll. The work opened the river for fifteen miles, and may be considered essential to its navigation. Proceeding from hence three miles down the river, we reached the head of Midd'esex, fifty two miles from the ",lower" landing in Concord, the "upper" landing being on the E,st side five miles higher up. Your Committee, after viewing this chain of water communication, see no reason to doubt its effectual operation; and are confirmed in the opinion which six years ago prompted the Board of Directors to the undertaking, that it was necessary to the final success of the Middlesex Canal. A few years of experience are wanting to show the extent of the usefulness of these improvements, and the effects they trill undoubtedly produce. The kind of business expected to result from them, has already commenced. The landing places and stores already mentioned have been established at Concord, for the deposit of merchandize, and produce in their way to and from Boston. A regular system of transportation is actually carried on, which there is every reason to think will actually increase; and bringing the real acccmmodation of eighty-five miles of water carriage directly into-the heart of the country, may be expected to attract a considerableaccession of trade to our State and metrop9lis. In closing their report, your Committee (having had an opportunity of inspecting the proof-impression of a map of New Hampshire, on a large scale, now preparing for publication,) beg leave to advert to the suppoed practicability of opening a water-communication between the Merrimack and Connecticut river, in the direction of Windsor, in the state of Vermont, between Sugar river and Sunnape Lake, from which it takes ita rise; and the Contoocook, which has its northerlty source in or very near the same and discharges eight miles above Concord; By which -water carriage from Boston might be'encreas CANALS. 717 ed to three hundred miles; not with a view of engaging the Corporation in any additional expense already too great; but; to lead the Board to consider at some convenient time, the means of calling the public, and even Legislative atten. tion to an object of so much importanee to the whole community, at least so far as to ascertain its practicability, and prob ble cost from a(.tual survey. This point indeed might be settled fir a few hundred dollars. The Committee have only to add that they found theMiddlesex Canal in an imp:roved state and perfeet operation. AARON DENTON, ) ANDREW SIGOURNEY, BENJAMIN VWELD, COMMITTEE. B. JOY. From this report, it will be seen that the project was seriously contemplated of uniting the Merrimack and Connecticut rivers by means of the Contoocook and Sugar rivers, and thllus to secure the trade of Nortllernl Vermont to Boston. The project was chimerical, as the same object has been attempted nearlv in the same direction by railroads, and has thus far proved a perfect failure. A large proportion of the boatmen upon the river, in the employment of the boating company, were from Manchester and Litchfield. A knowledge of the river and river craft, gained from their proximity to the Falls, and consequent employment there in fishing and "running" lumber, gave them a decided superiority as boatmen. It was a life of hardship and temptation by which some fell, but others are among our most respectable citizens. Among them was the late Capt. Israet Merrill, a mLan of powerful make and' without fear. A boat race is well recollected betwixt his boat and another, which continued from Boston to Concord. From the head of "Middlesex" to Concord. each strived for the advantage, but Merrill beat by the length of the boat or so! His antagollist however never did another day's work; the exertion was the cause of his death! Capt. Merrill was pilot of the steamer that made a trip to Concord in 1817. Joseph M. Rowell, Esq.: Messrs. Samuel Hall, Samuel B. Kidder, and Jaines Hall, are aniong those of our citizens'v-ho were engaged in the boating business. This business was done by a company, ilncorporated by the name of the "Merrimack Boating Comptany." The first boat that passed from Boston to Conlcord arrived there in the' Fall of 1814, but the boats did not commence running regularly till in June, 1815. A large square sail was used for propelling the boats when the wind was fair, but the usual method was by "setting poles." Two men standing upon the bow of the boat, each with a pole some 12 feet long, shod with iron, would thrust the same against the bottom of the river or canal, in an angling direction, and then throwing the body for50 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. 718 ward would walk with a measured step to the stern of the boat, thus pushing the boat aldng as they went; they would then pull up their poles and pass to the bow again to go through the same walk. This was called "polling a boat." While this operation was going on, a third hand stood some feet from the stern of the boat holding in his hand the handle of a long paddle, some fifteen or twenty feet in length, its immense blade extending into the surface of the water from the bow of the boat say something less than half its length. This man was the "steersman" and this ponderous paddle was the "tiller" with which to guide the boat. Being under the direction of experienced men, it was not often that any serious accident happened to these boats. However, two boats were lost upon the river in this neighborhood. One boat was capsized in Goffe's Falls, and Mr. Enoch Killicut was drowned. He belonged to Hooksett. In 1840 another boat ran over the Amoskeag Falls and was stove in pieces and its cargo lost or damaged. The boatmen were Thomas Howe, Timothy Vickery, Thomas J. Page and Warren Pettingill. It was high water and a yoke of oxen were "hitched" to the boat by a long rope, to tow it up the river out of the swift water. The "steersmalan" let the bow of the boat sheer too far from the shore, the force of the current was stronger than the oxen, and boat and oxen were taken down the river. The oxen were forced into the water and the boatmen made for the shore for their' lives!At this moment, Joseph M. Rowell, who was standing upon the bank, very coolly -struck the rope with a jack-knife, and stretched to its utmost tension, with one stroke of the knife it parted, and the oxen were saved while the boat was dashed in pieces upon the rocks. The loss was about $2,500. In 1823, the name of the company was changed to that of the Boston and Concord Boating Company. Under this name it continued to do a prosperous business till the Fall of 1842, when the Concord railroad was opened to Concord. LOcKS ON THE PISCATAQUOG. In 1818, Wm. P. Riddle built a set of locks at the mouth of the Piscataquog. His store and boating house were just below the Piscataquog bridge and some rods from the Merrimack, and at low water boats could not pass up the Piscataquog. By building a dam across the Piscataquog at the head of Bass Island, a still basin was formed up to the bridge-and by a lock of 100 feet long, the Merrimack was reached with boats and rafts at the lowest stages of the water. tj~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I Sri, INi -21- — i_==E5=NEW DEPOT RAILWAYS. 719 RAILWAYs.-The Concord railroad passes through this city, while the Manchester and Lawrence and the N. IH. Central roads start from this city. The Concord road extends from Concord to Nashua, a distance of 36 miles. It was incorporated in 1835 and has a capital of $1,485,000. It was opened to this place for public travel July 4, 1842. In connection with the Manchester and Lawrence road, it has two splendid depots in this city, one for freight and the other for passengers. The Freight Depot is below Granite street, corner of Granite and Canal streets, and is 300 feet in length by 65 feet in width. — The Passenger Depot is upon the corner of Canal and Granite streets. It is in the form of a cross 310 feet in length and 80 feet in width. Both these buildings are of brick and of the most improved make for depots. A view of the Passenger Depot is given opposite. This Depot was built in 1855 upon ground formerly occupied by the old Freight Depot which was of brick and had been taken down, as it was inadequate to the business of the place. The old Passenger Depot, abandoned for the same cause, still stands immediately west of the new Depot. A view of this is also given. The officers of the Concord Road are Isaac Spaulding, Nashua, President. Isaac Spaulding, Josiah Stickney, Chas H. Peaslee, A. C. Pierce, Uriel Crocker, B. F. Manning, J. S. Kidder, Directors. John H. George, Concord, Clerk. N P. Lovering, Boston, Treasurer. Hon. N. G. Upham, Concord, Superintendent. D. C. Gould, Agent and Tick. et Master for the Manchester Station. A. W. Tompson, Baggage Master.t Jacob Sawyer, Freight Clerk. James A. Watson and W. H. Dole, Freigh Agents. THE MANCHESTER AND LAWRENCE. —This road was chartered in 1847, and built in 1848 and'49. It extends to Lawrence a distance of 26 miles. It occupies the Depots in connection with the Concord road. Its capital stock is $800.000. The officers of the road are E. J. M. Hale, Haverhill, President. E. J. M. Hale, David. ABunton, J. T. P. Hunt, Manchester, Joseph Low, Concord, John Flint, Andover, N. F. White Lawrence, Charles Connor, Exeter, Directors. lWm. C Clarke, Manchester, Clerk. D. J. Daniels, Manchester, Treasurer. J. A. Gilmore, Superintendent. N. H. CENTRAL.-This road was chartered in 1848 and was built in 1849 and'50, and extends from Manchester to Henniker, a distance of 28 miles. Its capital stock is $500,000. It has been merged with the Concord and Claremont rcad under the name of the Connecticut River Railroad. 720 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER XXTII. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Preaching at Amoskeag.-Universalist Society.-First Congregational Society.First Methodist Episcopal Society.-First Baptist Society.-St. Michael's Church.-UInitarian Society.-Franklin Street Society.-Free Will Baptist Society.-Second M. E. Society.-Second Baptist Society.-Christian Mission Church.- North Elm St., M. E, Society.-Piscataquog Cong. Church. The ecclesiastical history of Mancheste'r of any interest to the reader as such, covers a period of only some twenty-six or twenty-seven years last past. Prior to 1829, there seems to have been no effectual measures taken for the regular support of a ministry, and for reasons fully set forth in the 17th chapter of this work, where also may be found a history of the eclesiastical affairs of the town, from its incorporation in 1751 to 1804, when the Rev. Mr. Pickels left the town. Prior to that time there was occasional preaching here, as the Rev. Mr. John Elliot undoubtedly preached here to the Indians as early as 1651 or 1652, and subsequently, Simon Betogkom an Indian also preached here to the Indians; and at a still later period, after the whites began to visit the Falls in large numbers. for the purpose of fishing, there was occasional preaching here during the fishing season. The Rev. Mr. Seccomb of Kingston often preached here to the fishermen prior and subsequent to 1743. He was a gentleman of good attainments, of eccentric habits, and extremely fond of fishing. As was the custom with many gentlemen of the seaboard towns, Mr. Seccomb was in the habit of visiting Amoskeag annually for -_"I~ ----— ' -~- — — - ---— -' —- —— — - — —-s=. —-— i —— -- —=;-= —;;--I — - —— ^I ;= —==L;; —--- j----- ==; — =3 - %; LL-z — clt t-1 = —-7 2-3iiPL -- -- ----— ~ —-~: ii~~ rn:? ': dilllllOll"!liilllll;lili; F" d ~,r ~'"' ur ~c~I r: I~r::, — —— - iSb -i3Y J L- =.sW 4y;-i- %Y" RESIDPICE OF C. I3ALI)WJN, E$G1. FISHING AT AMOSKEAG. 721 the purpose of indulging in the amusement of fishing. At such times he preached upon the Sabbath. In the " Fishing Season of 1739 " he preached a discourse here having Hon. Theodore Atkinson and other gentlemen for hearers. This sermon was published in 1743, and its title page was as follows:'AMiOSKEAG FISHING. " Business and Diversion inoffensive to God, and necessary for the comfort and support of human Society. A Discourse utter'd in part at Ammauskeeg Falls, in the Fishing Season, 1739. "Deep in the Vale old " Moniack"* rolls his Tides, Romantick Prospects crown his reverend sides; Now thro' wild grotts, and pendant Woods he strays, And ravish'd at the sight, his course delays. Silent and calm-now with impetuous shock Pours his swift Torrent down the steepy rock; The trembling Waves thro' airy channels flow)v, And loudly roaring, smoke and foam below. I. W. The dedication of this discourse was as follows, viz: "To the Honourable Theodore Atkinson, Esq.; and other the Worthy Patrons of the Fishing at Ammauskeeg.'' Genttemen, It's not to signify to others that I pretend to an Intimacy with you, or that I ever had a Share in those pleasant Diversions, which you have innocently indulged yourselves in,,,t the Place where I have taken an annual Tour for some years past. Yet I doubt not but you'l Patronize my Intention, whieh is to fence against Bigotry and Superstition, All Excess I disclaim, but pretend to be a Favourer of Religion, and of Labour as an Ingraclicut, and of Recreation as a necessary Attendant. " I believe the Gentleman who moved me to preach there in some odd circumstances, and those at whose Desire and charge this Discourse is Printed, (asking their Pardon if my Suggestion appear to them ungrounded) were moved more from the uncommonness of the I hing, than any Thing singular in it. I have put off the Importunity for near these three years; but least it should be that I fear it's being seen by the World, I submit it to Sight and Censure. " So little as I know you, Gentlemen, I heartily present it to you; tho' all the Reason that I intend to offer is, we have fished upon the same Banks: And tho' 1 know this will be no Bait, I am fond of being esteemed, in the Affair of Fishing, Gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant, " FLUVIATILIS PISCATOR. The sermon itself bears'the evident traits of a brilliant genius and a poetic imagination.+t No account is to be found as to preaching here by any other person until the incorporation of the town il 1751, when the i' Boston, Printed for S. Kneeland and T. Green in Queen Street 1MDCCXLIII.' " Moniack" one of the names applied to the Merrimack by the Indians, from the fact that it contained a great many islands. The literal meaning of Moniack is " Island-place"-it being a compound word from the Indian nouns Mona (island) and Auke (place). t A copy of this sermon is in the Library of Harvard College, and to the kind intentions of the former Librarian, the late Dr. T. XV. Harris, and the obliging attentions ef the present Librarian, Mr. John L. Sibley, I am indebted for the above extracts. 722 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER, Rev. Mr. McDonald preached here and an attempt was made to settle him, as related in chapter XVII, of this work. After the Rev. Mr. Pickels left in 1804, Mr. David Abbott, who had moved into the town the year previous, and was a Baptist commenced holding religious meetings at the houses of snch as would open them for that purpose, and with such success that in 1812 a Baptist Church was formed in the place consisting of fourteen members. This Church continued to prosper for some years under the teaching of Mr. Abbott, until it numbered twenty-two male members, when it became divided from some cause now unknown, and finally ceased to exist. Soon after, the Methodists occasionally had preaching in town, Elders Hinds, Broadhead and Peaslee officiating.Their efforts were successful, and at length in 1829, during a period of much religious interest, the result of Rev. Mr. Broadhead's preaching, the project of building a church was started and resulted in success-the building of the Methodist Episcopal Church at Manlchester Centre. This was the first successful effort at building and completing a meeting-house in the. town. In 1828, the Presbyterians made a successful effort to form a church and society which continued with occasional preaching until 1839 when uniting with the church and society at Amoskeag, or Goffstown, they two became The First'Congregational Society in Manchester. Since that period, religious effort has been abundant and most successful, so that a town, that for one hundred and tei years had not been able to' support a minister, now has more churches, more ministers, more communicants alld members, than any other town in the State. UNIVERSALIST SOCIETY.-REV. B. M. TILLOTSON. This society was commenced in 1825, at Amoskeag, through the efforts of Dr. Oliver Dean, the Agent of the Factories in that village, and now of Boston. The Society continued their worship under the charge of Rev. Frederick A. Hodgsdon.In 1833, this church numbered 70 members, being, on Sept. 4th of that year, organized under the name of the " First Universalist Church of Bedford and Goffstown." In 1839, it was thought advisable that the society should be transferred to Manchester, and it was done accordingly. In the summer and fall of that year the society built a church upon Lowell street. The land for the same was given by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. The church wasof brick, 80 feet in length ~~~~~~~_.i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i i —- ---- — ~~II t it liil LOELSTETCHRH ,ill I __llll_. HtANOVER STR~EET CHURCH, FIRST CONG. CHURCH. 723 by 60 feet in width, and was dedicated to the service of Almighty God in February, 1840. The Rev. George W. Gage was settled over the church and society in 1841. Mr. Gage asked a dismission in the Fall of 1843, which was granted, and in January, 1844, the Rev. B. M. Tillotson was settled as his successor. The society prospered beyond the expectations of the most sanguine of its friends, and it was found that their house was too small to accommodate those who wished for seats as regular attendants, and in 1849 it was determined to enlarge and otherwise improve it. Accordingly in the Autumn of that year and the winter of 1850, it was enlarged by the addition of 25 feet in width, or by one half of its former size. and its interior greatly improved; and in February, 1850, it was dedicated with appropriate services. In 1855 a portico was added to the front, and the church was provided with a fine organ at an expense of $3000. Under the ministration of Rev. Mr. Tillotson it has become one of the most flourishing societies in the city. 9'he house is large, but it is constantly filled, and the society already feel the need of a still larger one, as seats are in demand, and no more hearers can be permanently accommodated, The church is in a prosperous condition numbering about 125 members. The Sabbath School connected with this church is also flourishing, numbering about 250, and having a Library of some 1000 volumes. The great secret of the success of this society, is the unanimity of its members in all their affairs.A spirit of union seems to pervade their every movement. — And as long as such a spirit characterizes their efforts, their success must be continuous and permanent. FIRST CONG. CHURCH.- REV. C W. WALLACE. A Presbyterian church was organized in Manchester, on the 21,t of May, 1828. The means of grace enjoyed by this church were very limited. There was no house of worship of which it had the exclusive control. It never was blessed with the labors of a settled pastor. Rev. WVrn. K. Talbt supplied the pulpit for a few months after the organization of the church. In 1833 Mr. Benjamin F. Foster was ordained as an Evangelist, and divided his labors for sometime between this church and the church at Amos]keag. For a number of years this church was almost entirely destitute of the stated means of grace. A Congregational church was organized at Amoskeag village, Dec. 2, 1828. This church was situated on the opposite side of the Merrimack river, and about three miles distant from the Pre byterian church above mentioned. Its condition was very similar to that church, although it enjoyed to a greater extent the stated preaching of the gospel. But like the other it never had.a settled pastor or a house it could control. Among those who supplied this church with preaching, was Rev. B. F'. Foster, before mentioned, Rev. Mr. Noble, Rev. Mr.French, afterwards missionary at Siam, Rev.Mr.Stone, and Mr. C. XW. Wallace. T'he last named commenced his labors vith this church on the last Sabbath in April, 1739. About the same time this church commenced holding 724 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. meetings at the new village of Manchester. This was done with the advice and concurrence of the Presbyterian church, as well as other friends of Christ in the neighborhood. This was the first regular Sabbath service which was commenccd and sustained in what is now the heart of the city of Manchester. During the summer of 1839, it became apparent that the interests of religion would be advanced by a union of the Presbyterian church at Manchester center and the Congregational church at Amoskeag village, and to have the same, when united, located at the new village of Matchester. This union was effected Aug. 15, 1839, and the church thus formed became what is now " The First Congregational Church" in the city of Manchester. Previous to this union, MIoses Noyes was the deacon of the Presbyterian church, and Daniel Farmer of the Congregational church,' and by agreement of parties they retained the same office in the new church. The articles of faith and covenant, and the name of the Amoskeag church, were accepted. The articles are strongly Calvanistic in doctrine. At the time of the union the church consisted of 28 members. Since that time 424 have been added-298 by letter and 126 by profession of faith-making 452. Of these four have been excluded-39 have deceased-128 have been dismissed to other churches, and 273 is the number of the present membership. Soon after the organization of the church in its present form, Nahum Baldwin and Hiram Brown were chosen deacons, and at a later period, 1848, Henry Lancaster and Holbrook Chandler were appointed to the same office. All these brethren still survive, and have ever been united with the pastor in maintaining the order, discipline, harmony and spirituality of the church, and have thereby added much to his usefulness as a minister ol Christ. Seasons of religious interest have been enjoyed. In 1842, 26 were received on profession of faith; in 1850, 17; arid in 1852, 12. No year has passed without same additions to the church by profession. Not a few have been converted, who have united with other churches as they returned to their homes in other parts of the State. General peace and harmony have prevailed among the members of this church. They have been united in doctrine, in labors to promote spirituality, and in regard to the moral questions of the day. In respect to all these subjects, they have been found walking, in a good degree, in. the fear of God and in the comfort of the Holy Ghost. The contributions of this church for charitable purposes, during some years past, have been between $700 and $1000..In April, 1838, a religious society was formed at Amoskeag. It was known by the name of "The First Congregational Society" in Amoskeag village.'rhe spirit and design of this society may be seen from the following extract from the Preamble: " The object of this association is to support and enjoy more effectually the institutions of our holy religion. Our belief is in the reality of a Divine Revelation, our desire is to know its truths-zealousIy to maintain these is our fixed purpose. We unite in the fear of Go:l. For success our hope is in the riches of His mercy, Praying for Divine assistance, for purity of intention, mutual affection, a love for the truth and a holy concern for our best interests, we unite for the furtherance of our object." At the organization of the society, Daniel Farmer was chosen President, and Geo. W. Kimball Secretary. The name of the society has since been changed to the First Congregational Society in Manchester. Among the first things attempted by this society was the erection of a house of worship. Various plans were proposed and different sites were mentioned. Finally in the spring of 1839, the society corrmnenced building their present house of worship. It was completed the followvina autumn, and dedicated in November of the same year. The house was built of wood, 64 feet wide by 81 long, without galleries or a tower, iand at an expense including land of about $5500, though the land, valued at about $500, was given by the "'Amoskeag Manufacturing Company." The house contained 122 pews, and would accommodate about 650 persons. At a subsequent period this house was enlarged. It is now 100 feet lung and 841 wide-contains 164 pews and will accommodate 900 persons. The expense of the enlargement was about $3000. The society also own a vestry which FIRST M. E. CHURCH. 725 cost about $t500. They have an organ in their house of worship which cost about $1500. Other additions and improvements have been made, which, together with the increased value of property in this city, would make the whole amount- of the property of the society at the present time, about $14,000 or $15,000, on which there is a debt of $6000. All the expenses of the fup)port of the institutions of religion are sustained by a tax on the pews, which are owned by the society. For the year 1854 the amount collected was $2674,63.This society has always made a liberal provision for the support of the gospel, as well as having allowed their pastor seasons of rest, and supplying the pulpit during his absence. Mr. (C'. W. Wallace, then alicentiate of the Londonderry Presbytery, commenced his labors with the first Congregational church arid society on the last Sabbath of April, 1819. He did not commence preaching as a candidate for settlement. lHe continued, however, to supply the pulpit until Nov., of the same year, when he received a call to settle as the pastor of the church and society. The call was ac:cepted, and on the 8th of Jan. 1840, he was ordained Of the council convened on this occasion, 1Rev. C. P. Bradford was chosen moderator, Rev. J. Clement scribc?, and Iev. E. L. Parker assistant scribe.Thirteen churches were invited to be represented on the council, each having a pastor. Of these, only Rev. Thomis Savage of Bedford retains the position then occupied, while the moderator, the assistant scribe, Rev. I)r. 1urnham of Pembroke who offered the introductory prayer, and Rev. U. C. Burnap of Lowell who preached the sermon, have been called to their rest and reward. — The pastor of this church was the first minister ever ordained and installed in this town, and his settlement occurred ninety years after the town was incorporated.* TImE FIRsr M. E. CHURCH. -RIE. GEO. M. HAMLIN. The First Methodist Episcopal church inl Mahchester was organized Sept. 27, 1829. For a number of years previous to this date there had been Methodist preaching in the place a portion of the time, by the Rev. Orlando Hinds, Johnll Broadhead, 1E. Peaslee and. others. In the year 1829, there was a revival of religion under the labors of Rev. J. Broadhead,: and about eighty united with the church. The Society now felt the need of a stated ministry and a more commodious place of worsLhip than had previously been enjoyed. Accordingly, measures were taken to erect a suitable house of worship, and in 1830, the Meeting House which has been occupied by the 1st.[l. E. Society since the above date, was erected at Manchester Centre, at a cost of $2000. The Rev. Matthew Newhall, from the N. H. Conference, was the first preacher stationary here. His connection withl the station continued two years. The following preachers have been succssively stationed at Manchester centre: Silas Green. Caleb Dustin, Converse L. McCurdy, WWmr J. Kidder, Matthew Newhall, Wm. S. Locke, Chas. H. Eastman, Ezekiel Adams, Horatio N. Taplin, Henry Nutter, Isaac W. Hiuntly, Elijah R. Wilkins, Robert S. Stubbs. The church inow nutmbers 106 members and is now under the pastoral charge of Rev. Geo. MI. Hamlin. The folN. \H. Churches.* 726 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. lowing fact proves that the church has not been altogether void of prosperity since its organization. Eighty members (the same number that was connected with the church when first organized) have been removed from the church by death or letters, showing an addition of the present membership. THE FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH. REV. B. F, HEDDEN. On the 2d of August, 1835, ten persons belonging to different Baptist churches, met for the first time in a hall, at Amoskeag, to worship according to their cherished denominational belief, amenable only to God and their own conscience. The Goffstown church had previously voted to acknowledge them, as the "Amoskeag Branch of the Goffstown Church." Rev. J. Peabody faithfully performed the duties of an under shepherd, until Oct, 1837, during which time the Branch enrolled on its list forty-nine members. Dec. 1st, 1836, they met at the house of Dea. JohnPlummer to consult'with other friends, in regard to the religious expediendr, of being formed into an independent church. The Branch unanimously agreed to ask a dismission from the Goffstown church; to adopt the articles of faith and practice, as presented by the New Hampshire Baptist State Convention, and also to request their pastor to select and invite an ecclesiastical council to meet with them for further deliberation. Accordingly Jan. 4, 1837, the council convened at "Roger Williams Hall," and publicly recognized the Branch as an independent church. The following are a part of the clergymen who assisted on the occasion: Rev. D. D. Pratt, Rev. George Evans. Rev. BartletPease, Rev. Mark Carpenter, and the pastor Rev. John Peacock. As the manufacturing interest rapidly increased on the east side of the river, it was deemed advisable by this church, and other friends in the vicinity, to erect their house of worship near the centre of the new village.'I'he First Baptist church edifice was built by a few enterprising men, on a lot of land given by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, on Manchester street, and was publicly dedicated to the worship of Almighty God in the year of 1840. It was the third house thus set apart within the precincts of the now densely crowded city. The building is of brick, 80 feet in length by 60 feet in width, of good architectural design, and surmounted with a dome and bell. The building was completed at an expense of $6000. .-~e = FIR-I~~~~~~.ST.._BP.._.____ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.t — c —i _~,~-L~~~~i ~~I II/i,, ~i!'! FIRSTlit II B11 S C1111 i BITIST! 1 C1Hi! 111111 FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH. ~ E'I ST.MICHAEL'S CHURCH. 727 The society have an excellent organ, and a new commodious vestry, the funds being furnished for its erection by the':Ladies Charitable Society" connected with this church. Rev. E. K. Bailey commenced his labors in 1837, and continued with this people a number of years. After his resignation the pulpit was supplied successively by the following pastors: Rev. James Upharn, Rev. B3enj. Brierly, Rev, T. O. Lincoln, Rev. Isaac Sawyer, and the present pastor, Rev. B. F. Hedden. The whole number of persons added to this church since its commencement is 784, the present number is 297, being con — stantly lessened by dismission and death. ST. MICHAEL'S CHURCH. (Protestant Episcopal.) REv. ISAAC G. HUBBARD. In June, 1840, the Convention of the Diocese of New Hampshire was informed that the services of the Episcopal church were desired in Manchester. In compliance with this desire, the Rev. P. S. Ten Broeck of Concord, officiated in the school house on Lowell St. the second Studay of July following. Services were soon after held by the Rev. T. Edson of Lowell and others. In September of the same year, the Rev. Wm. HI. Moore, of' the Diocese of New York, then a recent graduate of the General Theological Seminary, visited Manchester by invitation, and officiated two Sundays in a Hall in " Union Building;" which had been appropriately fitted up for the purpose. The attendance was encouraging, and an invitation was extended to all favorable to the organization of a church, in conformity with the rites and doctrines of' the Protestant Episcopal church, to mneet on Monday evening, Nov. 28, 1840. A number of gentlemen met at the time appointed, and the Rev. William H. Moore having been called to the chair, the following resolutions were presented and unanimously adopted: " 1, Resolved, That believing the rapidly increasing population of this town demands an extension of spiritual principles, and whereas there are many among us who feel a strong attachment to the institutions of the Episcopal church, and desire to extend the ble,.sings of the Gospel of Christ, therefore, " 2, Resolved, That in hunmble reliance upon God's blessing on our enterprise, we will now proceed to organize a church, whose doctrines and ordinances shall be in accordance with the Articles, Constitution and Canons of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States. " 3, Resolved,'Ihat this Corporation shall be known under the title of the Rector, Wardens, and Vestry of Saint Michael's Church, Manchester, Hillsboro' Co., N. H..-,, Resolved,'That by our personal exertions and players we will endeavor to 728 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. build up this society and parish, in the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, and extend the blessings to those who may be pleased to unite with us. 5, Resolved, That we now proceed to elect two Wardens, and four Vestrymen, and a Secretary. Accordingly the following officers were elected: Senior Warden-WWm. A. Burke. Junior Warden-J. S. T. Cushing. fJ. Appleton Burnham, Oliver W. Bayley, Yestrymen j Robert Read, t Henry C, Gillis. Secretary-Samuel T. Wetmore. On the 17th of Dec. an invitation was extended to the Rev. W. H. Moore to become the rector of the parish. That Rev. gentleman accepted the invitation and entered upon his duties on Christmas Eve., 1840. A building previously used by the Free Will Baptist Society, on Concord St. having been rented, the congregation removed thither in June, 1841. Here they gradually gained in numbers and strength till the place was filled, when it was determined to make an effort to erect a church. By the generous exertions of the congregation seconded by donations from abroad, and the gift of a lot of land on the corner of Lowell and Pine streets, by the Amoskeag Company, this purpose was accomplished; and the church~Qsting with the organ $2,300.00, and free from debt, was consecrated to the worship of Almighty God, by the Rt Rev. Manton Eastburn, of Mass., Thursday, Dec. 28th, 1843. During the ministry of the first Rector, the evils incident to a new enterprise, in a very fluctuating community, were experienced.Many of those who united with the parish removed, and the church was thus deprived of some of its most devoted and efficient members. Its light was thereby diffused and the good which it accomplished was manifested more extensively. After a rectorship of more than seven years, his health failing, the Rev. Mr. Moore resigned April 23, 1848. He was succeeded, in the following June, by the Rev. John Kelly, a graduate of Trinity College, Hartford. Under his energetic ministry the parish continued to prosper. The interior of the church building was much improved by a new chancel arrangement, by tempering the glare of the white walls with neutral tint, and by graining the wood work. A debt, also, which had gradually accumulated, was liquidated. In April, 1852, the Rev. Mr. Kelly resigned, and accepted a call to the church in Warren, R. I. The next May, the present rector, the Rev. UNITARIAN SOCIETY. 729 Isaac G. Hubbard, entered upon his official duties. Since then a parsonage has been built, at a cost, including the land, (which was purchased at a generous discount from the Amoskeag Company) of $2100. This church may now be regarded as firmly established and in a prosperous condition. By reference to the Records, it appears that under the rectorship of the Rev. Mr. Moore, 9 adults and 24 children were baptized, and 14 persons were confirmed. Under that of the Rev. Mi. Kelly, 14 adults and 27 children were baptized and 44 persons were confirmed. Under the present rectorship 12 adults and 57 children have been baptized and 41 persons confirmed. The present number of communicants is 80. UNITARIAN SOCIETY. REV. Wm. L. GAGE. The first distinctive preaching in this city, of the doctrine commonly held by Unitarian Christians, was in the month of January, 1841, by Rev. S. Osgood, then of Nashua. For about four months in this year meetings were held on the Sabbath, by those attached to that form of religious faith, but no attempt was made to organize a society, or to settle a pastor, and there being no suitable place in which to hold their meetings, it was decided to suspend them till another year, when the Town Hall would be ready for occupation. In the month of March, 1842, Mr. Briggs of Boston, preached in the r'ow\n Hall, one Sabbath, and Rev. O. H. Wellington, preached during the month of April. On the 24th of April in the same year, a meeting was held of all those interested in the support of the worship of Almighty God, after the usage, and in general conformity to the doctrine received by Unitarians, at the house of Mr. William Shepherd. At this meeting only nine persons were present. Although few in numbers, they were strong and earnest in their purpose to establish such religious institutions as seemed to them best adapted to promote religious truth, and a christian life among men, and after careful deliberation, it was unanimously resolved to form a society for the more effectual support of religious worship, and Messrs. E. A. Straw, and Daniel Clark, Esq., were appointed a committee to draft a constitution, and By-Laws, for the government of the society, and report the same at some future meeting. Accordingly, on the 27th of April, another meeting was held, at which Mr. Straw reported, and the society adopted a suitable constitution, of which the following is the PREMABLE. "The object of this Association is to support and enjoy the more effectually, 730 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. the institutions of our Holy Religion. Our belief is in the reality of Divine Revelations, and in the Bible, as the record of that revelation. We desire to know its truths, and, in all charity and love towards our fellow men, to maintain them. Such being our purpose, we unite ourselves in this association, with the love of God, and of his Son Jesus Christ; the love of the divine truths as taught by Christ during- his mission upon the earth; and the love of all his children, our fellow men and brethren, strong in our helrts; hoping to establish and maintain an altar where the sons of man may worship their Creator as their consciences shall dictate, untremmelled by any of these fettering creeds, the offspring of human ingenuity alone. To do this we pledge our zealous and humble efforts, and in promoting this object, it shall be our strong endeavors to merge all local and party feelings and all sectarian prejudices..Praying for Divine assistance and hoping for the riches of God's grace and mercy, concious of purity of intention, of mutual affection, of a love for the truth, and holy concern for our fellow men, we unite ourselves for the furtherance of our object into a Religious Society." Among the early signers of the constitution adopted with the foregoing Preamble, we find the names of.Messrs. E. A. Straw, Wim. Shepherd, Daniel Clark, Esq., Benj. F. Osgood, Herman Foster, Esq., James May, J. NMcK. Wilkins, Esq., J. H. Moor, Wm. P. Riddle, G. W. Tilden, A. G. Tucker, B. F. Manning, Dr. M. G. J. Tukesbury, C. F. Warren, J. B. Upham, J. D. Kimball, Geo. Hall, H. H. Ladd, and John H. Kimball. At this same meeting, E. A. Straw, Esq., was unanimously chosen Secretary, and Treasurer, and at a subsequent meeting, Mr.J. D. Kimball, was chosen President, and Messrs. Wmin. Shepherd, and B. F. Manning, Directors. A committee was also chosen to confer with Mr. Wellington, as to his settlement with them as Pastor of the newly formed society, who, after a short time accepted the call tendered to him. Mr. Wellington was ordained to the pastoral office in this city Tuesday evening, July 10th, 1842, at which time, Rev. C. Stetson, of Medford, preached the ordination sermon to the acceptance of those who invited himI to perform that duty. In the afternoon of the same day, a church was organized in connection with the society, on whicll occasion, a discourse was preached by Rev. Wm. Channinmg, then of Nashua, from the text. John, xvII, 22, 23. "That they may allbe one, even aswe are one, I inth em and thou in nle, that they may be made perfect in me." After this discourse, the covenant agreed upon was adopted, and a declaration made that by this act of faith a new branch of the church of Christ was established, consisting at this time of but eight members. The rite of the Lord's Supper was then administered, when the members of the newlv formed church, together with such of other churches as chose to unite with them in that religious service, partook of the solemn sacrament. Mr. Wellington's ministry continued for nearly -two years, UNITARIAN SOCIETY. 731 when ill health induced him to leave the city in March, 1844. During the first year of his ministry, the religious services of this society were held in the Town Hall, but in 1843, the church formerly occupied by the Episcopal Methodist Society, was purchased and moved to the lot corner of Pine and Merrimack streets, given by the Amoskeacg Corporation, where it now stands. At the close of Mr. Wellington's ministry, Rev. A. D. Jones was chosen pastor, and was installed July 10th. 1S44. He continued his services for one year. After this, the society continued destitute of a settled minister for some tim,;; Rev. M. J. MXott preaching for the society for one year, but not being installed as pastor nor residing in the city, and various clergymen supplying the pulpit for different periods of time. The society did not increase in numbers, and was only sustained by the self sacrificing spirit and earnest determination of its few members. On the 5th of Febh. 1848, a unanimous invitation was extended to Rev. A. B. Fuller, to become pastor of the society, which call was accepted, and Mr. Fuller was ordained to the pastoral office in the evening of the 19th of March, 1848. The society had much increased in numbers, and, on the 1st of July measures were taken, and subsequently carried into effect, for the enlargement of their church by the addition of twenty-four pews. The church numbers at this time about forty communicants The basis upon which this society professed to be founded, is not a strict agreement in doctrinal opinions, but the reception as their guiding principles of action, of these rules, viz; "lit. This Society believe that the Bible is an authoritive and sufficint rule ot faith and practice, and is the creed and the only creed, that should be imposed upon churches, and the only platform upon which all churches can be founded. 2d. As God has made no two minds alike, diversities of opinion, even among Christians, must be expected to occur, diversities which no man, or body of men, have a right to suppress by any measures, other than an appeal "to the law and the testimony," by fair argument and persuasion, and not by expulsion from Church membership, or by the cry of heresy, and, therefore, this Society recognizes as its second leading principles the right of private judgment. 3d. As men may believe in correct doctrines and yet have corrupt heartsmay profess religion, without possessing it,-may comply without entering into their spirit-and may have many excellent feelings and emotions, and yet not be Christians, but cannot live habitually the Christian life, and manifest constantly the Christian temper and spirit, unless they be Christians. This society therefore, further declare, that in their Judgment, the Christian life and char. acter, are the only true or reliable tests among Christians, and cheerfully agree to invite and receive to their fellowship. all. both ministers and neonle. who 732 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. manifest this character and receive the Scriptures as their rule of faith, however much ally such, may differ from the majority of the society in respect to ojinions." Mr. Fuller's ministry was very successful, but receiving a call from the New North Church, in Boston, and society, he gave up the promising field, for another of no less usefulness, and resigned his pastoral office June 18th, 1853. Rev. Francis Le Barron was unanimously called to be his.successor, and entered upon his duties immediately after th, resignation of Mr. Fuller. Mr. Le Barrori's ministry continued for a little over two years; his resignation was accepted the 14th of October, 1855. In May, 1856, Win. L. Gage, of Boston, received a unanimous call from the society, and was ordained to the work of the ministry on the 25th of June. He is the present pastor. FRANeKL1N ST. CHUTncH-REv. S. C. BARTLETT. This, the second Congregational church, ivas formed in 1S44, by colonization from the first church. The crowded state of that congregation, and the prospect of a rapid influx of population into the city, had led. many individuals, including the pastor of the first church, seriously to consider the expediency of organizing a second church and society. The first public movement was made on the 27th of April. After the adjournment of the annual meecing of the First Congregational Society, held on that day, another meeting was organized by the persons present, and a resolution was introduced, affirming the expediency of immediate measures for the formation of a second church and society. The resolution was discussed and laid upon the table; and a committee, consisting of Rev. C W. Wallace, Asa 0. Colby, Abram Brigham, Andrew Moody, and W. G. Means, (all professors of religion,) was appointed to make further inquiries. After one week, the committee reported strongly in favor of the project; and the resolution of the pi evious meeting was adopted. On the 7th of May, at a meeting publicly called for the purpose, a constitution for a second Congregational society was presented, discussed, adopted, and signed by sixteen individuals. Josiah Crosby, M. D., was chosen President, and Abram Brigham clerk and treasurer. Legal notice of the exisfence of the society was given in the Manchester Memorial on the 23d of May, signed by twenty-six individuals. The society immediately hired the town hall as a place of worship, at a rent of $150 a year, and commenced public services on the first Sabbath of June. A committee had been appointed on the 20th of May, to confer with the first church on the expediency of forming a new church. The result was, that an ecclesiastical council of ministers and delegates from nine neighboring churches-Rev. A. Burnham, moderator, and Rev. P. B. Day, scribe —assembled on the 27th of June, 1844, at the house of'Rev. C. W7. Wallace; and on the same day organized the second Congregational, now named " The Franklin St. Church." It was composed of twenty members; eight of them from the first church, and the remainder, members of various churches, who had been waiting for this movement. David Brighamn was the first deacon chosen, and Thomas Carleton the second. The first pastor was Henry M. Dexter, then recently from Andover theological seminary, who received a unanimous call, and was ordained Nov. 6, 1844. Sermon by Rev. E, N. Kirk of Boston. Salary, $800 the first year, $900 the second, $1000 afterwards. After a faithful ministry, Mr. Dexter was dismised March 14, 1849, to the very deep regret of the church and people. He was =-~~-~~-~i5 —-— ~~~-. — _. _. ~ ~ h i —;~ —~~-==:~~==' j=: ___L=_=-;; -----— m! 1- II —---! —-— i —~ —- ~!~ w ~ 1 Fl% ~ IN-~ —--- S-l %EET. CHURCH. —----- — ~~i -------- FREE WILL. BAPTIST SOCIETY. 7 33 succeeded by Rev. Henry S. Clarke, installed Sept. 29th of the same year; sermon by Rev. Walter Clarke of Hartford, Conn. On account of his health, Mr. Clarke, after an acceptable ministry, was dismissed July 1, 1852. The present incumbent, Rev.. Samuel C. Bartlett, was installed November 3, 1852; sermon by Rev. N. Lord, -D. D. The salary was. in March 1854, by spontaneous and unanimous: vote of the society -raised to $1200.. From the formation of the church the number of members received by pro. fession is 105, and by letter 262. Present number of members 246. No pow. erful revivals have been enjoyed. The means of grace, however, have been accompanied by occasional influences of the Divine Spirit. In the year 1850, 25 individuals were received to the church by profe-sion. During the year ending July 3, 1854, 21 were added in like manner, nearly all being members of the Sabbath School. The first place of worship was the Town Hall. In ten weeks the hall was burnt; and the congregation temporarily occupied a small ckapel now standing on Central street; then P'atten's hall; and subsequently the new. City Hall. The project of erecting a house. of worship, which was contemplated from the beginning, began to be seriously agitated in 1846. Subscriptions to the amount of $2900, were raised to commence the effort. A lot of land on Franklin st. was given to the society by the liberality of the Amoskeag Manufacturing: Co. A plan was prepared, by a committee, in consultation with Mr. Bond, an architect of Boston. The house was commenced early in 1847, and dedicated December 22nd of the same year. Sermon by the pastor, Rev. H. M. Dexter. It is a neat edifice of brick, measuring ninety feet by seventy, with an audience room capable of seating 1050 persons. The basement contains a large lecture room, a smaller one, and a third room fitted up for committee meetings sewing circles and similar purposes. The house and fixtures cost about $12,000;besides:the organ, built by Simmons bf Boston, at a cost of $1900 more.* FREE: WILL BAPTIST CHURCH.- REV. F. W. STRAIGHT. This church and society commenced holding meetings in Manchester in a school house the last of the year 1838. Mr. Gil'More Smith obtained the services of Elder Lemuel Whiting who came from Lowell once in two weeks, and preached several months..Sept., 1839, Rev. J. L. Sinclair came to this town —commenced holding meetings and soon gathered a little church around him, which became the foundation of the present existing society. Without accommodations for church worship, they commenced -and soon completed a small hall on Concord street, for that purpose. November 14, 1839, the little company met at their hall to take into consideration the propriety of organizing themselves into a church. They had previously applied abroad for millisterial aid, which being deferred they thought best to delay no longer. Accordingly, appointed Brother John L. Sinclair, chairman. After prayer and consultation, voted: 1, We believe it will be for the good of our fellow-men and the glory of God to organize a church of our faith and order in this place. 2, We we will therefore now proceed to organize a church to be known as he First Free Will Baptist Church in Manchester. 50 -*N. H.. (Churches. 734 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. John L. Sinclair, Leonard Jackson, and Nehemiah Chase, were appointed a committee to obtain articles of faith, and rules for church adoption. November 16, met according to adjournment. After prayer heard committee's report. Accepted their church covenant and regulations. The following officers were unanimously chosen: Rev. John L. Sinclair, Pastor. Daniel Iaines, Deacon. David Ricker, Clerk. Five men and nineteen women united together to form this infant church. But this little band soon increased from 24 to 112 members, and the audience becoming too large for their straightened accommodations,- measures were taken, to erect a house of worship. But the church was poor-society smallplace new, with few inhabitants, atnd many things seemed against the man who should step forward to undertake this work. But John L. Sinclair was not the man to give back for trifles, but facing difficulties and- shouldering the responsibilities with his little company, he entered courageously upon the work. January, 1842, a deed of a beautiful lot on the corner of Merrimack and Chestnut streets 100 by 120, was kindly given by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, on which a plain, substantial wooden house 50 feet by 87 was erected the same year. In January, 1843, the house was dedicated to the worship of God, and which worship has been ever since constantly maintained. The house cost some over six thousand dollars. January 1843, Rev. J. L. Sinclair resigned the pastoral charge and was succeeded by Rev. D. P. Cilley. Under his arduous and successful.labors hundreds united with the church. The Sabbath School increased to 300 or more. Two sewingcircles were in suceessful operation, and $150 were raised ant nually for home and foreign purposes. Twelve hurndred dollars were paid on the original debt, besides interest and,current expenses, and the number of the church increased to 350. April 1, 1850, Rev. D. P. Cilley resigned his charge and was succeeded: by Rev. Joseph B. Davis from Providence. The sewing circles still continue in a prosperous condition, raising from $50 to $150 annually each. The Sabbath School numbered in July 1853, 555. During 1851, and'52 four hundred dollars were expended in repairs on the house and some fifteen hundred dollars were paid on the original debt. Two hundred dollars were raised SECOND M. E. SOCIETY. 735 annually by the church and society for Home and Foreign Missions. During the two years ending with 1853 over 100 members were added to the: church. In the fall of 1855: Rev. Mr. Davis left to take charge of a society in Lowell, and was succeeded by Rev. F. W. Straight, October 1, ]555. Since hisconnection With the church and -society 100 memlters have been added to the church. The Sabbath School numbers about one hundred. Silas Hamilton, Superintendent. SECOND M. E. SOCIETY.-REV. H. H. HIARTWELL. The-Second Methodist Episcopal Church, was organized in Manchester on the 16th of December, 1839. Different ministers had preached occasionally, till the society was organized. In June, 1840, Rev. John Jones, according to the- Episcopal usage: of this denomination, was'Appointed" pastor, and remained one year, laboring with great acceptability and success. This year, they built a chapel on the corner of Hanover and Chestn-uti streets.!'In 1841, Rev. Silas Green became pastor, and under his direction they continued to enjoy prosperity. In 1842, Rev. Elisha Scott had the pastoral charge. Such was the growth of the place and the increase of the congregation, that their house became too small for them; and they proceeded to erect the commodious brick church on Elm street, at a cost of $16,000. Inr 1843, Rev. James W. Mowry succeeded Mr. Scott, and remained two years.'The following is a list of the preachers, and the order in which they came; 1843, Rev. Osmoil C. Baker, 1846,' John Jones, 1847, ". " 1848, " Samuel Kelley, 1849, " Lorenzo D. Barrows, -1850,; " Charles N. Smith, 1851, " Silas Quimby,.1852, " Justin Spaulding, 1853, " Elisha Adams, 1854, " " During these successive years, this church has been doing her part in all departments of the great christian reform. She has contributed liberally for-the support of her ministry, and 7'36 THE HISTORY- OF MANCHESTER.'for.the promotion of all the other benevolent enterprises of the times. In'1855, Rev. Henry H. Harftwell, (the present pastor) commenced his labors with this church. The past has been as prosperous a year as they have ever seen. Mr. H. reports at the close of his first year, (May, 1856) as follows:. Church members, and those eligible to be received, 440. 1 Sundaq School, 47 officers and Teachers, 485 scholars, and 825 volulmes in the Library. During the past -year the society has raised for religious purposes, more than $3000. It is estimated that: this church exerts a direct influence, to a less or greater extent, upon about 1600 of the population of this city and:immediate: vicinity. The society formerly raised funds to meet their current expenses by voluntary snbscriptions,; but they. have now commenced renting their pews, and hope from the proceeds to pay all incidental expenses. From present appearances, the experiment will. be.completely suiccessful. CATHOLIC SOCIETY'.-Rev. W C. McDONALD...-:....;. -... Iti July, A. D, 1844, Rev. Williams McDonald came to Manchester for the purpose of organizing the Catholics of this city.. At -that time they numbered about six hundred, and during the subsequent year the v worshiped at Granite Hall.:In the meailtiine their pastor botught a large lot on the corner of Merrimack and Union streets,; for which he paid twelve hundred dollars, and commenced to build a church thereon in May 1849.: When they began to worship in this church, their number much increased, and their religious wants seemed to be removed; but to their disappointment and astonishment, the church proved defective and in a short time became unsafe to congregate in. They were therefore obliged to take it down and re-build it. In re-building they re-modeled it, and doing so they have very much improved its style, and have made it-at least internally — the most beautiful church in the State. They also intend to improve it externally by- building a tower, &c. The expense of building and re-building has cost the society twentythree thousand dollars, the most of which is paid. Each year witnessed an increase of their members. so that the church, notwithstanding it can seat twelve hundred people, is quite insufficient to accommodate. the worshippers. -1In order CATHOLIC SOCIETY. 737 to give all an epportunity of frequenting church on the Sab-bath, they have. two services each Sabbath forenoon. At present they number about three hundred, many of whom are not of course communicants, or, as they say, practical catholics..However, it must be admitted that as a whole they conduct themselves:vell —that certainly the majority of them are good and useful citizens and should therefore command our respect-nay, our admiration when we take into account their condition and circumstances. They have to pay the strictest attention to the religious training of their children. Of this their Sabbath School bears evidence as it contains on an average about 400 scholars, To secure the punctual attendance of their children, they have a well organized society which subscribes.a large amount annually to procure clothing for the destitute, and alleviate the wants of their Foorer brethren, thus diminishing the chances of pauperism and of' taxation. As a religious society they have gone on very harmoniously. They and their minister have been uniliterruptedly united for these last eight years.'T]he above narrative is a proof of this, as well as the following gparticulars. T:whey bought in 1853, eighteen thousand feet of land and have built them a beautiful parsonage-house, which must have cost five or six thousand dollars, and for all this too they have paid. And, last year they purchased a large lot on Laurel street, south of the church, for the purpose of erecting a spacious brick building for a Select School. This house is to'be built immediately, at a cost of some six or eight thousand dollars. Moreover they have a cemletery within the limits of the city, well located, containing ten acres, very suitable for. such a purpose. Now all these,vell planned and executed efforts, display unusual energy, when it is known that they have been accomrplished within the short period of eight years-efforts pre enant with much useful instruction to our readers, as they must be with much laudable pride to their performers. Certainly our Catholic community deserve wrell of our citizens for contributing their share of ornamental buildings to our young city, and fortheir rapid approximation to American frugality and'New England industry. ELM STREET ]BAPTIST CHURCH. —REV. J. M. COBURN. October 27, 1845, thirty seven members of the first Baptist Church were dismissed to form a new church and society. They were recognized as a church by a Council Dec. 3d, 1845. The sermon of recognition was preached by Dr. E. E. Cum 738 THE HISTORY OF MANCHMESTER. mings of Concord; Hand of Fellowship: by Rev. B.: Brierly of the First Baptist Church;:Address to-the Church and Congregation,by Rev. Di). D. Pratt of Nashua. The Chturch first met in Classic Hall with Rev. A. T. Foss as their minister. -: After several months they removed to Temple Hall previously: occupied. by the Second. Congregational Church. Mr. Foss, resigned the pastoral charge of the church July I1, 1847. December following Rev. J. C. Morrilt became their pastor and remained with them till July, 1849. -During Mr. Morrill's pastorate they worshiped for a short time in a chapel onC entral Street, thence they removed to the City Hall where they continued till Feb. 22, 1849, when they removed to their present place of worship- on Elm street, after which by a unanimous vote of the church and by legal measures they were incorporated under the name of the Elm St. Baptist church. Their next miniister, was Rev. O. O. Stewarns, who labored with them, not quite a year, and was succeeded:Jan., 1851, by Rev. Isaac Woodbury, who continued till Jan. 1853. In July following their present Pastor, Rev. J. M. Coburn commenced preaching for them. Their Deacons are Eliviress Parmeenter, Caleb Gage, Lyman Woods, Caleb Boynton, and Savory Burbank. Clerk and S&xton, G. Holbrook. The present number of the church is 200. CHRISTI1N MlISSION CHURCHI. —REM-. T. P. SAWIN. In the spring of'1847,y Rev. J. L. Seymour was emploved by tne friends of religion to act as city missionary in this place. A hall was rented, in which he- opened a Sabbath'School:and conducted religious- service.. The idea of, instituting a Free Chapel was suggested and favorably regarded. TZ, this, object the "Amoskeag Manufacturing Company," gave a lot of land considered worth $1000, -and by:the contribution of individuals andalso of the Congregational and Presbyterian churches of the State, the building was completed in the fall of 1850, at an oxpense of about $3000, capable of seating 400 peopie. The "Manchester City: Missionary Society," was legally organized Aprils 21, 1850, and hold the property by a tenure requiring "that no rent or tax shall b, assessed on any slip or seat in said house of public worship, and that it over be kept open and free for the poor in the city of IManchester." [he society employs a clerical missionary, and meets its annual expenses; 1st, by the income of $1000,, bequeathed for that purpose by the late Thomas D. Merrill of Concord; 2d, by the appropriation of $15-0 by the State Missionary Society; 3d, by'donations or contributions from the two Congregational churches in the city and in the chapel During the erection of the chapel no missionary was employed, and Rev. Mr. Seymour having been called to. another field of'labor, Rev. T. P. Sawin, then of Harwich, Ms., was invited, who commenced his duties April, 1851. After a few months, it was thought desirable, especially by those who laboredin the Mission Sabbath School and attended the chapel service, that a church be organized into which might;'be gathered the results of missionary labor. This was effected by an ecelesiasti. CHRISTIAN MISSION CHURCH. 739 cal council, Dec. 30, 1852, under its present name; 17 members were then united in covenant, to which ten were added within two months. The whole number that have united is 44; deducting the dismissions and deaths, the present number is 36. The numbor of adult baptisms, nine; infants, five.The church was organized with the distinct understanding, that whenever its own interests, the success of the mission, or the cause of religion requires, it may leave the chapel and provide for itself elsewhere. Th. church in its present connection with the mission elects the missionary for its pastor, and in all respects is Congregational. NORTH ELM STREET M. E. CHURCH. REV. ELISHA ADAMS. The North Elm St. M. E. Church was organized May 19, 1855, under the pastoral care of Rev. Elisha Adams. The church at its organization numbered 23 members who colonized from the Elm street M. E. Church. The society worship in Smyth's Hall. The Sabbath School now numbers about 100; and the church 65 members. CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY, PISCATAQUOG.-REV. MR. BOWMAN. The meeting house occupied by this society was built in 1820. It is a large commodious house and of sufficient capacity to accommodate the people of that neighborhood for some time to come. The pulpit was supplied for some time by Messrs. Long and Miltimore. It had not been regularly occupied for some years, for preaching, until in 1855, when the Rev. Mr. Stone supplied the desk through the Summer and Fall. The Rev. Mr. Bowman, lately of Portland, Me., commenced his connection with this society, June 15, of the present year, and the prospectis encouraging that the society will become permanent. 740 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTERI CHAPTER XXVIIIo SCHOOLS, AND LITERARY SOCIETIES. Division of the town as to schools.-Report of Selectmen.-First schoolhouses.-Town divided into Classes or Districts.-Old Teachers. —Diivisio0s made in 1840.-New school-houses.-High School House. -Report: of' iPrudential Committee of 1841 and 1842.-Purchase of Apparatus.-High School commenced.-Teachers of ir.-School house on Park and Spring sts..-Attempt to Build a new High School house.-House for Intermediate School.Superintendent of Public Instruction.-J. O. Adams, Eq.-State of schools in the city. Social Library in Derryfield.-Atheneum.-Its'designs and formation.-Donations.-Merged into City Library.-Contract.-Officers, —Condition of Library, Feb. 15, 1856. —Same, Feb. 4, 1856.-Destruction of Library by fire.-Library resuscitated in Merchant's Exchange, and again oper~ ed in July 1856.-Old Lyceum —-New Lyceum. —-Young Men's Christian Association.-.-Manchester Debating Club. SCHOOLS. The subject of schools was frequently brought before the town soon after its incorporation, but without success. The town was too sparsely settled and the inhabitants too much embarrassed by Indian and French wars, and by the difficulties prior to and during the war of the Revolution, to support schools at the public charge: and it was not until about the close of the revolution that schools were established by vote of the town. Prior to this however, schools had been maintained by voluntary subscription, but probably to no great extent. In 1781, December 25, at a special town-meeting it was "voted that the town hire a school-master nine months this year coming.J" This was the first successful attenapt at fur IIi'/1! I 1i L l', "1/ M ~ ~ ~ ~~~~_____ ____ M~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~il FORMING OF SCHOOL DISTRICT.:S 741 nishing the town with a public school. There were; no schoolhouses and the selectmen made arrangements to have the school taught at certain private houses in the different sections of the town. On the 12th of February following, there was a town meeting, and the third article in the warrant calling the same, was" To see if the town will Except, the: Several Divisions the Selectmen have appointed for the Scoole to bee keptiat." Upon this article it was " Voted that the Scoole be kept at Enos Webster's and att- Joseph farmer's and at Lieut. John Hall's and at Joseph Simondes and to Be Equally Divided at Each of these places." Enos Webster lived about a mile north of the main village where. David Webster now lives. Joseph Farmler lived in a house near the corijer of Chestnut and Orange streets; Lieut. John Hall lived at Manchester Centre, in the house'south of the old Town House, which was long used as a tavern, and which was destroyed by fire a few years since; and Joseph Simonds lived dn the: Derry road just east of the Little-Cohas Brook. In 1783, at the! annual meeting in March, the town voted not to raise any money for schooling;i but this vote-was reconsidered and one carried for raising ~9 0-0-0 for the support of schools; and also that the'"selectmen Divide the town into four Districts according. to polls arnd Estate for the scool to be kept in." The Selectmen made the following division --'Derryfield, october the 16th, 1783. "Agreeable to a vote of the Town of Derryfield the Selectmen' Have Divided the Town into four Districts for the Benefit of S'ooling there Children.the first Division Begining at the upper Enrd of the Town on the River Road Including all the Inhabitants as fer Down as John Brown's. the Next Divission from John: Browns all the Inhabitants on the River Ro-ld to Litchfield Line the third Divisior.nBegining at L. Hugh Thompsons and Ebenezer Stevenses and Down the Road toards. Derry to John Littles and on the other Road By John Dustins'Includcing John Dickey and so on to Chester Line'By Major Websters Including Haseltine. the forth Division Including from Hu'ps to Derry Line also the Road By Amevs Place to Derry Lin'e Including all'the Inhabitants Not Included in the other Districts. Jonathan Russ, ).......- Joseph Sander<,, Selectmen. Saimuel: Mloor. After this division no schools were authorized by the town for five years; bht in 1788 the town " Voted Nine Pounds to be laid out for a town school this year. Voted that the Selectmen to the'Best of their Judgment provid Schoolen for the Benefite of the town for all the nine pounds." After 1791, when the law passed making- it obligatory upon each town in the state to raise ta school tax, schools were supported by the town in the various Classes or Districts; although ':412 THE.;HSTORY OF MANCHESTER.:for:some half,. dozen years, there is no record of raising any money for that -purpose on:the Town Books; yet; upon' the book kept by the Selecttnen. it appears there there were orders drawn upon the Constable in favor-of some school master every year from 1791; the selectmen appropriating the" money according to the statute without any specific~ vote by.the town —; so that there: were schools kept at. the town charge from the titnme-of the passage of the law. The amoulnt::of-.schooling in the various classes must have been very limited; as $59 is the largest amount- paid out to.teachers in any one. year -down to L.801. However, during this time schools were maintained at the expense -of individuals, and.two school-houses,: one near the Falls, and the other near the Meeting-house at the Centre, had been built in the s:ime manner.'The one at the Falls stood upon' the east side of the "Old Falls Road," just on the north bank of Christian.'s. Brook, where the present Falls school house now stands. This-:was doubtless built in 1785, and was the: fist school house built inl town. The one at the Centre was'built about the same time. ~ - At the annuall mieeting in,March 1787, an attempt was made to raise money for building three school houses, but it was voted down. At a special meeting October 16,; of the same year, the proposal "'to provide places in the several Classes:to keep the town school" was voted down. But at the annual meeting March 8, 1788, the friends of schools were completely successful and carried every measure proposed. It was," Voted, ro raise three Hundred Dollars for the purpose of Buildmng School Houses. " i:'. Agreeable''to a.Mot:ior by Capt. John Goffe the' following articees were voted: - "Voted 1, T'hat each person paying Taxes have Liberty to work'outtiie' School Tax or find Materials to build with: and shall be allow'd fifty'cents per day for a good days work and the Market' Prise for Materials found, provided said work be done before the' Last day of October next. Voted 2, That the Selectmen appoint a suitable person to Each School House (the Commity shall appoint to be built) to Superintend thebuilding,of the same and shall give him a List of the persons belonging to the same, with their Taxes' who shall'allow the persons working or finding materials the prise for: the same and the'p'erson:having the List shall return the same to the Colector by the first day of November Who shall allowe the same. Voted 3, That the persons belonging to the school House. Built near Esqr. Starks be allowed their school House Tax to finish their'school'House anrd repay those Who' have'done more than their proportion in building the saim. The House proceeded to the Choice of their Commitee When the. following Gentlemen were Chosen, viz Samuel P. Kidder,, JohnRay'.John. Stark Esq.r. on Motion being made the following Gentlemen were added to the Com'mitee viz Capt. John Goffe and Maj. John Wtbster. Voted That.the Town b-e Classed in three Classes No. 12 and 3. The Committee upon dividirtg; the Classes made the following report: - OLD SCHOLHOSE LOCATION OF SCHOOL HOUSES 743 ":' We the subsbribers being appointed a Commitee to Determine on the places to build three school houses in the Town of Derryfield We have according1v Viewed and Determined on said places, viz. The first to be the school house standing near John Starks Esqr and to be finished Where it now stands, and to be Called the Federal School House. The second school house to stand on the Highway between Capt. Samue Moor aild Enos Webster on the northi side of the spring that runs Cross the Road and to be Called the Union School House. The third school house to stand on the highway between Archibald Grant and Major John Webster to be set within six Roods of the spot where the School House is Now Fraimed and to be called the Freedom School House. Derryfield July 7th 1798,. John Stark, John Ray, Samuel P. Kid der, John Webster, John Goffe,-Commitee. This division remained for 20 years. The teachers of those days so far as can be ascertained were-1791, Jonathan Rand.1792, Edward Blodget,,Stephen Potter, and Frederick Hastings. 1793, William White and Peter Severens. 1794, John Tufts and Peter Severens. 1795, John M. Laughlin. 1796, 1797 and 179S, Samuel Moor, Jr.:1799, Samuel Moor, Jr., and Matthew Reed. Mr. Rand was the first teacher in town of whom any record can be.found. The wages paid were from $8, to $12, per month. The highest sum paid per month from 1791 to, 1801, as appears from the selectmen's book, was "to, Samuel Moor, Jr., twelve dollars for keeping school in the: lower district olie month." And for this sum it is highly probable he boarded himself, as it was in his own district! At the annual town meeting, March 8, 1808, the'.Messrs. David Flint, Isaac Huse, John G. Moor, John Stark Esq., and Capt. Perham, " were -chosen a committee "to divide, the town into five districts for the purpose of schooling." The commitee performed their duty but there is no record of it except that five districts were subsequently recognized in the transactions of the town. This division remained while 1818, when that part of District: No. 3 -below Capt. J( seph' Moor's, at Moor's village, was set off, and designated as No. 6, and the part of No. 1, above the Ray farm was set off, and called No. 7. This division remained, while 1840, saving that: the upper part of No 2, was cut off and designated as No. 8. In 1840. the population had so increased, that a new division became necessary, and'the selectmen agreeable to a vote of the town, made such division 744 THE HISTORY OF',/IIANCHF.STER, and made report of their doings to the town, Nov. 2, 1840. The report was as follows;,"The selectmen to whom was referred the subject of the division of the town into School districts. REPORT That. in attending to the duties of their appointment they have caused an examination of the records of the town to be made and have been unable to find any such record of the present division of the town into School Districts as is required by law, And Therefore consider it important that a division of School districts be made-by the town.and a record thereof made so as to prevent in future any occasion of dispute in relation to the subject. On examination they have been led to believe that the arrangement of the districts heretofore acted upon is in most particulars as convenient as any which can be made, and it'will be found that not many changes are recommended. In some instances where there has been a change in the situation of things an attempt has been m de to adapt the form of the districts to the present circumstances of the people. They recommend for the adoption of the town the following vote, namely, Yoted That the town of Manchester be divided into nine. SchoolDistricts and that the said districts be numbered and bounded as follows to wit District No. 1. Beginning at the; north angle. of the town on the bank of the Merrimack river thence southerly and bounding by said river to the: north west corner of John Ray's farm thence eastely by the north line of said Ray's farm to the north:-easc: corner of the same thence on the same course to Chester original town line thence northerly:to the southeast corner of the town of Ho:ksett thence northerly by Honksett line to the place, of beginning. District No. 2. Beginning at the north west corner of John Ray's farm being the southwest corner of district No. 1, then ce southerly bounding on Merrimack river to the old ferry road near the Samuel Hill's place thence easterly by the said ferry road to land owned by David Young thence e,asterly and southerly by said Young's land to the aforesaid ferry road thence easterly by saidiroad to' the southeast: corner of the Amoskeag' Company's land the e northerly and easterly by said Company's land to Chester original town line thence,not therly by said C hester line to the southeast corner: of district No. 1 thence: easterly hby said dis~trict No. 1 to the place began at. ]istrict No.'3.: Beginning'at the'southeast corner of district No. 2, on the bank of Merrimack river thence southerly bounding on siad river to the northwest corner of: William P. -.Webster's farm to the old river road thence on the same course to the line between David Webster, Junior and Jonas Harvey's lan'd thence northerly to the northwest'corner of said David Webster's land thence on the same course to. John G. Brown's land thence easterly by said Brown's land to Chester original town line thence northerly by said town line to David Young's land thence westerly'by said Young's land to a point due:south of. the southeast. corner of district No..2, thence north to said corner thence westerly by said district No. 2 to the place began at. District No. 4. Beginning at the southwest corner of district No, 3, at Merrimack river thence southerly bounding on the- river to Litchfield line thence southeasterly by Litchfield line to the. line oft' Londonderry thence northerly to the northwest, corner of said Londonderry thence easterly on:. the line of said cl'ondon'derry to -the southeast corner of land owned'by the-heirs of Nathaniel Moor.deceased: thence northerly by:the east line of the said heirs' land and David Webster, Junior's land to the southerly corner of district No. 3,:thence weserily by said district No. 3, to the place of' beginning. District No. 5.' Beginning at the southeast corner of district No. 4 on the north line 6f Londonderry'thence easterly by Londonderry -line.to: the Mammoth Road thence northerly, by said road. to Coburn's brook and down said brook to great Cohas brook'thence across said last mentioned brook and in a direct line to the easterly corner of Israel Merrill's land being the southwest DIVISION INTO SCHOOL DISTRICTS. 745 corner of a piece of meadow owned by Jouas Harvey thence northerly by the east line of said Merrill's laed ald James McQueston's old farm. to Archibald Gamble Jr.'s farm thence westerly to the southeast corner of Isaac andl John Huse's;wood-lot numbered eght thence nortrerly by said Lot No. 8 Eighty rods. Thence westerly in a.direct line to the northeast corner.of Amos Wes-, ton Jr.'s Land lot No. seven thence westerly by said Weston's Land to Chester old line. -Thence southerly by said Chester line to the southeast corner of district No. 3 and;southerly by district No. 3 and district No. 4, to the place began at. District No. 6. Beginning at the southwest c rner of the town of Hooksett thence southerly and; weserly by districts No. 1 and two to Humphrey's brook' thence'up said. Brook to: the old road le:ading from the town house to Amoskeag village thence east to Chester original town line thence northerly by said Chester line to Mloses Davis's Land thence easterly and northerlv by said i)avis's Land to the Mammoth road thence northerly: by said road to the south line of the Jerem;ah Johnson place thence easterly by said Johnson place to; the southeast corner thereof thence northerly to the southeast corner of Lot number Thirty thence northerly by the east line of Lots numbered Thirty. and' one hundred and two to Hooksett line thence Westerly by H'ooksett line to the place begun at. District No. 7. Beginning at the northeast corner of district No.:6, on Hooksett line thence southerly and westerly and boundinll on districts numbered six and three to theno!thwest corner or AmO,s Wes'on Junior's far.m thence easterly and southerilyby district No.: 5, to the no'theast corner.of the same thence easterly.by the south line of Archibald Gamble Junior's arm to the Mammothl road thpnce on the same-c')urse to Samuel Gamble's Land. Thence northerly by Samuel G wmble and Thc.mas Gamble's Land to the. Samuel Brown. farm thence easterly by said Thomas Gamble's Land to the southeast corn, t of Joshua Corning's farm thence northerly by. said Corning's farm to the northeast:corner thereof thbemce in a direct line to the southeast corner of No. 21 thence northerly by the east line of Lots numbered 21, 35, 37, and 46 to Hooksett line thence westerly to the place of: beginning.:'District No. 8. Beginning at the east shore of''Massabesic pond on the line between Israel Webster' and Nathan' Johnson's land thence westerly on the line. between lots to the east line. of district No.' 7. Thence northerly by said district No, 7 to Hooksett line thence easterly hy Hooksett line to the northwest corner of Chester thence southerly by Chester line to Mlassabesic pond thence Westery. and southerly by the pond shore to the place of beginnilng. D.istrict No. 9. Bounded northeasterly by Massabesic pond on the east by Chester and ILondonderrlyon the south by Londond-rry on the west by districts numbered five and seven and on the north by district No. 8. Amos'Weston, Jr.,. ) Selectmen J. T. P. Hunt,.. of Hiram' Brown. AManchester.:'This division remains the sanle.at present, save that No. 16'has been annexed to No. 2, and a-part of Nos. S and 9 have been set off and formed into a new district, designated as No. 6, and Piscataqulog has been added as district No. 10, and Amoskeag as district No. 1I1 In districts No. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 8, and 10, school houses have been built since the division in 1840, one nl each di-strict; while in District No. 2, innumerable ones have be:in built to meet the wants of the thriving community-:'within itslimits. Many of these have been temporary structures of wood, moved from one locality to another, 746 TTHE 1I[STORY OF 1MANC HESTER. sometimes located for the time being upon lots hired of the Amoskeag Manuifacturing Company, and at others upon lots beloinig to the District, but in whatever location intended, merely to answer a temporary purpose. -Of: these, it is next to impossible to give any satisfactory' account. There are others however- of a permanent character, that demand a particular notice. Of these the first one in point of time, is the one at the. corner of Lowell and Chestnut streets..This' was built in 1841. under the direction of Messrs. Daniel Clark, E. A. Straw, and Alonzo Smith, the JBuilding Committee. The lot containing 10,000 square feet, was given to the District by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. The building is a. plain one of brick, without any pretentious to architect ural beauty, two stories in height. and: 62 feet in length, by 49. feet In width, and cost $3,000. The state of the district in 1841, and 1842, may best be learned from the report of the Prudential Committee of that year, as follows; The Prudential Committee of School District No. 2, in Manchester respect-, fully report that the new school house' in said district was so: far completed about the middle of July, as to'admit of being used for the schools. The schools were soon after commenced, and they were continued with the usual vacations thirty-two weeks. The large hall of the new school house has been used for the school for the more advanced pupils of both sexes.- It has been under the care of Mr. David P. Perkins, assisted by Miss P. -Wheeler. The the number of scholars has been greater than theelHall is calculated to contain. The number of seats, allowing two pupils to each of the larger desks is 132 and the school has nearly averaged that number, while the number present has sometimes risen to 170. The two rooms on the first floor have been: used for schools for smaller children. The west -room under the care of Miss L. A. Shepherd, assisted by Miss E. U. Moulton. The east room for the most part under the care of Miss E. E. Brown, assisted for a time by Miss Bunton. )Owing to a disappointment as to the teacherexpected to take charge of this school, and the illness of Miss Brown, several ladies were temporarily employed in' charge of it, which was felt by the Committee as a misfortune., Both of these rooms have been for the most part excessively crowded.- The school in the old school house near the falls commenced about.the first of July, and was continued with usual vacations, 24. weeks,. under the care of Miss liarriet Crosby. The number of scholars in this section of the district is small and their privileges h ave been'greater than those of the scholars in the village. The Committee have: frequently visited these schools. and are gratified to have it in their power to express their satisfaction at the manner in Which they have been Conducted. iThe instructors succeed in maintaining good order, which the Committee consider of the first importance in a school, and they are aware it is a task of gr'eat difficulty when so large a number is brought tooether. A good degree of interest in their studies has been excited amongst the pupils, atd the classes have made'progress in their studies, in a degree very honorable to themselves. end the teachers. The Committee are satisfied and they think that the District has reason to be satisfied, that everything has been done for' the improvement of the schools by the instructors which their situations' and the imperfect accommodations rendered practicable. The Prudential Commit'ee have found themselves obliged- to do many things for the school house, which more appropriately belonged to the building Committee, and'would doubtless'havee bee y- doe them if thesum appropriated REPORT OF. PRUDENTIAL COMMITTEE. 747' had been sufficient. They have procured the stoves and furniture now, in use in the building, and the district will no doubt feel the necessity of makings provisions for paying for the same, as they are aware the school morney cannot be: legally diverted to this purpose. After.a sIeson's trial, the Cmrnrmittee are of the opinion that the large hall should be divided, and two schools be kept, one for the most advanced pupils of each sex, under sepa ate teachers. Two schools should be taught in the rooms below for the next, class in age and improvement of the scholars, and new school houses should be erected for the accommodation of the younger scholars, on a cheap plan. Of these, one should be placed on the west side of the main street, for the accomodation of that neighborhood; and' one at the south part. If Jansvillle neighborhood be added: to'the district a house will be needed- in that- quarter. T'l'he Committee are satisfied that. the school-houses now belonging to the: di'trict'are wholly insufficient for the number of scholars and that the difficulty cannot be remedied in any:way but by building new schoolrooms. The' brick'school- house, and indeed all the school houses should be secured by substantial close shutters at least where there are no blinds, when. they are not in use, a circumstance of which the committee have been reminded by the necessity of repairing a great number of squares of glass, wantonly broken in a vacation. The committee have added a statement of their account which they hope may be satisfactory tothe clistrict. They also add a table prepared by the-teachers of the number of scholars, the nature of their studies and other circumstances, supposed to be interesting. The registers of the schools are also presented for the use of future teachers and it is hoped may be long preserved amongst -the records of the District. -March 30th, 1842. S. D.: BELL, ) J. M-. ROW ELL, Comnittee. I..C. FLANDERS, On the 30th of July 1842, District No. 6 having been added to District No. 2, by vote of the town, the district procured a lot for a school house of Mr. John Hall, at Janesville, and built a house upon it for the acommodation of the scholars in that section. September 10th following, the district purchased the lot:on the corner of Manchesterf- and Chestnut streets, of tle Amnoskeag Manufacturing Company; containing 750U feet; for h'-sum of $500, and built a. school house for the acosmmodation of the New Primary Schools. On the 23d, day of MayV,- 1844, the district' purchased of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, the lot on:the corner of Merrimack and Union streets, for $650, containing 12600 square feet and erected thereon a house for two Primary schools. The 5th day of September, 1845, the district bought" fLthe same party, the lot' on Spring Street, for $,!700, containing 13,600 feet of land. -This lot was intended more particularly for a iGrammars hSchool March, 30, 1846, the district authorized the Prudential comnmittee -toexpend the sum of $200, for apparatus for thei various schools.:At the same meeting it was voted to put-in operation 7\4c~', ~' TTHE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. a High School for bo s and:another for girls,'or both in connexion. The Prudential committee accordingly made arrangements for a Higlh School for boys and girls in the second story of the house at the corner of Lowell and Chestnut streets. Mr.. J. W. Ray, then of Auburn, was the first Principal. He was succeeded by Mr.' Amos ladiey of Bow. Mr. Hadley was succeeded by Mrl J. P. Newell, then ef Pittsfield, and his successor was Mr. Johnathan Ten1ney, who resigned in 1855 and was succeeded by Mr. oNewell who has charge of it at the present time. On the 23d day of June, 1846, the District bought a school loton.'Park street, containing 10,50'0 feet'ef land, for the sum of $1200, and commened erecting a building of brick upon it forthwith. This house was completed in 1847; is two stories in height, 80 feet in length, by 52;feet in width, and has four primary school rooms on the first floor, and a room for a Grammar School on the first floor. On the 7th day:of May, 1847, the District purchased of the Amoskeag Manufa'cturing Company, the lot on the corner of Bridge and Union streets, for the sum of $500, and placed upon it a, house:of: wood for tie accommodation of a Primary, and and a' Secondary school. In,1848, the District built a house of brick on the lot on Spring street. It is a, substantial, handsome structure, two stories in height, 80 feet% in,. length by 46 feet in width, with a projection in front 17 by 53. feet. It is fitted up for four Primnary schools on the first floor, and a Grammar School on the second floor. On the 10th day of May, 1849, the District purchased of the Amoskeag' Manufacturing Company,' the lot on the c'corner of Concord and Beech streets, for $500, containing 13,500:square feet.:In 1850,.an attempt was made to build a IIigh school house, alld a lot was purchased at the corner of. Concord and Union streets, of John: Coe,, Esq., for that purpose; hut subsequently the District voted not to build said house,and, ordered.the lot to be sold at public auction. It was accordingly sold to' Geo. M. Flan-ders,.Esq. On the:2lst dayef';Jtune' -of the same year, -the' District b'ought of S. P. Greeley,'the lot at Janesville, upon Lowell SCHOOLS. 749 street, for the sum of $400. This lot was for the accommodation of the school house at Janesville, the other lot bought of Mr. Hall, not being in a suitable location. In 1853, the District built the Intermediate School House of brick at the corner of Manchester and Union streets. It is two stories in height, 48 feet in length, by 42 feet in width. and is fitted for two Primary Schools upon the first floor, an Intermediate school upon the second floor, and a Truant school in the attic. This is a handsome substantial structure. On the 4th day of May, 1855, the District bought of LMr. Luther Aiken, the lot on the corner of Manchester and Wilson street, for $625, containing 16,000 feet, and built upon the same a house of wood, one story high, and 40 feet square. T'his house is on "Wilson's Hill," so called, and is fitted up for a Primary, and for a Middle school. At the annual Meeting in March 1856, the District voted to raise $10,000 for constructing a brick house upon the lot on the corner of Merrimack atid Union streets. This is now being built, and is to be two stories in height, 68 feet in length, by 45 feet in width. In June 1855, a law was passed by the Legislature, providing for the election by the Mayor, Aldermen, — and School Committee, of a Superintendent of Public Instruction, for the City of Manchester. On the 6th day of August of the same year, James O. Adams, Esq., was elected to that office for the term of two years, in accordance with a provi'ssion of the Act. Mr. Adams entered immediately upon his duties, and in February 1856, made his first report, which fully shows the state of the schools at that time. From this report it appears that "During the third and fourth terms, there were in session forty schools, in which there were forty-eight teuchers, and not ft'r from 2300 scholars in the fall, and 2500 ill the winter. The schools were classed as follows: Primary, 16, Teachers,. 16. Winter, 15, s" 15. Middle, 7, al 7. Miscellaneous, 14, 15.. Winter, 15,' 6 16. Grammar, 2, " 7,. High, 1,' 3 40, 48. They are distributed in the several school districts as follows: District No. 1, has 1 Miscellaneous School. "c "d 2 " 13 Primary Schools. 51 750 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. 4X" " " " 7 Middle Schools. c" " " " 5 Miscellaneous Schools.,, ",' " 2 Grammar Schools,,' r" "' " 1 High School. " " 3 " 1 Miscellaneous School. I. 4 4 1 4 i 6 6 46 1 44 1 " " 6 " 1 "44 " " 7 " 1.6 di.. " 8 " 1 "4 "4'c c' 9 " c9 1 cc " " 10 " I " " " "4 " 2 Primary Sclhools. " "c 11 " 1 Miscellaneous School. "', " " has summer and fall terms 1 Primary School." THE ATHENEUM, AND CITY LIBRARY. This institution so creditable to our city, was established in the winter of 1844. It has been seen in a former chapter that a Library had existed in the town, from 1795 to 1833. This library was established by a number of gentlemen of this town and vicinity, under the name of the Proprietors of the Social Library in Derryfield. In 1802 Dec. 6, it was incorporated, when the original constitution having been lost, a new one was adopted, and an acknowledgment or pledge was signed by members as follows: We the subscribers acknowledge ourselves to be members of the Derryfield Social Library Company, and promise to Conform to all rules and regulations which may at any time be adopted by the society, while we remain members of said society. "James Griffin, Philip Hazeltine, John Dickey, Stephen Worthley, Peter Hill, Asa Hazeltine, David Flint, Reuben Sawyer, Ephraim White, Joseph Farmer, Jr., James Parker, Jesse Baker, Moses Hazeltine, Amos Weston, Isaac Kuse, John Proctor, Elijah A. Nutt, John Hall, John Frye, Nathan Johnson, Daniel Hall, Jr., John Dwinell, Samuel Jackson, Nathaniel Conant, Phinehas Bayley, John Perham, Benja. F,. Stark, Samuel P. Kidder, Wm. Walker, IsraelWebster, James Nutt, Winm. Perham, David Webster, Job Rowell, John Rays Samuel McAllaster, David Adams, Phinehas Petengail, Ephraim Stevens,,Jacob Chase, John Stark Jr. Samuel Moor Jr. Stephen Moor, Joseph Moor Robert Hall, Samuel Gamble, Asa Hazeltine." In 1827, according to the receipt of the last Librarian on record, it contained 92 volumes, of which number were some excellent works, viz: The Spectator, Goldsmith's Animated Nature, Marshall's Life of Washington, Newton on the Prophecies, Hunter's Sacred Biography, Cook's Voyages, Arabian Nights Entertainments, the Fool of quality, and the like. The Library seems to have flourished until about 1827, whern ATHENEUM. 751 at the Annual meeting in November, the last board of Directors were chosen, viz: Ephraim Stevens, Jr. Lieut. Job Rowell, James Griffin. Samuel Jackson Esq;, was chosen Librarian. No quorum seems to have met after this dates At the:anlnu:a meetings of 1828, 1829, and 1830, the Libraian commrmened his records thus; "Only a few of the Proprietors met," and the record of 1832, reads thus; "Monday, Nov..5th, 1832. A few only of the Proprietors met and agreed to adjourn to Saturday, the 8th day of December next, at 4 o'clock, P. M. SAMUEL JACKSON, Librarian."' This was the last meeting of the association, and it is understood that the proprietors divided most of the books of any value among themselves. The design of the Atheneum was to furnish a Library, Reading Room, and Museum, for such of our citizens as were willing to contribute of their means for the support of such objects. The first meeting of the members of the Atheneum, was on the 19th of February, 1844. The meeting was held at the Insurance Office of the Amoskeag Fire Insurance Company. At this meeting measures were taken to establish a Library forthwith, and an invoice of books was purchased in March following, amounting to $415,46 andcomnprising 683 volumes for the Library. At this time, and subsequently, gentlemen connected with the institution made many acceptable donations, and loans of books for the Library, and curiosities for the Museum. A Reading Room was established at.the same time in connection with the Library, containing many of the best news-papers and periodicals of the day. In 1844, the association took the corporate name of the "Manchester Atheneum." In 1846, the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company made the Atheneum a donation of $1000, and the same year the Stark Mills made them a donation of $500. In 1850, the Manchester Print Works made them a donation of $500. So that in 1854 the Library contained 2953 vrolumes. In March of this year, Frederick Smyth Esq., tin his inaugural address as Mayor, called the attention of the City Government to the propriety of es 752 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTgR. tablishing a City Library. Subsequently certain gentlemen connected with the Atheneum, and who had very much at heart the permanency of that institution, proposed the transfer of the property of the Atheneum to the City, as a foundation of a City Library. The proposition was- favorably received, and committees of conference were appointed by the Atheneum, and the City Government. The result of the whole matter was, that a contract of transfer of the property of the Atheneum was completed with certain conditions on the 6th day of September, 1854, which were as follows; "The said city shall annually appropriate andpay to to-e trustees of the said City Library, a sum not less than one thousand dollars, to be expended in the purchase and binding of books and periodicals, not being newspapers; shall by suitable appropriations provide for a room, lights, fuel, and other contingencies of the library, and for the salary of a Librarian. The control of said Library, the appointment of a Librarian, and the entire management of its affairs, shall be vested in a board of nine trustees, of whom the Mayor and President of the Common Council for the time being shall be onejand the members of the board of control of said A the-neum now in office, shall, in the first instance, be the remaing Trustees. The seven Trustees last described, shall severally hold their offices for one, two, three, four, five, six, and seven years, from the first day of October next, and shall determine by lot which of their number shall hold his office for each of the said, terms. Whenever a vat ancy shall occur by the expiration of either of those terms, or by the expiration of the term any of trustee hereafter elected, the vacancy shall be filled by joint ballot of the said board of trustees and of the aldermen of said city, at a meeting called in the month of September, and each member so elected shall hold his office for the term of seven years from the first day of next October folowinEg the election. Any vacancy arising from any other cause shall be filled in the same manner, but only for the residue of the term of the trustee whose place is so supplied, and no longer. No member of the city council shall be eligible as a trustee. The Board of Trustees shall establish such regulations as they may think fit, relating to the use of books of the Library, and may prosecute in the name and at the expense of the city, any person who shall take away or injure any of the property belonging to the said Library, or who shall violate any of said regulations. They shall annually report to the city the state: of the Library, and its regulations, and render an account of the expenditure of the funds entrusted to their disposal. All members of the Manchester Atheneum who are not residents of the city of Manchester, shall have the same right to the use of the City Library, as they now have to the Manchester Atheneum. If the city of Manchester shall fail to perform on its own part, the foregoing conditions, or any of them, this [grant and transfer shall be-void; if the said Atheneum shall so act, at any time within one year after such failure occurs, in which case the whole of said Library, with all the additions made to it by the said board of trustees, shall be vested in, and become the property of said Atheneumn. This instrument shall take effect and-be in force so soon as the City Council being first duly authorized by statute, shall confirm the same, and the said Atheneum in pursuance of their constitution, the same being first changed so far as may be neccessary, shall confirm the same; and the same shall be duly executed, under the seals of the said city and of said Atheneum, by committees duly authorized for that purpose. MANCHESTER GAS WORKS. CITY LIBRARY. 753 The officers of the City Library first chosen were THE TRUSTEES. Frederick Smyth, Mayor, Ex- O David 3.'Clarke, Pres. Corn. Counncil, Samuel D. Bell. Daniel Clark, David Gillis, Wm. P. Newell, E. A. Straw, Winm. C. Clarke, Samuel N. Bell. Frederick Smyth, Mayor, President, Ex-Officio. Wm. C. Clarke, Clerk. Samuel N. Bell, Treasurer. Samuel D.Bell, ) Daniel Clark, Committee on the Library E. A. Straw. ) David Gillis, Wm. C. Clarke,. Committee on the Reading Boom. Samuel N. Bell. Frederick Smyth, ) Winm. P. Newell, Committee on Accounts, David J. Claik, ) Francis B. Eaton, Librarian. in the first annual report approved February, 15, 1855, the Board of Trustees thus remark upon the condition of the Library at that date. "At the date of the transfer, the Library contained 2953 volumes, since which time 1319 have been added from funds belonging to the Atheneum, 18 have been presented, and 325 purchased out of the city appropriation, making the whole number, Feb. 18, 4623. Of these a few valuable volumes are loaned to the Library, for the public good. Preparations in the Library having been so far completed that books could be taken under the new system, it was opened on the 8th of November. No public notice was given, as our accommodations were and still are too limited to invite a crowd. at any one time. Under such circumstances the number of books taken in 56 days, by 450 persons, was 2,910. Six hundred and twenty persons complied with the regulations neccessary for taking books. In this time only one book, of small value, is missing, which has not yet been accounted for and the amount of fines imposed for books detained over time is not quite one dollar. The Reading Room contained at the time of the transfer, a few select periodicals on its tables, and some of the more important newspapers of the day. The former have been so increased, as to presen ta collection of the best foreign and American periodicals. of literature, science and art; while the latter have been suffered to remain, rather as as a means of increasing the attraction to a place which cannot be too much frequented by our young men." On the 4th of February, 1856, the state of the Library was thus, as appears from the Librarian's report of that date, "The whole number of persons who have complied with the regulations, enabling them to take books, to this date is 1,380, thirty-one of whom were quali 574A THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. fled by deposit and the remainder by furnishing the required guarantee. Of these, 760, have been added since the last annual report, and 1.225 persons take books with more or less regularity at the present time. In 254 days of this year, 17,640 volumes were delivered from the Librarian's desk,an average of sixty-five per day. Out of this number, four books of less than $4,00 in value, are found missing, without indications ot the persons by whom they are held while the amount received from fines and sale of catalogues, is $29,13 No books have been thrown away as worn out, but eight or ten juvenile works are not worth rebinding. The whole number of books, bound newspapers and periodicals now in the Library, is 5,446, of which 813 have been added the past year; 713 by purchase, 78 by donation, and 22 are bound volumes of magazines and periodicals taken for the Reading Room." On the evening of the same day that the report of the Librarian was made, Patten's Building in which was the Library, was destroyed by fire, and with it a large portion of the books in the City Library. Only some 550 volumes were saved, the estimated value of which was $420. The insurance, $2,500 was promptly paid, which together with the appropriation from the City, of $1000. enabled the officers to act with great promptness in starting another Library. Convenient rooms were obtained in the Merchant's Exchange, and a Reading Room was opened in April. The Library was opened again to the public the 1st of July, having 3000 volumes of choice books. It is again on a good footing, and with the annual appropriation of $1000, from the city for the purchase of books, must eventually become one of the finest Libraries in the country It is to be hoped that the city will soon take measures to furnish a spacious building for its accom modation, that property of so much value to the community at large, shall not again be subject to the risk of fire. MANCHESTER LYCEUM. The Manchester Lyceum is a voluntary association of gentlemen, whose object is to provide for a course of lectures from distinguished gentlemen from abroad. The course usually consists of twelve or fifteen lectures, delivered once during the winter. Season tickets are sold to gentlemen for $1,00 and ladies 75. cents. Single tickets, 15 cts. Wm. D. Buck, President; S. C. Bartlett, Joseph Kidder, E. B. Merrill, Vice Presidents; J. B. Sawyer, Recording Secretaries; F. B. Eaton, Corresponding Secretary; Davis Baker, Tseasurer; Moody Currier, I. G. Hubbard, B. P. Cilley, Chas. Wells. A. Robertson, Frederick Smyth, John B. Clarke, J. C. Abbott, B. M. Tillotson, N. E. Morril, Commnittee on Ways and Means. LYCEUMS. 755. MANCHESTER NEW LYCEUM. The New Lyceum is an association, whose object is to pro. vide for a course of lectures on the subject of slavery. Samuel Upton, President; Joseph Ferren, Treasurer. B. Currier, J. H. Goodale, J. J. T. P. Hunt. Alonzo Smith, T. T. Abbott, Nathan Parker, S. 3B. Page, E. G. Haines, W. Sage, G. W. Quimby. Directors; J. B. Straw, Secretary. YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION. The Association have a Reading-Room. well supplied with religious, literary, and miscellaneous reviews, magazines and. journals of the day. Also a Library of standand works, They have a course of lectures through the winter. Rev. Elisha Adams, President; J. C. Wing, Abraham Burton, Vice Presidents; Samuel Upton, Recording Secretary, Rev. Samuel C. Bartlett, Corresponding Secretary; A. B. Soule, Treasurer; Sylvanus Bunton, Librarian; and a Board of ten Directors, consisting of one from each of the churches represented in the Association. MANCHESTER DEBATING CLUB. This is an association of young men, for mutual improvement, in composition and debate. The club meets once a week in Winter, and its officers are chosen monthly. Lectures are occasionally given before the Club, upon literary and scientific subjects. 756 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER..XXIX. MISCELLANEOUS MANUFACTORIES. Mchanics' Building.-Blodget Paper Company.-Amoskeag Paper Company.Blodget Edge Tool Company.-Manchester Locomotive Company.-Manchester Iron Compa ny.- Manchester Machine Company. —-Ful ton Works. —Manchester Steam Mill.-Brass Foundry.-Belmont Print Works. —Plscata- quog Steam Mill. — Piscataquog Mills. —-Gas Light Company. The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company have of late favored the introduction of other manufactures into our city, than those of cotton. This practice originates in a comprehensive policy, for our people extensively engaged in other manufactures, should that of cotton become depressed, the business of the city would not be prostrated. In accordance with this policy, they furnish any person with power and room for permanent manufactures. For this purpose, they have built one block upon the Lower Canal above Bridge street, 500 feet in length, called the Mechanics' Building. The centre is of brick, three stories high, while the wings are mainly of' wood with partitions of brick and stone, and two stories high. This building is already occupied, and the Company are reads to erect others when required. This building is occupied in its south end by Messrs. Smith & Dickerson for the manufacture of cards. They operate 24 machines, capable of producing 3 1-2 square feet per day each, or in the aggregate, 84 square feet per day, equal to 27292 square feet annually. This.quantity would require the consumption of 4000 sides of leath MECHANICS7 BUILDING. 757 er, and 40938 lbs of iron wire. The cards are manufactured upon a machine, the invention of Eleazer Smith, of Dedham, Mass., and is truly a wonderful piece of mechanism, as near a thing of life.in its wonderful manipulations, as any machine extant. Mr. S. C. Merrill, occupies the next section for roasting and grinding Coffee. The next section of the shop is occupied by Mr. Leander Holt for the manufacture of Knobs, of every conceivable variety and shape. The next section is occupied by C. B. Long, as a machine shop, for the manufacture of Slide valve Seats. Planing Machines, &c. Next is the shop of T. T. Abbott, Esq. for the manufacture of his patent flyers. The next section is occupied by Colbath & Co., for the manufacture of Gas Fixtures, where they carry on an extensive business in every thing connected with gas and steam fixtures. They have a store, No. 13 Hanover street, for the sale of their manafactures, and every article connected with gas and steam fixtures. The basement of the Centre section is occupied by the pumps of the Amoskeag DManufacturing Company, that supply the Reservoir on Reservoir Square with water. They are of the same construction with those of the Fair Mount Water Works, at Philadelphia Over the basement is the Belt Shop of P. Stark & Co.They do a large business, using some 4000 sides of leather annually, mostly for beltings in this city. The next section north of the centre, is occupied by J. M. & S. F. Stanton, for a machine shop. In the lower story their forging is done, and the upper is filled with lathes and other machinery for finishing. They manufacture lathes, stationary steam engines, presses, patent rifles, &c. The basement of the next section, is occupied by A. D. Burgess, for the manufacture of Power Loom Pickers. He manufactures about 5000 dozen annually. Over his shop is that of'J. Cleworth & Co., manufacturers of Cotton and Woolen Reeds. The reeds are made by machinery, complete and self-operating in itself like the card machine. The next section is occupied: by P. S. Brown & Co., as a 758 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. Spoke Manufactory. They use 100 cords of oak butts, and manfacture 150,000 spokes annually. The next section, or rather sections, are occupied by Messrs. Hall & Hubbard, for the manufacture of Doors, Blinds, Sash, Bedsteads, &c. These gentlemen carry on an extensive business, employing some 50 workmen. They manufacture largely for this city, Worcester, and Boston. The next rooms are occupied by B. F. Stokes, for the manufacture of files. He manufactures about 12 dozen files per day, of all sizes and varieties, from the finest article used by the watchmaker, to the largest rasp for wood work, employing some 15 workmen. The last room in the Mechanic Building, is the Grist Mill of J. Abbott & Co. They grind some 8000 bushels annually for their store in the Museum Building, besides doing the custom work of the surrounding region. At a short distance above is the Sawmill of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, occupying the privilege of the old Whittaker Mill. Here is manufactured much of the lumber used by this Company in their extensive building operations. BLODGET PAPER COMPANY. A little north and east and upon the Upper Canal, is the large mill of the Blodget Paper Company. Their mill is 200 feet in length, 50 feet in width, 5 stories high, with an L, 62 feet in length, by fiftyfivefeetin width; and a -- store house, — Rttwo hundred - i-"'11,",~',ll',:III: - -I feet in length by 30 feet in width. They manufacture Paper Hangings, having the machinery capable of producing 2,500,000, rolls annually. W. M. Shaw, Agent. J. S. Kidder, Clerk, and Treasurer. AMOSKEAG PAPER MILL. Just above the Blodget Paper Mill is the Amoskeag Paper Mill. It is 100 feet in length, by 50 in width, and 3 stories in height. It is owned and run by B. F. Martin, Esq. He em MANCHESTER LOCOMOTiVE COMPANY. 7? ploys 30 hands, and manufactures 1 ton of book and newspaper daily. BLODGET EDGE TOOL MANUFACTURING COMPANY. Next above is the Shop of the Blodget Edge Too] Company. It is one hundred feet in length by fifty feet in width, and 3 stories high. In it is manufactured every variety of edge tools, from the shave to the brord-axe, and their manufactures have a high character in the market. It was incorporated in 1853. Capital Stock, $100,000. E. A. Straw, President. J. G. Cilley, Agent and Treasurer. MANCHESTER LOCOMOTIVE COMPANY. These works were started as a private enterprise by certain individuals, under the name and style of Bailey, Blood, & Co., Thev were incorporated in 1854, and are on Winter Street. The authorized capital of the Manchester Locomotive Cornpany is $300,000, though only a part of this sum is used at present. The buildings of the Company commenced in 1853, and completed in 1854, comprise a main shop of brick, 150 by 72 feet, forge and boiler shop, 150 by 36, engine house, 60 by 38, storehouses of wood 144 by 30, and a brick building, 150 by 30, now in course of erection for wood shop, pattern rooms. office, &c. The manufacturing department is under the immediate supervision of 0. W. Bailey, Aretus Blood, and J. M. Stone, all practical mechanics, and mqn of large experience in locomotive building. Mr. Bayley was for many years at the head of the A~moskeag Manufacturing Company's machine shop, and while here, acquired and sustained a reputation for building locomotives second to no other mallufacturer in the country. Messrs. Blood & Stone are men of indomitable energy and industry, and whose judgement and execution in all departments of mechanics are well known and appreciated. Mr. Blood was formerly connected with the Essex Company at Lawrence, Mass. The President is John A. Burnham, of Boston, and Treasurer, Win. G. Means, of Manchester. The works have the capacity for turning out three locomotives per month, and under the present able management, notwithstanding the recent depression in the railroad interest, the Company have had orders to the extent of their capacity. They employ 204 men, paid in cash monthly. The materials consumed annually, are 295 tons wrought iron, and steel, 28()0 tons cast iron, 60 760 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. tons brass and copper, 500 tons coal, anthricite and bituminous, 500 cords wood, and oak and pine lumber 160,000 feet; and the annual value of products is $300,000. MANCHESTER IRON COMPANY. The works of this Company are located on the west side of Elm Street, below the Amoskeag Brook. The buildings are a Foundry, 72 by 90 feet, with an L, 30 by 40 feet; an Engine House, 30 by 40 feet; a Pattern Shop, 40 by 40 feet, and a building for manufacturing machinery, 2 stories high, 180 feet in length, and 40 feet in width. Of this last building, Messrs, Elliott & Tarleton, occupy 80 feet for a machine shop, where they do all kinds of job work, employing 10 hands, and the remaining part of the building is occupied by the Manchester Machine Company. They consume annually, 1000 tons of Pig Iron, 200 tons coal, 300 tons sand, 300 cords of wood, and employ 60 men. The company was incorporated in 1853, with a capital of $20,000. John B. Fish, President. J. T. P. Hunt, Treasurer. H. C. Merrill, Clerk. MANCHESTER MACHINE COMPANY. The building occupied by this company, is connected with those of the Iron company. The building is 100 feet in length by 40 fi-et in width and two stories in height. They manufacture Platform and other scales. The company was incorporated in 1853. Capital stock $200,000. Isaac Riddle, President. Nathan Parker, Treasurer. Geo. W. Pinkerton, Agent. FULTON WORKS. These are situated betwixt Bakersville and the Merrimack, on south Washington street. This company was originally the Mlanchester Car and Machine Works, incorporated in 1854, with a capital stock of 50,000. They have recently changed the name of the company, and their manufacture, being known as the Fultop: Works, arid engaged in the manufacture of lumber, doors, sash and blinds. Samuel C. Crombie. Agent. MANCHESTER STEAM MILL. This is at Janesville, north of Bridge street, and a short dis BRASS FOUNDRY. 761 tance west of Bear Brook. The mill was originally built by the Messrs. Fitts of Cand andia, and was a Meeting House, removed from Epsom. This was fitted up as a shop for the Inanufacture of doors, blinds and sash. The building was 75 feet in length, by 40 feet in width, and 2 stories in height. A sawmill was connected with it, extending northward in the rear. This mill was not very prosperous, and passed into the hands of other individuals, and at length into the possession of Messrs. T. W. Little and Leonard W. Noyes, who put up a building west of the other mill, with brick ends, two stories, and 44 feet by 90, and added the manufacture of boxes, tubs, pails, and the like. These mills are doing a good business. BRASS FOUNDRY. This establishment upon Manchester street, occupies the ground of the old Steam Mill, of Baldwin, Gould and Co. which was destroyed by fire in July, 18'52, and was not rebuilt. the proprietors purchasing the Steam Mill at Janesville. Hartshorn, Darling, & Co., purchased the lots, and, in 18537 erected their Foundry for casting brass and copper work. Their main building is 80 feet in length by 40 feet in width and one story in height. They have another building 45 feet in length and 25 feet in width, one story, as a brass finishing shop. They use the chimney of the old steam mill for supplying blast to their foundry, and also for an engine connected with the establishment, and which furnishes power for both shops. Their manufacture is mainly castings of brass and copper, for locomotives and factories. They consume 150,000 lbs. of metal annually at their works, 125 tons of hard coal, and 5000 bushels of charcoal. Employ 30 workmen. They have a store, Nos. S and 9 Central Block, for the sale of their wares, and stoves, and the manufacture of sheet-iron, copper, and tin ware, where they employ 15 workmen. Sales $100,000 annually. BELMONT PRINT WORKS. These works are upon Amoskeag Brook at Hallsville. The mill was originally the Paper Hanging Manufactory of Mr. Barnes, but passed into the possession of Mr. John P. Lord, who has fitted it up for a Printing Establishment, for the printing of DeLanes and' Calicoes. The works are owned by Mr. 752 THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. John P. Lord, and Henry Buckley.Print 7000 daily, 2,184,000 yards annually. John P. Lord, Manager. PISCATAQUOG STEAM MILL. This was a steam sawmill, built by Gen. W. P. Riddle in 1848. It was SO feet in length by 25 feet in width. The boiler house was of stone, 32 feet by 28. Gen Riddle subse. sequently erected a building north of the same mill, 40 feet square, and one story in height, for a planing machine, and for the manufacture of boxes. In 1853, Gen Riddle sold his Mills to Mr. Joseph B. Hall, who erected a building north of the Planing Mill 100 feet in length, by 30 feet in width, and three stories in height, for the manufacture of Doors, Blinds, and Sash. Subsequently Hall sold the Mills to Alonzo Smith, and A. C. Wallace. These last gentlemen are extensively and successfully engaged in the manufacture of lumber, Doors, Sash, Blinds, and Boxes. They employ some 50 workmen. Their works arelocated on the west bank of the Piscataqnog, immediately below the Bridge on the site of the store and boating house formerly occupied by Isaac Riddle & Sons. P1scATAquo0 MILLS. These are the Mills on the old privilege just above the bridge upon the Piscataquog. They belonged to the estate of Mr. David Hamlet, and having been destroyed by fire, the site was purchased by John H. Moor & Co., and they have been rebuilt in a substantial manner. They consist of a Grist and Plaster Mill. They manufacture flour largely on their own account from Western Wheat, and also do custom grinding for a large section west of the Merrimack. MANCHESTER GAS LIGHT COMPANY. The Gas Works are situated in the southerly part of the city, near the M.. & L. Railroad, and built of brick, with slated roofs. Ten miles of pipe varying from 2 to 14 inches in diameter, have been laid, extending to different parts of the city. The Company are able to furnish 150,0!)0 cubic feet of gas every 24 hours, though the pipes are of sufficient capacity and strength, for doubte that amount. Between 18,000 and 20,000 tons of gas coal are consumed, producing between 10,000,000 GAS LIGHT COMPANY. 763 and 12,000,000 cubic feet of gas. The number of feet of burners in the mills, is about 5,500; in houses, stores, &c., near 4000, besides 104 street lamps, The Gas is sold at the rate of $3.50 per 1000 cubic feet. Incorporated 1851, commenced 1852' Capital $100,0000' E. A. Straw, President; J. T. P. Hunt, Superintendent; H. Foster, Clerk and Treasurer. E. A. Straw, David Gillis, Robert Reed, Wm. P. Newell, Directors. ERRATA. Page 45, read Petromyzon instead of Petronyson. Pages 51 and 52, read Montowampate, instead of Winneperketr Page 53, eighth line from bottom, read 1726 instead of 1626, Page 1, of History, read Humboldt instead of Humbolt. Page 17, eleventh line from bottom, read 1628, instead of 1627. Page 23, twelfth line from top read English, instead of Fre.?ch. Page 125, ninth line from bottom insert Peace at the beginning of the line. Page 136, fifth line from top read Dec. 9, instead of 7. Page 149, sixteenth line fiom bottom, read 1724, instead of 1624. Page 181, ninth line from top, read Eleanor Hogg, instead of Eleanor.Nicht:ts; and seventh- line from bottom read third instead of second. Page 184, last line, erase great. Page 188, twenty first line from bottom read eldest instead of only., Page 200, insert number of page and in sixteenth line fiom top, readct south instead of north. Page 211, twelfth line from the bottom, read audacity instead of opportunity. Page 246, eleventh line from top, erase and whiich, and' nsert The lasonian Grant. Page 270, sixth line from bottom, read Jan~uary, 5,. instead of January 1. Page 434, third line from top, readforty instead of eighty. Page 441, erase the head line, Gov. WFentworth in difficulty, and insert Col. William Stark. Page 489, twenty-first line from top, read 1765, instead of 1775. Page 556, eleventh line from top, read Hayden, instead of Haller. Page 559, in head line read 1839, instead of 1829. Page 707, first line, insert is after this. Page 721, twenty-seventh line from top, read Labor as an Ingredient; on same page, the ninth line from the bottom of the page, should be inserted after the eighteenth line from the top of the page. Page 722, first line, read McDowell, instead of JMcDonald. AD DE ND A. In the biographical sketch of Robert Read, the facts should have been stated that he was Agent of the Nashua Manufacturing Company from 1835 to 1837, the time of his appointment as Agent of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company; and that he was at Portsmouth during the war of 1812, being attached to Capt. Trevet's company from Peterborough. In the account of the Public Squares in the City, through inadvertence, Hanover Square. was omitted. It is situated between Amherst, Hanover, Union, and Beech streets. It contains four acres, and has in it a fine pond, supplied with water from Mile Brook. From the pond or reservoir, water is distributed to many of the reservoirs of the city. On the south bank of this pond is the spring that furnishes water for the Fountains on Elm street. This Square has been but little improved, but from its location and natural features, and the many desirable residences surrounding it it must be one of the most beautiful Squares in the city. THE END.