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A GUINALD O


4 NARRATIVE OF FILIPINO
z AMBITIONS 


By


EDWIN WILDMAN
Former   ice and Dcputy Consul-General at
Hong Kong; I/ar Correspondent during the
Filipino  Rer'v/t;  Special Commissioner to
China during the Boxer Rebellion          


LOTHROP PUBLISHING COMPANY


B OS TO N


~P




COPY RIG H T.
I90I,
BY LOTHROP
PUBLIS H ING
COMPANY. 
ALL RIGHTS
RESERVED ~
ENTERED AT
STATIONERS'
*   HALL
'Narbacab loreom
J. S. Cushing & Co. - Berwick & Smith
Norwood Mass. U.S.A.




A NOTE TO THE READER


1I


As I think of the bullet-pierced bodies of our
brave American boys prone on the wastes of
Luzon's sun-beaten rice-fields, or sleeping their
last sleep in the wilds of the jungle, it is difficult to write impassionately of the enemy
behind the gun.
And yet, as I recall those fearful scenes
across the trench, and see the ground strewn
with silent brown forms, gaping with wounds,
horrible in death, the victims of human cupidity and mistaken leadership, my heart softens
with conflicting emotions.
For I hear again the rattle of musketry, the
rumble of cannon, the whir of bullets, and I
remember that this is the final arbiter in the
destinies of races, - the tie that binds us immutably to the barbaric past and points significantly to the unwritten future; then sorrow
displaces passion, despair tramples on sadness,
5




A NOTE TO THE READER


6


-sorrow for the victims of strife, despair of
the signs of progress.
The realities of war and its horrors are fresh
within me. The vivid scenes of the battlefield
are engraven forever upon my memory. So,
to those who follow these lines I would say,
my pen is earnest, and my purport sincere. It
is but a narrative I tell; not as an attorney
gathers up the thread of evidence, not as a
preacher espouses a cause, but only as a witness and student of things and their meanings,
full of sympathy for the vanquished, impartiality
toward the victors, and unprejudiced by racial
conditions, political considerations, or personal
ambitions.
If this spirit is manifest through the narrative, I have succeeded in my efforts; if it is
lacking, I have failed utterly. The reader must
judge.
EDWIN WILDMAN.


NEW YORK,
June 15, 1901.




IL L US TRAT4 IO0NS
Page
Reminders of Spanish Cruelty                        22
j/osi Rizal and his Execution                      34
Departure of Aguinaldo and Filipidno Chbi' Thins
from  Galumpit for Hong Kong                   48
Emilio Aguinaldo, Generai and President             98
Filipe A4goncello, Ambassrador                      98
AIlejandro Paterno, President of Aguinaldo's Cabinet  98
A4guinaldo' s Leading Generals, Antonio Lana, Ricardo, Garcia, and Paua                       ro8
A4guinaldo reviewing the Revolutionary Forces     138
Bacolor Arch, designed hy Aguinaldo13
The Anting-A4nting, the Filipino's Charm against
Death                                       I142
Triumphal Arch erected in Honor of Aguinaldo's
Inatiguration at Malolos                     152
A4rrival of Aguinaldo for his Inauiguration       152
Proclamation of Aguinaldo as President of the Revolutionary Government at Malolos              -178
San Juan Bridge, Santa Mesa, where the First
Shot was fired                               196
7




ILLUSTRATIONS                                     8
Page
Filipino Intrenchments, built by Spanish Prisoners  196
The Capitolof the Philippine Republic at Malolos  238
A  Group of Aguinaldo's Generals, Gregorio del
Pilar, Mascardo, Torres, and Pio Del Pilar  252
Aguinaldo's Headquarters at BiaCabdato          278
Aguinaldo's Headquarters at Cavite              278
The Wife of Aguinaldo                           314
State Carriage of Aguinaldo at Malolos          314
Relics of the Insurrection  0.              334




zIG UINALD 0






I~ ~ ~ ~ ~




iAGUINALDO
GUINALDO has taken the oath of alleA GUINALDO has taken the oath of allegiance. He has sworn to defend the
Constitution of the United States. He
is eligible to hold official position in the Philippine Islands. He may some day cast a vote
for the electors of the President of the United
States.
It is time, therefore, that we cease to joke
about his gold whistle and gilded collar and take
him seriously. Aguinaldo has always taken
himself seriously. It is a Malayan characteristic. The Malay is not much of a joker. He
is not given to being funny.  He never saw
a comic paper until Spanish newspaper men
cartooned him in a Manila publication.  He
saw nothing funny in being represented as a
monkey. He did not laugh when the Americans
took up the joke and an American officer said
that the Filipinos were all right in their place,
II




AG UIN L D O


12


but that they had descended from the trees three
hundred years too soon.
Aguinaldo took himself and the ambitions of
his people so seriously that he convinced himself of the possibility of Filipino Independence.
He even carried on for nearly three years
the machinery of the Filipino Republic; for
over two years he refused to surrender, outwitting the combined military and naval forces
of the United States in the Pacific, and though
besieged in the mountain fastness of the Caraballo range, surrounded only by a few faithful
followers, cut off from his compatriots in arms, he
still maintained his "government," issued orders
to his scattered guerillas, and eluded the army
of the United States. He was an example of
the most marvellous conceit in the world's history. But conceited men are usually devoid of
humor. They take themselves seriously.
Aguinaldo is a Malay. His is the type of
Filipino that will concern us permanently.
Aguinaldo is ours-and "we are his'n."  Let
us make the most of each other. Let us understand each other. To know Aguinaldo we must
know the Malay. To know the Malay we must
live with him, employ him, trade with him,
associate with him, -and be deceived by him.
Aguinaldo commands the consideration of all




HIS CHARA CTER


I3


who have taken the trouble to study his character and watch the trend of events of which he
is the central figure. There is something in this
little Tagalog that inspires respect, -something
that commands attention. There is quality out
of the ordinary in a man, born in the wilds
of an outlying island, uneducated, uncultured,
untravelled, who possesses the power to inspire
men to heroism and self-sacrifice; who mustered an army out of men who never fought but
with the knife, bow, and arrow; who held in
check the violent passions for revenge, plunder,
and destruction in a race accustomed to cruelty
and oppression from the white man. In the
nineteenth century there has not been a more
unique figure among the native races of the
earth than this Tagalog patriot - or rebel; call
him what you will. Philosophers call silent
men wise; superficial people call them ignorant. Aguinaldo is wise among his people;
ignorant among Europeans. He is not a Napoleon or a Washington; neither is he a Tecumseh
or a Sitting Bull. His name suggests no metaphor.
Yet the Aguinaldo known to fame is not the
real Aguinaldo.  The real Aguinaldo has a
personality and character quite different and
apart from that of popular conception. The




A G UI NA L D O


14


Aguinaldo of fame is a name; the Aguinaldo
of reality is an ordinary appearing little Malay
who has been quick to learn and clever to utilize
the gifts God has given him. In the revolution
against the United States Aguinaldo played a
peculiar and difficult part. Accredited with the
ability apparent in the manifestoes, letters, and
proclamations that have borne his signature, he
possessed the cleverness to assume their responsibility and maintain the dignity of such an exalted position.  Aguinaldo is not ignorant;
neither is he the intellectual strategist his writings would make him appear.   He does not
possess the genius the natives accredit him
with, nor is he the nondescript ignoramus pictured by his detractors. He is shrewd enough
to know his limitations, and has ability sufficient
to promote his ambitions. These qualities alone
are formidable ones, and it is well to realize
them, for Aguinaldo will be a factor in Philippine affairs as long as he lives.
Aguinaldo was born some thirty-two years ago
(about I869) in Cavite Viejo. His father was a
native of the farmer class, whose principal employment consisted in selling vegetables to the
Spanish and native inhabitants of Cavite. Being
a man of more than average ability, and possessing considerable force of character, he rose to.1I
j
'i
I
I
i
A
I




EARLT LIFE


I5




some little local prominence among his townsmen, and was thrice elected mayor of his native
borough. Aguinaldo's mother was a Mestiza,
her father being a Chinaman, of whom I have
heard it said, he was a descendant of a Mandarin
of considerable influence and power in China.
From this celestial lineage Aguinaldo probably
inherited his craft and stoical demeanor. His
parents baptized him in the Catholic faith, calling him  Christmas-box - or gift, the literal
meaning of the Tagalog word "Aguinaldo." It
might be presumed therefore that the future
chieftain of the Tagalogs was born on Christmas, although some records give March 22 as
his natal day.
His early life was spent on the farm or
running about the streets playing with the native children of the neighborhood.  He never
learned Spanish sufficiently to converse fluently. When he became of suitable age he
attended the Tagalog school at Cavite, where
only the most meagre rudiments of education
were taught. With this limited preparation he
went to Manila and spent part of three years
taking a secondary course of instruction in the
Jesuit school of Santa Thomas, "without any
benefit to himself," said Archbishop Nozelada
in speaking of Aguinaldo. The reflection, how

i
l:I






G UIN ALDO


i6


ever, may be applied, I think, with equal justice upon the school, for Aguinaldo showed
himself quick to learn, and there was no school
under the Spanish system in which a Filipino,
unless a rich half-caste, was encouraged to
perfect his knowledge.  Popular education
was discouraged. Ignorance was at a premium. The Spanish denied the Filipino the
remotest semblance of equality. It was many
years before a Filipino dared to put on shoes
or stockings, to wear his shirt inside his trousers - even to learn Spanish. Aguinaldo, therefore, may be forgiven for not taking a degree in
the Manila University.  Besides, other influences cut him off from a career of letters, had
his ambitions run in that line.
The death of his father caused his return to
Cavite. Funds ran low, and he was compelled
to take up his father's occupation in order to
support himself and his mother.
Aguinaldo showed himself to be a young
man of more than ordinary spirit.  Hardly
was he of age before he became Captain Municipal of Cavite. This was in I893. In the
Spanish civil list of I895 I also found his name
registered as Captain Municipal of Cavite.
So he twice took the oath of office under the
Spanish. I am told that the second appoint



THE KA TIPUNAN,4


17


ment was given him in order to wean him over
to the Spanish rule, for he began to show
strength as a leader, and his connection with
the secret Katipunan Society became known.
The Katipunan, or Kalaastaasen Kagalanggalang Katipunan - very exalted and honorable
union - had become very powerful. It was the
outgrowth of the native masonic lodges. The
organization amalgamated the lesser so-called
masonic lodges of Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, the
Camarines, and other provinces, and inI896 numbered over thirty thousand.  Its chief founder
was Andres Bonifacio, a schoolmaster of Cavite.
The object of the league was the extermination
of the friars and the Spanish officials.  The
Pacto de Sangre, or blood compact, a rite of
the ancient chieftains of the Island which involved the drawing of blood from the breast
of a candidate, was revived and made a part
of the ceremonies of the Katipunan.1 By this
rite the first treaty with Magellan was sealed
in 152I.
Freemasonry was established in Manila by
the Spanish, and being frowned upon by the
1 This ceremony was memorialized in a celebrated painting
by Juan Luna, a brother of the Insurgent General Antonio
Luna. The picture hung in the Government Palace at Manila
until the revolution broke out, when it was removed by the
Spanish.




AGUINA LDO


Church, existed under the utmost difficulty. In
a moment of incaution, or for considerations
best known to the Spanish members, a number
of prominent Filipinos were taken into the
order.  The mystery, secrecy, and masonic
symbols employed, appealed strongly to the
untutored natives, and there sprang up like
mushrooms a degenerate form of masonry
throughout the Islands. The leaders quickly
realized the power of such combination, and
the ignorant native, confused by the mysticism,
became imbued with the belief that the spurious order conveyed supernatural powers. Although the friars opposed the organizations
with relentless violence, arresting, torturing,
and banishing "suspects," the natives became
all the more certain that masonry was a potential force that made the possessor of the various
symbols a person to be feared. Confusing and
confounding the signs of the order with the
various cabalistic signs of the Church, the
Filipino mixed religion with his masonry, and
despite the priest and friar, the two, though
radically separated, became hopelessly confused
in the mind of the native.
From this state of things grew the AntingAnting,-a mystic concoction of hog-Latin and
Spanish, illumined with crude pictures of the




THE ANTING-ANTING


19


Virgin' Mary and the Saints. Originally this
charm was burnt or tattooed on the skin of the
person. Remarkable stories are told of the
power of the Anting-Anting. One who possesses it is supposed to be invulnerable. Neither
bullet nor steel can injure him. He may undertake most perilous journeys without fear
of harm.  He may go into war with perfect
impunity.
Aguinaldo was accredited with the power of
the Anting-Anting. It is said he always wore
one of these medallions which gave him a
charmed life. It is even told that upon one
occasion, a doubter having questioned his invulnerability, he, William Tell-like, posed while
a squad of six sharpshooters took aim at his
heart and fired, the bullets (?) passing off from
him without harm. This is a tale frequently
heard among the ignorant Filipinos.
The shrewd insurgent leaders whose fortunes
were allied with Aguinaldo, encouraged a general acceptance of the tale, and thus Aguinaldo
was believed to be immune to American shot
and shell, and the Anting-Anting charm became
the universal accompaniment of the Tagalog
soldier. I took several from the dead bodies of
the Insurgents. Other Americans carried away
hundreds of them because of their curious inter



A G UINA L D O


20


est. In the walled city, at Manila, when the
Filipino prisoners were searched, before being sent to the bastions where they were confined, thousands of these symbols were found
on the necks of natives or burned on the
chests, arms, and legs of Igorrotes and Negritos,
the bolo and arrow men.
It was the Katipunan that first claimed Aguinaldo's attention. He, like thousands of other
superficially educated natives, was charmed with
the secrets of the mystic organization.  But
Aguinaldo went a step farther in his ambition.
He aspired to lead where others were content
to follow.  In this aspiration he was led and
encouraged by his old schoolmaster, Andres
Bonifacio, the chief of the Katipunan.  In
Cavite Viejo, where Aguinaldo lived, the Katipunan plots were formulated. It was a perfect
nest of revolutionary schemes, and there, more
than in any other place in the Archipelago, the
Spanish authorities had great difficulty in repressing the insurrectionary spirit.
Although numerous arrests were made and
"suspects" tortured, the conspiracies against
the government grew, rather than diminished.
Aguinaldo was one of the foremost of the incorrigibles. The Spanish governor employed spies
and the friars to obtain incriminating evidence




A PLOT REVEALED


21


against him, but they failed in ferreting out and
proving their suspicions against him and the men
whom they believed to be the heads of the insurrectionary element.
In Cavite at that time there lived a pretty
Filipino girl, a sister of one of the leaders of
the Katipunan. It is said that she cherished a
secret passion for Aguinaldo, but was also loved
by a Spanish officer of the police, -one Sergeant
Seville. As it did not appear that Aguinaldo
reciprocated the passion, she, piqued by jealousy,
feigned to be enamoured by the Spanish sergeant. Aguinaldo was a frequent visitor at the
house of her brother, and there she learned of a
plot, in which the five Katipunan leaders proposed to organize an expedition, sack the Cavite
convents, secure the arms hidden there by the
priests, and arouse the people to revolution. In
a fit of jealousy she revealed the plot to her
Spanish lover. He appeared to show little interest in the affair, but so gratified was he to
be the possessor of such important information,
that he immediately proceeded to celebrate in
Spanish style, and soon became intoxicated.
The Filipino maiden was much provoked at his
hilarity and threatened to leave him, whereupon,
emboldened by his cups, he taunted her with
the fact that if she left him she would have no




A G UINA L D O


22


other lover to go to, as by morning her adored
Aguinaldo and all his associates would be in the
dungeons of Fort Santiago, and before the rise
of another sun they would be shot in the back
as traitors to Spain.
Although terrified at what she had done, the
girl did not lose her wits. She laughed, and
promised not to leave her Spanish lover. He
regained his good nature and continued to drink,
encouraged by the little conspirator, for now
her eyes were opened to the danger to which
her jealousy had exposed Aguinaldo and her
brother. Finally, the sergeant was overcome
by wine, and the girl stole away and ran to her
home where she confessed what she had done,
and the nature of the sergeant's threat. Her
brother hastily assembled the conspirators, and
a council was held. When the story was told,
Aguinaldo is reported to have said: "No one
knows of our plot but Sergeant Seville. Before
he can communicate with Manila he must die.
We will draw lots to determine who must kill
him." Instantly the plan was carried out, and
Aguinaldo drew the decisive number. In the
morning Sergeant Seville was found dead,
stabbed to the heart.
The friars, however, were Aguinaldo's deadly
enemies, as they were irrevocably against the




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ENMITY OF THE FRIARS


23


Katipunan. A trap was set, and he was arrested
as a "suspect." But before they were able to
initiate him in their methods of extracting information and administering punishment, he
escaped incognito to Hong Kong, where, passing himself off as a Chinaman, he enlisted in
the Marine Police, a body of harbor guards
made of Chinese subjects of the English colonial government.
Against the powerful Katipunan organization
the friars pitted the confessional, proclaiming
that the vows of the order were anti-Christian,
and could not be reserved in the confession.
But so vicious and cruel was the persecution
that followed, that the Tagalog, though Catholic,
in faith, defied the edict of the archbishop and
clung to the vows of the Katipunan.   The
friars employed the confessional to frighten
women into betraying their husbands, and enlisted native spies to join the order and learn
the secrets of the priests. In this manner they
succeeded in informing themselves of the intentions and movements of the organization, and
shrewdly attempted to arouse religious natives
against the order, warning them that to join the
Katipunan was to insure their eternal damnation. But all their threats and machinations
were in vain. The organization grew in num



G UINALDO 


24


bers and power, the friars implored the officials
to take active measures against it, and arrests
and tortures followed, the friars being ever
ready to administer the punishment.
At this juncture Aguinaldo, emboldened by
the growing power of the Katipunan, and
anxious to return to his native land, determined
to sail for Cavite.  The Spanish authorities
became thoroughly aroused at the trend of
events, and were exercising every effort to apprehend the ringleaders, executing hundreds of
"suspects," on the Luneta, the public common
near the Walled City of Manila. Bonifacio
advised caution, and urged the leaders to abandon their immature plans to overthrow the Spanish authority. He was the father of revolutions,
but did not think the time ripe to strike the
blow; whereupon, it is told, Aguinaldo secretly
assassinated him, proclaimed himself the legitimate successor to leadership, and ordered instant attack on the priests' houses and outlying
army posts.
Thus the outbreak of I896 was precipitated
before the Spanish militia could intervene.
Aguinaldo, ably aided by his cousin, Baldomero
Aguinaldo, swept through Cavite province, being reenforced by native Spanish guards who
revolted. Thousands of Filipinos, armed with




REVOLT OF 1896


A5


bolos, bamboo spears, and bows and arrows,
eagerly joined in the raid to avenge their wrongs,
punish the friars, and share in the plunder of
war.
Following up his first victory, he captured
the villages of San Francisco de Malabon, Novelete, and Silan, and established headquarters at
Imus. The Spanish general Aguirra, with two
companies of infantry, a troop of cavalry, and
two field-guns, attempted to dislodge him, but
was successfully repulsed with considerable loss.
The young chieftain then took affairs into his
own hands, and organized and equipped an army
with remarkable rapidity.
To trace further the causes that led up to \
this bold stroke on the part of the Filipinos, it
seems hardly necessary to go into the details
recorded to the everlasting dishonor of the
friars of the Philippines. Their untimely persecution, their lecherous practices, and depraved
Christianity; their lust for money and their
ambition for power, led them into crimes that
blacken the page of history. The revolt of
i896 was the natural result of long-suffering
and outraged humanity. Had the Spaniards
profited by the lesson and sought to alleviate
the causes that produced the rebellion, the soil
of the Philippines would have been spared its




G UINALDO L26
baptism of blood. But the corruption and persecution of Church and State brought on the
revolution; the Filipinos experienced their first
taste of power; vanity, and self-conceit took
possession of them, and, aroused by their leaders
to aspirations and acts beyond the range of
their strength or ability, the blood of the
Indian asserted itself, and the Philippine Islands
were plunged into a turmoil that ravaged the
land and turned back the wheel of civilization
a century.




II
F     OREMOST among the Tagalogs at this
critical period was the adventurous and
romantic figure of Dr. Jose Rizal y Mercado. Like most of the half-caste Filipinos,
he showed marked mental superiority over the
native races.  It was his thoughts, writings,
and teachings that crystallized the latent issues
of discontent, and gave the Filipinos definite
aspirations. Rizal, though perhaps not the first
to realize the result of consanguinity, was sufficiently gifted by mental endowment to take up
the psychological aspect and make a demonstration upon his conclusions. His influence upon
the people was quickly recognized by the friars,
who realized in him a leader and teacher of
doctrines incompatible with their practices. Dr.
Rizal became a freemason, and it was he who
perceived in that form of organization a method
by which Filipinos could assert the position he
believed should be theirs. The agitation culminated in I886 in a demonstration against the
27




AGUINLALDO


28


abuses of the friars, and a great petition called
the "Expulsion de los Frailes" was prepared
and addressed to the queen regent of Spain.
Whether the paper ever reached her or not is
problematical. No attention, at any rate, was
paid to it, except by the monks, who retaliated
by increasing their persecutions and extortions
until open revolt was threatened. The natives
in various parts of the Luzon grew emboldened
and flatly refused to pay further tribute. General Luna, who was implicated in the movement, was deported, together with his relatives,
and Dr. Rizal was banished.
But this act made him twice a hero in the
eyes of his countrymen, - a refugee, because
he dared to call the Philippines his patria;
because he dared to think for himself and write
upon the evils that were choking out the lifeblood of his people. Romantic and imaginative
by nature, he pictured the woes of his country
in sensational novels. In this way he brought
home to the native the lesson of the relationship between the peasant and the priest, and the
priest and the government. The wide gulf that
separated the Indian from the white man was
broadened by Rizal's teachings. He made plain
the impossibility of aspiration, and the future of
his people he painted in the language of despair.




RIZAL, THE REFORMER


29


"I have sown the seeds; others are left to
reap," were almost his last words. Though
never able to share personally in the revolutionary activity that he fomented, Rizal, more
than any other Filipino, set in motion the spirit
of discontent. His intellectual sword was doubleedged. It severed the cords of ignorant superstition that bound the natives to the friars, and
it tore the mask from the friars and put them
to defensive activity against the natives. Rizal
was not an open apostle of independence. He
did not advocate revolt against Spain, but he
agitated the dumb intellect of the Tagalog, and
aroused him to resist his oppressors. Though
a Catholic, he questioned the right of the friars
to their benefices; he denied their titles to great
landed estates, and he protested against their
unchristian practices, their immorality, and their
abuse of the confessional.  Rizal maintained
that intellectual attainment was the true test
of social and political equality, and protested
against the restrictions of caste which excluded
the colored man from official representation and
religious equality.
Born in the obscure town of Calamba, on
Laguna de Bay, a score of miles from Manila, of
parents whose ancestry was still more obscure,
Rizal early manifested a high order of intellect




AGUINALDO


30


and ambition. He was taken in hand by the
Jesuit priest of the parish, and made such great
progress that his father, Thomas Mercado, sent
him to the Jesuit college. The Jesuits have
always been at variance with the other monastic
orders of the Philippines, and it was undoubtedly under their tutelage that Rizal developed
his asperity toward the Augustinians, Recollets,
Dominicans, and the other orders dependent
upon the public treasury.
Having passed through the early course at
the Jesuits' school, Rizal was not satisfied with
the customary r6gime of the provincial student
who indulged his vanity in personal exploits
and dandy dressing, but evinced a desire to
study abroad and travel. Through the generosity of the Jesuits and the assistance of his
father he embarked for Madrid. After a course
at the Royal University at the capital he graduated in medicine and philosophy. He then
went to Paris and Germany, and by observation
and study he broadened his vision and increased
his knowledge of political equality and individual liberty.  In Europe he found the equal
rights of man the primary principle of good
government.   Comparing  these  conditions
with the oppression and corrupt rule of his
native land, he resolved to devote his energies




PERSECUTION OF RIZAL 31


to the relief of his monastic-ridden country.
The first step in that direction was his novel,
"Noli me Tangere," an expose of the licentiousness of the friars.  Though other works
both preceded and followed, this was the book
that aroused the ire of the monastic orders and
turned the attention of the public to the misrule
in the Spanish colonies.
Hardly conscious of the commotion he had
aroused, Rizal determined to return to Manila.
Arriving there, he found himself the object of
most violent attack. Undaunted, however, by
the persecution of the friars, claiming the right
of a loyal subject of Spain, he continued his
campaign, and by placing himself at the head
of the anti-friar sentiment, brought down upon
himself such an avalanche of opposition that
his life was imperilled. He then realized fully
for the first time the utter incapability of the
Spanish officials to free themselves, had they
so wished, from the influence of the friars.
Rizal determined, therefore, to operate where
the air was free to breathe, and where his actions
were not subject to the inspection of spies. For
the second time he returned to Europe, but at
last, resolved to throw his lot among his own
people and with them conquer or perish, he
returned in I893 to Manila. Upon landing at




AG UINALD O


32


the Custom House his baggage was seized, and
he was charged with possessing seditious proclamations and literature. It has been claimed
that these alleged seditious documents were
surreptitiously placed in Rizal's baggage by
spies of the friars, and that they were printed
in the convents at Malabon, where the type was
discovered set in forms. However this may be,
Rizal was arrested and taken before the Governor General Despujals, who banished him to
Dapitan, an eastern port of Mindanao. Here
he built a hospital, and in enforced confinement
sought to do what good he might. He took up
the practice of his profession, and it was in this
way that he became acquainted with Josephine
Brackin Taufer, whose spirit and fortitude have
made her a Joan of Arc in Filipino history. In
July of I899 I sought out this picturesque girl.
She was living in a little house in Calle Bulamboyan, in Manila, and through her I obtained
many incidents of Rizal's career. As she remained with him the last years of his life, her
story is full of interest.
Josephine Brackin was the daughter of an
Irish sergeant of the Fifteenth Regiment, stationed in Hong Kong. When the Fifteenth
Regiment departed for England, her mother
having -died,: her father left her with Mr.




JOSEPHINE BRACKIN. 33


I


Taufer, an American friend, who adopted and
educated her. In I894 her adopted father, who
was suffering from trouble with his eyes, went
to Manila to consult with Dr. Rizal, whose
fame as an oculist was known; but when they
arrived in Manila they learned of Dr. Rizal's
banishment and followed him to Dapitan, where
they remained for some months. Rizal fell
deeply in love with the blue-eyed Irish girl, and
asked her to marry him, but the officials refused
to permit the marriage, giving as a reason that
Josephine was an English subject. Dr. Rizal,
however, solicited her to remain in his company
until he could secure the proper authority to
marry. For two years and four months she
remained in Dapitan. Though the place was
destitute of business, Dr. Rizal built a fine house
and hospital. He taught all the children who
came to him English and Spanish and the elements of education, and continued his practice
as an oculist.
When the revolution in Cuba broke out, Dr.
Rizal requested several times, through the local
governor, an appointment in the Cuban army
as a surgeon, but the application met with a
refusal. One day when Josephine was in Manila there came to her a Philippine doctor by
the name of Valensuela, who asked if he could.




AGUINALD 0


34


return to Dapitan with her, as he had two blind
men he wished to take to Dr. Rizal. Without
the slightest suspicion, Josephine gave him permission to accompany her with the patients.
When Dr. Rizal examined the men he found
that they were not blind, and therefore knew
that they were spies sent by the friars to watch
his movements.  In the evening, Valensuela
engaged Dr. Rizal in conversation, and endeavored to get him to commit himself to the ideas
of independence. But Rizal told him that he
did not believe in independence, that it was
impossible for the natives, who could not even
govern their own houses, to govern the country.
So the spy returned by the steamer to Manila.
When next the mail came the governor, Dr.
Ricardo Carnicero, told Rizal that Governor
General Blanco had given him an appointment
as a doctor in the Cuban army. When Rizal
arrived at Manila he was detained aboard ship.
Josephine was sent ashore. Rizal was taken
aboard the Isla de Panay, which departed for
Spain. After he left, Josephine was subjected
to many indignities; her house was forcibly
entered and searched, and some of her family
and Rizal's friends were made prisoners. In
Spain he was charged with conspiracy and
sedition, and returned to Manila, a prisoner,




AJOSE  RIZ  L    T     'E XL:lJION  ( OR.    XOE X<7R:lA
@^''-/'..^**.Pyatrot.&f  ' Nitta'ryr"' '':':''' At'  aiii.a,.';D  ~ em r  '30,>  197f'  '**:*^*^1*:'.'''':':;:^
XC:      *';   ^




: e.






RIZAL'S TRIAL


3.5


I I...  _. _  I _I        i  i  i  I  i 
upon the Cristobal Colon.  He was confined
in the Santiago fort, where Josephine visited
him and brought him food, but always in company of a guard. Rizal's cell was a small dark
room with a door so low that he had to stoop
to enter. He protested that he was not a conspirator against Spain.  A court martial was
then held at the governor's house, and Rizal
was tried for treason.  He argued that he
should not be punished for the books he wrote,
as they were not directed against the State, but
that if he was guilty of offences against the
government proof should be established. Aguinaldo had already begun the revolution, and an
effort was made to show that Rizal was the
instigator of it and a party to it, but proof could
not be secured. Nevertheless, the judge ordered
that Rizal be shot. Rizal told the governor
that if he were shot, in less than ten years the
Philippines would not belong to Spain. Josephine, who was present at the trial, announced
that she would devote her life to the purpose of
ending Spanish rule in the Island, and was
ejected from  the house.  She begged her
brother-in-law, Ponciento Rizal, to join the
revolution; and that day he went to Imus and
pledged himself to Aguinaldo.
The night before the execution Rizal sent




AGUINALDO 


36


for Josephine.  "I came to the palace and
was conducted to an altar where I found him
waiting," is the story the martyr's widow told
me. "He said: 'Ah, dear, my time has come
to be united to you but separated forever.'
He begged me to forgive him the sorrow he
had caused me, and told me that in the little
cooking machine he had hidden a paper for
me-the last message to his country.  Then
we parted forever, for the Spanish officers refused to let me talk with him again. I went
home and put on a black dress and went to the
place of execution on the Luneta, as he bade me.
He saw me and moved his hand. The soldiers
asked him where he wished to be shot, and he
told them 'straight in the heart'; but they answered that it was impossible as he was a
traitor. And Rizal replied, 'Shoot me in the
back, then, as all cowards do.' Eight shots
were fired, and he fell. Then another shot was
fired as he lay prostrate on the ground. This
was the 30th of December, I896. I ran to him,
but the Spaniards pushed me away. I followed
Rizal to the cemetery, but they shut the gate in
my face, and I cried out, 'Vive Filipinos and
death to Spain.' After a week's time I tried
again to go to Rizal's grave, but again the soldiers guarding it refused; and I told them that




A FILIPINO JOAN OF ARC 37
they might shoot me but I would go, and then
they let me pass. On the 3d of January I left
Manila on foot, and after three days and three
nights travelling over the hills and through the
jungle reached Imus. Every one allowed me to
pass when I told them who I was, and when I
arrived I met Aguinaldo and told him that I
came to help Vim in the revolution. I took a
rifle and went into the field and led a charge
against the Spaniards in Zapote, killing one
Spanish officer with my own rifle. It was Aguinaldo's fault that the Spanish then took Imus
and drove us back. He was in a house disputing with his men when the attack was made,
and quibbling over little matters of money.
Then we fought at San Francisco de Malabon,
and I took part in the engagements, but the
Spanish drove us back thirty-two miles, and I
had to swim the rivers and travel by foot. Then
I was taken very ill with fever on account of
passing days and nights without food and suffering the hardships of the march. As we were
low in ammunition, and were unable to get word
to Manila, I volunteered to undertake the journey, and arranged for a supply.
"My brother-in-law, Ponciento, who was in
charge of the forces, objected to my taking the
risk; but my will triumphed, and I left Talisay




AGUINALDO


38


on the 8th of April.  I passed from town to
town on foot, and every one welcomed and
greeted me with honor when I told them I
was the widow of Dr. Rizal. Several Spanish
officers stopped me, but I gave them a few
dollars and they let me pass. When I arrived
in Manila, as I was the adopted daughter of
an American, I went to the American Consul
and sought his interest in our cause and his
protection. He told me to report my presence
to the governor general, and tell him the truth
of the situation. I went directly to the governor, and he asked me if I had come for
pardon. I told him that I had nothing to fear,
and that I lived at Calle Escaraga, No. 3;
he could find me there at any time. Every day
the governor sent for me to question me, and
set spies to watch my movements. Finally
the governor banished me to Hong Kong and
gave me $200. My money soon disappeared.
The Filipinos in Hong Kong neglected me and
left me to starve, so I went into the Civil Hospital as a nurse."
The recital of Dr. Rizal's widow reveals two
interesting facts: The influence of Rizal's teachings and martyrdom upon the revolution, and
the absolute ingratitude of the Filipinos who
ignored the claims of indebtedness to the faith

iI




I


FILIPINO INGRATITUDE 39
ful girl, the wife of the most eminent factor in
their aspirations, and a potent inspiration in the
first battles waged against the Spanish. Josephine became embittered against the Insurgents
and, having married again, became the centre
of an influential circle in Manila who welcomed
the sovereignty of the United States. She is
now a teacher in the public schools.




III


T     HE revenge the clerical party took upon
Rizal incensed the Filipinos everywhere.
He was their idol and their teacher. His
ignoble death, witnessed in triumph by the friars
on a fete day, was the insult to their manhood
and their cause that aroused the members of
the Katipunan throughout the Archipelago to
open revolt. Aguinaldo and Ponciento Rizal
drove the Spaniards out of Rizal's native province, seized large quantities of provisions, arms,
and munitions, and succeeded in holding possession of the larger part of Cavite province.
The vicious cruelty of the Spanish officials, the
wholesale slaughter of "suspects," and the inhuman tortures practised upon prisoners and
families of Insurgents, for a time daunted the
spirit of the natives, and produced a quietus in
affairs, and the new governor general's proclamation offering amnesty to all who would lay
down arms was not without effect. Aguinaldo,
however, moved his forces to the northward, and
40




REVOLT OF NORTH LUZON 41


enlisted the support of most of the Filipinos as
far as Pampanga. The marauding bands of
the discontents in adjacent provinces gradually
joined his standard, and armed with spears,
bolos, and what rifles they could plunder from
the convents, almost the whole population of
the north of Luzon formed a movement aimed
at the priests and against the government.
Friars were murdered or driven to the hills,
property was razed to the ground. Victims
were singled out among the friars who had
inflicted tortures upon the natives, in the past,
and revenge was wreaked with unsparing hatred. Spanish garrisons were attacked by overwhelming numbers of natives, and arms and
ammunition seized, strongholds and public
property confiscated and burned, and riot and
incendiarism was rampant throughout Luzon.
No less vicious were the Spanish troops. Large
detachments were sent out of Manila and routed
the insurgents, bayoneting the prisoners and
non-combatants, and murdering the population
without regard to age or sex. The Spaniards
pushed the Insurgents as far north as Nueve
Ecija, and in the heaviest engagement of the
insurrection, succeeded in temporarily repulsing Aguinaldo's forces. The Spanish general
Nunez was carried off the field severely wounded.






AGUINNALDOD


42


At this juncture of affairs the rainy season
interfered with further operations, and the Spaniards decided to resort to other methods. They
found their force inadequate, and the loss of life
and property enormous. They therefore decided upon different tactics in which they were
counselled by the religious orders, who were
enormous sufferers by the conflict.
A proclamation was issued by the captain
general, Primo de Rivera, placing the entire
Archipelago under martial law, forbidding all
persons within rebellious districts to leave their
towns without a military pass, and compelling
all inhabitants having such passes to account
for time spent during the possession of them.
Every inhabitant was required to secure a cgdula
personal, or identification paper.  The document also invested in the military officers the
right to collect a fee for these certificates, and
the result of the edict was that thousands of Filipinos joined the revolutionists to avoid taxation
and be free to come and go. The revolutionary
government promptly responded to the Rivera
proclamation by an address to the Filipinos, calling upon the people to resist the Spanish soldiers,
and exhaust them by guerilla warfare until their
declining resources compelled a compromise.
They argued that the Cubans had been success



CRY FOR INDEPENDENCE 43


ful in this method of warfare, and stated that the
former governor, Polavieja, had resigned because
Spain could not send him the twenty thousand
men asked for, that Spain's credit was exhausted
abroad, and it must be but a matter of time
when she would be forced to yield to their demands. These were: the expulsion of the friars
and the return of land that they had occupied;
parliamentary representation in the Cortes;
freedom of the press; equality in treatment
and in pay with the Spanish officials; abolition
of the power to banish citizens; and legal equality of all people in civil and criminal proceedings.
Aguinaldo then issued a manifesto setting
forth his first cry for independence and demanding the expulsion of the friars from the
Islands.
Nothing decisive resulted toward the suspension of hostilities, although manifestoes followed
in rapid succession. The insurgents were stubborn in their demands, and a harassing warfare
was carried on in the provinces. Aguinaldo
had made his headquarters in Biacnabat6, a
mountain retreat in the province of Bulacan,
sixty miles from Manila. He exhorted the Katipunan to extend its membership in all parts of
the Archipelago, and showed such ability as an




AG UINALDO


44


organizer that the Spanish officials began to
cast about for a means of checking his
power.
Pedro Alejandro Paterno, a Filipino halfcaste of Manila, was singled out by Rivera to
accomplish what Spanish arms were incapable
ofL Paterno is a rich Mestizo, a dilettante, litterateur and politician, a Filipino in blood and
aspiration, a Chinaman in commercial instincts,
and altogether a talented, ambitious man. He
was well known to the Spanish government,
having mediated between it and the Filipinos
in previous troubles, and being awarded the
Grand Cross of Isabella the Catholic for his
services. Paterno visited Aguinaldo at Biacnabato, and was made his legal representative.
A peace settlement was arranged, by which
reforms were to be granted, arms and ammunition were to be turned over to the government, and Aguinaldo and the leaders of the
rebellion were to leave the country until permitted by the governor general to return. One
million dollars (Mexican) were to be paid the
leaders, and sums amounting to over half a million were to be applied for pensions to persons
and families suffering as a result of the war. In
fact, according to the testimony of several of
the leaders of the revolution, with whom I




RIVERA'S REFORMS


45


have talked, Rivera promised to grant the following reforms:- -
I. The expulsion, or, at least, the secularization of the religious orders and the inhibition
of these orders from all official vetoes in civil
administration.
2. A general amnesty for all rebels and guarantees for their personal security and from the
vengeance of the friars and parish priests after
returning to their homes.
3. Radical reforms to curtail the glaring
abuses in public administration.
4. Freedom of the press to denounce official
corruption and blackmailing.
5. Representation in the Spanish parliament.
6. Abolition of the iniquitous system of secret deportation of political suspects.
I sought among the archives at Manila, and
among the prominent Filipinos conversant with
the situation at the time, for a copy of the Pacto
de Biacnabat6, and was assured that a copy was
obtainable, and that the Pacto existed; but my
efforts were fruitless, for none was forthcoming.
The authentic terms of peace, therefore, are
missing, and in view of the rapid change of
affairs are hardly essential to this narrative,
although the document, if such a one was ever
agreed upon, would be interesting, insomuch as




AG UINLDO                                         46
it would show to what extent it was violated by
both sides.1
1 In Aguinaldo's True Version of the Philippine Revolution,
published at Tarlac, September 23, 1899, of the Biacnabato
treaty, he says: -
Don Pedro Alejandro Paterno came several times to Biacnabato to make propositions of peace which, after five months
of lengthy deliberations, was concluded and signed on the 14th
of December of the said year, 1897, on the following basis: —
Firstly. I was to be free to live abroad with the companions
who were willing to follow me; and in Hong Kong, which I had
decided on as a place of residence, the payment of $8oo,ooo indemnification money was to be made in three instalments,
$40o,ooo on receipt of all the arms that were in Biacnabato,
$200,000 when the number of arms delivered up should amount
to 800, and the remaining $200,000 on the total number of the
same reaching Iooo, when, as a thank offering, the Te Deum
should be celebrated in the cathedral of Manila. The last two
weeks of the month of February were fixed upon as the final
term for the delivering up of the arms.
Secondly. The money was all to be delivered to me personally, and I was to settle without interference with my companions and the other revolutionists.
Thirdly. Before the Philippine revolutionists should evacuate
Biacnabato, Captain General Don Primo de Rivera was to send
me two Spanish generals who were to remain as hostages till I
and my companions reached Hong Kong and the first instalment of the indemnification, that is, $400,000 had been received.
Fourthly. It was also agreed to suppress the religious socities in the Islands, and that political and administrative autonomy should be established, although by request of General
Primo de Rivera these latter conditions were not put down in
writing, owing to his assertion that otherwise the treaty would
be in too humiliating a form for the Spanish government, while
on the other hand he guaranteed on his word as gentleman and
officer the fulfilment of the same.




THE COMPACT                                      47
The government accepted the compact, whatever it was, and an agreement was signed by
Rivera, and Paterno as mediator, stating that
the peace protocol was approved by the government at Spain, and specifying the manner of
paying   over $1,700,0oo; $400,ooo payable in
Hong Kong to the leaders of the rebellion;
$400,000 to be paid on condition that the agreement was fulfilled, and the balance to be paid to
the families of those who were not rebels in
arms, but who suffered the evils of war; the
entire sum to be paid when peace should have
become an accomplished fact.
In December, I897, Aguinaldo, Gregorio del
Pilar, Vito Belarmino, Mariano Llaneros, Antonio Montenegro, and other leaders, forty-two
in number, left their mountain retreat at BiacGeneral Primo de Rivera paid the first instalment of
$400,000, while the two generals were still detained as hostages.
On our side we, the revolutionists, fulfilled the condition of
delivering up the arms, the number of which exceeded one thousand, a fact that was known to everybody and published in the
papers of Manila. But the captain general failed to carry out
the rest of the conditions, namely, the payment of the other instalments, the suppression of the friars and the reforms agreed
upon, although the Te Deum was sung. This caused great
grief to me and my companions, grief which changed into despair on receiving the letter of Lieutenant Colonel Don Miguel
Primo de Rivera, nephew of the captain general, and his private
secretary, informing us that neither my companions nor I could
ever return to Manila.




AGUINALDO


48


nabato, and embarked at Calumpit for Sual,
and thence were transported to Hong Kong
on a Spanish steamer in company with the governor general's nephews and a number of Spanish officers as hostages.
Peace, however, was of short duration. At
Madrid the ecclesiastics brought their influence
to bear upon the queen regent, and a number
of priests were sent on from Madrid to be
installed in places left vacant by the deaths
of friars during the rebellion. General Primo
de Rivera suspended the publication of the
Diario de Manila, the Insurgent organ, and the
Spanish soldiery took revenge upon the Filipinos
now helpless in their power. It was at this
point that the Junta Patriotica was formed at
Hong Kong by the banished leaders. Riots
soon broke out again, and the spirit of discontent spread over the Islands with renewed vigor.
The Spanish volunteers were accused of the
most heinous offences. Houses were raided and
disturbances were daily occurrences in Manila.
The disaffection spread to the southern islands;
five thousand natives attacked Cebu, and a
reign of terror prevailed. In Luzon the new
rebellion grew with tremendous force. A spirit
of revenge inspired the Filipinos, and incensed
at what seemed the selling out of their liberties




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CHANGE OF GOVERNORS 49
by their former leaders, united with the fact
that no reforms alleged to have been promised
took effect, they pillaged and murdered with
savage fury.  A large portion of the steam
railway was torn up, and the engines and trains
seized for their purposes. The cable was cut
at the different stations throughout the Islands,
and the lighthouses destroyed. General Rivera
had sent back to Spain seven regiments, and the
force under his command was totally incapable
of handling the situation. Priests were assassinated by the Insurgents and Spanish garrisons
raided. Rivera was recalled, and General Basilio Augusti succeeded him as governor general
of the Philippines. The reforms said to have
been recommended by Rivera were shelved by
Sagasta, who was under the domination of the
friars; while Spain, in the throes of internal
dissension, was incapable of either comprehending or coping with the situation in her colonies.
In the middle of the discord Paterno emerged,
again ready to throw his influence upon the
troubled waters in consideration of various propositions now boldly brought to light. Paterno,
who set himself up as the arbiter of the destinies
of the Filipinos, the Prince of Luzon, and the
possessor of an estate rendering an income of
$25,ooo a year, aspired to the title of the Duke




AGUINALDO                              50
of Castile, and a seat in the Cortes to represent
the Filipinos. In a letter that bristled with
egotism and self-praise Paterno set forth his
claims to one of the most ancient titles of
Spain.  In conclusion he enjoined upon his
friends at court to amplify and enlarge upon
his modest appraisement of his virtues; incidentally, in order, he claimed, to bring the value
of the title to a full appreciation by his people,
and thus proportionately exalt his own importance, he requested that the Spanish government should make him a free gift of $I,ooo,ooo.
But Paterno counted without his host. Had
his application gone across the water earlier,
there is no telling what folly Spain might have
committed to secure the peace of the Islands.
In the shift of affairs that rapidly followed, the
Philippines had no need of a representative in
the Spanish Senate. When Rivera arrived in
Spain he denied the alleged treaty of Biacnabato, and thus stripped the Insurgents of their
last claim to the rights they had clamored and
fought for. Rivera branded Paterno and the
revolutionary leaders as liars and betrayers of
their people.
If Aguinaldo needed an excuse to return to
the Islands, the provocation was ample. However, Aguinaldo and his associates were plan



PLOTTING A RETURN


51


ning to return to the Philippines long before
the publication of Rivera's letter.
The second instalment of funds was not
forthcoming, and Aguinaldo and a chosen few
migrated to Singapore and lived incognito to
escape the rigor of the Hong Kong courts,
where the disgruntled forty-two leaders were
suing each other and Aguinaldo for a division
of the original $400,000 paid over by Rivera's
representatives as a price of peace. Aguinaldo
set up a Junta at Singapore, and there, with
the counsel of English sympathizers, plotted to
return to his native country and again assume
the r6le of head-man. Paterno in the meantime was using his influence to effect a new
settlement with the Tagalogs. He still hoped
for his reward, and sought to placate the revolutionists and restore in them confidence in
Spain. His influence in Manila was not without effect, but in the interior the revolution
was beyond his control, and his efforts were
fruitless.
Though there had been spasmodic periods
of peace during two years, battles were of
daily occurrence and the hospitals were full.
Prisoners were shot without trial, and Manila
was under martial law. The Insurgent army
was within ten miles of Manila, and was being




A G UINALDO


52


armed and drilled, daily increasing in numbers
and efficiency. The rebels secured and captured arms, and in numbers exceeded the
Spanish force a hundred to one. The native
regiments deserted the colonial forces.  The
Spanish shot the Filipino prisoners before open
graves, or incarcerated them in the blackhole dungeons in the walls of old Manila, so
placed that with the rise of the tide they were
drowned, and old men, women, and children
were tortured. The only church permitted was
the Roman Catholic, and its interference with
the government, its intolerance, immorality, and
despotism increased, maddening the natives and
arousing them to violent activity, the more so
because the officials and priests who were in
authority used money, influence, and cunning to hold the half-caste element in Manila
passive.
Spain's ascendency in the Philippines was
tottering before Dewey sailed into Manila Bay.
Goaded into a revolution by the barbarities of
Spanish priests and colonial officials, encouraged by the success of the Cuban revolution
and beginning to realize the power of armed
organization and superiority of numbers, the
natives, half-castes, and Filipinos throughout
the Archipelago were united in their determina



FILIPINO SUCCESS                      53
tion to crush the clergy and overthrow the
priest-ridden government.  Success had rewarded their efforts in many parts of the provinces, and Manila and the garrisoned cities of
the coast were the goals they aspired to reach.




IV


T     HE Filipinos were following on the heels
of their Cuban brothers. The corrupt
officialdom of Spain aroused the natives
of Cuba to resistance. The same Weyler and
the same Blanco who terrorized Cuba had contributed to the seeds of discontent in the Philippines.  While Maximo Gomez and Calixto
Garcia were disputing with Spain the possession
of her western colony, Aguinaldo and his associates were fomenting revolution in her eastern
possessions.
But the wrongs of the Cubans were thrown
into the lime-light of publicity by our "sensational" newspapers, and the American public
demanded intervention. Having no such powerful neighbor, the Filipinos were attempting
the struggle single-handed.
Our war with Spain was for the avowed purpose of putting an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries in Cuba,
to restore peace and a stable government, and
54




SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 55


to terminate the intolerable conditions that disturbed our commercial relations with the Island,
and made property unsafe, and filibustering
expeditions a constant source of annoyance to
the United States.  By private contributions
several hundreds of thousands of dollars had
already been sent to the relief of starving
reconcentrados. Spain was unable to subjugate
the natives, and the Cubans were unequal to
the task of crushing out the power of Spain. The
destruction of the battleship, >Maine, in the
harbor of Havana on the night of February 15,
I898, from exterior explosion, aroused the,
American people to a state of frenzy, and produced a universal demand for intervention. A
declaration of war followed.
On April 20, upon recommendation of President McKinley, Congress passed a joint resolution declaring the independence of Cuba, and
demanding that Spain withdraw her land and
naval forces from the Island. The resolution
further disclaimed any intention on the part of
the United States to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over the Island, except during
the period required for pacification and restoration of order.
Commodore George Dewey, commanding the
Asiatic squadron, was at Hong Kong, thanks




AG UINALDO                             56
to the foresight of Secretary Long and Assistant Secretary Roosevelt, who ordered him to
proceed to the Philippine Islands, and destroy
the Spanish fleet assembled in Manila Bay. On
the 1st of May, Dewey electrified the country
by annihilating the entire Spanish fleet of eleven
ships and destroying the land batteries of Corregidor and Cavite. The victory was one of the
most sensational episodes in American history. The people went wild with enthusiasm.
Dewey's name was upon every lip, and a cry for
the retention of the Philippines went up from
Sandy Hook to the Golden Gate.
Thus, with hardly a moment's warning, an
American fleet of whose existence the public
little knew, wiped out the power of Spain in
the Orient, and opened to the American vision a new era of territorial and commercial
possibilities.
The enthusiasm that inspired every American
at home was felt tenfold by those in foreign
parts. America had in the twinkling of an eye
become a world power. Our navy instantly
commanded the respect of every foreign power,
and was the idol of the people at home.
Great activity among our officials on the
Asiatic coast followed Dewey's sweeping victory.  The American consuls at Singapore,




DEWEr'S 1VICTORr


57


Hong Kong, and Manila, fully conversant with
the situation in the Philippine Islands, sharing
the public's zeal, and imbued with the spirit that
caused the war, quickly realized the value of
establishing friendly relations with the Insurgents, who, like the Cubans, had driven the
Spaniards to their citadels and forts.
The banished Insurgent chieftains in Hong
Kong clamored for an opportunity to return
to the Philippines.  The balance of the sum
promised upon their deportation had not been
paid.
Ever since their arrival in Hong Kong the
air had been thick with plots. Neither Aguinaldo nor any of the Insurgents kept faith with
their promises to the Spanish officials. Hardly
had they become settled in the English colony
before they began to communicate with the
former leaders of the insurrection in Manila.
Buencamino was one of the chief agitators, and
no sooner was the $400,000 placed in the bank,
than negotiations were opened with dealers in
arms and ammunition, and filibustering expeditions were attempted.
The rumors of the possibility of a war between the United States and Spain reached
Hong Kong, and the Junta began to besiege the
consul general (Rounsevelle Wildman) and other




AGUINALDO


Americans in the colony, begging them to use
their influence to prosecute the war and to allow
them to return, in such an event, to Manila in
an American ship.
When the American squadron anchored in
Mirs Bay, preparatory to its departure for
Manila, wealthy Mestizo refugees offered to put
up large sums of money to defray the cost of
purchasing arms and ammunition if the consul
would intervene for them and secure the
admiral's permission for them to accompany
the fleet. Mr. Wildman conferred with Admiral
Dewey, and it was arranged to allow two of
their number to return to Manila with the
American fleet.
The refugee chieftains assembled in the
American consulate to discuss with Mr. Wildman and Admiral Dewey's flag-lieutenant,
Mr. Brumby. Sandico was the spokesman for
the Filipinos. They were anxious to go to the
Philippines, and yet they feared the wrath of
their own people, many of whom looked upon
them as bribe-takers. Lieutenant Brumby assured them that they would be protected by the
American fleet. He pointed out to them that
time, arms, and ammunition would be given
them to further their aims. Mr. Brumby, in the
enthusiasm of the moment, fired their ambitions




RETURN TO MANILA


59


perhaps more than he intended, and Mr. Wildman made it plain to them that they could
make no mistake in fighting the Spaniards
with the encouragement, protection, and consent of the American authorities. So Theodoro
Sandico, Josd Maria Basa, Tomas Mascardo,
Lorenzo L. Zialeita, Andres E. de Garchitorena,
Manuel Malabar, Mariano Llanza, and Salavatore Estrella bound themselves to obey all laws
of civilized warfare and place themselves absolutely under the orders of Admiral Dewey, if
they were permitted to return to Manila.
On the evening of the 27th of April, Mr.
Wildman took on the tug Fame Alejandrino and
Garchitorena, accompanied by Sandico, to the
Olympia in Mirs Bay. When the little fellows
scampered aboard they began to lose heart and
make excuses. Alejandrino wanted to go ashore
to get a fresh supply of clean collars, and
Garchitorena suddenly remembered that he had
left his duck suits -behind, or excuses of an
equally trifling nature.
The truth was that they were doubtful of their
reception among their countrymen.  Consul
Wildman assured them that they would be
under the guns of the American fleet, and some
of the officers would lend them clean linen, so
they plucked up courage and decided to go.




AGUINA LDO


6o


The arrangements having been completed,
they prepared and sent over to Cavite by an
English mail steamer a manifesto which reached
the hands of some of the faithful and was distributed over the Islands. The Junta took it for
granted that our intentions toward Cuba applied
also to the Philippines, and they therefore wrote
to their compatriots that divine providence was
about to place independence within their reach,
and that the Americans, not from mercenary
motives, but for the sake of humanity and the
lamentations of so many persecuted people,
would extend their protecting mantle over their
country. They urged the Insurgents not to be
induced to fire upon the Americans, but, rather,
to blow their own brains out than to fire a shot
or treat as enemies those who are liberators, and
assured them that they would probably have
more than sufficient arms; because the Americans had arms and would find means to assist
them.
When Alejandrino and Garchitorena were set
ashore at Cavite by Admiral Dewey, they immediately made a tour of the provinces, and called
upon the Insurgent leaders. They were accompanied by two American naval officers. The
object of the trip was to prepare the revolutionists for Aguinaldo's return to Cavite. There




AGUINALDO'S POLICY


6i


still existed a feeling of uncertainty about Aguinaldo's disinterestedness of purpose, but the
assurance of his couriers that he had acted in
good faith and had carried out his part of the
Biacnabato treaty, that he had not used the
$400,000 in the Hong Kong bank, which he
would devote to the Insurgent cause, and that
he would return under the protection and with
the cooperation of the Americans, reestablished
confidence in the minds of the Insurgents, who
prepared for his coming.
While this drama was being enacted, Aguinaldo was not idle in Singapore. He secured
an interview with Consul General Pratt, and
requested permission to accompany Dewey to
Manila. Mr. Pratt cabled Mr. Wildman, who
conferred with Admiral Dewey, and Aguinaldo
was requested to come to Hong Kong as soon
as possible.
Although we were not thinking much about
what Aguinaldo's policy was, being too much
occupied with our own, he evidently had one all
cut and dried, if the Singapore Free Press of
May 4th, is to be believed. That paper said
that Aguinaldo's policy embraced the independence of the Philippines, whose internal affairs
would be controlled under European and American advisers.  American protection would be




AGUI NALDO


62


desirable temporarily on the same lines as that
which might be instituted hereafter in Cuba.
The ports of the Philippines would be free to
the trade of the world, safeguards being enacted
against an influx of Chinese aliens who would
compete with the industrial population of the
country.  Other features were the reform of
the present corrupt jurisdiction and freedom
of the press, right of public meeting, religious
toleration and the expulsion of tyrannical religious fraternities, the development of national
resources, roads, and railways, and all Spanish
officials removed and returned to Spain.
This was certainly sweeping, and had Aguinaldo himself made the avowal, it is doubtful
if he would have gone back to Manila on an
American warship. I doubt, however, if Aguinaldo ever dictated such a document.  The
scheme of government was probably the production of a white man's brain -one of those early
"friends " of Aguinaldo's who did his thinking
and writing for him, and dreamed of profit and
power should Aguinaldo become the head of
a Filipino Republic.
Then, and as long as the funds held out, there
gathered around Aguinaldo and the Hong Kong
Junta a swarm of adventurers, press agents,
and sycophants, who kept the associated press




SELFISH HANGERS-ON


63


and the magazines full of Aguinaldo literature.
These refugees and adventurers were so extravagant and profligate, that in the end they discredited the cause they were hired to champion;
and the colonial government, Consul General
Wildman, and the police of Hong Kong made it
so hot for them that they were forced to change
their base of operations, and go to Shanghai,
Macao, Amoy, or wherever they could operate.
The story of the operations and ramifications of
this gang of Insurgent hangers-on will never be
fully appreciated or written. Had General Otis
heeded the advice of the consuls and other
Americans, long resident in the Orient, and recommended or taken official cognizance of their
existence and operations, the entire gang could
easily have been put to flight.
Every colonial governor in Asia would have
gladly responded to an official request for the
apprehension and banishment of one or more of
these indefatigable enemies of American interests in the Philippines, but the request was not
officially made. Strict watch was kept on the
operations of the revolutionary Junta, and many
interesting facts were developed, though it would
accomplish no purpose to expose the names of
these adventurers who aided the Filipinos after
the outbreak of hostilities. They are fortunately




G UINVA L D O


64


well known in China, and even now their operations are watched. I regret to say that three
of their number were American citizens.
When funds ran low there was nothing to
which they would not stoop to raise the necessary cash to support their profligacy and vices.
Upon one occasion one of their number came
to me. "I am an American citizen," he said,
"and I have had occasion in my business- I
am an insurance agent-to meet some of the
members of the Filipino Junta. I know something of their intentions, and would like to have
a confidential talk with you."
I readily consented to the conference, and met
him in his room in the hotel. He opened his
satchel, taking out some advertisements for an
insurance company upon which were printed his
name.
"Oh, never mind identifying yourself," I said,
"for I know who you are."  I knew better than
he thought.
He looked at me quizzically and continued:"The Junta here is trying to ruin the reputation of Consul General Wildman. They propose
to bring suit against him for the money placed
in his hands by Aguinaldo. Now I hate to see
anything like this happen. It would create a
big sensation in America, and would ruin the




AIN ADVENTURER                        65
consul and disgrace the country.  From my
talk with members of the Junta I think I know
a way to avoid the scandal. If the consul will
divide up now with the agents of the Junta here,
they will use their influence with Aguinaldo to
have the whole thing hushed up. I am not in
any way connected with them, but these facts
coming into my possession, I thought I would
just warn you. Being a good American, I
would not like to see Mr. Wildman disgraced."
I thanked my generous informer, and asked
him if he would think it an impertinence if I
should return the compliment and warn him
that, for an American citizen to be seen in the
company of and associating with the enemies of
the United States, was commonly considered
treason. I then bade him good day. A short
time afterward he took passage on an English
ship for Manila, registering under an assumed
name. The cable, however, travels faster than
China sea boats and Consul General Wildman
informed General Otis of his embarkation. General Otis promptly had him met with an escort,
and upon his person were found official letters
to Aguinaldo. After some months in Bilibid
prison he was returned to America in a transport. The rest of the gang were more fortunate.




G UINAl LDO


66


But I am anticipating my narrative.
To properly understand the activity of the
American consuls and the action of Admiral
Dewey in encouraging the Filipino revolutionists, it must be remembered that in April, I898,
the idea that American sovereignty would ever
exist in the Philippines was hardly in the minds
of the most imaginative. That we would ever
hold Manila was anticipating American policy.
Englishmen in Hong Kong and Singapore said
that we must hold the Philippines. Aguinaldo
was alarmed lest we should not take the Islands.
Before leaving Singapore he stated to Mr. Pratt
that he hoped the United States would assume
protection of the Philippines for at least long
enough to allow its inhabitants to establish a
government of their own, in the organization of
which the Filipinos would desire American advice and assistance. Even this possibility was
scouted. Dewey himself did not anticipate such
a. policy. Nevertheless, he saw the desirability
of a cooperating land force, in case the bombardment of Manila and the occupation of the
city should be a military necessary.
We were not at war with the natives. On the
other hand, we sympathized with them at that
time. We received them on friendly terms.
We were fighting for them in Cuba. Why not




AMERIC.A'S POSITION 


67


in the Philippines? They impressed us favorably. "They were more capable of self-government than the Cubans," said Dewey.
Whatever our subsequent experience taught
us, let us be honest with our point of view in
I898. We used the Filipinos to further our
ends, to help drag our chestnuts out of the fire.
Admiral Dewey publicly admits it, and we all
know it to be a fact. The expediency of war
demanded it, and the country echoed the praises
of Dewey and Wildman for making Aguinaldo
and the Filipinos our friends. What the expediences of war demanded subsequently is another thing.  The wisdom of the policy in
April, 1898, is beyond cavil - the one thing that
gave us the Philippines. Had Consul Wildman,
Consul Pratt, and Admiral Dewey remained
dumb to the entreaties of the banished Insurgent chieftains and Aguinaldo, they would have
been weaned back by Spain, and the American
flag would not be floating over the Philippines
to-day; for we should not have attempted to
fight Spain on Philippine soil had the Filipinos
joined forces with their former masters. The
destruction of Cervera's fleet at Santiago relieved
us of such a necessity, and Spain would not
have sold out so willingly could she have relied
upon the cooperation of the Insurgents. The




G UINA L D 0                           68
sacrifice of the Philippines would not have been
demanded. Let us not blind ourselves to this
historical incident and forget the service of the
men to whom we owe the existence of the
American flag in the Orient. These men saw
farther ahead, perhaps, than the wiseacres at
Washington.




V


A      WEEK after the American fleet left
Mirs Bay, Aguinaldo and suite returned
from Singapore to Hong Kong under
assumed names. Aside from the most trusted
members of the Junta, not even the banished
chieftains were permitted to know his hidingplace, which was in a section of Hong Kong
known as Wild Dell, where rooms in a secluded
house occupied largely by poor Portuguese and
Chinese were set aside for him. His meals
were served in his room, and he went abroad
only at night. Aguinaldo had good reason for
his secrecy. The suit of Artachio, his Ilocan
rival, was still pending in the Hong Kong courts,
and Artachio hated Aguinaldo as a Malay hates.
It is a kind of animosity that among natives
ultimately culminates in a bolo thrust. Aguinaldo, therefore, desired to keep out of Artachio's way.
Besides, it was a critical moment for Aguinaldo. Much squabbling was going on among
69




AGUINALD O


70


the chieftains. Nothing had yet been heard
from Alejandrino, and the refugees were uneasy.
They, too, were at variance over questions of
chiefship. Discussions also arose as to what
course they would pursue when they were once
more reinstated as leaders of the insurrection.
Some favored applying to the Americans for
annexation; others were outspoken for independence, and shrewdly advocated turning the
assistance of the United States to their advantage. All these facts were unknown to us at
the time, but the capture of their correspondence subsequently revealed that their motives
were quite as undetermined and unsettled as
ours. They were waiting to see which way the
wind blew.   Aguinaldo was unpopular with
some of the chieftains because of his departure
from  Singapore.  He was even accused of
intending to desert them and go to Europe and
with the prize-money live in luxury, his signature alone being good at the Hong Kong bank.
Furthermore, he had held the purse-strings so
tight that the refugee leaders had been denied
the fruits of their banishment. They had been
compelled to live in cheap Portuguese boardinghouses, and their pocket-money had been so
restricted that it was with difficulty that they
were even able to raise cigarette money,-a




ARTACHIO


7I


really critical situation among Filipinos, who
are inveterate cigarette smokers.
The effect of Aguinaldo's financial policy was
that his compatriots chafed under the restraint,
and considerable opposition was offered to a
continuance of his leadership. Artachio was
a hereditary chieftain of the province of Ilocos,
and one of the most powerful men in the first
revolution.  He was a diplomat, cunning, and
reputed to be honest and fearless.  Had he
won his suit, Aguinaldo's leadership would have
ended, at least for a time.
Both factions told their troubles to Mr. Wildman and sought his interference and assistance,
daily assembling outside the consulate or accosting him in the streets. Finally, Mr. Wildman
told them that he would not be a party to their
squabbles. That they must retire and decide the
matter among themselves, away from the consulate. This they eventually did, and Aguinaldo
triumphed over Isabello Artachio.
Theodoro Sandico was the spokesman and
go-between of the refugees. He could speak
English fluently, and it gave him tremendous
prestige with the Filipinos. After the vote was
taken and the question decided, Mr. Wildman
asked Sandico how it had happened that Aguinaldo was chosen. Sandico replied that Agui



AGUINALDO


72


naldo led a charmed life. Because of this fact
the chieftains decided that he was the man best
able to control the people, who looked upon him
as a demigod.
When this all-important question was determined, Artachio accepted the inevitable, and
Aguinaldo ventured from his hiding-place and
called upon Mr. Wildman. He told the Consul
that he was anxious to become an American
citizen, but this being impossible, he desired to
be allowed to return to the Philippines and place
himself under the orders of Admiral Dewey.
He related the story of the tyranny of the friars,
and expressed his desire to fight until his people
were free from oppression. He made no demands for independence, but said he hoped the
Americans would not leave the Filipinos to their
fate, but would annex the Philippines and protect them against the Spanish. He promised Mr.
Wildman that he would fight with the Americans
and not attempt to foment a revolution against
the United States. His highest expressed aim
was to throw off the Spanish yoke, and that
once accomplished, he would abide by the decision of the United States as to the ultimate
disposition of the Philippines. In fact, several
of the leading members of the Junta, including
Sandico and several wealthy refugee families,




AGUINALDO'S PROMISES                  73
actually signed a petition to become naturalized
citizens, and presented the same to Mr. Wildman.
Had Aguinaldo evinced in his conversation
any intention of resisting the United States
forces, or dictating terms to Admiral Dewey,
does any sane man imagine that he would have
been allowed to return to the Philippines on an
American warship?
Consul General Wildman's acquaintance with
Aguinaldo was limited to interpreted interviews.
He accepted him in good faith. A subsequent
knowledge of the Filipino's acts revealed some
characteristics in his make-up which, if the
American had foreseen, would have weakened
Mr. Wildman's trust in Aguinaldo's promises.
Anxious to aid Admiral Dewey and strengthen
our military position in the Philippines, Mr.
Wildman took Aguinaldo and his aide, Pio del
Pilar, in company with Sandico, and put them
aboard the despatch boat McCulloch.
On this trip an incident occurred, which,
though insignificant in itself, is important in its
bearing on the study of Malay character. For
any attempt to penetrate into the central meaning of the Filipino movement, at least in the
form which has confronted the United States,
will be impossible until one understands the
peculiar cock-sparrow vanity, the ineffable toy




4 G UIN.ALDO


74


dignity, of the strange little, grave little brown
man, whose character was the hinge on which
the door of the revolution swung.
Better, perhaps, than anything of record is
the conceit of Aguinaldo, illustrated in the incident that occurred on this occasion.  It is
hardly just to call this a fault in him.  It is
not a thing to be criticised or condemned, but
it is a fact to be seen and understood simply as
a fact. The explanation of this curious vanity
is that Aguinaldo is a Malay.
Mr. Wildman realized keenly the responsibility of his undertaking, and saw that great care
was taken to insure secrecy. It was quite possible that the governor of Hong Kong would
interfere to prevent a violation of the Foreign
Enlistment Act.  So the Consul General solemnly warned Aguinaldo and his friend to disguise themselves in the most humble attire, and
to give no hint of their going to any one, and to
go to the wharf where the consular tug would
meet them at midnight.  He also instructed
them to be as inconspicuous as possible, and to
do nothing to attract the attention of the police
or of persons who might be in the neighborhood.
The test was too great for Aguinaldo's character. When Mr. Wildman reached the wharf
at midnight, to his horror he saw Aguinaldo ac



"'TOr DIGNITr"


75


companied by his friends with enormous Filipino
hats on their heads, strutting majestically up
and down with an air of solemn greatness that
was fully explained by the gorgeous republican
cockades set in their hat gear.  The Consul
General was panic-stricken.  Whisking the
monstrous hats from the heads of the astonished Filipino generals, he hustled them on
board with sharp words of indignation.
Presently the tug swished its way out into the
darkness beyond the soft shimmer of the harbor
waters. It was a dull night, with soft dark blurs
across the sky.  Aguinaldo and Pio del Pilar
sat on a bench on the forward deck beside the
Consul General and Mrs. Wildman, who was
interested in the adventure and accompanied
the party. There was little speech. The lateness of the hour, the all-pervading darkness,
the mysterious nature of the Malays, the desperate importance of the mission to Admiral
Dewey, the intense interest in the events that
were about to happen but could not as yet be
even guessed at, - all these suppressed speech.
Suddenly Mrs. Wildman gave a little startled
exclamation and held her hand up to the Consul
General.  A large diamond had disappeared
from her ring. Mr. Wildman became excited.
Mrs. Wildman was very much aroused. Even




AGUINALDO


76


General Pio del Pilar took a languid, faraway sort of interest in the matter; but Aguinaldo remained unmoved. He looked neither
to the right nor the left. His face was like a
saffron mask. The Consul General's wife had
lost a costly jewel, and lost it while rendering
service and extending courtesies to the Filipino
leader.  But the matter was beneath the elevated contemplation of Aguinaldo.  His eyes
were fixed upon the dim stars, not upon mere
material baubles. The Consul General and his
wife got down upon their knees on the deck, lit
matches and carefully searched for the lost diamond.   Yielding to the sharp expostulations
of Mr. Wildman, General Pio del Pilar condescended to take part in the hunt for the missing
gem. But Aguinaldo! He had not moved an
inch. He had not even lowered his eyes.
" Now see here, Pio del Pilar," said the Consul General, indignantly, " I think that the least
Aguinaldo could do would be to make an attempt to help us. He doesn't even seem to be
interested."
Pio del Pilar stood up. It was only thus that
the little great man could be addressed.  He
translated what the Consul General had said.
Not a muscle in Aguinaldo's face moved. He
threw his chest out a little more, and cocked his




"THE LITTLE GREAT MAN" 77
head with a little more dignity. If there was a
struggle going on in his mind between his vanity and his sense of gratitude and obligations, he
gave no sign of it. Then he spoke, in slow, icy
tones, like a chancellor delivering an opinion:
"Ask Mr. Wildman what the value of this
diamond is," he said haughtily, without even
looking at Pio del Pilar.
" Oh, no, that won't do at all," said Mr. Wildman. "Tell Aguinaldo that I think the least
he can do is to get down here on his knees and
be a good fellow."
The little leader grew more dignified every
moment.  His manner was lordly.  He still
looked at the sky.
"Tell me how much the diamond is worth,"
he said, as though he were addressing something in the air.
"Three thousand five hundred dollars," replied Mr. Wildman, thinking to arouse his
interest by placing the value high.
Aguinaldo folded his arms across his chest,
elevated his chin, and spoke portentously: —
" If the diamond is not found, General Pilar,"
he said calmly, "see that $3500 is paid to Mrs.
Wildman."
Not another reference did Aguinaldo make
to the diamond. The fact that the stone was




AGUINALDO                              78
found before the launch reached Mirs Bay did
not evoke a congratulatory word.
This characteristic incident explains the
peculiarity of Aguinaldo's character, which
baffled all attempts to interest him in considerations of compromises of all kinds. He is the
sort of a man who does not search for things
on his knees. The slights that General Otis
and others gave him afterward simply intensified his purpose to press on the revolution.
This exaltation of conceit buoyed him up in the
assurance of success.
But most of us misunderstood the character
of the Malays, and in the end perhaps it is as
well that we did. Had we been acquainted
with their misdeveloped natures, their cunning
deception and unreasonableness or lack of reasonableness, our eyes would have been blinded
to their better qualities and their possibilities.
So our ignorance of their character and their
ignorance of ours gave grounds for the misunderstandings that quickly followed the establishment of Aguinaldo in his patria.
At any rate, we were not out in the Pacific
to study the character of the Malay. We were
there to punish a degenerate nation for maltreating and oppressing a population of natives,
not dissimilar in traits and character to the




THE AMERICANS' PLAN                   79
m..........
Filipinos. The object of Admiral Dewey was
purely naval, and war existed. An enemy had
to be dealt with.4
The position taken by Consuls Wildman,
Williams, and Pratt was that the Philippines,
like Cuba, were dominated by the revolutionary
forces; the natives were ripe for conquest,
plunder, and loot, and the arrival of the American fleet and the destruction of Spanish power
would lay the city of Manila and the entire
Spanish population in the power of the revolutionists. It would take time for us to assemble an army in the Philippines. Our fleet
might destroy Manila, but it could not occupy it.
Burning for revenge, incensed by the cruelties
of the Spaniards, and bearing a deadly hatred
toward the religious orders, thousands of armed
Insurgents were ready to pour into Manila and
wreak a vengeance that would have turned the
victory of Dewey into a curse. In Aguinaldo
and the banished leaders of the revolution, Consuls Pratt and Wildman and Admiral Dewey
realized a power that would hold the revolutionists within the bounds of civilized warfare.
Had we not arranged with Aguinaldo to cooperate with us, he would have returned to the
Islands of his own accord, and undertaken inde1 See Appendix.




A G UIN,4 LD 0


8o


pendent operations, which might have caused
us serious embarrassment at the time. Admiral
Dewey and Consuls Wildman and Williams believed that the Insurgent leaders were a necessary factor, and that if Aguinaldo were placed
in command, and should prove acceptable to
the Insurgents as their leader, the American
commander would have as an effective ally some
one whom he could hold responsible for any
excesses. The other alternative was to allow
the entire Islands to be overrun by small bands
bent upon revenge and looting.
On May I9, I898, Aguinaldo and his staff
arrived at Cavite aboard the McCulloch. Admiral Dewey received him aboard the Olympia,
after which he was allowed to land at Cavite
and organize an army, for the avowed purpose
of strengthening the United States forces and
weakening those of the enemy.
On January 31, 90oo, a letter was published
in an American paper, signed by Aguinaldo,
claiming that Admiral Dewey made specific
promises to him upon this occasion. An attempt was made to read this letter in the
Senate, which caused the admiral to write a
letter, in which he said: "The statement of
Emilio Aguinaldo, so far as it relates to me, is a
tissue of falsehoods. I never promised him,




DEWEY'S STATEMENT


directly or indirectly, independence for Filipinos. I never treated him as an ally, except so
far as to make use of him and his soldiers to
assist me in my operations against Spain. He
never uttered the word 'independence' in any
conversation with me or my officers.  The
statement that I received him with military
honors, or that I saluted the flag, is absolutely
false."
I called on Admiral Dewey in Washington,
in January, I9go, personally to interview him
on this subject.  The admiral said: "When
Aguinaldo came to Cavite he never thought of
independene. That was an idea that came
into his head later. His one desire was to be
allowed to fight, that he might destroy the
power of the friars.  I allowed him to go
ashore, but he was very uncertain as to the
kind of a reception he would get. He was so
timid that I had to urge him to remain after he
got there.  The assertion that I made Aguinaldo any promises is a pure fabrication. Why,
at that time, Aguinaldo never thought of asking, much less demanding, promises, or presuming to dictate terms of any kind. He is not a
smart fellow in a general sense, but the shrewd
half-castes in Manila made use of him to further their ambitious schemes, for Aguinaldo was




G UINALDO                             82
supposed to bear a charmed life. The natives
believed that he possessed the power of the
Anting-Anting, that he was impervious to a
bullet. Gonzaga, a little fellow who worked
on the railroad, used to paddle down the bay in
a banco at night and tell me about the movements of the Insurgents. They had a large
force, but not many arms. If we could have
had five thousand men there early enough, there
would not have been any trouble -we could
have controlled them absolutely. The unfortunate part of the whole situation was that the
importance of Aguinaldo at that time was enormously magnified, and he soon realized it. His
advisors, Mabini and his associates, were also
quick to understand and take advantage of it.
I have seen Mabini's statement that I asked
Aguinaldo if he could control the Island, in
which case I offered to arm his forces. I never
asked him any question of the kind, nor made
him offers and promises.  Most of Mabini's
assertions are absolutely false, and what truth
he writes is misleading."
Previous to Aguinaldo's arrival, Major Gonzales, the Insurgent leader of Cavite, reported
to Consul Williams and Admiral Dewey that
the Insurgent army consisted of thirty-seven
thousand troops surrounding Manila.  They




INSURGENT PLANS


83


possessed thousands of rifles taken from the
Spaniards, and asserted that having destroyed
the railroad and cut off all sources of supply
by, land, they could soon starve Manila into
surrender.
A member of the revolutionary cabinet visited Consul Williams and assured him that the
natives would cheerfully follow our flag, but no
one asked them to ally themselves with us. We
were not contemplating the responsibility of
taking over the Philippines. The naval victory
was won. Spain was shaking in her shoes,
anxious but not daring to surrender because of
a political split in the Empire. Aguinaldo and
the Insurgents of the Philippines played a small
part in our calculations.
In their little world, however, important matters were going on, and great events were
shaping their course. Aguinaldo did not lose
a minute. He established himself at Cavite, in
quarters under the protection of the guns of
our fleet, and began to organize his bare-footed
army. He turned loose upon Cavite, looted the
city, burned many of the buildings, established
a cartridge factory, and began the manufacture
of ammunition on a large scale. He took possession of many stacks of arms found in the
Spanish arsenal, and organized and drilled his




A AGUINA LDO


84


forces with an agility that would do credit to a
commander educated in West Point. The revolutionists accepted him as their supreme leader,
and obeyed his orders without a murmur.
A number of native regiments, equipped with
five thousand Mausers by Spain,-mutinied and
placed themselves under his command. With
this effective army he drove the Spanish out of
the Cavite province and captured five thousand
prisoners, eight thousand Mauser rifles, and two
Maxim guns. On May 24, Consul Williams
executed a power of attorney from Aguinaldo
to his representatives in Hong Kong to pay for
three thousand stand of arms bought there
and landed at Cavite. Thousands of Filipinos
flocked to Cavite and enlisted in Aguinaldo's
army.
Manila was in a desperate state of siege,
Admiral Dewey's squadron maintaining a strict
blockade, and the Insurgents pressing upon
it from all sides on the land. The Spaniards
carefully planned a coup, and secretly sent emissaries to Aguinaldo with propositions, compromises, and pledges. A Consulting Assembly
was formed, made up of prominent Manila
Filipinos, and Seftor Paterno addressed a manifesto to the Filipinos. He asserted that Spain
was their true friend, and that America only




PATERKO'S APPEAL                      85
sought their aid ultimately to absorb them and
make them slaves under the evils of a new
colonization.> "Let us help our old ally, our
old friend, Spain," Paterno said, "and realize
with her more quickly our aspirations. Under
Spain our future is clear. Under American
rule our future is cloudy; we shall certainly be
sold and lose our unity; some provinces will
become English, others German, others French,
others Russian, or Chinese. Let us struggle,
therefore, side by side with Spain, we who love
the Philippines, united and free."
The archbishop also issued a pastoral letter
telling the ntives that to turn the country over
to foreigners would be to lose all the ends they
cherished.  He warned them that their altars
would be desecrated, their churches would become temples of heresy, and that vice would
become rampant. Aguinaldo promptly issued
a decree to the Filipinos forbidding them to
take any part in the proposed Consulting Assembly, and warning them that any Filipino
associating himself with or assisting the Spaniards would be considered a traitor to his country, and be hung by the neck in a public place
for a period of two hours, with a label attached
identifying the body and bearing the statement
that he was a traitor to his country.




* GUINALDO


86


To Paterno's appeal the revolutionists responded by denouncing him and warning the
Filipinos to beware of Spanish duplicity. The
outrages committed by the friars were cited at
length, and the whole period of grievances was
gone over with great detail. Paterno's claims
of personal sacrifices were ridiculed. His decoration of the Grand Cross of Isabella the Catholic was pointed to as a convincing argument
against his patriotism, and his entire connection
with the Biacnabato treaty was called a bungling affair. " But remember, Sefior Paterno,"
the document continues, "we make war without
the help of any one, not even the North Americans; but no! we have the help of God, who
is the eternal ally of the great and just causes
such as that which we defend against Spainour beloved independence!!!" The manifesto
then called Paterno's attention to the fact that
the revolutionists were aware of the Monroe
Doctrine, "which prohibits the absorption of
territory outside of America."
On the 12th of June, I898, Aguinaldo called
together a council of state and organized a
formal government. American officials were
invited to attend, but refused to do so, lest their
presence should be a tacit recognition of the
revolutionary government. Aguinaldo visited




AtGUIN LDO DICTATOR


87


Consul Williams after the formation of his government, and told him that all hoped that the
Philippines would be held as a colony of the
United States of America. He then issued a
proclamation in which he called upon Filipinos
to restrain themselves from any act that would
sacrifice the high conception of them formed by
the American nation, such as pillage, robbery,
and every kind of outrage against persons or
property. The lives and property of foreigners,
those of the enemy who shall surrender their
arms, and medical establishments, persons, and
effects connected therewith, shall be respected,
said Aguinaldo. He proclaimed himself dictator and president of the Philippine revolutionary government, and commander-in-chief of
its army; and on June i8 issued a decree
in which he said he was called upon to assume the r61e of Dictator, and in the face of
the whole world proclaimed that the aspiration
of his life was independence, because independence meant redemption from slavery and
tyranny, recovery of lost liberty, and admission
to the concert of civilized nations. The decree
instructed the inhabitants of each town to overthrow the Spanish power, and treat all prisoners
with humanity in accordance with the practices
of civilized nations. Then Aguinaldo ordered




AGUINALDO


88


an election of "headmen." The military chiefs
of each province were instructed not to take part
in the administration, but to form a civil government with a military auxiliary dominant only
when menaced by an enemy.
On the 23d of June, 1898, Aguinaldo issued
a sweeping document aimed to abolish the
inveterate vices of the Spanish administration, and substituting a more simple and expeditious system of public administration. A
consultation of the revolutionary government
was outlined, "to prepare the country for the
establishment of a real republic." A cabinet
consisting of four secretaryships was created:
Ist, Foreign Affairs, Navy, and Trade; 2d, War
and Public Works; 3d, Police, Public Order,
Justice, Education, and Health; 4th, Finance,
Agriculture, and Manufactures. The constitution contained thirty-three Articles relating to
various functions, penalties, and regulations to
govern the army and the inhabitants.
These and previous proclamations were sent
by Aguinaldo to Admiral Dewey, who transmitted them to Washington. Accompanying
the declarations of the revolutionary government was a request from Aguinaldo that Admiral Dewey would send copies also to the
British Consul, for distribution to all foreign




HIS FIRST MESSAGE


89


powers. Admiral Dewey was aware of Aguinaldo's receipt of three thousand rifles and
a great amount of ammunition, which the Insurgents had bought in Hong Kong, but he
treated the Insurgents as friends, opposed to a
common enemy. Dewey kept advised of Aguinaldo's progress, and allowed him to pass by
water recruits, arms, and ammunition, and to
take such Spanish arms and ammunition from
the arsenal as he needed. Admiral Dewey advised him to conduct the war humanely, but did
not consider that the United States had been
bound in any way to assist the Insurgents by
any act or promises, or that Aguinaldo was
committed to assist us.
On June 23 Aguinaldo issued his first message to the Philippine revolutionists. In it he
proclaimed that the Philippine people were
justified in resorting to violent means to recover
sovereignty naturally theirs.  Citing the fact
that the Spanish constitution of I8I2 gave the
Islands representation in the Spanish parliament, Aguinaldo asserted that through the conspiracy of monastic orders their rights were
abolished. The Filipinos therefore protested,
and revolt was followed by open revolution.
Filipino presentations were scoffed at by the
friars, and the only course left was to resist by




4 G UINALDO


90


force. "Now, however, Filipinos ask, not for
assimilation, with the Spanish constitution, but
for independence," said Aguinaldo; "nothing
else could be expected from a country which
has proved by its long-suffering and courage
in tribulation and danger, and industry and
studiousness in peace, that it is not made for
slavery.... The country has energy and resources sufficient to free itself from ruin and
abasement into which the Spanish government
has thrown it, and to claim a modest, though
worthy, place in the concert of free nations."
It is hardly necessary to read between the
lines of the Aguinaldo-Mabini manifestoes, documents, and proclamations, to understand the
ambition that had taken form or was already
crystallized in the minds of the revolutionists.
An article published in a British colonial newspaper, which frequently gave its space to
articles and editorials expressing views from
Filipino standpoints, casts a little light upon
the attitude taken by the revolutionists. The
article was written by a man close in the confidence, if not the pay, of the Filipino Junta at
Hong Kong.     Under date of June 8, the
writer says: "America has not yet conquered
the Philippines - not by a long way - but will
occupy them with the assistance and good-will




THE REVOLUTIONISTS


91


of the Filipinos. Without the good-will and
assistance of the inhabitants I must beg leave
to state that neither the United States nor any
other nation could ever hope to take the Philippines, except with an army of two hundred
thousand or more....  When the time comes
I am inclined to think the inhabitants will have
their say in this question, especially after the
events of May 30 to June I, last.... Let those
who are greedy for a slice of the Archipelago
ponder well... before burning their fingers...
the only possible solution of the Philippine
question is an independent government, under
American protection, and this is the policy I
recommend General Aguinaldo and his compatriots to accept, and which will no doubt be carried out."




VI
T became evident to apparently every one
but those it most affected, as is frequently
the case, that there were some very smart
men in the Aguinaldo crowd. Aguinaldo is
smart; but the sort of smartness that was arguing
us out of our position, placing before us legal
barriers based upon international law, producing scholarly though flowery manifestoes, and
presenting a scheme of government, a constitution, and a code of procedure, was not the
kind of smartness we expected of Aguinaldo.
These things increased and grew in volume,
and the country was flooded with pamphlets
and posters issued from the Filipino press. We
were astonished. The Tagalogs swelled with
pride and admiration for their own leaders.
It was a long time before we were undeceived.
I don't think this generation of the Filipinos
ever will be. The solution of the wonder gradually unfolded itself. There was a syndicate
at work. Aguinaldo y Famy, the individual, we
92




AGUINALDO STNDICATE                   93
knew. He was not a personage whose mind
ran in academic channels. "Aguinaldo," the
signature at the end of manifestoes, proclamations, and letters addressed to the Filipinos, to
Generals Merritt, Anderson, and Otis, was a
"composite" including the brightest minds of
the half-caste Filipinos who lived in Manila.
These men found "Aguinaldo" a potent name
to utilize. It was a demigod to the people, and it
was known to represent leadership to the United
States officials. It was a name trusted where
any other name would have stood for naught.
Besides, it was a convenient mask, for there
were those among the rich and influential halfcastes of Manila who were not yet willing to
totally sever allegiance with Spain, for we had
not yet proclaimed American sovereignty.
Some of these men are now famous. Some of
them are dead. Some of them threw their
fortunes with Aguinaldo; some deserted his
camp at the first shot across the trenches.
And thus gradually, during the vicissitudes of
a bloody war, the real Aguinaldo was shorn
of his borrowed plumage, and stood out intellectually naked in the lime-light of discovery.
At this period of affairs, July, I899, we were
dealing with  Aguinaldo, the  syndicate of
academic warriors.  Let me separate it into




A GUIN LDO


94


its parts.  First, there was Dr. Pardo de
Tavera, one of the ablest Spanish Mestizos
the Islands have produced.  Tavera is the
foremost Filipino physician in Manila. He is
a highly educated man, a scholar, and a gentleman. In looks he is every inch a Spaniard.
He is a brother-in-law of the late Insurgent
General Luna. He was the editor of the leading revolutionary newspaper. He is the author
of several books. He was the champion of
Philippine independence until he realized the
futility of such efforts. He opposed a conflict
with the United States, and after using his
best efforts for the national freedom of the
Filipinos, and becoming convinced of the
impossibility of such a dream, he abandoned
the fight, attempted to wean over the "incorrigibles" to the idea of American sovereignty,
setting the example by resigning from the
Philippine Congress, returning to Manila, and
subsequently heading a party favoring the
recognition  of American  sovereignty.  He
became the editor of La Democracia, an
organ devoted to the cause of reconciling the
Filipinos to American rule.
Another member of the Aguinaldo syndicate
was Cayetano S. Arellano, attorney for the
archbishop, ex-judge of the Supreme Court,




TAVERA -ARELLANO


95


writer of Aguinaldo letters, constructor of
legal arguments, scholar, lawyer, and publicist.
Arellano was' the ablest legal mind in the
Aguinaldo "composite." If there had been
more men like him, our path would not have
been strewn for the past three years with dead
bodies. But Arellano was a man of peace;
was against obstructing American occupation
by force of arms, and keenly realized our legal
title to the sovereignty of the Philippines. He,
like Tavera, refused to be a party to bloodshed,
and was a strenuous advocate of moderation.
After exhausting every argument known to law
and logic, he withdrew from the cabinet and
retired to private life. He is now chief justice
of the Supreme Court of the Philippines, and
writes over his own signature.
The third great mind of the Aguinaldo bureau
was Apolinario Mabini. Mabini was the leader
of the party of "incorrigibles."  He is a man
well along in years, has always been an obstructionist and agitator, and a consistent foe of foreign
rule, -a revolutionist by nature and profession.
According to his own testimony he belonged to
the pure native race, and has never been out of
his country since infancy. Though one of the
most brilliant men of his race, he possesses
the tenacious characteristics of the Malay.




,G UI N L DO


96


He, probably more than any other man, as
subsequent events reveal, was the moving
spirit of the insurrection and the unalterable
opponent of American occupation. His manifestoes, which would fill a volume in themselves,
display a tremendous intellectual vitality and
marvellous command of stinging invective. He
knew how to arouse the native and blind him to
any consideration that did not include the
absolute independence of his country.  He
was "the brain of the revolution."  Guam
may shut him off from his fatherland, but it
will take generations to eradicate the creed
he preached largely over the name of Aguinaldo.
The fourth member of this " Poo-Bah " Aguinaldo was Pedro Alejandro Paterno, the "Richelieu" of the Philippines. Spain gave him the
" Grand Cross of Isabella the Catholic," and the
Filipino University at Manila an LL.D. Failing in his enterprises to secure a seat in the
Spanish Cortes and the title of the Duke of
Castile, he joined the revolution. On Calle St.
Roque, in the new Manila, is Paterno's spacious
house. It occupies a large section of the block,
and it was there that I had a most interesting
visit. On the frescoed walls hangs a life-sized
painting of his mother, a Chinese Mestizo.




MA BINI- PA TERNO


97


Paterno, therefore, like nearly all of the Filipino leaders, is a half-caste. Facing the three
long parlors of his house is a bronze bust of
Paterno, sculptured by Berllure of Madrid.
Paterno lived like a duke, even though he failed
to receive the title.
Despite his open dickering with Spain, and
his public acceptance of money from the Spanish government, the childish faith of the natives
was not entirely shaken in Paterno. They rejoiced in his Spanish-given honors, and pointed
to him as the most eminent living Filipino. He
has published several novels and books of
poetry, and is the acknowledged authority on
Filipino lore. He controlled Aguinaldo, wrote
many of his bombastic pronunciamentoes, and
was the head and spirit of the revolution. The
Paterno family own large steamships and plantations, and are holders of much real estate.
Had the Philippine republic succeeded, the
Paternos would have been the Rockefellers of
the Archipelago.
Paterno realized all this, and committed himself to the cause. He became president of the
Congress, and followed Aguinaldo's standard
until, worn and exhausted by the strife, he was,
after over a year in the jungle, brought home
to Manila at the point of death. Paterno pos



A G UINAI L D O


98


sesses a brilliant mind, and though not as
radical as Mabini, nor as warlike as Luna,-he
clung to the hope of Filipino independence
until illness left him helpless to continue the
struggle.
These four men comprised the intellectuality
falsely attributed to Aguinaldo. General Luna,
perhaps, should be added to the list, but to use
Luna's own words: " I am a soldier, not a diplomat. I obey orders, others give them." Luna
was a writer of considerable power, and was at
one time the chief of the staff of the editors of
La Independencia. He was primarily a man
of arms, and his exploits in Manila and Madrid
are well known in both capitals. He was a
notable specimen of the Mestizo class. Of good
birth, wealthy, and intellectual, he aspired to
be the leader of his people. He was a brother
of the celebrated Juan Luna, an artist of European renown, whose paintings adorn the palace
at Madrid. Another brother was a violinist of
morethan Philippine fame. By profession, Luna,
like the eminent Rizal, was a chemist. He was
educated in Madrid and Paris, and while abroad
published a book, "Impressions." He returned
to Manila in I894, and gained the confidence
of Governor General Blanco. When the insurrection broke out he openly denounced the




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I




GENERAL ANTONIO LUNA 99


movement, but nevertheless was arrested as a
conspirator. Through the intercession of Blanco
his sentence of death was moderated to one of
twelve years' imprisonment, and he was sent to
Spain. Eventually he was pardoned and returned
to Hong Kong. When hostilities broke out
between Spain and the United States, Luna
returned to Cavite.  It was there that Aguinaldo offered him the command of the army, but
Luna for a time refused, though later he accepted
the post of minister of war in the Malolos cabinet, with the rank of a general of a division.
Luna reorganized the Insurgent army upon
European methods, which he had carefully
studied abroad, and the discipline and military
tactics displayed by the Insurgents so often to
our surprise were due to his skilled hand,
abetted by the ex-officers of the Spanish native
guard. In battle he displayed a reckless valor
and ability that soon made him a hated rival to
Aguinaldo, who found himself obliged to raise
Luna to the rank of commander-in-chief of the
army.  Had Luna lived, it is probable that
the cause of the Filipinos would have been
staked in one decisive battle, and the Filipino
war would have ended with some credit to
native valor.  Luna was never thoroughly
trusted by Aguinaldo. "He wants a pitched




AGUINALDO


I 00


battle with the Americans," Aguinaldo is reputed to have said, "and my policy is to draw
them into the mountains, harass them, and exhaust them."
It was not surprising with this brilliant galaxy
of minds pooling the work of their brains under
the nom de plume, Aguinaldo, that both the
Americans and the Filipinos were misled into
the belief that Aguinaldo was a gigantic military,
intellectual, diplomatic, and legal wonder.
But I have not named all of those who contributed to Aguinaldo's fame, and made his
name the greatest, next to Rizal, in Tagalog
lore.
Let us hastily glance over the typo of men
who united in the attempt to form a republic.
They all surrounded Aguinaldo and raised him
to his exalted position.  Not one of them
inspired the full confidence of the natives. Not
one of them, though he were a thousand times
more brilliant and scholarly, more brave and
nmore capable in the field, could have held the
people enthralled as did Aguinaldo. They one
and all realized this, and only sought to control
the man who controlled, by that mystic power,
the people. The galaxy of names that have
shifted across the Philippine kaleidoscope and
filled the public press of America, would fill a




THEODORO SA'NDICO


IOI


directory. I shall therefore deal only with those
who are more or less familiar to the public.
First in activity and notoriety was Theodoro
Sandico.  Sandico, though invaluable to the
Filipino chieftains when they were at Hong
Kong, early fell from grace, having expressed
a belief that a Filipino republic would be the
"victim of the European powers," while "protection and annexation by the United States
would be for the lasting benefit of the people."
Sandico was too honest to please the conspirators, and his doctrine was very distasteful to
Aguinaldo. He therefore " disappeared" from
time to time, and never achieved the prominence due him. Sandico knew too much and
had lived too long in Hong Kong to be carried
away by the dreams of Independence. A native
of Pampanga province, he was educated in Manila
and became a school-teacher at Malolos until
he lost favor with an Augustinian friar who
threatened him  with decapitation.  Sandico
preferred life to a martyr's death and, disguised
as a Chinaman, escaped to Hong Kong, thence
sailing for Madrid, spending several years in
European capitals studying French, German, and
English. Returning to Hong Kong penniless,
he went to work in a bicycle shop where he
earned his living until the Filipino refugees




A G UINA L D O


102


enlisted him in their cause. Aguinaldo, in one
of his moments of confidence, made him Secretary of the Interior, and a deputy and colonel
on his staff.
But the first rival of Aguinaldo was Isabello
Artachio, whose sudden disappearance after
returning to Filipino soil caused much dissension among the northern tribes of Luzon, making a breach that was never wholly healed. He
never fully committed his people to the schemes
of Aguinaldo, and when the differences of opinion as to leadership and the disposition of
money became a controversy that refused to
down, Artachio "disappeared," not to breathe
the free air again until General Lawton liberated him from a dungeon at Los Pifias in June,
I899. From there he escaped, disguised in
woman's clothes, to Manila, and delivered himself up. He soon made his identity known and
was permitted to go to Hong Kong, where he
applied to Consul Wildman for naturalization
papers.
I saw Artachio directly after he was liberated,
and asked him if he had changed his views of
Aguinaldo. "He is a bad man," replied Artachio, "cold and cruel at heart, and cares for
nothing but the accomplishment of his own
ambition. Aguinaldo ordered me shot, but my




A R TA CHIO- MASCA RDO 103


Ilocos brothers shielded me.  For a year I
have been dragged from convent to convent,
and allowed a penny's worth of rice and a
fish a day.  They tried to starve me, and I
had often to defend myself from a treacherous
bolo-thrust in the back."
Baldomero Aguinaldo, formerly a lieutenant
in the Spanish forces, is a second cousin of
Aguinaldo.  He is a half-caste, and to him
Aguinaldo intrusted the campaign in the
Cavite-Batangas provinces.  He was known
as the "fighting Aguinaldo," although, true
to his reputation, he amassed considerable
money by exorbitant taxation, and his entire
career has been one of coercion and cruelty.
He has pressed unwilling natives into service, and practised all manner of extortion
upon them. At one time he tried to escape
to Singapore with his blood money, but was
circumvented and remained to continue the
struggle.
Tomas Mascardo was one of Aguinaldo's
best fighters. Before the revolution he, too,
was a school-teacher in Cavite, but cast his
lot with the Insurgents, and after returning from
Hong Kong, was made a captain in Aguinaldo's
army. For "brilliant feats at arms, having
been thrice wounded," he was made a briga



AG UINALDO


104


dier general.  He eventually surrendered his
command to the American troops, but not
until two months after Aguinaldo's capture.
Artemio Ricarte before the revolution was,
engaged in the peaceful occupation of teaching the young idea how to shoot, at San Francisco de Malabon, in the province of Cavite.
He, however, deserted the birch for the rifle,
and joined the revolt against Spain, later
transferring his talents to the present revolution.  He proved himself a stubborn fighter,
and made our progress in the south expensive.
He was in the possession of a great quantity
of arms, being the cqmmandant of the Spanish
fiVelicas Territoriales, and when war broke out
between our troops and the Insurgents, he found
himself fully equipped to meet the emergency.
As brigadier general he was in command of
the south division, including Cavite and Batangas. He is a graduate of the college of San
Juan de Letran and the Escuela Normal in
Manila.
Serverino de las Alas is a name that was
frequently heard of in Filipino councils. He is
an elderly man, and was one of Aguinaldo's
chief advisers.  He took no part against the
Spanish, but reserved his talents as a lawyer to
point out the untenability of American occupa



LAS ALAS-PAU UA


IO5


tion. Many of the high-sounding documents
issued over Aguinaldo's signature, after thee
resignation of Arellano, quoting international
law, emanated from his brain. He was Secretary of the Interior of the Paterno cabinet.
Jos6 Ignacio Paua was a unique figure in the
Insurgent army. His presence in some of the
engagements led to the belief that the Chinese
were assisting the Filipinos.  Paua, though a
Chinaman, has a dash of Filipino blood in him,
and was probably born in Cavite, where he was
first heard of as one of the proprietors of an
iron foundry.  His specialty was the repair
and manufacture of "Lantaka" guns. In the
first revolution he, with Pio del Pilar, and
twenty-seven men forced a regiment of Spanish troops under Colonel Salcelo to retreat
from their stronghold at Imus. Paua returned
from Hong Kong, where he found the climate
and association agreeable after the treaty of
Biacnabato, in June of I898, and cutting off
his pigtail joined the revolutionists. For this
act of abnegation, and in consideration of his
previous record, he was made a brigadier general and sent to the Camarines, the extreme
south of Luzon. There he distinguished himself by driving out the English planters and
confiscating Spanish property.  He was said




AGUINALDO


Io6


to be a cousin of Aguinaldo and did not surrender until after the capture of his chief.
The career of Francisco Roman y Valesquez
partakes of romantic elements.  He was a
member of one of the most distinguished
Filipino-Spanish families in Manila. Young,
dashing, and gallant, he began a brilliant
career as editor of La Commercial, the leading Spanish newspaper in Manila.  He belonged to the set of which the Lunas were
the central stars in wit, wealth, and talent, and
when General Antonio Luna joined the Insurgents, Roman deserted home and business
and became a colonel on his staff. Though a
former volunteer officer in the Spanish troops
that fought against the Insurgents in the first
revolution, he was welcomed to their ranks as
a friend of Luna. He followed his general in
all of his engagements, - and retreats, - and
when the relations between Aguinaldo and
Luna became strained, Roman sided with his
chief and gained the fatal hatred of Aguinaldo.
Vito Bellarmino was the press agent of the
Aguinaldo army. He was one of the original
promulgators of information upon the policies
and intents of the Filipinos. He was the pioneer of Filipino newspaper men, and the following editorial, the key-note of Aguinaldo's policy,




ROMAN-BELL ARMI NO                   107
made its appearance in Vol. i, No. I, of La
Independencia, published then, October 5, 1898,
in Manila.
" We defend the independence of the Filipinos
because that is the aspiration of a country which
has arrived at its maturity, and when a people
arise as one man to protest, shoulder to shoulder,
against a policy of oppression and injustice, they
show sufficient vitality to live free. In the short
period of three months departments of administration and justice nave been organized, and
there exists cooperative order in the midst of an
international war. We treat our prisoners as
would the most cultured and civilized nations.
Our army has fought, inspired by international
laws and those of humanity. A people who
can do such things is able to rule and govern
itself."
Having thus delivered himself, Bellarmino
went on throwing out sugar-coated hints to
America, and greetings to the world at large.
Day by day La Independencia strengthened
its hints with threats and finally made itself so
obnoxious that it became convenient to ship its
headquarters to Malolos.  Bellarmino went
with it and for his eloquence was made a brigadier general. Seldom has a newspaper man
won such instant military preference. He con



, G UJINA LD0


108


tinued the work, and that he possessed vivid
imagination and a versatile pen may be judged
from his brilliant descriptions of the Insurgent
" victories." The following from the revolutionary organ illustrates the epistolary feats he was
able to perform: -
"The advance lines continue to engage the
enemy, not permitting the Americans a moment's rest to recuperate their forces, which are
almost at their last gasp. Persons who have
been through the enemy's lines have been witnesses to the great battles fought by our renowned generals. Pio del Pilar and his heroes
have won for themselves a foremost place in
the annals of the present generation. Through
the wilds of Malapatnabato his intrepid bolo
men showed for once and all their undoubted
efficiency at a time when musketry is powerless
to make an end of the enemy. General Pio del
Pilar, with marvellous intuition, sent his bolo
men against a mass of American troops, as a
huntsman lets loose his hounds to drive out the
wild beasts trying to hide in the depths of the
woods. The episodes of the last few days have
been so brilliant and so numerous, that it is
difficult to find a parallel in history in great
military achievement."
His genius for converting defeat into victory




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SOLIMAN-LLANERA


og9


was unquestioned. General Bellarmino learned
his trade as a schoolmaster in Cavite.
Francisco Makabulos Soliman was also a
brigadier general in command of the forces in
Tarlac.  He harassed General MacArthur's
forces, and showed more willingness to meet
our troops than the majority of his colleagues.
Makabulos is a native of Pangasinan. He won
his spurs in the first revolution, and when the
Biacnabato treaty was signed, stuck by his guns
and refused to emigrate to Hong Kong. He
was therefore distinguished among his people,
and was made a brigadier in the revolution.
Though he was very reluctant to join Aguinaldo,
the glare of the gilt star and red trousers proved
too much for him to resist.
Another brigadier general of the north is
Mariano Llanera. He is a native of Nueva
Ecija, and was captain municipal of San Isidro
under the Spanish rule. He started a little
revolution of his own, and succeeded in ousting
the Spanish from Nueva Ecija, but joined the
Hong Kong emigrants.
Mariano Trias was the ex-governor of the
province of Cavite; for a long time he showed
a decided willingness to establish an armistice
until, as he said, "the Americans had settled
with Aguinaldo;" but General Lawton's advance




AGUINA LDO


IO


on Paranaque and Imus compelled him to fight
or run, and he struck a happy middle course
by doing a little of both, eventually becoming
"amigo," and later returning to the enemy. He
is related by marriage to the La Garda family
of Manila, and through them General Hughes
for a long time was able to keep Trias quiet.
He was one of Aguinaldo's many secretaries of
war.
The list would not be complete without a
mention of Filipe Agoncillo, a half-caste of
good education, large wealth, and considerable
shrewdness.  He was sent by Aguinaldo to
Paris, and instructed to secure recognition at the
Peace Conference. Failing in that, he went to
Washington and attempted to get a hearing
with President McKinley, but at the outbreak of
hostilities was forced to make a hasty flight to
Montreal, whence he returned to Paris, where he
established a Junta. He was made high commissioner and envoy plenipotentiary of the
revolutionary government. He spent his time
and money in Paris, and though recalled by
Aguinaldo, refused to give over his post to Dr.
Appacible, the newly commissioned incumbent.
Agoncillo kept the wires hot with reports of
Insurgent victories, and was the despatch agent
of the revolutionary government. He promptly




AGONCILLO AND OTHERS xII


transmitted to Aguinaldo and the Insurgents
every indulgent opinion and sympathetic remark
published in the American press. He encouraged the Filipinos in the belief that the majority
of American citizens favored Philippine independence, and it was his work undoubtedly that
led General Lawton to express his opinion, as
he did in his letter, now famous, to Mr. John
Barrett, that if he were shot it might as well be
by one of his own men, as the insurrection held
out because of those Americans at home who
encourage the Filipinos in the hope of our
recognition of their independence.
These are the leading men who surrounded
Aguinaldo, became his generals and cabinet
members, and espoused the cause of the revolution. Others of Aguinaldo's supporters who
were officials in the revolutionary army were
ex-conductors and station masters of the Manila
and Dagupan Railroad, or clerks from the
Spanish factories, stores, law firms, and chemist
shops of Manila and interior towns. Associated
with him were many wealthy and influential
Filipinos in Manila, including the Rosarios, the
Lagardas, Torres, Abren, Ocampo Yanceo,
Genatos, and others; men representing large
tobacco factories, importing and exporting businesses, electric lighting and street railway cor



AG UINA LDO                           112
porations; in fact, the richest half-caste element
of the Philippines. These men in the beginning
gave their financial and moral support to the
republic until the war element secured the control of affairs and ignored their councils. Thus,
in its early stages, every Filipino and half-caste
of importance favored the establishment of a
Filipino republic.
Under these conditions it was little wonder
that the whole population took up the cry of
Independence or Death, particularly in lieu of
any official protest or discouragement on our
part. In fact, our officers liked the little Filipinos, our privates chummed with them, were
entertained by them, and visited their capital,
were present at their concerts, and generally
indulged them in their aspirations. All this was
very natural at the time when not even we, who
were on the spot, believed that the United States
would hold the Philippines. What then should
become of them? Surely Spain could never
retake them. Thus our attitude was accepted
as tacit consent to their aspiration, and misunderstandings quickly followed.
The American government was not disposed
precipitously to formulate its policy toward the
Philippine Islands.  The destruction of the
Spanish fleet, the occupancy of Cavite and




A PROSPECTIVE PRIZE


"13


Manila, were military necessities. The political
problems were left to the Peace Commission
which was to meet in Paris and Settle all questions relating to our war with Spain and the
disposition of conquered territory. It was therefore anticipating government policy to give
pledges of any nature. The Insurgents failed
either to comprehend the situation or purposely
sought by aggressive means to force the issue
and commit our commanders to a definite position. Aguinaldo had a large army of Tagalogs,
half-castes, and semi-civilized natives. Almost
within their grasp lay Manila, with its well-stored
shops, its palatial residences, and its immense
wealth. It was a prize the Insurgents coveted.
Questions of law and rights of sovereignty were
problems in which they were but superficially
schooled.  Having   received  encouragement
from us in their campaign against the Spanish,
which had been successful throughout Luzon,
they believed themselves fitted for a national
existence, and irrespective of our yet undetermined status and final rights in the Philippines,
the revolutionists demanded the immediate
recognition of their independence in consideration of the part they had played in crippling the
power of Spain in the Archipelago.




VII
T      HE two months from the formation of
the Filipino government to the signing
of the peace protocol, August 12, 1898,
was a period of tremendous activity with the
Insurgents. While the American government
was engrossed in the war with Spain, the revolutionists in the Philippines were organizing an
army, prosecuting a campaign against the Spanish, and formulating a government in accordance
with their desires and aspirations, the motiv. and
scope of which they frankly communicate;. to
the public. Emboldened by our avowed poliL:y
toward Cuba, and carried away with their own
ambitions, the Filipinos became aggressive and
dictatorial. Interpreting our non-interference as
passive acquiescence, and encouraged by their
success at arms, they proceeded to demand from
us and other powers a recognition of their belligerency. Receiving no response, they asked
for a statement of our intentions.
Aguinaldo, Mabini, Luna, and Pilar, having
114




ANDERSON'S REFUSAL


I I5


secured undisputed sway over the revolutionary government, addressed a letter to General
Anderson, communicating the fact that Aguinaldo had proclaimed a dictatorship, and that
they hoped the United States government
would look upon the struggle for independence with favor. General Anderson notified
Aguinaldo that he was there simply in a military capacity, and had no authority to recognize
Aguinaldo's assumption, and that as far as he
could ascertain, the independent status of the
Filipinos was not recognized by any foreign
power.  "Your intellect must perceive that
happy as I am to see you fighting so bravely
and successfully against a common enemy,"
concluded General Anderson, "I cannot without orders recognize your civil authority."
This was a blow to the Filipinos' aspirations
that caused heated sessions at Malolos. Taking
their cue from General Anderson's letter, an
appeal was issued to foreign governments. A
letter signed "Aguinaldo" stated that the revolutionary government dominated the fifteen
principal provinces of Luzon and the capital
of Manila, maintaining therein good order and
administering laws according to the regulations
of the constitution; that the revolutionists had
nine thousand prisoners of war and thirty thou



AG UIN, ALDO


sand combatants on a war footing; that the
chiefs of fifteen provinces proclaimed independence and requested the revolutionary government to entreat and pray the foreign powers to
acknowledge the belligerency and independence
of the Philippines.
Accompanying this appeal to the foreign
powers was a statement calling attention to the
"brilliant feats of arms of the revolutionists and
the admirable-and more than admirable the
wonderful deeds performed by them in exercising political functions and carrying on warfare
in a humane manner." They asserted that they
exercised a self-control that found no parallel,
conducting themselves as became a noble and
humane people, shunning the savage life for
the arm of peace, giving proof of their ability
to make laws in harmony with the march of
time; that they knew how to respect and obey
law-an indication that their national habits
were inclined to progress, and that they were
not ambitious for power, honor, or riches; that
they were solely influenced by a just desire for
liberty and self-government, which they stood
ready to defend until death, and would not
recede from any obstacle that might oppose
their progress. In virtue of the above statement, the chieftains proclaimed "before the




THE FILIPINO CABINET 117


whole world" the independence of the Philippines and acknowledged Emilio Aguinaldo as
president of the revolutionary government.
The statement was signed by Emilio Aguinaldo, Leandro Ibarro, Secretary of the Interior,
and one hundred and eighty chiefs. Baldomero
Aguinaldo was Secretary of War; Mariano
Trias, Secretary of Agriculture.  Cayetano
Arellano was invited to hold a portfolio, but
excused himself on a plea of ill health. Pardo
de Tavera was Director of Diplomacy; Benito
Legarda, Director of Finance; Tomas G. del
Rosario, leader of the cause of Church Charity;
and Florentino Torres, leader of the party of
self-government.  Luna was in command of
the forces north of Manila, and Pilar of the
south zone.
It became evident that the assumptions of the
Filipinos were developing perplexing questions.
The Insurgents evacuated the town of Cavite,
but occupied St. Roque, just across a narrow
peninsula from our naval base, and were in possession of the entire province as well as some
of the suburbs of Manila. They established
military headquarters in the principal towns
in the vicinity of the capital.  Aguinaldo requested General Anderson not to land American
troops upon Insurgent territory without first




AG UINALDO                            18..:J. _..  I I  i  ii s -  _ __.
consulting him, and the' hitherto apparently
friendly relations of the two forces became
strained. American officers and privates passing through the Insurgent lines were arrested,
though invariably released upon request. The
Insurgents lost no opportunity to give the
Americans to understand that they considered
themselves the rightful conquerors and possessors of the territory they occupied. Consul
Williams visited Aguinaldo and explained to
him that his was not a government that the
United States or any other power would
recognize.  He entreated him to part with
his too ambitious schemes, and prove himself an ally of whom the Americans might be
proud. Aguinaldo replied that the matter would
receive the attention of the council, and on
August I8 Aguinaldo asked Consul Williams:
"Why not recognize the revolutionary government in order in that manner to join with it the
same as by annexation? Why do not the American generals operate in conjunction with the
Filipino generals, and, uniting the forces, render
the end more decisive?"
Then he sent a letter to Consul General Wildman, in which he said: "Why should America
expect me to outline my policy for the present
and future and fight blindly for her interests




CORRESPONDENCE


I"9


when America will not be frank with me? Tell
me this. Am I fighting for annexation or independence? It is for America to say, not me.
I can take Manila, as I have defeated the
Spaniards everywhere, but to what use? If
America takes it, I save my men and arms for
what future has in store for me. Now, good
friend, believe me, I am not both fool and
rogue, but the interests of my people are as
sacred as yours." Mr. Wildman replied: "If
you stand shoulder to shoulder with our forces,
and do not allow any small differences of opinion
and fancied slights to keep you from the one
set purpose of freeing your Island from the
cruelties under which you claim it has been
groaning for so many hundred years, your name
in history will be a glorious one. There are
greater prizes in the world than being mere
chief of a revolution. Whatever the final disposition of the conquered territory may be, you
can trust to the United States that justice and
honor will control all their dealings with you.
The first thing is to throw off the Spanish yoke.
Do not let anything interfere with this."
In their little revolutionary world Aguinaldo
and the Insurgent leaders were plotting night
and day to force the situation. Every move and
every act of the American government or




G UINA LDO


120


the American commanders, he believed, was
influenced solely by the situation in Luzon.
While Dewey was preparing for the possibility
of another naval battle, for Camara's fleet had
reached the Suez Canal, the Filipino commander-in-chief was importuning him because
he refused to permit the Filipino flag to float in
Manila Bay; while General Greene, General
Anderson, and General Merritt were engaged
in the organization of the American forces in
preparation to attack Manila, Aguinaldo was
contesting every inch of ground they required,
was disobliging on the question of supplies, and
was bending every effort to force the Americans
formally to recognize his government. Selfimportant, grandiloquent, and vain, the president of the revolutionary government and his
associates published and distributed high-sounding decrees, and aroused distrust and animosity,
preparing his people for a conflict which he
threatened unless the independence of the
Filipinos was recognized and their government guaranteed protection by our army and
navy.
The conceit and assumption of Aguinaldo
annoyed Admiral Dewey. There popped up
everywhere Filipino flags, until every little banco
in the bay carried from one to three or more




DEWEr INDIGNANT


I21


revolutionary emblems. It was, it seemed to
Dewey, something of a reflection on his supremacy to find these little flags thrust under his
nose from every side. The admiral felt quite
capable of protecting life, at least in Manila
Bay, and he considered it something of an
affront on Aguinaldo's part to litter up the landscape inside the American horizon with so
many evidences of a growing presumption.
Finally, a number of Insurgent junks decorated
with the flags of the rising sun literally rubbed
noses with the Olympia. Becoming provoked,
the admiral sent out a launch, gathered in
the Tagalog skippers, and had them lined up on
the deck of the Olympia. After giving them
to understand that the Filipino flag was not
recognized, and that their presence in the
vicinity of the warships was not desired, he
dismissed them and told them to go back to
their junks. One of the natives, however, resented the entire proceedings, and, as he turned
from the presence of Dewey, muttered something in Tagalog and shook his head menacingly.
The incident did not pass unnoticed by Dewey,
and he quickly asked for an explanation.
" He says, sir, he will get even with you," the
interpreter replied. The admiral, without a
second's hesitation, called his orderly, and in an




A G UINVALD O


122


impulsive tone said, "Throw that man overboard!"
The command was no sooner given than executed by a brawny American sailor, and Dewey
walked across the deck, never once turning his
head as the splash of the irate native greeted
his ears, nor did he afterward inquire after the
health of the Tagalog warrior. When the incident was reported to Aguinaldo, he treated it as
a terrible affront to his "navy."
"Aguinaldo's ignorance was simply staggering," said Admiral Dewey to me aboard the
Olympia in Manila Bay. "One day I told him
we had taken Guam.
"' Guam!' queried Aguinaldo.
"Yes, Guam," replied Dewey, "one of the
Ladrone Islands.
"'The Ladrone Islands?' said Aguinaldo,
apparently more in the dark than ever.
"So I got out the map," said the admiral,
"and showed him where Guam was. It seemed
to be his first lesson in geography."
General Wesley Merritt, commander of the
Department of the Pacific, had arrived on July
25. He was instructed by the President to occupy the Islands by the American land forces;
the powers of the military to be supreme and
immediately operate upon the political condi



MERRITT IN COMMAND 123


tion of the inhabitants. General Anderson was
in command of the Second Division of the
Eighth Army Corps, with General Greene and
General MacArthur commanding brigades. General Anderson requested Aguinaldo to permit
the American troops to take a position between
the Insurgent lines which surrounded Manila
and remove his troops to the right across the
Pasig River. This enabled our forces to form
part of and complete the cordon around the
city.
On August 7, Admiral Dewey and General
Merritt sent to the Governor General Jaudennes
a joint note notifying him to remove from the
city within forty-eight hours all non-combatants,
as operations against the defences of Manila
might begin at any time after the expiration of
that time. A reply was received the same day
to the effect that the Spanish were without
places of refuge for the increased numbers of
wounded, sick women, and children now lodged
within the walls. On the 9th day of August a
formal joint demand for the surrender of the
city was sent to Jaudennes. The demand called
attention to the hopelessness of the struggle on
the part of the Spaniards, pointing out that
every consideration of humanity demanded that
the city should not be subjected to bombard



AG UINALDO


124


ment under such circumstances. Jaudennes replied that the council of defence had declared
that the demand could not be granted, but that
he would be willing to consult his government
if allowed time to do so.  Admiral Dewey
and General Merritt declined, believing that it
would only indefinitely postpone the struggle.
Our troops were suffering under the exposure
to the unaccustomed heat and rains, harassed
in their trenches and poorly protected and inadequately fed. Decisive action was therefore
necessary to compel the enemy to give up the
city and bring to an end the intolerable conditions.
General Merritt issued, August 9, a general
order, copies of which were sent to Aguinaldo,
as Aguinaldo had not called upon him nor
offered his services in any way.  The order
was an appeal to the honor and pride of the
Insurgent army to conduct themselves as became representatives of a higher civilization,
that the inhabitants might be impressed with
the lofty motives of the mission of the Americans in the Islands.  It also cautioned all
American soldiers against committing any act
of pillage or violence, and was a tacit hint to
the Insurgents to follow suit.
Aguinaldo requested of General Greene that




SURRENDER OF MANILA 125


his troops should enter Manila with the Americans. On August I2 he repeated this request,
through a staff officer, to General Anderson.
Night after night the desultory firing continued
from the Spanish trenches, and one by one our
men were being needlessly sacrificed. General
Merritt and Admiral Dewey therefore decided
to move jointly upon Manila the morning of
August I3. Admiral Dewey would have preferred the presence of the Monadnock, as the
commanders of the German battleships in the
bay were showing an unconcealed sympathy for
the Spanish. The English cruiser Immortalitd,
however, significantly took a position between the
Concord and the German flagship Kaiser, and
set at rest in the minds of the Americans the
likelihood of German interference. Our squadron ranged itself along the front of the walled
city and the shore, and shelled the old fort at
Malate and the Spanish trenches. The land
forces immediately moved upon the Spanish, and
in a quick, decisive charge routed the Spanish
and pushed forward to the walls of the old city.
A preconceived plan, arranged by M. Andre,
the Belgian consul, was then carried out, and
the white flag was raised on the walls of Manila.
The battle caused considerable loss of life, but
the Spaniards refused to surrender without a




AG UINA LDO 


i26


shot of resistance in order to save their "honor"
and presumably the necks of the officials when
they returned to Madrid.
Early on the morning of the I3th Aguinaldo
was notified by General Anderson not to let his
troops enter Manila without the permission of
the American commander, and that on the south
side of the Pasig, Insurgent troops would be
under fire. Aguinaldo replied that it was too
late; his forces had already been ordered into
action. He further stated that his troops were
forced by means of violence to retire from positions taken, and that he had given strict orders
to his chiefs to respect the American forces and
aid them in case they were attacked by a common enemy. The Insurgents mixed freely with
our troops, doing fighting whenever it was possible, sometimes side by side with the Americans, sometimes at the head of a charge, and
sometimes in detached companies.   Several
thousand succeeded in entering Manila. They
plundered many houses in the suburbs, and
occupied several convents and churches and
many private residences.
On the evening of the battle, General Anderson had notified Aguinaldo that trouble was
threatened between the two forces, and requested
him to try to prevent it, and that the Insurgents




DISAPPOINTED INSURGENTS 127
should not force themselves into the city until
the Americans received full surrender, after
which negotiations would be in order. Colonel
Hale arrested and disarmed a company of
Insurgents who were trying to force their way
into the city. Believing them innocent of hostile intentions, he released them, but retained
their rifles.
The Insurgents were greatly disappointed in
not "sharing in the plunder of the city," and
Aguinaldo wrote General Anderson that the
Insurgents, who had so long been besieging
Manila, had always been promised that they
could appear in it, and that for that reason he
did not deem it prudent to issue orders to the
contrary, as they might be disobeyed. He requested that his troops be allowed to occupy
Manila, as they had many times given proofs of
their friendship, ceding the positions requested
by General Anderson.  Buencamino was sent
to Manila to represent Aguinaldo and hold a
conference with General Anderson. After a
parley of several hours, Buencamino promised
to have the Insurgent troops withdrawn from
Manila.  The promise was not kept.  General Merritt, on the I4th of August, issued a
proclamation addressed to the people of the
Philippines, in which he stated that the United




A G UINAA L D O


i28


States had not come to wage war upon the Filipinos, but to protect them in their homes, in
their employments, and in their personal and
religious rights; that the existing laws would be
administered by the officers of the United States;
that the ports would be open to trade, and that
all people, so long as they preserved the peace
and performed their duties toward the representatives of the United States, would not be
disturbed in their property, except in so far as it
was found necessary for the good of the service
of the United States and the benefit of the people
of the Philippines.  In forming this proclamation, General Merritt consulted with Aguinaldo's
commissioners, and modified the original document to conform somewhat to their suggestions
and wishes.
The Filipinos held the waterworks and pumping station, and the water was turned off, putting the hot sweltering city into terrible straits.
Aguinaldo demanded that if his troops were
withdrawn from Manila, he should hold Paco and
Malate, two of the most important suburbs; that
he should hold certain convents in the city; that
we exercise sovereignty over the city only;
that General Merritt should consult him about
all civil appointments; that the Filipinos should
have the right at all times to enter the river and




AGUINALDO'S DEMANDS I29


harbor; that the arms taken from the Filipinos
be returned to them; that Filipino officers be
permitted to enter the city with or without arms;
that the Filipinos be permitted to share in the
bounty of the captured city, that all negotiations be put in writing and confirmed by the
commander of the American forces.
General Anderson referred the demand to
General Merritt, who conferred with Admiral
Dewey. The situation was becoming critical,
and Dewey cabled to Washington for instructions. The President replied that there must be
no joint occupation of Manila; that Insurgents
and all others must recognize the authority of
the United States, and that any means must be
used necessary to that end.
General Merritt thereupon replied, August
20, to Aguinaldo, announcing that the Filipinos must withdraw from Manila and all its suburbs; they must repair the pumping station and
turn on the water, for which service they should
be paid; they would be given free navigation of
the Pasig; Filipino officers would be permitted
entrance and departure to and from Manila with
or without arms; but as the major general had
taken for his own use the palace at Malacafian,
it could not be turned over to the Filipinos; the
convents held by the Insurgents at Malate,




AG UINALDO


130


Ermita, and Paco must be evacuated; civil
offices were to be filled by Americans, but recommendations of Filipinos for appointments to
subordinate offices would be gladly received;
American soldiers without arms must be permitted to pass through the Filipino lines; and the
hundred and fifty arms taken from the Filipinos
would be returned.
General Merritt's reply was not satisfactory.
Aguinaldo adhered to his demand that Filipino
ships should be permitted and protected in the
river and bay and waters controlled by us. He
also asked for the assurance that in case the
Americans should return the city to Spain, the
Insurgents should be left in the possession of
the positions they then held.
General Merritt replied that the protection
asked of the American squadron was entirely
within the jurisdiction of Admiral Dewey; that a
joint occupation of Manila was impossible, and
that Aguinaldo must withdraw his troops from the
remaining positions in which he had left detachments. He also told Aguinaldo that as a military representative, it was impossible for him to
make any promises in the event of a conclusion
of a treaty of peace between Spain and the
United States, but that he could rely upon the
beneficent purposes of the United States.




INSURGENT ACTIVITr


I31


Aguinaldo realized that he was losing ground,
and that his demands had not been effective.
He wrote General Merritt to that effect, and
called his attention to services rendered in the
siege of Manila. He admitted that a dual occupation was not desirable, and promised to withdraw the Insurgents from the city and most of
the suburbs, but requested that Admiral Dewey
give free navigation to his boats and that we
restore the positions he had relinquished, in the
event our treaty with Spain resulted in a recognition of her dominion in the Philippines.
Not a moment was lost by the Insurgents in
strengthening their positions, and large supplies
of arms reached them. The Junta at Hong
Kong had not been idle. Arms and war munitions were sent to Dagupan and conveyed down
the railway to the Insurgent headquarters at
Malolos, for the Insurgents had repaired and
taken possession of the entire line from Dagupan to Caloocan, just outside of Manila. Manager Higgins was permitted to continue in the
direction of the railroad, but guards of Insurgent soldiers were placed on all the trains, and
the road was operated for the benefit of the
Insurgent government.
Aguinaldo had kept together his army of
from thirty thousand to forty thousand men,




AGUINALDO                            132
had equipped them from all possible sources;
had taken up the reins of the Spanish government and controlled the Island of Luzon, outside
of Manila; had complete telegraphic communication with the chieftains of the provinces; had
uniformed his troops and established a revolutionary government, which was apparently acceptable to the Filipinos of the Island. It is
perhaps futile to speculate upon what might
have been accomplished at this period had the
American government been represented by diplomats instead of soldiers in the Philippines.
Aguinaldo had, however, complied with our demands; he had opened a passage for us through
his troops, laid siege to Manila, and assisted
materially in expediting its surrender. The
services of the Insurgents were valuable; they
made our victory over the weak colonial forces
of the Island easy, and therefore deserved, at
that time, more consideration than they received.
Had Aguinaldo and his coterie of generals been
bound to us by gratitude and allied to us by a
recognition of "part of the rights of a friendly
people," war might have been averted; the
revolutionary government might have expired
of ennui, and instead of an angry and suspicious
population pitted against us we might have had
a large number of loyal troops, local governors,




OTIS RELIEVES MERRITT 133
and petty Tagalog officials to assist us in controlling affairs in the Philippines. The crisis
was at hand and our diplomacy was not equal
to the occasion. It was of an order below that
exercised by the Filipinos themselves. Thrown
upon their own resources, ignored by the
American authorities, they became obstreperous
and sullen, unreasonable and assertive.  This
was the situation that confronted Major General E. S. Otis, who relieved General Merritt
on the 29th of August, I898.




VII
A    GUINALDO did not officially offer to
place himself under the command of
American generals. He refused to remove his troops from Manila unless such conditions as he had named were granted, and in his
attitude and letters he contended for and defended his position. While apparently desirous
of preserving our friendship, he demanded that
his relations be of a national character, including official recognition of his government. The
Filipinos were nominally in control of vast
tracts of land which had been filched from them
by the religious orders, who had held them
largely by squatters' rights, although in some
instances the chieftains had conveyed titles
under the pressure of the Spanish officials,
and occasionally during the periods of religious
fervor. For the use of their lands the Filipinos
had been compelled to pay a small annual
rental. It was known to the Filipinos that the
religious orders had turned over many of their
134




EXTORTION OF FRIARS                  I35
titles to Spanish syndicates, who proposed to
hold them as corporate bodies. Seven-eighths
of the best farming land and real estate in the
middle of Luzon and in the city of Manila was
owned by the holy orders. The friars often
demanded half - the best half -of the rice
or other crops produced, and, backed in their
claims by the Spanish government, were able
to collect the extortionate rent. The Recollects
owned nearly a million acres of the best land
of the Laguna de Bay province, and the
Dominicans were said to have nearly half a
billion dollars in the English banks in Hong
Kong.
Another order held much of the best business property in Manila.  The archbishop refused to confer upon the Filipino cur6s the full
religious status enjoyed by the Spanish priests,
and issued an encyclical letter "silencing"
them, and withdrawing his sanction to their clerical functions. These conditions and grievances
were vital questions with the Filipinos, who
were devout Catholics, and fervent in their
religious practices.  They clamored for the
recognition of native priests.  The policy of
the American government toward the Spanish
clergy was unsatisfactory to the Filipinos, who
demanded their exclusion from the Islands.




A G UINAL D O


I36


This question, therefore, became a source of
great agitation among the Insurgents.
Aguinaldo's ascendency over the Filipinos
was reenforced by his statements that he had
received certain promises from United States
officials.  The letters of Consuls Wildman,
Pratt, and Williams, Admiral Dewey and General Anderson, were cherished and displayed as
evidences of official recognition.  These communications were subsequently published by
the revolutionary government and sent to the
members of Congress at Washington. They
contained nothing new to the American government, and were not considered as in any way
committing the United States to pledges or
policy, being largely personal in their nature.
The importance of these communications was
vastly exaggerated by the revolutionists, not only
to substantiate their claims, but to afford them
a basis for an appeal to foreign powers, and to
justify their demands on the United States.
Aguinaldo wrote to General Merritt that his
people had been treated with great injustice,
particularly in not being allowed to occupy
Manila, which, he claimed, would never have
been taken by our troops except in ruins, had it
not been for the siege sustained by his forces,
and that on account of the position taken by




DEMANDS ON OTIS


137


our officials, with regard to the joint occupation
of Manila, it was difficult to hold his people in
check.  He then demanded that we must
recognize "part of the rights of a friendly people," in order to quiet the complaints of his
chiefs and soldiers.
When General Otis took command, he told
Aguinaldo that the recognition of belligerency
was a government function, and not a military
one; that only his government could do that, and
that unless the Insurgent forces were withdrawn
from Manila, its suburbs and defences, he would
be obliged to resort to forcible action.
Aguinaldo sent two commissioners to treat
with General Otis and request that he withdraw
the letter and issue another eliminating the threat
to use force, claiming that the letter as written
would incite the Insurgents to open hostility.
General Otis refused to withdraw the letter, but
acceded to the commissioners' desires and wrote
another requesting the Insurgents to withdraw
their troops. Aguinaldo replied by stating that
he had given orders that troops should be withdrawn from "some of the suburbs and to a
point where contact would be more difficult, in
order to avoid all occasion for conflict."
The fight between the conservative and
radical elements of the Malolos cabinet threat



A G UINAL D O


138


ened to break into an open row. Mabini, Buencamino, and Pilar were anxious to precipitate
hostilities with the Americans, while Arellano,
Tavera, the Rosarios, and Sandico believed that
diplomacy would accomplish for them what war
would fail in utterly.  Aguinaldo executed a
coup, dismissed his cabinet, and guided by the
skilled hand of Paterno, secured a new cabinet
with Paterno as Prime Minister.
Aguinaldo's removal from Bacoor to Malolos
was celebrated like a Roman triumph. The
day was made a great fiesta. Filipino national
airs were played, and dignified ceremonies, orations, feasting, and jollity prevailed. Thousands
upon thousands of natives assembled to honor
Aguinaldo. The towns en route and beyond
Malolos were decorated in gala attire.  Triumphal arches were erected and singing, dancing, and feasting were the order of the day. At
San Fernando a sumptuous banquet was given.
Numerous American officers were invited and
attended. Aguinaldo presided.  During the
dinner he was unusually silent. Despite many
efforts it seemed impossible to arouse his interest
or inspire a flicker of enthusiasm on his countenance. Toasts went round. Several Americans
made guarded speeches. Aguinaldo remained
impassive. Finally Major Byrnes, who spoke




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BANQUET AT MALOL OS 39


Spanish and some Tagalog, arose and made a
very warm speech praising the valor and loyalty
of the Filipinos. Still Aguinaldo sat unmoved.
Major Byrnes continued, and just at the close of
his remarks, referred to the generous intentions
and disinterested purposes of the United States
in the Philippines. Suddenly Aguinaldo's face
was wreathed in smiles. Without a moment's
warning he jumped on his chair and gave
a yell like a college boy. "Champagne, champagne, champagne! " he cried out, reaching over
and shaking Major Byrnes's hand. It is about
the only incident on record in which Aguinaldo
exhibited a spontaneous and warm regard for
American occupation, although it is possible he
misconstrued Major Byrnes's remark to please
himself.
The unofficial opposition that existed in the
United States to the demands made by our
Paris commissioners for the Philippines aroused
great excitement in the Filipino camp. Every
speech that bolstered up the Insurgents' aspirations was transmitted to Hong Kong and sent
over to Manila, receiving publication in the
Republica Filipina or La Independencia. All
expressions complimentary to Filipino character,
industry, and ability were like dewdrops to the
thirsty. The Filipinos were unaccustomed to




dAGUINALDO


140


flattery, and under its seductive charm, blossomed and grew in self-appreciation and conceit,
until they became intolerable to the Spaniards,
who foresaw the end, and amusing to the Americans, who considered them children.
On September 24, Aguinaldo said to the
Hon. John Barrett, who was in the Philippines:
"Please inform the President, Congress, and
the American people, that we are true friends of
the Americans. We trust them to save us from
Spanish misrule. All allegations of treachery
toward the Americans are unfounded and unjust. I have never given an order, nor taken
a step, that could be called treacherous. The
only reason we are slow to evacuate our positions around Manila is because we are fearful
Spain may yet try to occupy the same. The
articles of capitulation say the Americans will
retain the arms of the Spaniards when either
force leaves. America interfered in Cuba for
humanity's sake. For the same reason it cannot retain these Islands. It is a mistake for the
Americans to think we wish to fight them. All
our hopes and plans are centred in opposition
to Spanish rule. Many untruthful stories have
been published. Will the Americans please be
charitable and hear both sides before condemning the Filipinos?"






HOSTILITIES AVOIDED


14I


Aguinaldo was both willing and anxious to
avoid hostilities, at least until the decision of the
Paris conference was known. Into all parts of
Luzon and to the principal ports of the southern islands he sent small detachments of Tagalogs.  His relatives were given important
positions.  Baldomero Aguinaldo was made
commander-in-chief of the south zone.  His
nephew was given an important command in
the Cayagan province to the north, and his
cousin, General Paua, was put in command of
the Camarines.  Proclamations declaring the
Filipinos independent were distributed throughout the Archipelago. Civil governments were
established recognizing the Malolos presidency,
"the military to take precedence in the case of
war."  The skilful aid of General Luna was
brought into requisition. He organized the
Insurgents upon an army basis. He gave command to Filipinos who had held petty offices
under the crown forces, and soon succeeded
in converting a disorganized horde of armed
natives into a disciplined and carefully distributed force.  Luna was a radical element
from the start, and eager to test the efficiency
of his organization.
The Philiippina, a merchant ship captured
from the Spanish, which figured in the Subig




. G UINA L D O


142


Bay incident, was armed with two 3-inch guns;
she visited the various ports of the Islands, and
distributed companies of Tagalog soldiers to
insure the allegiance of the natives, collect
funds, and establish the Filipino government.
The telegraph lines destroyed during the insurrection of I897 were rebuilt, and a postal service
was created. A set of stamps was printed,
and a stamp tax enforced. The season was an
especially prosperous one for the Filipinos.
The foreign merchant ships were permitted to
carry on an unrestricted trade, and free from the
severe Spanish revenue taxes took active advantage of the opportunity. The Filipinos, relieved
of the burdens imposed upon them by the
friars and the Spaniards, realized the full benefit of their industry and the sale of their products.  The Insurgent government levied a
small export tax, but its principal source of
revenue at that time was from contributions of
the rich half-castes and the Chinese merchants.
Large amounts were also taken from     the
friars, and sympathizers in Manila secretly
contributed to the cause.
The revolutionary government was universally recognized throughout the Islands, except in Manila and seaports still held by the
Spanish.






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-___




ALIENATING FORCES


I43


Smarting under the bitterness of defeat, the
Spanish soldiers, officials, and friars bore deep
enmity to the Americans, and did much to poison the Filipinos' minds against us. They told
the natives that Americans were not the friends
of the black races; that we had mercilessly
slain and exterminated the Indians and stolen
their soil; that our war of 186I was to put down
the revolt of the negroes who demanded freedom, and that though many of the negroes
were brutally treated and shot, they conquered
in the end and secured the recognition of their
rights.
Other influences were at work, each of which
contributed its share toward alienating the Filipinos, and fed the fire of discontent.
The big-hearted, good-natured American volunteer, a giant in strength and stature, did not
take seriously the pretensions or gravity of the
Filipino officer who visited Manila, spick and
span in a new uniform of blue and white drilling, very vain in his bearing and solemn in his
dignity. The volunteer smiled good-naturedly,
rallied him upon his newly acquired decorations,
and jostled him a little if he occupied too much
of the sidewalk. The Spanish officer, stripped
of his side arms, back in pay, and a pensioner
on his friends, of two evils chose the lesser and




A G UI NL D O


144


hobnobbed with the American volunteer, whispering sneers in his ears at the Filipino, ridiculing the "cochero-general" who now tucked his
shirt in his pants and wore stockings. The
boisterous American laughed at the pretensions
of the Filipinos, adroitly pointed out by the
Spaniard, and thus the erstwhile greeting,
"Americano-Filipino-equal," became a byword
instead of a token of friendship.
Between the two armies arose numerous questions of variance, Aguinaldo protesting against
the use of territory within his lines for a hospital, provided we garrisoned it, and Pardo de
Tavera maintaining the right of the Insurgents
to hold their position close to Manila pending
the decision of the Americo-Spanish conference
at Paris, and demanded the retention of the old
Spanish line of fortifications, including fourteen
blockhouses extending around the city. Aguinaldo continued to increase his forces in the
vicinity of Manila, claiming that the Filipinos
were only preparing themselves to protect their
positions in case of American evacuation. General Otis refused to accept this view, and the
Insurgent troops were forced to withdraw on
October 25 from suburbs in which Aguinaldo
had left a detachment when previously ordered
to withdraw from Manila. Another issue of dis



SP ANISH PRISONERS


I45


cord was the Spanish clergy and members of
the religious orders held in captivity by the
Insurgents. General Otis advised their release
upon the ground that their retention was not
according to the laws and usages of civilized
warfare, but the Aguinaldo bureau replied that
it had only taken as prisoners Spanish priests
(sacerdotes religioses), who, he maintained, did
not come under the exemption of clerical bodies,
as they had held civil positions and had taken
up arms against the Filipinos by order of General Augustin, and arrested defenceless citizens,
women, and children, thrown them into prison
and submitted them to indescribable tortures to
accomplish their ends and their submission to
Spanish rule. In the Spanish penal prisons
and penitentiaries were hundreds of Filipino
prisoners who were deported during the revolution of I896-I897 by the Spanish government
through the "arts and malicious customs of the
priests, called ministers of peace," who, so an
Aguinaldo letter claimed, taking advantage of
the corrupt Spanish government, had robbed
the country, preventing progress and liberty,
while the Filipino priests were spurned by the
Vatican.  Aguinaldo refused to release the
friars and the civil officials unless the deported
Filipinos were returned and the Filipino clergy




AGUINALDO


146


should be recognized by the Pope.  General
Otis replied that the expressed intention of
holding the Spanish priests as prisoners of war
in order to force the Vatican of Rome into certain acknowledgments with appropriate action
he could not conceive to be well founded in law,
custom, or precedent, and that the position was
untenable.
Considerable correspondence followed, in
which the astute and learned Arellano undoubtedly dictated the opinion for Aguinaldo,
but the release of Spanish prisoners and priests
was not effected. Arellano quoted liberally
from historic precedent supporting the attitude
of the revolutionary government, citing cases
of retort in the American war of independence,
and defending his position with ability and
vigor.
Many conflicting reports were circulated regarding the treatment of the friars. If the
stories told me by one of them who escaped
are to be believed, they were seized and thrown
into prison, their sacerdotal robes torn from
their bodies. No clothing was given them save
a pair of the thinnest trousers and a small jacket
and coat. Once captured, they were not left
long to meditate in their cells. Provided with
their scant clothing, they were set at work in




HAXPLESS FRIARS


147


sugar-cane fields in the hot sun. Guards were
placed over them, who compelled them with the
utmost cruelty to work, whether they were physically able to do so or not. Their food for an
entire day, which was handed them at night,
consisted of a handful of rice and a little water.
If they asked for more, they were tortured and
cruelly abused. At night, when they returned
from the fields, they were compelled to sleep on
the bare floors of the prisons, with not the
slightest covering for their aching bodies.
Some were thrown into dungeons, while others
were taken into open squares and publicly
beaten. Though the natives of the better class
showed every disposition to help them, they
were powerless to do so, for they were threatened with death if they rendered the least assistance. Food was forbidden to be brought into
the jails, but a Franciscan friar succeeded, on
one occasion, in smuggling some food into the
prison; upon being discovered, he was taken into
an adjoining field and lashed to a post, where
he died from the effects of heat and starvation.
If priests asked for meat, the Insurgents would
cut the flesh from their arms and other parts of
their bodies and compel them to eat it. Scores
of unfortunates were crucified and tortured to
death in various ways. From an Englishman




Af G UIN.A L D O


148


who was within the Insurgent lines for a long
time, I heard that four hundred friars and
priests were deported north to La Paz, a feverinfected district, the most unhealthy spot in
Luzon. There they were forced to act as servants to their guards, and to perform the most
menial services. They were given the scantiest
food, which barely sustained life, and when ill
were left without medicine or attendance. The
fate of these priests has not been revealed. My
informant told me that La Paz was known as
the place where the population changed every
six months, implying, he said, that the ravages
of fever, malaria, and dysentery brought the
mortality up to fifty per cent of the population.
Numerous parleys subsequently took place
between the American commander and Aguinaldo and between Spanish commissioners and
the Insurgent leaders, but Aguinaldo clung to
his demands: money for the Spanish soldiers,
recognition of the native curds by the Vatican
for the Spanish clergy. The first was impossible and the second scorned, so nothing was
accomplished.
Directly following this controversy the famous cipher letter dated, " Revolutionary Government of the Filipinos, Office of the President,
Malolos, October 25, I898," and signed " i-i



FAMOUS CIPHER LETTER 149


9-6-I M," was sent to General Diego Rios, commander of the Spanish troops in the Philippines.
It contained proposals and conditions whereby
General Rios might yet save the "shipwrecked
sovereignty of Spain in the Philippines."
To do justice to the writer of the letter, it
must be remembered that the Spanish troops
still held most of the principal parts of the
Islands. Sovereignty of the Archipelago had
not been given up by Spain. The letter assumes
that Spain was yet undecided to whom she
should surrender, if at all. "I am informed
that you are considering surrendering the place
to us or to the Americans," said the anonymous
correspondent. And continuing, "The way to
make the surrender is to join us and proclaim
the federation of the Filipino republic with the
Spanish republic, recognizing the chieftainship
of our honorable president, Sefior Emilio Aguinaldo... and in the meantime we will fight
the Americans together.... If you join us,
you cause the liberation of the nine thousand
Spanish prisoners in our hands.... This is
all I can say at present, and I hope that you
will tell me that you agree with me,-then I
shall be able to present this to my government,
and obtain from it an agreement to what I have
written as a private individual."




4 G UINAL L D O


148


who was within the Insurgent lines for a long
time, I heard that four hundred friars and
priests were deported north to La Paz, a feverinfected district, the most unhealthy spot in
Luzon. There they were forced to act as servants to their guards, and to perform the most
menial services. They were given the scantiest
food, which barely sustained life, and when ill
were left without medicine or attendance. The
fate of these priests has not been revealed. My
informant told me that La Paz was known as
the place where the population changed every
six months, implying, he said, that the ravages
of fever, malaria, and dysentery brought the
mortality up to fifty per cent of the population.
Numerous parleys subsequently took place
between the American commander and Aguinaldo and between Spanish commissioners and
the Insurgent leaders, but Aguinaldo clung to
his demands: money for the Spanish soldiers,
recognition of the native cures by the Vatican
for the Spanish clergy. The first was impossible and the second scorned, so nothing was
accomplished.
Directly following this controversy the famous cipher letter dated, "Revolutionary Government of the Filipinos, Office of the President,
Malolos, October 25, I898," and signed " I-I



FAMOUS CIPHER LETTER 149
9-6-I M," was sent to General Diego Rios, commander of the Spanish troops in the Philippines.
It contained proposals and conditions whereby
General Rios might yet save the "shipwrecked
sovereignty of Spain in the Philippines."
To do justice to the writer of the letter, it
must be remembered that the Spanish troops
still held most of the principal parts of the
Islands. Sovereignty of the Archipelago had
not been given up by Spain. The letter assumes
that Spain was yet undecided to whom she
should surrender, if at all. "I am informed
that you are considering surrendering the place
to us or to the Americans," said the anonymous
correspondent. And continuing, "The way to
make the surrender is to join us and proclaim
the federation of the Filipino republic with the
Spanish republic, recognizing the chieftainship
of our honorable president, Sefor Emilio Aguinaldo... and in the meantime we will fight
the Americans together.... If you join us,
you cause the liberation of the nine thousand
Spanish prisoners in our hands.... This is
all I can say at present, and I hope that you
will tell me that you agree with me,- then I
shall be able to present this to my government,
and obtain from it an agreement to what I have
written as a private individual."




A GUIN ALDO0


ISO


Senator Spooner in presenting this letter to
the Senate, in May, 900o, argued that "M," the
letter at the end of the signature, is the first
letter in the word, " Miong," and that "Miong"
in the Philippine cipher is "Emilio."  I should,
however, be inclined to think that the letter was
written by Paterno, who was on intimate terms
with the Spanish officials; it was he who conducted negotiations of the Biacnabato treaty, and
wrote the public letter to the Filipinos, directly
after the return of Aguinaldo to Cavite, in
which he said: "Let us help our old ally, Spain,
and realize, with her, more quickly our aspirations. Under Spain our future is clear; under
American rule our future is cloudy."
In November, I898, I visited Aguinaldo at
his capital at Malolos. I was laboring under
the popular delusion as to Aguinaldo's greatness, and judged him largely from the documents that bore his name, although I was in
possession of some information which aided me
in understanding somewhat the situation at
Malolos. I was well acquainted with a number
of revolutionary sympathizers, and several members of Aguinaldo's cabinet who resided in
Manila, and considering their views and the
positions they held, I was somewhat surprised
at the open manner in which they depreciated




A VISIT TO AGUINALDO                 151
Aguinaldo's ability and deplored the prominence
accorded him, even while they themselves admitted that his name was the only one that held
the natives in check and united in the aspirations for independence. It was humiliating to
them that Aguinaldo, instead of one of their
number, held the confidence of the people.
I shall not soon forget my first pilgrimage
to the Filipino Mecca. Those were the palmy
days of the Republica Filipina, and Aguinaldo's
name was on every one's lips.
There was a cordon of Insurgent soldiers
around Manila, and to pass this line one must
needs have a pass signed by Aguinaldo. I
boarded the diminutive train on the Manila
Dagupan Railroad, and in company with twelve
carloads of bare-footed natives was soon speeding along the little narrow gauge toward Malolos.
In half an hour we had passed the cordon, and I
and my Filipino companion were landed on the
Malolos platform, which was patrolled by a halfdozen or more Filipino soldiers, who strutted up
and down and, it seemed to me, looked upon me
with suspicion. I greeted their looks with an
affable smile, -we all did then, - and they withdrew their stare and passed on.
After the little train puffed out of the station
I pushed my way through a crowd of palm



AGUINALDO


I52


extended beggars, trading upon deformed limbs
and leprous faces, and reached the opposite side
of the station, where lingered beneath the shade
of some scraggly palms a half-dozen caromettas, attached by crude hemp harnesses to ponies,
long strangers to sacati and pali.
Though naturally merciful to the animal kingdom, I was prevailed upon by Malolos "hackmen," augmented by the persuasive rays of the
midday sun, to take a seat in one of their crude
carts, and was soon bumping and joggling over
the occasionally planked road toward the
pueblo.
It was tiffin time, and I knew better than to
disturb any Filipino gentleman at midday. For
a siesta follows tiffn with as much regularity as
a demi-tasse does dinner in America. My Filipino friend and myself therefore repaired to a
public house and partook of a native meal which
was washed down by native drinks -the combination fitting one for any crime. After visiting the church, the public square, and the town
pump, I presented myself at the casa Aguinaldo.
The Prcsidente made his headquarters in the second story of a large convent, or priest's-house, as
it is called, adjoining the Malolos church, which
was utilized to accommodate the sessions of the
Filipino Congress. Two Maxim guns protruded




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777~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~




I




IN THE CASA AGUINALDO 153


from the windows of the convent, and the
entrance was guarded by a patrol of Filipino
soldiery.
We passed this gantlet without challenge
and ascended the convent stairs.  At the top
extended a long, broad hall. On either side of
this passageway were stationed Aguinaldo's
body-guards armed with halberds. Diminutive
Filipinos, almost comical in their toylike dignity, were ranged along the wall, giving themselves an extra brace as we passed. The halberds
were cheap imitations of those customarily used
in the palace of the governor general at Manila
upon state occasion.
Our cards were sent in. The Presidente would
receive us. Would we wait for a brief space?
The dapper but brave little insurgent general,
Pio del Pilar, was pleased to greet us.
The Presidente knew of my coming. Had it
been telegraphed to him when we crossed the
line? Ah, seior, the Presidente knows everything. He desires to protect Americans when
they do him so much honor. But did one need
special protection in Aguinaldo's country? No,
senor, but there are Spaniards who yet hope and
hate. Too much caution cannot be exercised,
Would we look at the council room- and so on.
I early learned that if one wished to get in



A G UINALDO 


154


formation from a Filipino one must not ask it.
Aguinaldo's council chamber was interesting.
Down the centre of the hall were parallel rows
of chairs, Filipino style, facing each other.
Here sat the dignitaries of state like rows of
men awaiting their turns in a barber shop.
The walls were hung with creditable paintings
by native artists. A large Oriental rug covered
the mahogany floor.
On bambo pedestals around the rooms were
miniature wood carvings representing Filipino
victims undergoing tortures of various descriptions at the hands of friars and Spanish officials for refusing to divulge the secrets of the
Katipunan.  One showed a native suspended
on tiptoes by a cord tied around his tongue,
while a Spanish hireling slashed his back with
a knife. Another represented a native of the
province of Nueve Ecija falsely accused of hostility to the Spanish, so I was told.  A cord
passed through his nose, as if he were a beast
of burden. A Spaniard was cudgelling his bare
shoulders with a bamboo stick. Another showed
a Filipino hung up by his feet with a big stone
bound to each shoulder.  Still another represented a native with his back bent backward,
a pole passing under his knees, a cord around
his chest holding him bent over in a most pain



HIS APPEARANCE


x55


ful position. And others equally terrible. All
these were actual cases. I was told the history
of each one.
Finally Aguinaldo was ready to receive us.
The red plush curtains that separated his private room from the council chamber were drawn
aside by guards, and we entered the holy of
holies. The little chieftain was already standing to receive us.
His spacious room was adorned with Japanese
tapestries. Around the walls were handsome
Japanese vases, and emblazoned high on one
side of the room was a shield of ancient Japanese and Mindanao arms. On another side of
the room was a huge Spanish mirror. Back of
Aguinaldo's desk hung from its staff a handsome Spanish flag. I jokingly asked Aguinaldo
if he would present it to me as a souvenir of my
visit. " Not for twenty-five thousand pesos," he
replied. "I captured it at Cavite, my native
town. The Spaniards have offered thousands
of pesos as a bribe for the restoration of that
flag, so I keep it here."
Aguinaldo is short. His skin is dark. His
head is large but well poised on a rather slight
body. His hair is the shiny black of the Tagalog, and is combed pompadour, enhancing his
height somewhat. On that day he was dressed




AG UINAILDO


t56


in a suit of fine pifia-cloth of native manufacture, and he wore no indication of his rank.
Through my Filipino friend, as interpreter, I
had an extended conversation with him. He
told me that he hoped to avoid a rupture with
the Americans, but that his people felt that
they had been wronged and slighted, and that
they were becoming turbulent and difficult to
control.  He said that his government was
thoroughly organized.  That throughout the
provinces, where insurrection had been incessant for years, all was quiet, and the peaceful
pursuits of labor were being carried on. "I
hope these conditions will not be disturbed," he
added, not without meaning. I asked him if
the charges were true that the Spanish friars
were maltreated, and if women, also, were imprisoned. He replied that he was not responsible to any one for the treatment of his
prisoners, but that if an accredited emissary
of General Otis would call upon him, he would
permit him to visit the places where the Spanish prisoners were confined. As to the women,
he said that they were "wives" of the priests,
and voluntarily shared captivity with them. As
I left the room he spoke to my Filipino friend,
calling him back. Being somewhat curious at this
not altogether polite act, I later asked the reason.




THE PRESIDENT'S MIRROR 157
My friend smiled, and told me that Aguinaldo
wished him to make a purchase in Manila, and
requested him to attend to it. " But what did
he want? " I said. My friend again smiled,
and said: 
"You know he is vain. He wants me to get
him another large mirror like the one in his
room. He desires it to be the finest plate glass,
and the frame, also, Spanish style, to be set
with mirrors. He wants, too, some other decorations and knickknacks for his room. He is
fond of finery, -like the rest of us, you know."
I saw that great French plate-glass mirror
several months later. It was removed from the
Aguinaldo sanctum, however, and braced up
against a mango tree in front of the "palace"
headquarters. A big, swarthy Kansan was taking his first shave before it after the capture of
Malolos, March 3I, I899.




VIII
TH     E period from our military occupation
of Manila up to the outbreak was one
of the most interesting and complex in
the trend of events. At Malolos the keenest
minds in the Filipino race were bending every
effort to extend and solidify the power of Aguinaldo throughout the Archipelago. Three thousand miles of telegraph wire was in control
of the Insurgent government. Swift runners
brought and carried messages into the most
remote part of the Islands. Captured launches
and Chinese junks plied between the various
ports and islands, and proclamations, orders,
arms, and ammunition were distributed. The
revolutionary government was recognized by
the Filipinos and native races, in some instances willingly, in others by force. Police
and civil guards were established in the principal towns, and the railroad was utilized at will
by the Insurgent officials. The Filipino farmers
were taken into the army, drilled and organized
and sent back to their crops.  The women
158




WA RLIKE PREPARATIONS 159


worked in the fields in the enforced absence of
their husbands, and preparations were made,
stores were husbanded, and munitions brought
into the Islands preparatory to a military campaign. In Manila secret agents of the Insurgent government raised large sums, sometimes
by voluntary subscription, sometimes by intimidation. The wealthy Chinese in Manila and
throughout the Islands were induced to contribute largely to the revolutionary cause. Paterno,
the mediator, the publicist, the rich steamship
owner and planter, who had cried out with
equal fervor, "Viva los Filipinos," and "Viva
la Espafia," was again in the fold and installed
as president of the revolutionary congress,
which voted Aguinaldo a salary of. $25,ooo a
year and $50,ooo for expenses,  Aguinaldo
gratified his love of pomp and display by
gorgeous decorations and trappings.. More
parades at Malolos and San Fernando were
given, banquets were held, and dances followed.
Enthusiasm was rampant. The Filipinos, anxious to impress the Americans, invited them
freely to witness their ceremonies. They were
received with great cordiality and enthusiasm,
and given places of honor at dinners and social functions. The hospitality of the Filipinos
was boundless and their pride limitless.




A. G UINAL D O


i6o


The simple, industrious, and romantic people
we had known and who impressed us so favorably upon our first acquaintance suddenly became
vain, pompous, and boastful. I saw hundreds
of Spanish prisoners degraded to the positions
of servants and burden bearers. Dejected, haggard, half-starved, and crushed in pride and
spirit, the outraged soldier of Spain was forced
to black the boots of the Tagalog official. It
was a spectacle with which the American soldier, though so recently his enemy, was not in
sympathy. It was the relic of the savage, and
a living commentary upon the claims of the
Filipinos to higher civilization.
At one of the Filipino banquets a Spanish
soldier, serving as a bottle-washer in Aguinaldo's kitchen, put poison in the soup; and
but for the fact that a native waiter tasted it,
the indignities and cruelties practised upon the
prisoners would have been avenged.  Aguinaldo's escape was attributed to the power of
the Anting-Anting, and the incident added
lustre to his fame as the Invulnerable.
Aguinaldo's presence upon any occasion was
marked with the utmost ceremony and parade.
The people worshipped him and covered his
path with flowers, the children dropped on their
knees at his approach, and the natives doffed




POMP OF AGUINA4LDO


I6I


their hats in reverence. Their love of feasts,
music, and dancing was given full rein, and
Aguinaldo made triumphal tours in the cities
along the railroad line, his appearance arousing
the Filipinos to a fervor resembling religious
frenzy. Triumphal floral arches were erected,
mass meetings of enormous proportions were
held, and the prettiest girls in the village,
dressed in the colors of the Filipino flag
blended with the stars and stripes, were hailed
and cheered with delight, for the Filipino
leaders assured the inhabitants that the
Americans sanctioned their government. So
generally was this accepted that in one instance a governor of a northern province, upon
learning in December of the signing of the
Treaty of Peace at Paris, disbanded the Insurgent militia and proclaimed a civil government.
The spirit of liberty dominated the hearts of
the people, and the vanity of power took possession of Aguinaldo and the Filipino leaders.
Our advice and friendship, our indulgenceeven the presence of Americans at their functions - were construed as a recognition of their
Independence.
The universal sentiment of the Insurgent
officers, civil and military, and of leading townspeople proved to be virtually the same. They




A G UINA L D O


I62


all declared they would accept nothing short of
independence, but desired the protection of the
United States at sea.
Aguinaldo had an organized military force in
every province of the north. Insurgent soldiers
were everywhere, arms were plentiful and ammunition abundant. There were rifles enough
for all, principally Remingtons, but many
Mausers. In every quarter there were at least
as many rifles as soldiers in the garrison. Ammunition was so plentiful that the native used it
freely in hunting for deer. Colonel Tirona
claimed that two hundred thousand men from all
the Islands could be put into the field well armed;
and several other Insurgent officers, independently questioned, gave the same figure. Every
officer carried a Spanish sword and revolver
constantly, but regarded them with contempt,
preferring the bolo at close quarters. The military spirit pervaded the north where every town
and barrio had organized companies, even enlisting the children, who were drilled every day.
Arms and ammunition continued to find their
way into Luzon. On the. 27th of August the
Abby, 'alias Pasig, flying the American flag,
having received American register at Canton,
arrived at Batangas. It was commanded by an
American, and delivered to the Insurgents about




LA INDEPENDENCIA


i63


500 rifles, 500,000 rounds of ammunition, two
Maxim guns, and 2000 rounds of Maxim ammunition. Accompanying the expedition was
another American whose purpose was to instruct
the Filipino in the use of the rapid-firing guns.
Admiral Dewey, through information received
from Consul General Wildman, sent the McCulloch to Batangas in September, and seized the
Abby, but not until her cargo was landed. Arms
even found their way into Manila Bay on merchant ships, and were landed under false labels.
Funeral processions became so numerous in
Manila that they aroused suspicion, and not without cause. In a number of instances caskets in
hearses were found to be filled with Mausers, destined ostensibly for a suburban native cemetery.
The north of Luzon was ready for war. The
revolutionary government controlled the old
Spanish fortifications, and enlisted in its cause
the wild tribes of the mountains.
On October 5, I898, La Independencia,
the organ of the Filipino Republic, was started
in Manila. General Luna was its editor-inchief. Associated with him were Marciano V.
del Rosario, Vito Bellarmino, and other members
of the revolutionary congress. -La Independencia began its career by hurling defiance to
all who opposed the "final aspirations " of the




G UINA LDO


i64


Filipinos. "Governing all Luzon, we wish to
show all nations that we are capable of governing ourselves," said La Independencia.
"We salute America, that powerful country
with which we unite the bonds of sincerest
friendship. Together we have fought, and in
days of extreme danger we have felt our hearts
beat in unison. Having declared war against
Spain in the name of humanity, and being
designated the champion of people oppressed
by the Spanish government, she does not come
here to make war against any party, nor to
seize one strip of territory; her mission is
greater and more generous, being inspired
always by the Monroe Doctrine. Our cause
should have her sympathy, that due to a young
people who aspire to independence, having confidence in their own efforts, and nobleness of
their cause. Our highest aim should be received
with generous sympathy by the free nations.
The independence of the United States met
with the help and sympathy of the generous
French.
"We salute the foreign nations, especially
those who hold interests in the Philippines, expressing to them our strongest desire to continue
in peace on the basis of our independence. We
salute also our president, Citizen Aguinaldo, the




LA INDEPENDENCIA


life and soul of the revolution, and the government whose policy is the attraction for worth,
honesty, and justice, also our valorous and suffering army whose chiefs and soldiers have fought
and will fight to gain their nationality. We
send our respects to the press of the Philippines and foreign parts, recommending ourself
to their acquaintance."
This publication had a large circulation, and
day after day was an ardent champion of Filipino independence. Its office was the gatheringplace of the Filipino leaders, and its editorials
and correspondence were prepared and gone over
with the greatest deliberation and painstaking.
Published within the American lines and circulated freely in the city, it excited the people
and aroused the Spanish residents to a point of
frenzy. After several weeks General Otis suppressed the publication. Its offices and plant
were thereupon removed to Malolos. La Independencia played a very important part in the
revolution. Driven from town to town, it clung
to life with a doglike tenacity. It served as an
official gazette and a newspaper, and carried
into the farthest island the tidings of alleged
Insurgent victories at arms. Of this publication
and its contents I shall give a more detailed
account in a later chapter.




AGUINALDO


I66


The Manila sympathizers told the revolutionists that the American commander was a Catholic, and was in daily communication with the
archbishop; that the Church of Rome kept
him in power, and that it was his aim to restore
the old regime of Catholic orders in the
Islands; that through Archbishop Nozeleda
he had won over Arellano who was the attorney
for the archbishop, and that the Church and
State were in league as of old. Further, that
the American army chaplains were Catholics,
and held services with the Spanish priests in
the cathedral.
Another point of discord was the coming of
Chinese coolies, who flocked to the Islands
by thousands to take places as servants and
day laborers, and to profit by the high prices
and disturbed conditions. The industrious and
cheap-living Chinaman had always been a cause
of irritation to the Tagalog, and his presence in
the Island was never wholly acceptable to the
Filipino. General Otis, therefore, to solve the
problem and conciliate the Filipinos, issued an
order enforcing the Chinese Exclusion Act, excepting only previous residents of Manila who
had migrated during and just preceding the
American occupation of Cavite and Manila.
The Filipino laboring classes took advantage




TAGALOG TREACHERY


i67


of Otis's clemency and became arrogant and
sulky, increasing the prices of labor one hundred
per cent. Many natives left Manila and joined
the Insurgent army, and the mood of those who
remained was such that Americans feared to
trust their lives and properties in their hands.
Collector of Customs, Colonel Colton, having
one night for his guest Consul Johnson of
Amoy, arose in the morning to find that the
valuables and clothing of himself and the consul were stolen, while in his sleeping-room a
wash-bowl of water, a towel, and a bolo were
left, significantly showing the thieves' intentions
had an attempt been made to interfere with
them.  Spaniards and Americans frequently
had their property stolen in the night by servants whose disappearance in the morning gave
evidence of their culpability. Instances of attempted poisoning were so frequent that it became a matter of great risk to keep a Tagalog
servant.
There were numerous Spanish garrisons
throughout the Islands, and the fact that we
permitted them to remain unmolested annoyed
the Insurgents. General Otis held that pending
the signing of the Peace Treaty, all territory
outside of Manila was still under Spanish jurisdiction. Six hundred Spanish soldiers were




AGUINA LDO


i68


besieged at Santa Cruz, in Laguna de Bay;
Alby was held by a Spanish garrison; also the
principal town of Nailu and South Camarines
and Nueva Caceras, the provinces of North and
South Ilocos, Isabella, and Cagayan were held
by the Spanish. Two hundred and fifty crown
soldiers were at Marong, and as far as could be
ascertained the Spanish garrisons in Cebu,
Iloilo, Leyte, and Mindanao still held out.
Because our forces had ceased to operate
against the Spaniards, the Filipino leaders were
tortured with the fear that we would return the
Islands to Spain. They failed to realize that
we did not cherish the bitter enmity toward
Spain that possessed them, nor could they comprehend why, on the eve of an overwhelming
victory, we should cease in the prosecution of
a campaign that offered assured success. Aguinaldo and the Insurgent leaders were anxious
for the absolute annihilation of Spanish power.
They did not fear us, but entertained a terrible
dread of Spanish methods.  "The Filipinos
desire to live in peace and harmony with the
Americans," wrote Aguinaldo, October 22,
1898, "because they will take care that the
Philippines do not return under the odious
Spanish dominion."
It was very clear that the Filipino leaders




SUPERFICIAL SrMPATHT 169


were determined upon independence; were opposed irrevocably to the return of Spanish rule;
were willing to allow us to protect them in the
accomplishment of their ambitions. They knew
what they did not want, but varied in their
statements of what they did want.
The outcome of the Peace Conference was
awaited with great impatience. Filipe Agoncillo
had been sent to Paris to secure a hearing in
the interests of the Filipino government. Much
to his chagrin he was given no place in the
commission.
The Asiatic coast adventurers, clinging to the
skirts of Filipino aspirations, profiting in pocket,
agitated the press of America with stories of
the greatness of Aguinaldo and the fitness of
the Filipinos for self-government. The superficial fanatic in the United States took up the
cry and demanded for the fledgling government national recognition. "We want facts to
strengthen the arguments for your wished-for
independence in the coming elections," wrote the
president of an American league to Aguinaldo.
On a trip to Dagupan, in company with Mr.
Horace Higgins, the general director of the railway, we discovered at Malolos that Aguinaldo
had placed a guard of six Insurgents upon the
car ahead of us, to " insure our safety," we were




AGUINA LDO


170


politely informed.  Our protectors, however,
spent most of their time in watching our actions.
At Dagupan I saw several good-sized sailingships, war canoes rigged with canvas, and large
cascoes anchored in the Dagupan River, flying
the Insurgent flag. Miles of track along the
railroad had been stripped of the fish-plates,
which were taken by the Insurgents and made
into crude bolos, or daggers, with wooden or
carabao horn handles and bamboo sheathes.
Large quantities of telegraph wire had been
stolen and wound around bamboo for cannons
or used in the extension of Insurgent telegraph lines.  Mr. Higgins was powerless to
prevent their depredations.
General Whittier, ex-collector of the port,
visited Malolos and endeavored to find out
precisely what Aguinaldo represented, that he
might present his views before the Paris commission. Aguinaldo told him that his people
were divided into two parties, those in favor
of absolute independence and those of an
American protectorate; that the parties were
about equal; that he was waiting to see which
would have the majority, and in that case would
-take a position. General Whittier pointed out
to Aguinaldo the advantage of American sovereignty. Aguinaldo replied that " the civilized




AMERICA'S POLICr


71


nations would see that our possessions were not
taken from us." General Whittier asked him
what he expected of America. "To furnish
the navy, while the Filipinos held all the country and administered civil offices with its own
people."  "And what would America get from
this?" General Whittier asked. "That would
be a detail that would be settled hereafter,"
replied Aguinaldo.  Buencamino, Aguinaldo's
chief adviser at this time, told General Whittier
he was sure the President was in favor of an
American protectorate. Thus the house was
divided against itself.
In America a policy was rapidly crystallizing.
President McKinley made a tour of the country,
delivering speeches and gathering the consensus of opinion of the people everywhere. He
became convinced that the sentiment of the
country was in favor of the retention of the
Philippines. The Americans were imbued with
the spirit of the "White Man's Burden," and
liked the idea of extending the sovereignty of
the republic over a people suffering under the
atrocities of mediaeval rule. They favored intervention in Cuba, and they were not willing that
the flag should be lowered in the Philippines.
The victory of Dewey was the pride of every
American, and the vast majority 'was desirous




G UINALDO                            172
of extending our domain in the Orient. The
sentimentalist and the humanitarian realized
the opportunity to free a suffering people from
the tyrannies of an unjust government, and the
American business man saw opportunities to
broaden his commercial relations and control a
new and productive field.
As soon as it became evident to the Insurgents that the Americans were opposed to
the restoration of Spanish sovereignty, that
question ceased to be a factor in the situation.
While it became apparent to the American
people and the commissioners in Paris that
our duty was to retain the Philippines, it became
evident that the Insurgents proposed to contest
our occupation and demand the recognition of
the Filipino republic. The erstwhile lieutenant
of the crown forces had become a brigadier
general of the Filipino army; the lay-reader of
the Spanish priests had clothed himself in the
robes of his superior; the law student had become a judge; the tiller of soil and the bearer
of burdens had become soldiers of the republic; and the rebel chieftain, who was prolific
in his protestations of friendship and gratitude
to the "great North American nation," aspired
to be the "George Washington of his people."
Despite these declarations, our army remained




THE "rTlNCOS"


i73


idle and extended to the Filipino friendly consideration. Our soldiers were barricaded in old
buildings, improvised shacks, or upon the open
field; they slept on hard floors and stretched
out upon the uncovered ground; they guarded
over the property of the insurrectionists and
the Spaniard with equal vigilance. Liberty and
license as practised by the Old-World invading
armies were unknown. Ill clothed, unkempt,
and dressed in rough campaign suits, the appearance of the American soldier provoked the contempt of the dapper Filipino general. The
Spanish taught them a new word, "Yancos,"
and they applied it to the American with
contempt.
On December io the treaty of peace with
Spain was signed in Paris, and its terms were
soon known to the Insurgent government. The
greatest activity followed. A large residence
was rented in Manila and the Filipino Club was
formed. All prominent Insurgent officials became members. The club worked in close sympathy with the revolutionary government, and
while ostensibly devoted to social and athletic
diversions, its chief occupation was the promulgation of the doctrine of independence,
and the organization of a semi-military league
in the city.  From time to time our police




A G UINA L  D O


174


unearthed small native and Chinese shops,
where, in inconspicuous and inaccessible back
rooms, bolos were being made and Insurgent
uniforms manufactured.  At this time the
Spanish generals, holding the southern islands
pending the signing of the treaty of peace,
released large numbers of native soldiers who
had been serving in the Spanish army. These
were shipped to Manila, where, finding themselves without pay or means of support, they
went over to the Insurgent army, many of these
being given important commissions in recognition of their military experience.
The Insurgents in Panay began to make
themselves heard.  The Spanish force, there,
was eight hundred, but over two hundred were
sick or wounded.  The Insurgents_ harassed
them incessantly, assembling in large numbers
across the river opposite Iloilo at Moro, where
they were strongly intrenched. The Spanish
gunboats commanded the river and checked the
attempt on the part of the Insurgents to cross
the river and storm Iloilo. Early in December
the business men of the city sent a petition to
General Otis asking for American protection,
stating that the Insurgents were reported to be
favorable for annexation. General Otis reported
this to Washington, and was instructed to send




AMERICAN CREDULITY


I75


troops, but avoid a conflict with the Insurgents.
General Rios, however, did not wait for the
arrival of our forces, but evacuated Iloilo on
the 23d of December and handed the town
over to the Insurgents, who immediately took
possession. General Miller, who had charge of
the Iloilo expedition, took aboard two hundred
discharged native crown soldiers, who had been
dumped into Manila, and were anxious, they
said, to return to their homes in Panay. The
act was intended as an expression of kindness
on our part to assist a penniless body of men
to return to their homes. Had General Miller
known that these two hundred soldiers were
pledged to Aguinaldo, and that their leader
bore instructions to General Areneta, the Insurgent commander of the forces in Panay, to
resist American occupation, the destination of
these cunning Tagalogs would have been in
Fort Santiago.  But he was ignorant of the
mutinous intent of his guests, and they were
landed upon the coast of Panay, near Iloilo,
promising to prepare the way for our coming.
They disappeared, and promptly joined their
brothers in arms, and subsequently caused a
great deal of trouble in Panay.
In reflecting upon how the native juggled
with our credulity and ignorance, were the




AGUIN4ALDO


176


results not so serious it would almost encroach upon the ludicrous.  Chattering and
prattling in a dozen jargons, their language as
incomprehensible as their character, we accepted
their protestations and vows of friendship, while
they plotted and planned to thwart our intentions. When time shall have healed the wound,
it will be the theme for the opera bouffe.
On the 28th of December, I898, the Arizona
and Pennsylvania anchored off Point Luzaron,
thirty miles from Iloilo. and the Baltimore and
Newport entered the harbor. An aide from the
Insurgent brigadier, General Delgado, sought
an interview with General Miller, and asked
him our intentions. Upon informing the Insurgent general that our troops had come to occupy
the city, Delgado replied that he could yield
nothing without instructions from Aguinaldo.
The president of the Insurgent government,
President Lopez, further notified General Miller
that the people would consent to no foreign
interference, without express orders from the
central government at Luzon.  The leading
foreign business men of Manila petitioned
General Miller to consider the demand of the
Insurgents. Upon learning the conditions and
the probable result of forcible occupation of
Iloilo, General Otis instructed General Miller,




THE PROCLAMAdT i ON 


177


in accordance with a despatch from Washington,
not to be in haste, but to remain in the harbor
with his force and await further orders. General Otis transmitted a modified copy of President McKinley's proclamation, December 2I,
for Miller's instruction. The proclamation was
published by General Miller and distributed
among the Insurgents and residents of Iloilo.
It caused the utmost consternation, and brought
forth a tirade of abuse and defiance against the
American government.
The proclamation announced that by the
treaty of peace between Spain and the United
States, the future control, disposition, and government of the Philippine Islands were ceded
to the United States; that the actual occupation
and administration of the entire Archipelago
became, therefore, immediately necessary, and
that the military government was to be extended
with all possible despatch over the entire territory. The private, personal, and religious rights
and relations of the inhabitants were guaranteed.
Inhabitants, either by active aid or honest submission, who cooperated with the government
were promised support and protection, but all
others were warned that they would be brought
within the lawful rule of the United States.
The civil and municipal government were to be




G UINALDO


178


operated by officers, chosen as far as practicable
from the inhabitants of the Islands. Arbitrary
rule was to be substituted by the mild sway of
justice, and the greatest good of those governed
was promised. The proclamation was sneered
and laughed at, and copies of it were sent to
Malolos.
The Insurgents raised their flag over the old
Spanish fort, dug trenches, fortified the harbor,
sunk cascoes loaded with stones at the mouth
of the Talana River, for they were now in absolute possession of the Island of Panay. Foreign
vessels continued to trade with Iloilo, took and
landed cargoes, assuming all risks, and thus large
amounts of money reached the Insurgent treasury. Under the same conditions ships were
going and coming from most of the ports
throughout Luzon and the southern islands.
The crops had been large, and the trade was
most profitable to both the foreigners and the
Filipinos, who levied duties upon the foreigners
and a war tax upon the inhabitants.
Before issuing the President's proclamation
in Manila, General Otis counselled with a number of the leading "Pacificos" and prominent
Filipinos of the city. Upon learning from an
Iloilo messenger the final intentions of the
United States, there arose the utmost confusion




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"IRRECONCIL ABLES"


179


among the revolutionists, who plainly told
General Otis that the document would not be
received with favor. The contents of the Iloilo
proclamation upset the Malolos congress, and
the entire cabinet was overthrown. Mabini
regained his power over the deputies, was
elected president of the congress, Minister of
Foreign Affairs, and proclaimed a policy of
independence or death. Theodoro Sandico appeared upon the scene again, and was drawn
to the side of the "Irreconcilables" and made
Minister of the Interior; Baldomero Aguinaldo
was appointed Minister of War; General Trias,
Minister of Finance; Gregario Gonzaga, formerly Spanish Attorney General of the Vascayas, was made Minister of Public Works.
Aguinaldo and Paterno withdrew to Santa Anna,
and the status of the dictatorial president was
in durance for some days, for it was said he
strenuously opposed the warlike attitude of
Mabini. The " Pacificos" were utterly routed,
and the military element was in the ascendant.
Mabini, the " Irreconcilable," demanded the
recognition of the independence of the Philippines, and announced that he would only release the Spanish prisoners upon the receipt
of propositions directly from Spain, which
recognized the Filipinos as belligerents. The




A G UINA LDO


i8o


friars, he said, would not be released, seeing
that they had acted as papal agents during the
war, except upon the following conditions:
firstly, the apostolic delegate must ask for their
liberty in the name of the Pope; secondly, all
bills and pontifical decrees granting special
privileges to the religious orders must be removed; thirdly, all rites of the secular clergy
must be respected; fourthly, no friar may hold
any parish cathedral, episcopate, or diocesan
preferments; fifthly, all such preferments to be
held by native or naturalized Filipino clergy;
and sixthly, rules for the election of bishops
must be fixed.
Mabini started out with a high hand. Aguinaldo was given little consideration. Even were
he anxious for more moderation, as was generally believed at the time, his counsel was
ignored. We began to discriminate between
the real Aguinaldo and the composite that had
fooled us.
In the midst of this uproar General Otis,
January 4, issued a proclamation amending the
President's instructions to the Secretary of
War. It varied little, however, from the original, issued at Iloilo, and already in the hands
of the Malolos government, except that it stated
that the controlling element among the Fili



AMENDED PROCLAMATION i81
pinos would be given civil positions; that considerable of the military force of the Islands
would be drawn from the inhabitants, and that
the aim of the American government was to
eventually give the people as free and independent a government as is enjoyed by the most
favored provinces of the world.




IX
T     HE proclamation of General Otis was
gratifying  to foreign residents and
American troops in the Philippines. It
assured them that the government was determined to " see the thing through," but as a pacific
measure it was absolutely valueless. Conservative business men, long residents of the Philippines, predicted an immediate outbreak of
hostilities. The natives tore the proclamation
from the walls and trampled upon it. Many of
the wealthy Filipinos transferred their property
to Spanish attorneys, and thousands of natives
left the city to join the Insurgents. The Escolta the main thoroughfare of Manila, was
rife with rumors that attempts would be made
to burn the city and that an uprising of the
natives might be expected at any moment. Even
the Filipino women declared, in a paper drawn
up and signed by a large number, that they
would resist the Americans, side by side with
their husbands and sons, and would shed every
I82




ABUSE OF AMERICA


I83


drop of blood in their veins for the independence
of their country.
La Independencia was violent in its abuse
of the Americans, and exhorted every man,
woman, and child to arm themselves and die for
liberty. Spanish sympathizers and half-castes
told the Filipinos that Americans sought the
Islands to satisfy the greed and ambition of
political office-seekers, and that the.American
people did not favor the subjugation of the
Filipinos. Mabini advocated a declaration of
war. Former subterfuges that the Filipino army
only aimed to defend itself against the crown
forces should we turn the Islands back to Spain,
were brushed aside, and independence or death
was the unqualified demand set forth.
On the day following General Otis's proclamation Aguinaldo caused to be posted in the streets
of Manila, and distributed generally, a virtual
declaration of war.  In this document he
reviewed the events, from the beginning,
pointed out the assistance his troops had been
to our forces, called attention to the action of
Admiral Dewey in seizing his launches, protested against the action of General Otis in
forcing him to withdraw his forces, reiterated
his assertions that consular promises had been
given him, referred to our operations in Iloilo




A GUINALD O


184


harbor, and concluded by threatening hostilities
if we attempted to occupy Iloilo. An official
manifesto was published simultaneously, in
which Aguinaldo protested against General Otis
signing himself the military governor of the
Philippine Islands. He declared that he had
never by word or writing recognized the sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines,
but on the contrary, in all his official proclamations had proclaimed the liberty and independence of the Filipinos, and that he solemnly
protested against the claims of the United States.
"There must be no turning back in the path we
have already entered," concluded the manifesto.
Aguinaldo then addressed a letter to foreigners in Manila, offering them protection should
hostilities occur between the Filipinos and
Americans. General Otis ordered Aguinaldo's
proclamation torn down and destroyed.
The month of January, I889, was a reign of
terror. The American volunteers, chafing under
restraint and taunted by the Filipinos, were
difficult to control. The Insurgent newspapers
were violent and uncompromising, and accused the
Americans of unjust treatment and the American
soldiers of indiscriminate use of force against
innocent Filipino residents. They complained
against the shooting of stragglers who passed




THE WIDENING BREACH i85
in the vicinity of American fortifications. The
native population was between the devil and the
deep sea. Terrorized by the Insurgents, and distrusted by the American soldiers, they were in
a state of sullen fear. Those employed by
Americans were bullied and tyrannized by the
revolutionists into leaving their posts, and
extortionate demands for money were enforced
against every Filipino of prominence. Hundreds of natives were pressed into the Insurgent
army, and fearing assassination at the hand of the
Katipunans, it became impossible to hire natives
to perform the most trifling services. Even the
Chinese shared this feeling of terror and huddled
together in their quarters, afraid to stir outside
of the section of the city where they outnumbered
the Filipinos.
It is an open question whether or not the
breach between us and the Filipinos at that
time could have been healed. Our policy was
formulated and announced. Theirs was apparent. We well knew what they demanded. It
simply remained to be seen whether they would
" see the error of their ways," or whether they
would persist in an unequal struggle. President McKinley thought that they would realize
our benevolent purpose and recognize that
before we could give them good government our




G UINALDO


i86


sovereignty must be conceded and unquestioned.
He urged that tact and kindness was most
essential at that time, as we had accepted the
Philippines from a high sense of duty in the
interests of their inhabitants and for humanity
and civilization.
He was both right and wrong. The Filipinos refused to see conditions from our point
of view, and we declined to acknowledge their
claims.
A peace commission was arranged in hopes
of arriving at something definite. Brigadier
General R. P. Hughes, Colonel James F. Smith,
and Lieutenant Colonel E. H. Crowder were
named by General Otis. Aguinaldo appointed
Florentino Torres, Enfrasio Flores, and Manuel
Arguelles. The committees met daily for nearly
three weeks. The Filipinos maintained that
all territory outside of Manila belonged to the
Insurgents by right of occupancy and conquest;
that the Filipinos were engaged in a war with
Spain just as America was, and that while
America had taken Cavite and Manila, the
Filipinos had taken the rest of the Archipelago.
Colonel Crowder questioned the force of their
arguments, and asked them how they could
prove that they had captured the territory they
claimed.




THE CONSTITUTION


i87


"We can prove it by seven thousand prisoners," a Filipino commissioner replied.
The efforts of the commission were fruitless.
They were unable to convince the Filipinos
that freedom did not necessarily mean national
freedom; that self-government did not imply
national government; that the recognition of
the rights of the Filipinos did not call for a
recognition of the sovereignty of the Filipino
republic.
The man who supported the Filipino claim
with the greatest ability and the most uncompromising stubbornness was Torres. As in the
case of Arellano, Torres was one of the first
to withdraw from the revolutionists and accept
a judgeship by appointment of General Otis.
Before the fall of Manila Torres held a judicial
position at Cebu, under the Spanish government.
While the commissioners were talking peace,
the Malolos congress promulgated, on January
2, the " Constitution of the Republica Filipina."
Aguinaldo promptly transmitted a copy to General Otis, and notified him to the effect that the
recognition of the Filipinos' constitution was
the proper method to insure general peace.
Article 2 stated that "The Philippine republic
is free and independent." The constitution,




AI G UINA L D O


I88


while rather hazy on the question of popular
suffrage, was very clear as to the rights of
the executive, whose election was to be by
the,majority of Congress. Separation of the
Church and State was specified, and the property of the religious corporations was to be
"returned to the state."  Personal freedom,
the inviolability of home, correspondence, effects, the telegraph and telephone, and the person of the Filipino were guaranteed, also free
speech, a free press, and free education. " Arbitrary penalties," "Private laws," "Special
tribunals," and "Unearned emoluments " were
declared unconstitutional. In many parts the
constitution was modelled upon American lines,
but was non-committal and general upon points
relative to the exact part the people were to
take in the elections. "The assembly shall
represent the entire nation and not exclusively
those who elect them " (Article 34). "It is the
prerogative of the President to convoke it, suspend and close its sessions, and dissolve it"
(Article 36).
In the Senate of the United States and in
some of the newspapers of America there appeared expressions of sympathy with Filipino
aspirations.  Numerous Americans were opposed to the idea of making war upon a people




UNWISE STMPATHT 


189


who made such a favorable showing. It was
contrary to our traditions to oppose a country
striving for independence, but it was not at
variance with our Constitution to put down a
rebellious faction. Expressions of opinion, opposing the course of the American government,
were transmitted by Agoncillo, at that time in
Washington, and by other revolutionary representatives, to the Hong Kong Junta, who
promptly forwarded them to Malolos. Consul
General Wildman had repeated evidence of the
operations of the Junta and their association
with American and English adventurers, but
was powerless to take action against them, except in so far as the apprehending of the shipments of arms, in which he largely succeeded.
"We have arms enough in Luzon now,"
said one of the paid agents of the Junta to a
newspaper correspondent. " We are not trying
to send any more. Consul Wildman is having
all his pains for nothing. Admiral Dewey's
ships cannot patrol the whole coast of Luzon."
From a score of sources statements were
transmitted to Aguinaldo and Mabini that the
majority of the American people were in favor
of recognizing the independence of the Filipinos; and that in order to solve the perplexing
question our government would sell the Philip



AGUINALDO


I90


pines to Germany or Japan or some foreign
power, but that in any event the status of the
friars would not be interfered with.  These
were the pitch balls that the revolutionary
leaders threw out among the people.
Agoncillo, Aguinaldo's Minister Plenipotentiary, on January I, I899, published and submitted a " Memorandum relative to the right
of the Philippine Republic to Recognition,"
addressed to the Secretary of State. Agoncillo
stated that the Filipinos, having expelled the
government of Spain from the Islands, were
entitled to recognition as an independent republic.  The plea was not officially recognized by the State Department. Three other
commissioners from the revolutionary government appeared at Washington, Dr. Lasada,
Juan Luna, and Captain Marti Burges. None
of these emissaries, nor their protests against
the ratification of the Treaty of Paris, received
official recognition by the American government nor the favorable attention of Congress.
It was apparent to every one in Manila that
a clash was close at hand; it became evident
to the American government that the military commissions appointed by General Otis
were inadequate and ineffective. The President
therefore appointed a civil commission con



AMERICAN COMMISSION I9I


sisting of Jacob G. Schurman, president of
Cornell University, to be the president of the
commission; Admiral George Dewey, Major
General E. S. Otis, the Hon. Charles Denby,
Ex-Minister to China, and Dean C. Worcester,
professor in Michigan University and the
author of a work on the Philippine Islands.
This commission was instructed to investigate
and recommend the best methods to " facilitate
the most humane, pacific, and effective extension of authority throughout the Islands." The
commission was given no powers other than
that of investigation and recommendation,
"without interference with the military authorities of the United States now in control
of the Philippines."
The appointment of the commission was
looked upon by the Insurgents as a subterfuge.
La Independencia said, "The Filipinos naturally suspect this new attempt to humbug.
Both Dewey and Pratt promised us independence if the Filipino republic was stable. The
Filipinos are disillusioned. They believe the
commission is a ruse to gain time until they
have accumulated formidable forces, when
America, abusing her strength, will begin a
war to ratify her sovereignty."
In the closing days of January the atmos



AGUINA LDO


I92


phere was charged with rumors. So high was
public tension that a dog fight in the streets of
Manila one day was mistaken for an uprising,
and brought forth a call to arms. A storm was
gathering, and every one felt it. Nightly knifing affairs kept the inhabitants at a fighting
pitch. Every. white man carried a loaded revolver, and most of the natives secreted bolos
or knives in their clothes.  On the outposts
of the two armies constant friction occurred,
and shouting and stabbing were resorted to
when one party or the other encroached too
far upon the neutral zone established between
the forces. Privates and officers called out to
each other threats and taunts across the neutral
zone, and it became evident to every one in
Manila that the least spark would start a conflagration.
General Otis was not blind to the conditions,
and made preparations to resist an attack.
He sent from Manila many of the discharged
native Spanish troops which General Rios had
brought into the city. The wealthy Filipinos of
Manila did not dare to openly ally themselves
with the revolutionists, who boasted that they
would drive the invaders from the soil, nor did
they wish to desert their property. They made
a desperate struggle to balance themselves




STRA INED REL ATIONS


193


between conflicting interests.  At the end of
January not a Filipino remained an outspoken
friend of American sovereignty. Our "avoida-conflict" policy placed the Americans in a
humiliating position.  Challenges and insults
were hurled at our troops until it was actually
believed by the natives that we did not dare
fight. Some of the most intelligent of the
Manila Filipinos shared the belief, and anticipating our defeat, hastened to Malolos with
their valuables for protection.  Americans
crossing the Insurgent lines were arrested.
Newspaper correspondents with cameras were
confined in the Malolos convents, and a party
of American engineers was detained by
Aguinaldo.
Colonel San Miguel commanded the Insurgents
to the east of Manila. Facing his troops was
General MacArthur's division. To strengthen
our position in the vicinity of Santa Mesa, a suburb of Manila, the Nebraskans encamped upon
an advantageous rise of ground that commanded
the old Spanish arsenal occupied by the Insurgents across the San Juan creek east of Manila.
Two guns of the Utah battery were placed in
favorable positions. The arrival of the Nebraskans infuriated the Insurgents, and disputes and
friction resulted. With.our outposts on one side




AG UIN'A L D O.


I94


of the little San Juan bridge and the Insurgents
just across the stream, the two forces were
placed in close quarters, and both parties were
instructed to maintain their positions.  Not
being able to cross the bridge, the Insurgent
colonel, San Miguel, repeatedly permitted his
outposts to cross the creek and come over the
line of delimitation into American territory.
General MacArthur finally, February 2, sent
a letter to Colonel San Miguel, pointing out to
him that armed Filipinos were infringing upon
the-neutral zone, and that his command occupied
a village in front of blockhouse No. 7, at a
point considerably more than one hundred yards
on the American side of the line, and informing
him that the Insurgents were very active in
exhibiting hostile intentions. "This party must
be withdrawn to your side of the line at once,"
General MacArthur wrote. "And from this
date if the line is crossed by your men with
arms in their hands they must be regarded as
subject to such action as I may deem necessary."
Colonel San Miguel wrote an answer in the
presence of Major Strong, saying: " In reply
to yours of this date, in which you inform me
that my soldiers have been passing the line of
demarcation fixed by agreement, I desire to say




GR.ASON'S CHALLENGE 195


this is foreign to my wishes, and I shall give
immediate orders in the premises that they
retire."
It was said in Manila that at this time a telegram was received from Agoncillo by Aguinaldo,
saying, "If you want independence you must
fight for it." I was unable to verify the rumor,
but an American officer assured me he saw a
copy of it. Agoncillo, at any rate, had sufficient
discouragement at Washington to arrive at such
an opinion. Persistent reports were in circulation that an attack would be made on Manila.
The Americans were kept in readiness, and
orders were quietly given to strengthen various
positions in our lines.
Private Grayson of Company D, First Nebraska, on Saturday night, February 4, fired
the shot that formally opened the conflict. He
killed an Insurgent lieutenant and a private
who entered our territory at blockhouse No. 7,
at the point mentioned in the correspondence of
General MacArthur to Colonel San Miguel.
Private Grayson, in an interview, said of this
important incident: "About eight o'clock, Miller
and I were cautiously pacing our district. We
came to a fence and were trying to see what the
Filipinos were up to. Suddenly, near at hand,
on our left, there was a low but unmistakable




AG UINALDO


I96


Filipino outpost signal whistle. It was immediately answered by a similar whistle about
twenty-five yards to the right. Then a red lantern flashed its signal from blockhouse No. 7.
We had never seen such a sign used before.
In a moment something rose slowly up not
twenty-five feet in front of us. It was a Filipino.
I yelled 'halt,' and made it pretty loud, for I
was accustomed to challenging the officer of
the guard in approved military style. I challenged him with another loud' halt.' Then he
shouted 'halto' to me. Well, I thought the
best thing to do was to shoot him. He dropped.
If I didn't kill him, I guess he died of fright.
Then two Filipinos sprang out of the gateway
about fifteen feet from us. I called 'halt' and
Miller fired and dropped one. I saw that another was left. Well, I think I got my second
Filipino that time. We retreated to where our
six other fellows were, and I said: 'Line up,
fellows; the " niggers" are in here all through
these yards.' We then retreated to the pipe
line and got behind the water main and stayed
there all night. It was some minutes after our
second shots before the Filipinos began firing."
In Manila at the news of the outbreak of hostilities the excitement was intense. The theatres and concert halls were in full blast, and




V'~'~-~;~.is0;e~B —~~-:~~~j.:i:8:~'~~~:s:l~j~~::~~,~ ~ _  ~~____~:~~~~~~~
~~~~~I ~ ~  ~    I




3
I
i
i
i
i
I
I




NIGHT OF FEBRUARY 4


197


hundreds of Americans and Filipinos were
enjoying the festivities.  At the alarm both
forces made a rush for their posts. Carriages,
street-cars, and horses, irrespective of the owners, were pressed into service. Manager Higgins and his wife of the Manila and Dagupan
Railway were in Manila. He succeeded in getting an engine through the lines to his home in
Caloocan where he had left his children. Within
a few minutes after the first shot the crack of
the Springfield and the ping of the Mauser ran
along the entire lines.  The Nebraskans of
General Hale's brigade, under Colonel John M.
Stotsenberg, bore the brunt of the first fighting.
Yelling and shouting, San Miguel's forces made
a desperate attempt to cross the San Juan River
and bridge. The Utah battery opened on the
enemy's position across the stream and drove
them back in confusion. All night the Nebraskans and Insurgents kept up a fearful fusillade
across the San Juan creek and bridge. The
Filipinos attempted to cross the stream in
cascoes, but were forced to retire. They then
made a stand in blockhouse No. 7, which commanded an eminence to the left of the bridge,
and from there and from the old Spanish arsenal up the Santa Mesa road across the bridge
they kept up a hot fire until daylight. In the




AGUIN ALDO


I98


afternoon of the next day, Sunday, a detachment of the Tennessees crossed the river a mile
to the right of the bridge, and moved upon the
left flank of San Miguel's forces, enfilading
their intrenchments, driving them into the
open, exposing them to the Nebraskans' fire,
two companies of which forced the enemy's
position at the San Juan bridge, and scattering
them in all directions, taking the arsenal after a
stubborn fight. The Utah battery shelled blockhouse No. 7, and the Nebraskans moved up the
hill and drove the Insurgents out, chasing them
across the open country, up the ravines and over
the hills to the reservoir, two miles from the
bridge.
The reservoir is located on the brow of a hill,
and is a natural fort, high earthworks extending
around its entire surface. Resting until Monday at noon, Hale's brigade advanced in a line
of skirmishers up to the base of the hill upon
which the reservoir is built. The Utah battery
took a position commanding the enemy, and sent
in a number of well-placed shells which drove
terror to the hearts of the Filipinos. Simultaneously the Nebraskans charged up the steep
incline under a hot fire, and with fixed bayonets
drove the enemy back from the breastworks in
confusion. Through the thickets, over the rocks




BATTLE AT THE RESERVOIR g99


and hedges, and pell-mell over the walls of the
vaulted reservoir, the Nebraskans plunged with
fearful recklessness. Contesting every inch of
the ground, the Insurgents gradually retreated,
leaving seventy-nine dead upon the top of the
reservoir. Following up this position Colonel
Stotsenberg, at nine o'clock Monday morning,
with a battalion of Nebraskans and Young's
battery, started for the pumping station four
miles down the Santa Mesa road, along which
ran the water mains. The Insurgents opened
fire from protected positions, but the taste of
American warfare they had the day before
made them disinclined to challenge a battle in
the open. Two companies of the Colorados
took a parallel position in the advance which
completely commanded the ridge along which
the road ran. Two killed and three wounded
comprised the casualties of the day. Arriving
at the pumping station, it was discovered that
several important parts of the machinery were
missing; but so hasty had been the Insurgents'
retreat that the plant was not seriously crippled,
and the parts were soon found. Several of the
native operators came out of hiding, and some
were captured. The machinery was soon put
in order, and the waterworks was started. The
important movement was conducted with a spirit




A.G UINA L D O


200


and fearlessness that astounded the Filipinos
and scattered them in fright across the Mariquina Valley and over the hills to Antipolo.
The Insurgent defences to the south of Manila were strong enough, if protected by artillery, to withstand almost any force. Besides
six substantial blockhouses closely placed, there
existed a perfect network of trenches sunk six
feet deep. Back of these ran a continual line
of earthworks protecting a deep trench from
the bay to San Petro Macati. The Insurgents
fairly furrowed the ground with pits, and threw
up field works which they considered impregnable. They believed themselves prepared to
resist artillery fire, but they evidently did not
count upon the close proximity of Dewey's
ships.  On Sunday morning the Monadnock
moved over alongside the Malate suburbs, and
threw a rain of shell into the enemy's position
that put the "fear of God into them," as one
private expressed it. General Ovenshine's brigade immediately followed up the naval action
and drove the enemy pell-mell out of their fortifications, through Pasay and across the fields
and through the jungles and marshes to Paranaque.
Brigadier General Charles King, was stationed to the left of General Ovenshine, reach



CONCORDIA CONFENT                   201
ing to the Pasig River. Two hundred and
thirty of the Insurgents opened fire in the vicinity of blockhouse No. I. Six companies of
the Washingtons and the First Idahos, with
Hawthorn's battery, consisting of the Astor
guns, started across the Santa Anna bridge and
the little estuary, a branch of the Pasig, that divided the two forces. The Washingtons plunged
into the creek and dashed across the rice fields, but
to the left the Insurgents held the old convent
of Concordia and the Norwegian Consul's wallenclosed house.  General King ordered the
Californias to move on the convent and Consul's
house, and with a determined rush, under heavy
fire, they surrounded the Insurgents, dislodged
them, and they were cut off and chased by the
Idahos toward Santa Anna. Two Krupp guns
were captured, King's brigade drove the Insurgents out of Santa Anna and pushed on two
miles to the walls of Guadalupe and the headquarters of Pio del Pilar at San Pedro Macati.
Santa Anna was burned by the retreating Filipinos. The American loss was seven. One
hundred and fifty-six Filipinos were buried by
our troops the next day.
Colonel Funston gave the Filipinos a sharp
chase over the Caloocan to the north of Manila
road on the evening of the outbreak. On Sun



A G UINAL D O


202


day morning General H. G. Otis's brigade drove
the Insurgents out of the blockhouses and
advanced through a hard, uneven country, up a
gradual slope toward La Loma cemetery and
the Chinese church. The Insurgents made a
determined stand behind the walls of the old
cemetery, and were sending a hot fire into the
Third Artillery from the La Loma church.
Grant's battery threw shells over the Pennsylvanias, and Utahs, and South Dakotas, as they
made a charge through the barbed wire fences
and underbrush, and, aided by the Montanas,
Third Artillery, and Dakotas, who dashed up the
ridge and through the cemetery, fell upon the
Insurgents from three sides and drove them out
of the church and mud forts, and chased them
across the great rice fields toward Caloocan, and
up the Novaliches road, until they disappeared in
the woods. Our losses in the general advance
were about one hundred and sixty killed, and
about as many wounded. We buried over seven
hundred of the enemy's dead, found on the field.
The following Friday, February 10, General
MacArthur's left advanced on Caloocan, the Monadnock shelling the Insurgents' positions for
thirty minutes. In two hours Funston was in
Caloocan, Major Kobbe with the Third Artillery
having flanked the enemy with the Kansans and




FUNSTON AT CALOOCAN 203
Montanas, while Major Bell made a daring
movement to the right and diverted the Insurgents' fire. The line swung like a great pendulum, and the enemy fell back in confusion,
burning the town as they retreated across the
fields toward the Novaliches road. Eighty of
our men were killed and thirty wounded.
Seventy-nine dead Insurgents were found in the
field. Our losses in these engagements were
twelve officers, fifty-nine privates, and two hundred and sixty-four wounded.
Our lines now extended from Caloocan in
a semicircle around the city to Pasay, with a
four-mile protruding angle reaching to the
pumping station, occupying all the strong positions previously held by the Insurgents, and controlling the Pasig River with the Laguna de
Bay. In the meantime, on February 9, San
Roque, a little nepa-hut town across a narrow
neck of land from Cavite, was attacked by
Colonel Loper, with a detachment of troops.
The previous day, Admiral Dewey, under a flag
of truce, gave the Insurgents an opportunity to
surrender; but taking advantage of the twentyfour hours allowed, they saturated the principal
buildings with kerosene, and at the approach of
our men, burned the town and escaped to the
hills.




AGUINALDO


204


San Roque was the home of the banderos
(wash-men), and after its destruction a great
many army and navy officers were obliged to
take an inconspicuous part in the fashionable
afternoon parade on the Luneta. As a tribute
to the honesty of the bandero, however, it is
an interesting fact that some days after the
smoke of the conflagration had cleared away,
and the erstwhile insurrecto reappeared at his
native town in the dress of an amigo, many
American officers were treated to a surprise by
the return of their apparel neatly laundered.
Upon questioning how the miracle was performed, the bandero related that when the
town was burned he had pitched the wash into
the nearest well, where it had remained uninjured and unmolested during the fight and fire.
The Insurgent loss in the week's fighting has
been estimated from one thousand to three
thousand, but the first figure is probably nearer
the truth. The Filipino soldiers showed a great
deal of grit and, considering the great odds they
fought against, made a hard fight. The American artillery demoralized them, and the flank
movements and enfilading tactics of the infantry aroused the greatest consternation among
the rebel forces. "No sabe Americano," they
cried, as they flew before our advance. The




"NO SABE AMERICANO" 205
Filipinos had expended an enormous amount of
labor upon their trenches and field works, and
relied largely upon the protection thus afforded;
but when our batteries dropped shells down
among them, they deserted their fortifications
like frightened sheep and returned our fire from
behind houses, walls, trees, and dense bamboo
thickets, as they retreated. Our losses were
comparatively small, considering that we had
from ten thousand to thirteen thousand men in
action, and theirs were equally insignificant, it
being estimated that they had twenty thousand
men engaged. It was said that the natives
carried away many of their dead, which may
account for the small number that we found on
the field after the battle.




x
O      N the evening of the outbreak of hostilities Aguinaldo  published a General
Order to the Philippine army in which
he stated that the American forces were the
aggressors, and that he had endeavored at all
costs to preserve the friendship of the army of
occupation, but summoned by the unexpected
provocation, urged by the duties imposed upon
him by honor and patriotism and for the defence
of his nation, calling on God as a witness of
good faith and uprightness of his intentions, he
ordered and commanded that peace and friendly
relations having been broken between the Philippine forces and the American forces of occupation, the latter would be treated as enemies,
with the tenets prescribed by the laws of war.
That American soldiers captured by the Philippine forces would be treated as prisoners of war.
He sent the proclamation to the foreign consuls in Manila, and to Congress, in order, he
said, that it may accord the suspension of the
206




DECLARATION OF WAR


207


constitutional guarantees and the resulting
declaration of war.
On February 5 Aguinaldo issued another
proclamation to the Philippine people, calling
upon them to resist the attempt of the Americans to make them slaves and defend the sacred
interests of the country against our "dastardly
intentions."
The outbreak was long expected, and both
forces were not without preparation for the
emergency.
"On Sunday evening, February 5, the day
after the fighting began," according to an interview in a Minneapolis paper of April 24, I899,
with Colonel C. McC. Reeve, provost marshal of
Manila, at the time of the outbreak, "General
Torres of the Insurgents came through our lines
under a flag of truce and had a personal interview with General Otis, in which, speaking for
Aguinaldo, he declared that the fighting had
been begun accidentally, and was not authorized
by Aguinaldo; that Aguinaldo wished to have
it stopped, and that to bring about a conclusion
of hostilities he proposed the establishment of
a neutral zone between the two armies of any
width that would be agreeable to General Otis,
so that during the peace negotiations there
might be no further danger of conflict between




A G UINA L D O


208


the two armies. To these representations General Otis sternly replied that fighting having
once begun must go on to the grim end."
I have found no claim, however, in Filipino
papers or documents that Aguinaldo made such
a proposition to General Otis.  Neither in
Buencamino's address to the United States
Senate, dated Tarlac, August 20, I899, nor
in Aguinaldo's Authentic Review of the Philippine Revolution, dated Tarlac, September 23,
I899, is there made a claim that he offered to
establish a neutral zone and suspend hostilities
during the month of February.
Upon this rather interesting and much debated
point, the Manila Times, which was a very conservative paper, said, February io, "Official
announcement from headquarters states that no
duly accredited representatives of Aguinaldo
have visited the American authorities. Several
Insurgent officers have passed through our lines,
presumably to lay their cause before the
authorities, but they have brought no direct
communication from their leaders."
The Adjutant General of the United States,
pursuant to a resolution of the Senate, on
April 30, I9oo, cabled General Otis for information, asking him whether General Torres
came under a flag of truce February 5, 1899,




THE SENATE ACTS


o09


and stated that Aguinaldo declared that fighting had begun accidentally and was not authorized by him; whether Aguinaldo wanted war
stopped and proposed a neutral zone, so that during peace negotiations there might be no further
conflict, and whether General Otis implied that
fighting having begun it must go on to the
grim end.  General Otis replied that Judge
Torres, citizen, resident of Manila, who served
as member of Insurgent commission, reported
to him on the evening of February 5, and
asked if something could not be done to stop
fighting and establish a neutral zone.  "I
replied," continued General Otis, "that Aguinaldo had commenced the fighting and must
apply for cessation.  I had nothing to request from the Insurgent government."
The clash with the Insurgents aroused the
United States Senate to action. The ratification of the Peace Treaty had been hanging fire,
causing uneasiness and uncertainty among the
Filipinos, and holding in check the troops in the
Philippines. The outbreak cleared the atmosphere and brought the Senate face to face with
a new situation. Men who had been opposed
to the treaty became its outspoken champions.
The consensus of opinion in the Senate was
that the delay and opposition to the treaty




G UINA LDO 


210


had given ground to the belief that America
might abandon the Philippines - a proposition
that agitated the Filipinos and aroused distrust
in the President's proclamation of January 4.
The treaty was therefore ratified on the ioth
of February, and put an end to this question
in the minds of the Filipinos, for they had
nothing to hope from the Spanish Cortes.
The situation at Iloilo and Cebu was becoming critical.  Foreign merchantmen continued
trading with the Filipinos, discharging cargoes
and taking away native products, leaving large
sums of money and munitions of war. Four
days after the outbreak at Manila, General
Otis despatched the Tennessee regiment to
Iloilo, having sent Lieutenant Colonel Potter on
the Bulacan with orders for an attack.
General Miller notified General Roque Lopez,
the Insurgent commander of Iloilo, and permitted him twenty-four hours to surrender. By
way of reply the Insurgents began active
work upon their trenches, facing the transports in the harbor. The navy took the initiative, and the Boston and Petrel sent some
shells into the Insurgents' positions; General
Miller hastened over to the warship to confer with the captain. The Insurgents replied
with a number of charges from an antiquated




CAPTURE OF ILOILO


21 I


cannon.  Detachments of blue-jackets from
the Boston under command of Lieutenant Niblack, and from the Petrel under Lieutenant
Plunket, promptly landed. A few Insurgents
attempted to hold a shore trench, but were
easily routed by the marines, who proceeded
through the town and hoisted the Stars and
Stripes upon the old Spanish fort. The Insurgents under General Pablo Araneta, with about
five hundred troops, retired to the old Spanish
trenches, built by order of General Rios when
he anticipated an attack from Dewey after the
taking of Manila. Following out Rios's original
plan of defence, the Insurgents saturated the
town with kerosene, and setting fire to the
American and British consulates and the principal business houses, retired across the Jaro
and Maro bridges. The gunboat Samar was
sent up the river and drove the Insurgents
toward the Jaro bridge. The Eighteenth Infantry and the Tennessees landed and fought
their way through the burning city, chased the
natives into the country, and took Jaro the following day. Iloilo was occupied without loss
to our troops, but the destruction of the city by
fire was almost complete. The native nepahut section was wiped out, and the leading
houses and government buildings were burned




.4 G UINA L D O


212


to the ground.  Blue-jackets from the British
ships Plover and Pigmy landed immediately
after the American troops, and assisted in
fighting the fire. The loss by fire in Iloilo
was estimated at $5,ooo,ooo, Mexican.
Aguinaldo had not despaired of capturing
Manila. Abetted by his friends in the city he
planned to give the Americans a surprise, but
gossip and rumor in Manila travels with lightning rapidity.  Night after night we were
apprised of the intentions of the Insurgents to
burn the city. Eight-thirty o'clock P.M. was
the hour designated for the attack, and promptly
at that time for a week we braced ourselves to
dodge Mausers and fight flames.   General
Hughes increased the provost guard, and the
Spaniards chattered and gesticulated and kept
tension at a high pitch. Windows and doors were
blocked with heavy shutters at dusk, and our
troops slept on their guns. Along the waterfront at MacArthur's left was a marshy swamp.
At low tide about eight hundred Insurgents
succeeded in creeping along the beach and
secreting themselves in the Tondo district to
the northwest of the city. The natives' plan
was to set fire to the city in several places
simultaneously, and during the resultant confusion the bolo men were instructed to turn




THE MA NIL A PLOT


213


loose and massacre the white inhabitants, while
from without the Insurgent troops were to rush
into the city under cover of the smoke and
fire. The secret service, however, secured what
purported to be an order signed by one of
Aguinaldo's officers, calling upon the inhabitants to attack the Americans and Spanish,
sparing none, exterminating the white population. " The sharpshooters of Tondo and Santa
Anna will begin the attack from without,"
read the order, "and these shots will be the
signal for the militia of Trozo, Binondo, Quiapo,
and Sampaloc to go out in the street and do
their duty. Those at Paco, Ermit and Malate,
Santa Cruz and San Miguel, will not start out
until twelve o'clock unless they see their companions need assistance. The militia will start out
at three o'clock in the morning. If all do their
duty, our revenge will be complete. Brothers,
Europe contemplates us. We know how to die
as men, shedding our blood in defence of the
liberty of our country. Death to the tyrants!
War without quarter to the false Americans,
who have deceived us! Either independence
or death!"
On the night of February 22, a reputable
Spaniard notified the Binondo police headquarters that the natives would attempt to burn the




a4 G UIN AL D O


214


city. At 8.30 the threat was made good, and a
fierce blaze broke out in the Santa Cruz district. The native English and German fire
departments turned out, and after a three hours'
fight succeeded in confining the flames to a few
squares. While the facilities of the departments were being taxed to their utmost, three
separate blazes were started in the Tondo district, the hot-bed of the insurrectionists. Rockets were sent up, and a call to arms was sounded.
Insurgents were discovered stealthily advancing along the water-front.  Soon the
Mausers were whistling down the main streets
into the heart of the city.  The nepa-huts
burned like tinder, and the crackle and pop of
the bamboo resembled the constant rattle of volley firing. The Tondo police advanced through
the fire-scourged streets and drove the Insurgents from behind the brick walls of burning
houses and out of the intrenched positions they
had made with blocks of stone and railroad
iron. The conflagration completely surrounded
the Tondo police station, which the Insurgents
attempted to capture. They then attacked the
Tondo cathedral, used as a police station, and
were not dislodged until the next day, when
the Americans drove them down the Caloocan
road, contesting their retreat from behind stone




THE FIRE IN MANILA


215


intrenchments and buildings. The Insurgents
were caught in a trap, for the Twentieth Kansas had gotten around behind them. After a
final stand one hundred surrendered and seventy were found dead.  A few escaped by
swimming the estuaries and crawling across the
mud flats to Malabon.
The fire raged all night, and destroyed the
largest native section of the city for two miles
along the northern outskirts, doing $I,ooo,ooo
damage. The burning of this part of Manila
was a matter of public congratulation, as
since the outbreak Insurgents had been able to
carry on their operations in this exclusively
native district and menace our troops and
endanger the lives of civilians. Over one hundred Insurgents were killed in the fight, and
several hundred captured. While the Tondo fire
and fight were at their height, the Insurgents
attempted to blow up some of the buildings in
town, and a large blaze was started in the Binondo district, a populous Chinese section, near
the centre of the city. Many of the buildings
were saturated with kerosene, and the fire companies were powerless to check the blaze. The
large Filipino market was completely destroyed.
Thousands of helpless and homeless Chinamen
and innocent native women and children filed




AG UINALDO


216


into the public squares of the city, loaded down
with bundles and boxes, and huddling in the
doors of the churches and behind brick buildings, sought protection from the bullets and the
fire.
The morning revealed a most pitiable state of
things. The destruction of the native quarters,
the nests of insurrection and the pest holes of
disease was not deplored, but the thousands
of helpless and homeless non-combatants made
a sight sorrowful to contemplate. Not content
with the night's experience, the insurrectos
repeated their threat the following day, and
every white man in Manila prepared to step
into the ranks if necessary.  We were well
aware that our lines around the city were thin,
and that the embarkation of troops for Iloilo
had encouraged the Insurgents to action, in the
belief that our city guard was insufficient. The
American women, with one or two exceptions,
were sent to the transports, and the streets were
cleared at seven o'clock. All during the evening the crack of the Springfield could be heard
around town, for our men were determined that
if any shooting was to be done in the future, the
Filipinos would not be given the first chance.
At nine o'clock fires broke out in Paco and
several hundred houses were destroyed, includ



DEFENDING MANILA


217


ing the Paco cathedral. Dynamite was found
in some of the buildings, and large quantities of
Remington cartridges were seized. An attempt
was also made to burn Bilibid prison, and small
fires broke out in various sections of the city during the succeeding days, but the provost guard
was distributed so effectually that it became
dangerous for a native to light a cigarette.
Hundreds of suspects were brought into Fort
Santiago and searched and imprisoned in the
casements of the old wall of Manila or released, according to evidence found. Searching expeditions were sent out through Manila
equipped with pick-axes, shovels, and armed
with side-arms.   Great numbers of bolos,
swords, revolvers, and a few rifles were found
hidden or buried in various native quarters.
Hundreds of Insurgents' uniforms were discovered, showing evidences of being hastily
thrown aside, for the insurrecto learned the
trick of wearing his uniform over white drill,
enabling him to change from a soldier into
an amigo with lightning-like rapidity, which
trick they practised with considerable success
throughout the war.
Hundreds of Filipinos approached our lines
at various points, carrying white flags, usually
Filipino shirts flying from long bamboo poles,




, G UINALDO


2l8


and asked to be allowed to return to Manila and
pursue peaceful occupations. Many were permitted, after a rigorous search, to return to
their homes and families, for which favor they
seemed very grateful.
Aguinaldo concentrated a large body of Insurgents, rumored to be twenty thousand in
number, under General Luna in front of MacArthur's division to the north of the city, and
delivered eloquent orations, appealing to their
patriotism and honor to resist the Americans.
"Our situation is such that if properly defended, we can make every town and city and
village a blazing Moscow," proclaimed the Insurgent chief; "we shall deal our enemies a
fatal blow, for if we are compelled to retire,
they gain nothing substantial. Thus, as fire
proved the destruction of the mighty Napoleon,
it may also prove the defect of these alien
bands of freebooters, and at the same time
demonstrate the means of salvation of our
beloved Islands.... Our enemies' design
being, under the cloak of vague benevolent
phrases, to subjugate, plunder and enslave a
free and brave people that have done them no
harm."   The proclamation showered curses
upon all Filipinos who were faint-hearted and
hesitated to support the revolution, and bless/ds




THE FLYING BRIGADE


2I9


upon those who served with their heart and
their hand the cause of independence.
Malabon was under the guns of the navy, but
as large and valuable sugar refineries were
located there, the city was not shelled. All
along our lines the Insurgents kept up a harassing fire, and instituted a system of guerilla
warfare that was very annoying to the Americans who were anxious to advance our lines.
Montenegro, the Insurgent commander, opposite King's brigade, made addresses assuring
his troops that our forces had advanced as far
as they dared; and La Independencia exaggerated the American losses and discreetly kept
silence upon the Filipino defeats, construing
their retreats into tactics employed to better
their positions.
A Flying Brigade was organized under Brigadier General Lloyd Wheaton, and on March
io advanced from Guadaloupe, swinging along
the south shore of the Pasig, and pushing
toward Laguna de Bay for fifteen miles, driving
the Insurgents out of Pasig, Pateras, and Tagnig, while Captain Grant on the Laguna de Bay
did effective work on the river and along the
shore, cutting off the enemy's water fleet and
preventing further communication across the
lake. The movement relieved Anderson's and




A G UINA L D O


220


King's brigades, which had been under constant
fire since the outbreak. At San Pedro Macati
and Pasig the Insurgents kept up an intermittent fire, and the resultant casualties had
been numerous. General Hale's brigade also
suffered from the pestiferous tactics of the
Insurgents, and he had been forced to move
across the valley toward Taytay and Canita.
Colonel Stotsenberg, however, was met by the
mayors of both places, who formally surrendered the towns, and Montenegro's forces retreated over the hills to the Antipolo Valley.
Major General Lawton arrived the Ioth of
March with the Seventeenth Infantry, and the
Fourth soon followed.  It was expected by
every one in Manila that the intrepid Indian
fighter and hero of Santiago would be given
command of the army corps. General Anderson, however, being relieved from duty by age
limit, was advanced to a brigadier general in
the line and retired.  General Lawton was
given his command.
Friction between Aguinaldo and Luna began
to cause considerable dissension among the
Insurgents.  Aguinaldo issued an order in
which he proclaimed to the inhabitants that
the invading enemy aimed to destroy their liberty and bring them under the heavy yoke of




MALOLOS ORATION


221


colonization.  It became necessary, therefore,
he said, to establish internal order and prevent
brigandage and looting which had been carried
on in some of the towns. Aguinaldo ordered
that assistance to the Americans or gang robbery, rape, and incendiarism would be punished
as high treason, but that all offenders who
would give themselves up within thirty days
from date would be pardoned.   Juntas and
provincial military commanders were instructed
to form vigilance committees for the preservation of law and order.
At Malolos Aguinaldo called a public meeting and addressed the Filipinos. He said that
the Americans proposed to subject the Philippine people and take the country for a colony,
but that a single shot of indignation, terrible as
the thunder of volcanoes, arose to overwhelm
this wish to subject the noble Philippine people,
and the cry went up to heaven: Dead? Yes.
Colonists? Never! for there was an eternal
justice which, when it summoned a people to
liberty, the empty efforts of earthly powers
were unavailing against the immutability of its
decrees. " In the war with Spain," said Aguinaldo, " the Philippine people, moved by enthusiasm, transformed itself into legions of warriors
determined to do or die, and there arose flutter



GUINA L D O


222


ing banners, beating drums, ringing trumpets;
the laborer exchanged his ploughshare for the
deadly bolo, the loving husband forsook his
adored wife and family, the mother sent forth
her son, giving him his weapons and bidding
him to conquer or die. Our aspirations, our
independence proclaims itself already in Manila.
Filipinos, take it, grasp it, and fear not death!"
The main body of Aguinaldo's army and
his seat of government were at Malolos, so the
Insurgent capital became the objective point of
the new move. Retreat to the south by the
lake was cut off by our artillery boats. A
thorough reorganization of our forces was made
preparatory to the invasion of the revolutionary
capital.




XI


A    FTER the outbreak of hostilities insurrection became rampant throughout the
Archipelago. The American force was
insufficient to cope with the situation outside
of Manila. The Insurgents attacked the Spanish garrisons in all the islands, and General
Rios refused longer to leave his troops at the
mercy of the revolutionary hordes.  Despite
General Otis's protests he despatched transports to the southern islands and withdrew the
Spanish forces.  The natives of Cebu, augmented by a few companies of Tagalogs, sent
thither by Aguinaldo, held the Island of Cebu
with the exception of Cebu itself. When the
Spanish garrison evacuated, the Filipinos took
possession of the city. Although inadequately
armed, the Insurgents were strong in numbers,
and instituted a reign of terror against the
priests, who fled for their lives, taking passage
at exorbitant rates on trading vessels to Singapore and Hong Kong. The German residents
223




AGUINA LDO


224.


raised the German flag over their houses and
stores, and the English and Chinese dwelt
under the colors of Great Britain. The three
hundred Chinamen in Cebu applied to the
British vice-consul for protection, and, manufacturing a cotton flag in imitation of the British jack, raised it over their houses. On this
improvised flag the Chinese substituted yellow,
their national color, for the red in the British
flag.  The natives organized a government,
occupied the public buildings, and declared
their allegiance to Aguinaldo and the Filipino
republic.
Admiral Dewey learned of this state of affairs
and sent the Petrel to Cebu. After a heated
argument the revolutionary government consented to a " provisional surrender," and warned
us that we must treat with Aguinaldo, their
"legitimate ruler," before they could guarantee
the surrender of the entire Island. The American flag was raised, and military government
was established, but the natives outside the
port did not submit in spirit; they assembled a
force of two thousand men in close proximity
to the capital, and held the country and mountainous districts.
While these events were transpiring a happy
surprise  occurred.  Seftor Aniceto Lasson,




NEGROS VISITED


2!5


backed by the wealthy native and foreign
planters of Negros, upon the evacuation of
the crown forces, organized a provisional government, and hastened to Manila, the last of
February, tendering the allegiance of Negros
to the United States. An American warship
visited Negros during the month, and furnishing
the provisional government with an American
flag, the Stars and Stripes were hoisted over
the government building in Bacalod, the i8th
of February.
Colonel James F. Smith was appointed governor, and immediately took charge of affairs,
utilizing the native troops as police, and establishing municipal governments throughout the
Island. The people of Negros seemed proud
of their American citizenship, which they
claimed from the date of their raising the
American flag.  Aguinaldo's lieutenants and
followers from Panay and Cebu looked with
disfavor upon the attitude of Lagson and the
people of Negros, and sent delegations to stir
up the natives in the interior.  The leading
newspaper of Negros, while an ardent advocate
of the " final aspirations " of the Filipinos, urged
the Islanders to accept American sovereignty,
as the "Americans were as much interested in
their welfare as were they themselves," it said.




A G UINA L D O


226


General Smith showed marked ability and
tact, and though Aguinaldo's emissaries succeeded in securing a following, Smith retained
the loyalty and support of the best elements
of the Island. Late in March, Papa Issio, the
bandit chieftain of the mountain tribes, issued
a proclamation calling upon the natives to
throw off the foreign yoke, and with three
thousand natives, armed with rifles and bolos,
established headquarters at the coast town
of Paradise, but Major H. T. Sime, with a
battalion of Californians, drove them to the
mountains.
General Rios refused to leave his troops
longer in Zamboango, in the Island of Mindanao, where they were constantly attacked by
the Moros, who had been aroused to insurrection by Aguinaldo's emissaries.  The crown
forces only awaited a favorable moment to evacuate. The Insurgents captured the armament
of several of the small Spanish gunboats which
lay in the harbor of Port Isabelle. The Butuan,
a Spanish steamer, was despatched to Mindanao
with native crews to take over the gunboats;
but arriving there, the crews mutinied and aided
the Insurgents in stripping the gunboats of their
quick-firing guns, rifles, and ammunition. With
this valuable equipment the revolutionists made




A STA TE OF WAR


227


it so hot for the Spanish garrison at Zamboango
that they eventually had to evacuate under fire,
losing their commander in the fight. This gave
the whole Island over to the revolutionists.
Conditions at Iloilo, at the end of March,
were much improved, though the occupation
was restricted to the vicinity of the port. The
Insurgents continued to harass our lines, but
the severe drubbing they received from General
Miller on the I8th tended to lessen their activity.
General Miller was retired on the 27th, and
Brigadier General Hughes, Provost Marshal of
Manila, was appointed military governor of the
Viscayan district, including Panay, Negros, and
Cebu.
Thus a state of war existed in every part of
the Philippines. The ratification of the treaty
of peace by the Spanish Cortes took away the
last prop upon which the Insurgents were leaning. All hopes of securing peace by diplomacy
was abandoned. Our soldiers vied with each
other to be allowed to participate in the general
advance that was planned. Again and again
I saw enthusiastic volunteers begging their commanders, with tears in their eyes, for permission to fight the " gugus." Almost to a man our
army chafed with anxiety to advance upon the
boasting, exasperating enemy.




A G UINVA L D O


228


During the weeks of military inactivity the Insurgents were industriously engaged in strengthening their position. Spanish prisoners held by
the Filipinos were impressed into service, and
their knowledge of engineering and tactics was
utilized by the enemy.  The whole front of
MacArthur's division from Caloocan to Malolos
was furrowed with a network of trenches. The
works erected ranged from mere dirt heaps,
thrown up as infantry curtains, or adapted rice
ridges on the paddy fields, to the dignity of
first-class, bomb-proof field-works. The rivers
intersecting the country in front of MacArthur
were driven with piles to prevent the approach
of our artillery boats from the bay.  Road
bridges were destroyed and the steel girders
of the railway bridges were cut.
General Luna was in command of the Insurgents, and was supposed to have ten thousand
armed men, including the famous Seventieth
and Seventy-first native regiments, formerly of
the Spanish colonial force. Our army was augmented by a flotilla of warships and river artillery boats laying off Malabon, ready to throw
shells into the enemy's ranks and push up the
rivers at their rear and cut off their escape if
possible. The surrounding of Polo was the objective of our movement. The action was care



MA CARTHUR'S SCYTHE


229


fully conceived and secretly planned, but we
were in an.unfamiliar country, crisscrossed by
rivers and studded with marshes,-a country
much too heavy to admit of such a rapid and
sweeping action. Our commanders were dependent upon obsolete and faulty Spanish maps
and surveys, and through them were led into
difficulties and snares not in our calculations.
On the morning of March 26, MacArthur's
division, which extended from Caloocan on the
bay to the pumping station on the Mariquina
River moved out across the open rice fields.
The whole division made a turning movement
resembling the sweep of a great scythe moving
from right to left, the left being Wheaton's
brigade, the right being General MacArthur
himself, with the principal artillery force, and
the centre of the line being the Third Artillery
and Kansas regiment at the junction of which
the colors were carried. General MacArthur
hoped to move so rapidly that the army would
be flung like a powerful arm around Malolos,
and that Aguinaldo's forces would be surrounded
in Polo. In order not to give the Insurgents on
the line of the railway any warning of the movement, General Wheaton, the centre of whose
brigade rested on the railway line at Caloocan,
was instructed to remain in a stationary position




A G U I NA I D O


230


until events would compel him to advance, so
that while he concentrated the forces of the
enemy in front of our left wing, - that is, the
railroad line, - the main line of the army, the rest
of the entire division, would be sweeping in a
great enveloping movement. The trouble was, as
in most of the other similar attempts to surprise
and entrap the Filipino generals, MacArthur's
movement was too slow. The Third Artillery
under Major Kobbe, and the Kansas regiment
under Colonel Funston, which formed the centre
of the division, crossed the Tuliajan River under
fire in a most brilliant action many hours before
General MacArthur and the right wing of the
army came up to their relative position in the
line, so that the centre of the division had to
wait for the right extremity to straighten out its
lines.
Meanwhile the always impatient and dashing
Wheaton lost patience. The movement was too
slow for him, and he swung his brigade rapidly
into line with the rest of the army, dashing
over the tremendous network of trenches, earthworks, leaving a large number of his men, until
his brigade came in touch with the Third Artillery, the centre of his line. General Wheaton
planted his artillery on each side of the railway
track and began the bombardment of the con



DEATH OF EGBERT


23I


vent of Malinta, used as an Insurgent fortress,
preparatory to the coming of the Twenty-second
Infantry and the never-to-be-forgotten charge
of that regiment in which Colonel Egbert lost
his life.
Egbert brought the Twenty-second across the
Tuliajan River through a swampy country. The
regiment was marched Indian file until within a
short range of two Insurgent forts, from which
smoke was issuing, and figures could be seen
above the earthworks. Scouts were sent out,
and ascertained that the forts were absolutely
empty; that the figures were dummies, put there
to deceive us; and that the fires were left to give
the fortifications a semblance of life. Wooden
cannon were also mounted on the ramparts.
The railway line was deserted, and it was concluded that the Insurgents had checked their
baggage farther north. So Egbert, with two
hundred men, advanced across the open field to
a little hill in front of the town. Suddenly from
the church on the outskirts, seventy yards from
our men, came a terrific fire. A hasty retreat
was ordered, but hardly had the word been given
when Colonel Egbert fell dead, pierced with a
Filipino bullet. Major Shields and his orderly
had their horses shot from under them, and three
privates were killed. Had the Insurgents been




4 G UINA L D O


232


marksmen, the two companies would have been
wiped out. "Colonel Egbert never asked his
men to go where he would not lead," was the
tribute of a soldier of his command, and it is
worthy of an inscription on his monument.
In the two days' fight, the first time that a
whole division of United States troops pitted a
regular action in the open field against the main
force of the Insurgents under command of their
chief generals, General MacArthur experienced
the two principal and practically the only tactically military ideas of the Filipino army. The
first idea was the occupation of intrenched positions on the edge of thick woods, with open
country in front. This enabled the Insurgents
to keep our advancing troops under fire with
smokeless powder, while their own intrenched
soldiers were invisible, and when our line, by
sheer gallantry and fighting superiority, had
come within striking distance and charged, gave
them the opportunity to slip out of their trenches
into the thick of the woods and disappear.
The second idea was to intrench the opposite
banks of streams, destroy all road bridges, and
compel our force to enter the water and actually
cross under a continuous fire from intrenched
troops from the other shore at close range. The
first idea was developed when MacArthur's main




FILIPINO TACTICS


233


division crossed the open space in front of the
La Loma church, over a space of three-quarters
of a mile, and carried the enemy's positions at
the edge of the woods on the other side. The
second idea was defeated when the centre of our
line reached the Tuliajan River.
Memoranda captured from the enemy shows
that the Insurgent generals expected to hold
our forces for from one to three months by their
intrenched positions on the opposite side of the
river. The actual delay of the Third Artillery
and Kansas regiments at the centre of the line
occasioned by this plan amounted to about
thirty minutes.
From this time on, all of the Filipino war
that is fit to be designated by tactical terms,
simply consisted in a series of attempts to
repeat these two ideas. But contrary to the
traditions of Spanish military science, which is
based largely upon fighting from behind walls
and trenches, by the audacity with which our
lines swept over open spaces and moved upon
intrenched positions by simple frontal attacks as
well as by the customary flank movements, we
utterly upset Aguinaldo's plan, upon the theory
of which the whole vast system of trenches and
field-works, stretching from Manila up to the
Insurgent capital, was organized.  The Fili



A G UI NA L D O


234


pinos never having encountered soldiers like
these, who seemed to be utterly devoid of the
prudence and cover-seeking carefulness taught
in the Spanish military schools, were thrown into
confusion. They could fight soldiers, - according to the Spanish idea, - but they were utterly
unprepared to fight " fools."
Otis's brigade fought its way up the railroad
and joined Wheaton in a concerted action on
Polo. Before leaving Malabon the Filipinos
fired the principal buildings and fell back to
Polo, where they stayed only long enough to
burn the town and railroad station and hasten
northward.
At Meycauyan the Insurgents made a stout
stand at the railway bridge, but Hale's brigade
rushed pell-mell across, and by a hot enfilading
fire the Americans slaughtered the rebels in
their trenches. Wheaton's brigade was held in
reserve, and Hale and Otis pushed rapidly
forward up the railroad.
An order of Aguinaldo's was captured commanding all Filipino troops to set fire to towns
evacuated, "so that the Americans shall only
rule over a dominion of desolation, with crops
of cinders alone." In the same order were two
other articles of significance. The first, " All
Filipinos who refuse to fight the Americans




CHARGE AT MARIL dAO


235


must be summarily executed as a warning";
second, " Certain armed bands of marauders are
attacking some of our towns in the north; these
bands are called upon to come and join our
army against the Americans, otherwise we will
deal severely with such disloyal Filipinos, as
soon as we are finished with the Americans."
This order referred to the Macabebes, a tribe
of natives who refused to join the Tagalogs,
and stoutly held out against the threats of
Aguinaldo.
At Marilao the Insurgents astonished our men
by making a deliberate attack in an open field,
coming out from a bordering jungle. In a line
of skirmishes they advanced toward our troops
who were waiting eagerly for such an exhibition
of courage, and quickly reciprocated by making
a rapid charge, driving the Insurgents into a
broken retreat and capturing two hundred with
arms, killing one hundred. The experience was
also costly to us, our losses being eleven killed
and twelve wounded.
Without stopping we pushed on to Bocaue
and Bulacan; but the towns were in flames and
the natives in flight, for the artillery boats were
pouring shell into their ranks, and the Insurgents
lost no time in retreating toward Malolos. At
Guiguinta the same story was repeated.




AG UINALDO


236


Horace Higgins, the manager of the Manila
and Dagupan Railroad, was a voluntary prisoner
with the Insurgents.  His assistance to the
Americans in the advance on Malolos was
inestimable.  He prevailed upon the natives
not to destroy the railroad bridges, but to confine
themselves to tearing up the tracks and hiding
the rails. It was largely due to Mr. Higgins's
influence that the great iron bridges, of such
vital importance to our rapid advance, were left
practically unharmed.  Colonel Potter of the
engineer corps loaded trains with ties, rails,
and fish-plates, and was able to replace the
track as rapidly as the troops cleared the way.
Though the carabao commissary train was left
far in the rear, the rebuilt railroad enabled
Colonel Brainard to keep the advancing army
supplied with plietiful rations.
From Guiguinta to the outskirts of Malolos
the American advance was very rapid. Reports
had reached General MacArthur that Aguinaldo
proposed to make a grand-stand play at his
capital, and "do or die."
Around Malolos the whole population had
been at work for weeks constructing bombproof trenches and field-works.  Our scouts
reported the extent of these formidable defences,
and despite the Insurgents' tendency to draw our




FALL OF MA4LOLOS


237


fire, burn their villages and run, we expected a
real battle at Malolos. On the morning of
March 31 our troops were ready for action
shortly after daylight; the Nebraskans and Dakotas having taken some of the "bomb-proof"
trenches the day before, several additional guns
were brought up by rail from Caloocan, and on
Thursday night Young and Fleming's batteries
and Davis's Colt gun were placed on opposite
sides of the railroad track facing Malolos. On
Friday morning for a half-hour these guns opened
up on the Insurgent trenches. The Kansans
moved forward, expecting at any moment to
see thousands of Insurgents appear above the
earthworks and let go a terrific fire. Ready to
return the compliment the Kansans advanced,
nervously fingering the triggers of their rifles,
until within fifty yards of the trenches. Then,
with a yell, they leaped forward with set bayonets
and mounted the earthworks. Not a Filipino was
in sight, and the trenches were as empty as open
graves. Our men did not hesitate to contemplate their admixed feelings of joy and chagrin,
but dashed down the railroad track and into
Malolos like a pack of hounds, General Funston
at their head, and James Creelman, the famous
war correspondent, neck and neck, contesting
the honor of being first into the Insurgent




AGUINALDO


238


citadel. A company of Filipinos were flying
across the square in front of Aguinaldo's
palace, and suddenly turned and gave the
Americans a volley.
"Give 'em hell, boys! " shouted Funston.
"R-r-rack," was the response.
"Another! " yelled the plucky little Kansan.
"R-r-r-r-r-rack," rolled the rifles.
"Now for them!" ordered Funston. But the
Filipinos did not wait. They dropped bag and
baggage and scooted, and when our boys crossed
the San Fernando square not a Filipino remained to contest American occupation. The
roar and crackle of the burning "palace" and
the shouts and chatter of frightened "Chinos"
alone told the story of Filipino defeat.
The advance from Caloocan was full of difficulty and peril, but the fall of Malolos will go
down to history as just short of an " April fool."
The week's campaigning was pregnant with
important facts.  We had overestimated the
equipment, numbers, and fighting ability of the
Filipinos. Whatever artillery they had, and we
knew of several Maxim and Krupp guns,
it was ineffective.  Their trenches, though
triumphs of engineering skill, well placed and
numerous, did not protect the enemy from the
shells of our field guns and the charges of




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FILIPINOS IN BATTLE


239


our infantry. Their organization was faulty,
and under fire their troops became demoralized.  They seldom  attacked in the open,
but confined themselves to guerilla methods;
and, while surrender was not in their code,
they chose to fight, run away, and live to
fight another day. The lessons of the movement were valuable to our troops, and of signal
importance to our commanders. The enemy,
however, did not realize the full significance
of his utter defeat, as subsequent events show.
He did, nevertheless, exhibit a slight disposition
to find out what we offered him to quit. The
rainy season was close at hand, and its coming
held out possibilities to him and difficulties to
us, which he hoped to turn to good account.
Aguinaldo took his government aboard Manager
Higgins's private car and ran it on a side track
at San Fernando.
The Philippine commission, having arrived
in Manila, issued a proclamation April 3, assuring the Filipinos that it was the desire of the
commission to ascertain from the enlightened
native what form of government seemed best
adapted to the Philippine people, and that both
in the establishment and maintenance of government in the Philippine Islands it was the
policy of the United States to consult the




AG UINALDO


240


views and wishes, and secure the advice and
cooperation and aid of the Philippine people
themselves.  American supremacy must be
acknowledged; civil and religious rights were
guaranteed; an honest civil service in which
the Filipinos would, to the fullest extent of their
ability, be employed; honest administration
enforced; public roads and railroads would be
promoted; elementary and higher education
made possible; and reform instituted in all departments of the government service.
Twenty-five thousand copies of the proclamation were printed in Tagalog and Spanish and
posted in Manila and sent into various parts
of the Islands. The natives promptly tore it
from the walls where it was posted, and Aguinaldo prohibited its circulation in the Insurgent country. The Filipinos of the better class
in Manila, who had deserted the Insurgent
cause, read it, and responded by conferring
with the commission and offering suggestions
as to a form of government which they thought
would be acceptable to the people; but as these
Filipinos had lost their influence with the military faction of the Insurgents, their relations
with the commission only brought down the most
violent abuse upon their heads. Their association with the commissioners, however, was




tHE PROCLAMATION                     241
not without its effect upon the Manila Filipinos,
who began to look with less distrust upon the
Americans. The opinion of the English and
Spanish residents of Manila was that the proclamation was absolutely valueless as a conciliatory measure, as it asserted the unqualified
sovereignty of the United States, and offered
no concessions to the Filipino military element.


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XII
T     HE retreating Insurgent soldiers folded
their tents like the Arabs, and took
everything portable with them in their
flight. Occasionally stray copies of their official
correspondence and newspapers, however, would
be left behind, and from these we gleaned many
interesting extracts, not the least amusing of
which was the description of our preparations
and advance on Malolos. In describing that
action the Republica Filipina said:"The Yankees landed from their warships
and began to fortify themselves under cover
of pirate chief Dewey's guns. The swashbucklers vaingloriously proceeded to flaunt
their variegated flag, but the sign of this going
up the flagstaff was the signal for our gallant
warrior patriots to dash down upon the invaders
with uncontrollable fury, and soon the whole
Yankee force was in precipitate flight. Their
demoralization was complete, and in their headlong stampede they abandoned large quantities
242




FILIPINO NEWS ITEMS


243


of war material. Our men continued in pursuit
of the fugitives right down to the sea-beach,
where the enemy tumbled into boats and pushed
off in desperate haste. Their wounded were in
a horrified plight, for the stampede was so complete that everything was in the dire confusion
of a sinfully selfish 'sauve qui peut.' Not a
man of all this miserable crowd ever gave a single thought to anything except his overwhelming anxiety to save his own skin, nor would
they spare even a single glance of pity for the
unhappy wretches who, grievously wounded
and powerless to lift themselves aboard the
boats, appealed unavailingly for compassion,
and despairingly threw themselves in the water
by the hundreds, sinking immediately, never to
appear again on the surface. Drowned like
rats! A horrible spectacle, which moved the
hearts of even the strongest hearted among the
conquerors, and constrained them to tears! It
was a terribly severe punishment for the Americans, though even then inadequate, in view of
the innumerable acts of unmitigated savagery
committed everywhere by an enemy without
a single idea of morality. Fifteen breech-loading rifles and heaps of ammunition were captured, besides much personal property of such
a nature as to indicate the existence of deep

i




AG UINALDO


244


rooted habits of luxurious living, totally incompatible with the stern business of soldiering,
especially in a tropical land."
Such extracts as these frequently fell into our
possession and supplied just that touch of grim
humor necessary to make our campaign seem
little less than an opera bouffe. Despite utter
defeat the sanguine and imaginative Filipino
historian employed his talents in blinding his
countrymen to the real significance of the
situation.
After we took Malolos, MacArthur halted.
General Otis thought the sixteen thousand five
hundred available soldiers insufficient to catch
the enemy and garrison the towns, for it became evident that the amigos who returned to
their homes were not to be trusted. One or
two attempts to wreck trains, and several
attacks within our lines by bolo men, showed
that the hostile spirit was not quelled in the
breasts of pretended non-combatants. To the
south of Manila the Insurgents showed signs
of increasing activity, and on the Laguna de
Bay the Filipinos kept up a series of operations,
where they were in possession of a small Spanish gunboat. Our lines were thin, and it was
feared that Pilar might manage to get around
to the northeast of Manila and cause serious




L AWTON AT SANTA CRUZ 245


trouble. General Lawton, with a strong force,
moved across the lake and cleared out the
Insurgents and destroyed their fleet of launches
and cascoes, taking Santa Cruz and adjacent
towns. Although it was supposed that General
Lawton would proceed south to Batangas and
cut off the Insurgents in the Cavite province,
he was suddenly recalled and ordered to concentrate at La Loma and sweep out the country
to the east of MacArthur's advance, Aguinaldo
having shifted his headquarters toward the
mountains and established a large force under
General Pio del Pilar to the northeast of
Manila, reoccupying undesirable positions and
small towns evacuated by us after MacArthur's
advance on Malolos. The entire week's campaign in the south was therefore abandoned,
and the Filipinos returned to their former
positions.
The Insurgents were particularly active to
the north, and kept up a harassing fire at our
outposts to the east of the railroad line. Aguinaldo made numerous attempts to cut off the
railroad, and attack trains between Manila and
Malolos.  The  Insurgents pursued guerilla
tactics with a vengeance, and many casualties
resulted on both sides.
General Rios sent commissioners through the




AGUINALDO


246


lines in an attempt to effect the release of
the Spanish prisoners. General Otis offered,
through the Spanish commissioners, to exchange
the great number of Filipino prisoners that were
being fed in the Walled City; but Aguinaldo was
aware of the comfortable quarters and good food
the natives enjoyed at our hands, and was not
disposed to treat with the Spanish on that basis.
He would consider but two propositions: money,
or the recognition of demands made in previous
correspondence with General Otis.
The middle of April, Admiral Dewey sent
the Yorktown to Baler, a little town on the east
coast of Luzon, where for a year a Spanish
garrison of fifty men, three officers, and two
priests, had held out against the Filipinos.
Lieutenant Gillmore and fourteen marines went
up the Baler River, and were cut off and captured by the Insurgents. Gillmore and his men
were taken over the mountains to San Isidro
and compelled to follow the retreating Insurgent army, being imprisoned in convents and
kept under strict guard. Gillmore's disappearance aroused the greatest interest in America,
and so anxious were the newspapers to get
tidings of him and his men, that one publication instructed its Manila correspondent to
spend a thousand dollars to reach Gillmore, and




TREA CHERT AT BUSTOS 247


another thousand dollars on cable tolls, to report the interview.
General Lawton's division moved out of La
Loma on the 24th of April, rapidly taking a
northeasterly course, finding a country ravaged
by fire and almost depopulated. Lawton permitted the natives to share the rice that had
been kept from them by the Insurgent officers,
and thousands came out of hiding and begged
for food. The withdrawing of our forces the
Insurgents attributed to defeat, and assembled
in great numbers at Baliuag. Chief of Scouts
Young and Captain Case, of the Second Oregon, fearlessly attacked Baliuag, and crossed
the river to Bustos. As our troops were advancing on Bustos, a lieutenant from Colonel
Gregorio del Pilar raised a white flag, and Captain Case with three men went out with a flag
of truce to meet him. When within a few hundred yards of the enemy, a hail of bullets
greeted our men.  The Americans dropped
from their horses, and Lawton sent out a squad
of sharpshooters to cover their retreat. Colonel
Summers and a company of the Twenty-second
Infantry swung into the town, and the Insurgents took to their heels.
At San Miguel Chief of Scouts Young was
shot. Young was an interesting personality, and




A G UINA L DO


248


one of the most dashing scouts of the Philippine
campaign. He is worthy of more than a passing notice. Leaving Corea, where he was Captain of the King's bodyguard, he went to
Manila, out of pure love of adventure, and a
desire to fight for his country. He soon picked
out Lawton as a man to follow. On May 15,
Lawton's columns, occupying both sides of the
Quingua river, near San Rafael, had reached a
point which he considered approximately opposite the town. Anxious, therefore, to ascertain
his exact position, and seeing standing near him
a civilian, a big, tall, sturdy-looking fellow, he
called out, "Here, you! I wish you would go out
and bring back a citizen of this place." The
civilian was Young, who promptly saluted General Lawton and advanced without a moment's
hesitation down the road, disappearing toward
the town. Almost immediately Lawton heard
three sharp reports of a rifle, and a few moments later Young reappeared striding up the
road, carrying two rifles instead of one. "I
couldn't get a citizen, General," he said, "but
I got a soldier." And passing over a Remington still wet with blood, together with a pouch
containing eighty-six rounds of cartridges, he
said, "I wounded another, but the other six
packed him off." This was General Lawton's




rOUNG, CHIEF OF SCOUTS 249


introduction to Young. Lawton knew a soldier
when he saw one, and immediately gave Young
command of twenty-five scouts, who penetrated
the country in all directions, and brought back
valuable information and numerous prisoners.
After Lawton took San Ildefonso, Captain
Case of the Second Oregon, and Captain Birkheimer of the Third Artillery, were detailed to
reconnoitre the enemy's position. Young and
his scouts were placed under their command.
The Insurgents lay in the hills around the town.
The scouts under Young pushed on toward San
Miguel, which was occupied by Brigadier General Gregorio del Pilar, with six hundred troops.
The fearless little body of scouts approached to
within one hundred and fifty yards of the Insurgent outposts. Pilar's men sent a number of
volleys toward them, but hiding in the bushes
the scouts opened a rapid return fire with the
intention of making the enemy believe that the
American force was large. As soon as Pilar
replied with another volley, Young called to
Case and his fifteen companions, "Now for
bluff! " leading a sham advance of ten feet, and
ordering a rapid fire. The ruse was successful,
and the Insurgents fell back. " Now again,"
yelled Young. Another deploy was made, accompanied by a heavy fire. This time the whole




AGUINALDO


250


body of Filipinos deserted their trenches and
took to their heels, running pell-mell toward the
town. " Keep under cover of the bushes so
they can't tell the size of our force, and chase
them," Young called out. The nervy little body
of Americans rushed through the underbrush,
keeping up a deadly continuous fire at the retreating Insurgents, who poured into San Miguel
as the whole population was making a dash for
the bridge across the river on the opposite side
of the town. Hot after them pursued Young,
leaping with great strides through the streets,
followed by his men. Reaching the opposite
side of the bridge, Pilar and his regiment halted
and made a stand, while the population flew
across the rice fields. Young swung up to the
bridge, and turning a moment, called to his men,
" Now for it! Give it to them, boys! " At that
instant a bullet struck him and he fell. Pilar
retreated to the edge of the wood, at the opposite side of the rice field, and Captain Case and
his men sent a hot fire after them. Case then
rode back for the Oregons to come up and hold
San Miguel. Poor Young was carried back to
die. Lawton's eye moistened as he saw Young's
giant form stretched out before him. Almost
single-handed he had scattered an Insurgent
regiment and taken a town. " A braver man I




LAWTON AT SAN ISIDRO 251


never.knew," was General Lawton's tribute to
the intrepid Young.
Lawton and Summers pushed on to San Isidro, an important town which was being used as
the headquarters of the revolutionary government, but Aguinaldo and his'cabinet had evacuated in great haste and escaped to Cabanatuan,
fourteen miles north. At San Isidro were found
the names of Gillmore and seven of the Yorktown men scratched on the walls of the old
Spanish prison.  Just one month had elapsed
from the day Lawton moved out of 'La Loma.
Twenty-eight towns had been captured in
twenty-three engagements. Six Americans were
killed and thirty-four wounded.  "In six days
more I think we could have captured the Insurgent government and crushed their army," General Lawton remarked to the writer at the close
of that campaign.
The heavy rains and overflowing rivers made
further advance through the great Candaba
swamp country impossible. It was with the
greatest difficulty that Lawton's army could be
commissaried. His carabaos died, and his artillery was dragged through the mud and across
the streams with the utmost difficulty. The elusive Aguinaldo was always just beyond our reach.
He was able to tickle our nose with a straw,




AGUINALDO                            252
but when we reached out to strike he was gone.
Lawton's column was recalled to Manila, and
garrisons were left at the principal captured
towns. Otis's withdrawal of Lawton was a great
disappointment to all of us on the spot. We
felt that had he been permitted to send his cavalry after Aguinaldo, the whole Insurgent government would have been caught, for they were
unloading their impedimenta at a significant rate,
so close was Lawton on their heels.
In the meantime, however, important events
were taking place in General MacArthur's line,
which consisted of General Hale's and General
Wheaton's brigades forming an advance from
Malolos northward. At the Bagbag River the
first stout resistance was encountered. Where
that river joins the Calumpit in front of General
Wheaton's brigade, the Insurgents constructed
formidable field-works and cut a span of the
railroad bridge which crossed the Bagbag. For
the first time we were able to bring an armored
car into successful action. Mounting it with Gatlings and Hotchkiss guns, we set a swarm of
Chinese to work. The Philippine "Chino" was
less timid than his Celestial ancestor, and entered into field work with great enthusiasm, acting
as litter bearer, exposed to the enemy's fire with
apparent unconcern.  Upon this occasion the




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FUNSTON'S EXPLOIT 2


253


Chinamen proved particularly useful.  They
pushed the armored car up to within a thousand
yards of the bridge. Our artillery then opened
fire and demoralized the natives, who fled from
their positions, under the advance of Wheaton,
and fell back to the opposite shore of the Rio
Grande, where it joins the Calumpit just beyond
the Bagbag.
Then arose a military problem that required
the strategy of Funston to solve. The Insurgents had utterly destroyed the railroad, hiding
the ties and rails, and even cutting deep furrows across the railroad embankment, as well
as removing the rails, the ties, and the upper
girders from the Rio Grande bridge, the largest
structure of its kind in the Philippines.
Funston's exploit at the Rio Grande was one
of the most spectacular in the entire campaign.
Across the river the Insurgents had the usual
field-works, trenches, and, added to their large
force assembled there, they had a Maxim gun
and a cannon. The river is the largest in the
Islands, and at Calumpit is very wide and swift.
General Funston evolved two plans of attack;
one was to utilize the bridge, and the other was
to cross the river at night by means of a raft.
Both of these attempts were discovered by the
Insurgents, who greeted Funston's men with an




AG UINALDO


254


active reception. What he had failed to do at
night the little Kansan decided to accomplish
in broad daylight on the morning of April 26.
Three rafts were hastily constructed. A rope
was secured and two daring Kansans chosen.
They were to undertake an exploit that was
totally outside of all the tenets of military tactics,- the gamble of an adventuresome mind
that offered hardly a chance in a thousand of
success.  Trembly and White were the foolhardy Americans who volunteered to swim a
raging stream, take across a ferry rope, and
fasten it right in the teeth of the enemy.
Stripped to the skin, these giant Kansans
plunged into the water in broad daylight,
within easy firing distance of three thousand
Insurgent riflemen whose bullets flecked the
water like hailstones. The Kansans and Montanas stationed on the south shore, by a continuous fire, made a "dead line " along the tops of
the Insurgent trenches.  They pumped their
Springfields until their fingers burned and blistered on the hot barrels of their rifles. Through
the torrent, under the deafening roar of artillery
and rattle of musketry, the fearless American
boys splashed and plunged until they reached
the muddy bank of the opposite shore up
to within speaking distance of the enemy's




A GALLANT DEED


255


trenches. Along under the plane of whirring
and whizzing lead the Kansans ran until they
found a projecting stump, almost a part of the
enemy's earthworks. To this they fastened the
guide rope. Two other irrepressible Kansans
in the meantime came across in a dugout, and
Americans opened fire on the trenches of the
enemy, while Trembly and White rolled up mud
balls and dropped them over the trenches. The
paralyzed Insurgents made a stampede for the
opposite side of the railroad embankment.
In the meantime Colonel Funston and fifty
Kansans pulled themselves across the Rio
Grande on rafts, and joined in the attack. The
Filipinos turned their Maxim upon the little
party, who were compelled to retreat; but the
Insurgent artillerymen were panic-stricken by
the terrific fusillade of the Montanas and Kansans, and dragged the Maxim with them over
the railroad embankment, Funston and his men
giving them hot pursuit.  Wheaton poured a
stream of troops across the bridge, and the Insurgents were forced to abandon their seemingly impregnable position and fall back to
Apalit, where they had a long train of passenger coaches and two engines with steam
up, prepared for the flight they evidently anticipated. The demoralized Filipinos crawled in



A G UIN.A L D O


256


side and upon the tops of the cars by the hundred, and the train moved out just as our troops,
on a double-quick time, entered the town.
MacArthur pressed on to San Fernando, and
occupying that town went into rain quarters,
for the flood-gates of the skies were opened and
the water came down in torrents.
In some instances, fortified by superb trenches
and fighting from perfect vantage-ground, the
Filipinos had shown considerable resistance and
stubbornness, but it was hardly possible to catch
them either in direct pursuit or by flank movements, for they were seldom "surprised" and
rarely ever ambushed.
Under the circumstances it is probable that
we on the field largely exaggerated the numbers
and strength of the Insurgent army, as well as
their casualties. Their organization was scattered over a vast territory, and their ability as
sprinters made them an elusive and intangible
force which harassed and thwarted many welllaid plans. Their tactics were as inscrutable
as their natures, and their reckless disregard
for their property and their people, whether
pressed unwillingly in their ranks or held prisoners by us, convinced us that though considerably removed from barbarism, they were
equally distant from a civilized status.




ARRIVAL OF REGULARS 257
The hot, tropical storms turned the plains
into steaming lakes. The rivers overflowed their
banks, and the roads were washed out. The
health of our troops, much impaired by the hard
campaign, began to alarm our surgeons, and the
" conditions of the climate," which the Insurgent leaders counted upon to abet their cause,
were in fact insurmountable obstacles against
further action. During the rainy season most
of the Volunteers were returned to America, and
several thousand Regulars arrived in Manila to
take their places.




XIII
T     HE  rapid invasion of the Insurgent
country and the utter destruction of
their theories of warfare at last awakened in the minds of many natives a desire for
peace. The peasant class and the small trader
particularly clamored for a suspension of hostilities. But the war element was in the ascendant. They had money, arms, and ammunition,
and carried away with their own importance,
they sought rather to mould public sentiment
to further their ambitions than to become subservient to the will of the people.
Aguinaldo, more of a patriot, but less of a
soldier than Luna, favored "peace with honor."
Luna opposed any plan that did not formally
recognize the status of the army. His ambition
was fired, and independence or death was not a
mock shibboleth with him. The Insurgent government was convened at Cabanatuan. Aguinaldo and Paterno despatched a peace commission to the American lines with requests to be
258




MABINI'S LETTER


259


allowed to go to Manila and confer with the
American commissioners. What their definite
instructions were does not appear, for the personnel of the commission was changed by
Luna and Mabini as soon as they arrived at
Luna's headquarters. Colonel Arguelles was
given a letter by Mabini addressed to the
United States Peace Commissioners. The letter stated that the Philippine people had not
yet lost its confidence in the friendship, justice,
and magnanimity of the American nation, and
that they felt themselves weak before the advance of the American troops. A suspension of
hostilities and a general armistice was therefore
requested throughout the entire Archipelago,
to last for three months, in order to consult the
opinions of the people concerning the government, and to appoint an extraordinary commission with full powers to act in the name of the
Philippine people. " The welfare of this unfortunate country and the triumph of the governing party in the United States of America
depend upon the prompt establishment of
peace," said Mabini. The letter stated that
"while still in pursuit of our independence, the
people would not insist upon fighting for its
ideal if the Philippine people, through its
accredited representative (to be appointed)




A. G UINA L D O


26o


should ask for peace and accept autonomy."
The communication concluded with a covert
threat to apply, in case the request was declined, for foreign intervention.
The commissioners were permitted to go to
Manila. They called upon General Otis and
asked him in what way, honorable for both
governments, hostilities could be suspended
temporarily so that the wishes of the people
might be consulted, and definitely, so that the
era of blood and extermination which had begun
in the Islands, "always peaceful and tranquil,"
might be closed forever.
General Otis replied that only by accepting
the sovereignty of the United States the basis
of an agreement could be laid down, and that it
was necessary that the Filipinos should lay
down their arms in token of recognition. In
return he offered, in the name of the government, autonomy according to the terms promised by the American commission.
The pride of the Insurgent commissioners
was aroused, and they construed General Otis's
reply into an assumption that they were disposed to submit, whereas they were "far from
being afraid of the advance of the Yankee
troops"; on the contrary, "we see in that advance the certainty of obtaining partial, if not




FILIPINO DETERMINATION 261
definite, triumphs over those troops," reasoned
Arguelles, although the force of such logic is
too complicated to understand.
The commissioners returned to the Insurgent
capital and reported the result of their interview with General Otis. The reply was prompt.
Arguelles brought back Mabini's answer: " Under such conditions," he said, "peace will never
reign in this country. Only by recognizing our
existence as an independent state a satisfactory
solution of the present conflict can be arrived
at. If the American government insists upon
war, the Filipinos, who are defending their
rights and a just cause, will not refuse to accept
it. The autonomy offered by the American
commission does not satisfy the aspirations of
our people who have entered upon the struggle
for higher ideals for which they are ready to
die."
When Arguelles returned to the Filipino
camp he reported that the Americans were
tickled by the small triumphs of their arms, and
were in no condition to listen to reason.
"The Filipino will struggle, and will struggle
again with the Yankee, until the latter is convinced that it is impossible to conquer a people
by brute force. The loss of territory does not
signify acquiescence and submission of those






AG UINA' LDO


262


who inhabit it, to whom the Yankee is, and will
always be, a stranger on this soil. We will
never, never bow our neck to the variegated
flag of the forty-two stars," said the Insurgent
commissioner in an interview published in La
Independencia.
Aguinaldo threatened to resign, but so potent
was his name with the people that both the
radical Mabini and the jealous Luna did not
dare allow him to withdraw from the Filipino
presidency. The only thing, therefore, to do
was for Mabini to resign, which he did. In
the letter of resignation Mabini said: -
"The actual cabinet, since its formation in
January last, has done all that it can do for the
welfare of the country, which in its judgment is
the independence of the same; but the scarcity
of forces, and the limited resources at its command, have prevented the accomplishment of
the purpose sought to be obtained, though
always guided by dispassionate action and pure
patriotism."
Paterno then emerged from his temporary
obscurity, but before he actually came into
power, an Aguinaldo letter, addressed to his
ministers, appeared. It was probably written
by Mabini, for it reviewed at length Aguinaldo's
associations with the American officials and the




AGUINALDO'S LETTER


263


failure to secure recognition from them. "America's friendship," said the letter, "continued so
long as it suited their ends, but seeing that the
aspirations of this country were gaining opinion
in America and before the civilized world, and
the ratification of the Peace Treaty found opposition in the Senate, the said government did
not hesitate to provoke the conflict which
brought on the present war without previous
notification or declaration of war.
" Moved by the patriotism of the people and
an unwillingness to sacrifice their lives, a cessation of hostilities was asked for, that the people
might have time to consider their situation and
the propositions made to them by the proclamation of the American commission; but the representative of the American government in the
Islands did not find it convenient to accede to
the request without previous unconditional surrender, thus spoiling their efforts for peace.
By asking the surrender of arms without giving
any guarantee but the promise of our liberty, it
convinced us that our arms constituted the only
guarantee of our aspirations.  For the compliance of the promises of the American
government it is necessary that they should be
consigned either under a formal convention with
the Filipino government or in a constitution,




AGUINALDO


264


both being confirmed by the Congress of the
United States. No such documents exist, nor
will the Americans give us time to make such
agreements according to custom, so it is evident
that they wish to comply with their promises
only when it suits their convenience. It would
be cruel to submit to discretion and abandon a
defenceless people to the mercy of the rifles,
which would commit great abuses after we had
given up our arms," said the letter. " It would
be a dishonor to our army, and a manifest infraction of my sacred duties.  I have directed
our commissioners abroad to work for the
friendly intervention of the powers.  By all
this you may see that there is no other way except to keep fighting until death, and with perseverance we will triumph in the end, and this
will be greater if the obstacles that oppose us
are great. Unforeseen events may change in an
instant the present condition of affairs." Thus
ended the document.
Unforeseen obstacles to Mabini did immediately present themselves.  Aguinaldo swung
around very rapidly. Luna's friends schemed to
overthrow his ascendency, so he formed a new
cabinet. Paterno was named as president of
the council; Buencamino, Secretary of Foreign
Affairs; Severino de las Alas, Interior; Mar



NEW CABINET


265


iano Trias, War; Hugo Ilogan y Lopez, Finance; Aguedo Velarde, Instruction; Maximo
Paterno, Post and Public Works; Leon Guerrero,
Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce.  In this
list, Mabini's and Luna's adherents are noticeably absent.  Paterno issued a proclamation
dated San Isidro, May 8, I899, but for obvious
reasons did not appear in type until the 5th of
that month at Cabanatuan, to which place the
Filipino government and printing office, under
the pressure of Lawton, had migrated.
Paterno proclaimed that the policy of the new
cabinet was to seek the welfare of the country,
and maintain political and individual liberties,
and to seek peace under honorable conditions.
"We will go to war," he said, "if to save
those liberties it is necessary to proceed along
the dolorous path of sacrifices; but if those
liberties can be obtained in a dignified and
decorous way by means of diplomacy, we shall
unhesitatingly seek to obtain the cessation of
hostilities, because even the most powerful and
the greatest nations want peace, for only in
peace are to be found the true happiness and
prosperity of the people."
Another commission was promptly appointed
by Aguinaldo, consisting of Lieutenant Reyes,
General Gregorio del Pilar, Gracio Gonzaga of




.AGUI NALDO


266


the dissolved cabinet, Albert Baretto of the
revolutionary congress, and Captain Lorenzo
Zialcita, A.D.C. to Aguinaldo.  They came
from Malolos on a special train.  The commissioners were in uniform, and were roundly
cheered by the Filipinos as they entered a carriage to be escorted by Lieutenant King, of
General Otis's staff, to the Palace. After a conference with General Otis, the commission went
to the residence of Louis R. Yango, a rich Filipino of Manila, where they held a consultation
with Florentino Torres, and Pablo Ocampo.
La Democracia, a Manila Filipino paper,
owned by Dr. Pardo de Tavera, published an
interview with Gonzaga, giving an account of
the commission's interview with General Otis:
" General Otis received us with frankness and
cordiality," said Gonzaga. " Our principal aim
in coming to Manila, has been to ask for an
armistice, so that we may take a plebiscite with
the object of having a unanimous expression of
opinion with regard to the offers the American
Philippine commission has made. General Otis,
without definitively rejecting our request, contented himself with making a few observations,
which prudence forbids me to reveal. I have
hopes that peace will be established. I am
firmly convinced that it will be an accomplished




ANOTHER COMMISSION 267


fact if the Americans do not show themselves
so opposed to the wishes of the army. I have
great faith in the Paterno cabinet. It will work
for the welfare and lasting progress of the country, even under great difficulties, which it expects
to surmount. The Mabini cabinet, of which I
formed part, professed a political creed opposed
to that of the people."
The commission demanded an armistice and
desired a protracted time to secure an expression of the people of the entire Archipelago upon
the question of terms of peace and the kind of
government they desired. General Otis had
little faith in the sincerity of the emissaries, and
was of the opinion that though Aguinaldo desired peace the commission had been tampered
with by Luna, and did not represent the pacific
element of the Filipinos. Several days were
spent in arguing with Aguinaldo's emissaries,
who were received by the Schurman commission. It developed, however, that the emissaries were without powers and persisted in
adhering to demands for the independence.
This fact seemed to point to the correctness of
General Otis's conclusions that Luna's influence and not Aguinaldo's predominated. Finally President Schurman cabled to Washington
to ascertain what definite form of government




AGUINALDO


268


could be offered. President McKinley replied
that a governor general would be appointed by
the President of the United States; heads of
departments by the governor general; a general advisory council would be elected by the
people whose qualifications would have to be
carefully considered and determined, and the
governor general would have power of absolute
veto, while magistrates and principal judges
would be appointed by the President, who desired that they would be chosen from the natives or Americans or both, according to their
merits.
The terms were transmitted in writing to the
emissaries, who returned to the Insurgent lines.
We were soon notified that the stipulations were
rejected.
General Otis was of the opinion that the commission was a ruse to gain time and enable the
Insurgents to recuperate their scattered forces
and patch up their internal differences.
The opinion of General Luna at this period
sheds some light upon the situation, and shows
clearly his position. As Luna was the real military leader of the Insurgents, and controlled the
largest part of the army, his influence and domination was supreme, and, even presuming Aguinaldo and Paterno sincere in their desires for




INFLUENCE OF LUNA    6


269


peace, it is doubtful if they could have turned
the tide of Luna's influence. Simultaneously
with the conferences of Aguinaldo's emissaries
in Manila, Luna caused to be published and distributed his policy and views of the situation.
The document is, therefore, important, showing
the split in the revolutionary ranks, and confirming, as it does, the opinion of the American commission that the Aguinaldo and Paterno faction
was not in position to compel the Insurgents to
lay down arms, even had they desired peace at
that price. Luna's article is dated May 20, and
in part is as follows:" The Filipino people want independence, and
I will sustain the cause of my country until the
last resource is exhausted, thus fulfilling the
oath I made to the flag. Calmly and without
exaggeration I sincerely confess that it is better
to die on the field of battle rather than accept
any domination. I said this before the war,
and I repeat it now. All the generals with
whom I have been in communication are of the
same opinion, Tinio, Makabulos, Concepcion,
Mascardo, Pilar, and Torres.  Those of the
south hold views still more advanced.  The
military as well as the civil party will not lay
down arms, nor will they accept autonomy. I
am profoundly convinced of the truth of what




AG UINA LDO


270


I say, because in a sort of plebiscite I have
asked the people if they wanted autonomy.
Do you know what they answered? 'Long
live Independence! Down with Autonomy!'
This was the answer of eight central provinces
whom I have addressed. I have repeatedly
addressed people who were flying from the enemy. 'Are you discouraged? Do you want
peace? Return to your homes.' And theywomen, old men, and children -answered me:
'We have begun the struggle for independence,
we will continue it. We prefer to lose all rather
than submit to the rule of those who annihilate
and destroy us. They say that we are discouraged?'
"I do not believe that they can say that.
Since the twenty-third of April until the fourth
of this month [May], when I left them very
reluctantly, my troops have fought with an
enthusiasm which I admire. I have had onefifth of my generals and officers wounded, two
commandants and five officers killed. Well,
ask them if they are discouraged. In Mexico,
in Dolores, and in Kalulut, after Pulilan, Bagbag, Calumpit, and Apalit, I believe that the
enemy has convinced himself that our faith in
resistance is the same.  The places we have
abandoned do not signify anything in Luzon.




LUNAI'S OPINION


271


See only the map of these Islands, and you will
convince them that the ground we have lost
does not amount to a hundredth part of the
whole territory. We are frugal, and our frugality, added to the provisions which the people
give us, is an important factor. We have a
vast tract of uncultivated country. Let everybody work, some of the men on the battlefield,
others in cultivating the soil, the women and
children in making bandages and clothes, and
attending the wounded and comforting them,
in making cartridges, if possible, and then we
shall attain our ideal.
"With regard to the anti-Imperialist League,
this is my opinion.  If they are sincere, God
bless them and their humane sentiments! but
it is necessary to remind you of one thing.
General Merritt, in his proclamation of the I3th
of August, I898, said, 'The United States declare to be the champion of oppressed peoples,
and will not take an inch of Filipino territory.'
Compare these words with what is now taking
place, when at San Juan del Monte the American soldiers opened fire upon our troops, thus
commencing hostilities.  I detest war, I hate
it; but for the independence of the country it
is necessary to accept it. The Americans have
fought to defend theirs.  In the bottom of




, G UIN AL L D O


272


their hearts they understand why we are fighting. The League demands that we should lay
down our arms, - a thing impossible to do; and
what faith have we in America, in Congress,
or in the anti-annexationists? How can we
believe in them after what has occurred? Our
arms are our only, means of defence. If we
surrender them we shall be at the mercy of the
conqueror, and we shall have no other remedy
but to accept their conditions.
"Very often I ask myself if it is not another
mistake. America wishes to show to the world
that she desires to enter upon peaceful negotiations for the sake of humanity, but at the
same time she asks for the impossible-disarmament. Her conditions not being accepted,
a more energetic step, an act of force to annihilate us would be justified before the world.
I wish I were mistaken as I am not a politician,
but it is necessary to see far ahead.
"A continuation of the campaign will finally
bring us victory. You must take into account
that we have not yet begun. The Spaniards
know what is guerilla warfare, and what means
thirty thousand or forty thousand armed islanders, frugal and long-suffering. We shall cause
more casualties by surprises and ambuscades
than by serious defence, without counting that


I
I;I




L UNdA'S CONFIDENCE


273


intermittent fever, dysentery, and other illness
will produce a greater number of losses among
the enemy.
"Our victory will not consist in the victory
of our arms; it will be gained by our tenacity
and by our armed attitude.  I calculate at
$I50,ooo gold the daily expenditure of the
Americans for their army and navy. Each day
that passes is a victory for us whose wants are
few, and two defeats for them, - namely, one
defeat for losses caused by the climate, and the
other an economical defeat.
" It is not true that the people are not for us.
It is a solemn lie. All the Filipinos are with
us.  I wish they [the Americans] would arm
them; then we may be convinced. They all
flee, they all abandon their homes.  Why?
Not because they are not on our side. Give
them rifles, pay them all, and we shall soon see
what will happen.
" Continue to defend our ideal without debasement and without faint-heartedness, advocate
always the cause of independence, and preach
to all to be tenacious, not to be frightened, to
work and to struggle with faith. Ours will be
the victory. Justice and Right which are on
our side will triumph. Let there be no other
cry but this, 'Long live Independence! '"


1




G UINA LDO                           274
The foregoing encompasses the peace discussions, and should settle the controversy upon
the real attitude of the revolutionists during
and immediately after our general advance to
San Fernando and San Isidro. While the Filipino leaders were bickering for armistices, they
made strenuous attempts to recuperate their
scattered forces, and buoy up, by means of lying
reports, the confidence and support of the population. These reports form an interesting chapter in revolutionary literature.




XIV
A   HLTHOUGH the testimony of thousands
of refugees who came voluntarily to the
American lines made it evident that the
agrarian part of the population over whose territory we had passed were discouraged and disheartened at the results of war, and anxious
to return to peaceful occupations, yet we were
aware that to a large extent the Filipino leaders
were able to retain the loyalty of the masses.
It was said that the Insurgent military faction
held the people by the force of arms in a state
of terror and subjection.
But there were more potent influences at
work than force; one of these was official information published in La Independencia, the
Insurgent organ, which followed the fortunes
of the revolutionists. Its utterances were accepted by the people as gospel.  It reached
all official headquarters, and circulated extensively among the people throughout the Archipelago.  It was the only Insurgent paper
275




AGUINA.LDO


276


published in Luzon, and it was always issued
from Aguinaldo's headquarters. When he and
his staff retreated, La Independencia, with its
few fonts of type, and its old Franklin handpress, was packed into a carabao cart, and
dragged along. This printing outfit was of vast
importance to the "paper " republic. Had we
been able to capture the Insurgent printing outfit, I think the "government" would have
perished of ennui.
Always at a safe distance from the firing line
Paterno, Mabini, Aguinaldo, or one of the cabinet ministers, spread into type the gospel of
revolution, and circulated it broadcast throughout the Archipelago through the columns of
La Independencia. These ardent revolutionists
realized the influence of anything "in type,"
and employed their little outfit to the full limit
of its possibilities. Aside from the publication of
official documents, the presentation of "news"
was interesting.  The press censor, Colonel
Thompson, who garbled American despatches
at Manila, was a paragon of accuracy compared
to the man who edited the "despatches" for
La Independencia. That worthy was a whole
staff of reporters, censor, and purveyor of news
in himself.  He fed the popular imagination,
and filled the deluded Tagalog with tales of the




THE "DESPATCHES"


277


triumph of Filipino arms, and the defeats of
the enemy, until it must have appeared that
there was hardly an American left alive in the
Philippines.  Nothing but disaster and loss
pursued us, according to the war news of La
Independencia.  We committed outrages and
wantonly destroyed property.  Palanca, the
Chinese consul at Manila, was in league with
us, and furnished us spies.  We assassinated
women and children. We evacuated positions,
and were dislodged by the valor of Insurgent
troops. We attempted to make landings from
our ships and were defeated. We retreated at
San Luis, and were frustrated in our attempts
to capture the government at San Isidro. We
were ambuscaded at Angeles and disbanded our
troops and fled. We were repulsed with heavy
loss at San Isidro, and the town was occupied
by the Insurgent Colonel Padilla. We were
drawn out of San Miguel de Mayumo and
utterly routed from the province of Nueva
Ecija. We lost cartloads of dead at Bakalor
and Santa Rita, and left great quantities of rifles,
revolvers, and "projectile cannons" on the field.
At Candaba we fell into ambuscade, and lost our
ammunition and convoy. We fled terrified out
of San Fernando, pursued by General Concepcion and his valiant troops. Again we lost " six




AGUINALDO


278


wagon-loads" of dead in a disastrous action
before Carmen, Dolores, and San Augustin, and
General Makabulos defeated us at Bulacan.
We beat a hasty retreat at Baliuag, and were
pursued to Candaba. We devastated villages
and burned towns as we fled. At Mexico we
"suffered a set-back," and though we fought at
times stubbornly, it was "without any effect
whatever" upon the Insurgent lines.
At Angeles, June o1, the Secretary of the
Interior telegraphed to the commanders, provincials, and governors, of Luzon, that " Yesterday
our army, under the command of the captain
general-in-chief, recaptured the towns of San
Fernando de la Pampanga."
The Insurgent organ for months kept up this
strain of information.  During its entire publication, of all the copies I have seen but two
defeats are recorded against the Filipinos. The
telegraphic news and reports of the commanders with remarkable unanimity confirmed
stories of defeat and disaster suffered by the
American troops.
Added to this potent influence at work upon
the native mind, writers of equally imaginative
style were contributing reports from Manila,
the southern Islands, and Hong Kong. One
of the most graphic examples of this style of




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777^ *:  "  **'.':.ra  te-dT'  y  Ad r  D  wey
0077=




I



FILIPINO "FICTION"


279


fiction came from Iloilo, describing the success
of the Ilongo soldiers in repulsing the Americans.  "We propose to put things in their
right light," says the correspondent to his
Luzon compatriots. " The American battalions,
having formed in order of battle, advanced
upon our position at Sambag.  On arriving
at a certain distance from the place in which
we had taken up our position of defence, they
commenced a vigorous attack by a telling discharge of musketry. The Ilongo soldiers whose
bravery is known to all, remained cool in their
posts without answering the fire of the enemy.
This calmness doubtless accelerated their advance, trusting in the security of the result.
But it was not thus. Our braves, in obedience
to the orders of their chiefs, started to execute
a highly strategic plan; breaking the fire, falling back, and beating a retreat, they finally
abandoned their two lines of intrenchments.
The Americans fell into the trap. At a distance of five hundred metres our artillery, which
until now had been quiet, instantly commenced
to belch forth fire and shell upon the American
phalanx, causing utter disorder among them,
those who survived the disaster flying in every
direction.
"The Yankees in their flight abandoned more




AGUINALDO


280


of their wounded than they took to their bloody
hospital, and some three hundred to four hundred rifles with their accoutrements and munition, all of which fell into the possession of our
men. Those who took part in this memorable
battle were the troops under command of Lieutenant General Roque Lopez and Colonel Augustin Solis, both of them valiant and daring
soldiers, to whose skill and ability can be attributed this complete and brilliant victory of
the Philippine arms."
Between Manila and the Insurgent capital
constant communication was kept up. The
line of transit was known as the "grapevine" telegraph, but its course and base were
not located by our troops. In fact, so stealthily was the system of information carried on,
that a courier was seldom apprehended, and
letters rarely fell into our possession.  The
Manila sympathizers told the Insurgents that
the " Yankee soldiers " were sick and disgusted
with the war, and many feigned illness in order
to keep out of battle, and that trains arrived
constantly "filled with dead and wounded,
loaded into the cars, one upon each other in
heaps." Also, that only five per cent remained
of the American troops which had operated in
the north, and that Otis had received a tele



"GLOWING A CCOUNTS "


281


gram from Washington in answer to a request
for more men, - telling him to manage as best
he might this Philippine affair, but as to sending
more men, "God forbid! "
"As to McKinley," says another Manila correspondent, " nothing is known here about him;
there are not even telegrams that say anything
about him, or indicate that he is even in this
world. I, on my part, wish no man harm, but I
do wish God would call him to his sound senses,
and cause him to abandon this vale of tears; or
at least to retire from office for the sake of his
health."
" It is truly curious to observe," writes still
another sympathizer, "the works which various
organizations in America are undertaking ostensibly for the pacification of these Islands; and
to note their pretexts for excusing the conduct
of their government against us."
From Cebu, Negros, and all the Viscayas, Insurgent officers wrote glowing accounts of their
achievements. A single extract illustrates the
trend of the information sent to Aguinaldo's
camp.
"Our glorious flag has always floated over
these Islands, with the exception of those ports
held by our enemies, Iloilo, Cebu, and Bacalod,"
says the writer from Cebu. "No one ought




A G UINA L D O


282


ever to doubt our patriotism. Good news comes
from  Negros. Dumaguete, and many towns
where there are no American garrisons, have
hauled down the American flag and hoisted that
of the Philippine republic, and even in Bacalod
itself an uprising is feared. Seventy police,
armed by the Yankees, fled with much ammunition and some muskets. It is judged that the
annexationist policy of Lasson, Luzurriaga, and
other traitors is not likely to grow in Negros,
for the people's eyes are opened. The provost
of Cebu is making every effort to get our provincial council to accept American sovereignty;
but the patriots who are in front of the government have roundly refused, replying that they
could not take any steps without the knowledge
of the central government of Luzon."
Is it any wonder that the natives reading such
tirades against us, such pictures of our inhumanity and brutality, took sides with their leaders and believed the accounts of the glorious
victories and " marvellous military valor" of the
Insurgent army? But the war news and correspondence was but a part of the tactics employed
by the Filipino politicians to bolster up the
Insurgent cause.




XV
HESE were critical moments within the
revolutionary ranks. The peace and
war elements were at variance, and the
sentiments of the people grew apace. The
Aguinaldo printing bureau was taxed to its
utmost to issue the vast amount of eloquence
employed to hold the people loyal.   Had
they once made a stampede, the revolution
would have ended, but the leaders fired the
Tagalog by false hopes and misleading promises. Given their own way these care-free, untutored peoples would have fallen back into
their old ways with utter indifference to the
government that ruled them, so long as it protected their lives and property and did not interfere with their religion and filch them of their
earnings. Independence to them was a chimera.
A word strange to their ears and unknown to
their comprehension. But having once sounded
the cry, the half-caste leaders struggled to preserve their positions and make good their boasts,
283




A G UINAL D O


284


To uphold their assertions and infuse courage in
the breast of the native, Aguinaldo and his supporters grasped every straw that floated on a
wanton breeze of public opinion. The Junta at
Hong Kong was the chief supply bureau and
the agency through which most of the information, gleaned from the outside world, was transmitted to the revolutionists.  Every letter,
every speech, and every article that contained a
word of commendation, encouragement, or sympathy in America, France, or New Zealand was
gathered in by the Insurgent clipping agency and
rushed to Aguinaldo.
When General Lawton said, " If I am shot by
a Filipino bullet, it might as well come from one
of my own men, because I know from observations, confirmed by captured prisoners, that the
continued fighting is due to reports that are sent
out from America," he knew that every word
advocating rights of the Filipinos to independence found its way and was republished in La
Independencia. He was aware of the purposes
to which the Filipino leaders put the speeches
and articles of the anti-expansionists.
The half-castes were playing a desperate game.
With a great force of American troops driving
their army to flight, and forcing them back to
the mountains, the position was difficult enough.




SENTIMENT


285


But added to this, they had to contend with the
divided sentiments of their own people, who
began to have a dim realization of the hopelessness of the struggle, and to suffer great hardships from the loss of their families and the
destruction of their homes.
It was at times a difficult task for the leaders
to retain the loyalty of the inhabitants, and it required the combined ingenuity of Paterno, Aguinaldo, and Mabini, together with a dozen lesser
satellites who comprised the itinerant government.
Sentiment in the United States was not unanimous upon the Philippine question. The policies
of two great parties were in a state of formation.
Imperialism, so-called, or anti-imperialism were
the campaign shibboleths. Leagues were formed,
pledged against the policy of the administration.
Very few realized that the Filipinos, as a nation,
were unschooled in the arts of civilization and
were incapable of maintaining a national government. Americans naturally felt much sympathy
for a people who protested that they were fighting for their independence, and some, more radical than others, instituted an aggressive campaign
against the retention of the Philippines.
This agitation grew and manifested itself in
many ways, the anti-expansionists taking up the




A G UINA L D O


286


cudgels of the Filipinos against the administration. The demonstration, while the prerogative
of any American citizen, was, by the Filipino
leaders, construed as a revolutionary movement.  The Filipinos were not born under a
republic. They never knew the right of free
speech. They therefore were unable to realize
that an American could be a patriotic citizen,
and yet differ from the policy of the administration in power. Thus they enormously magnified
the importance of the anti-expansion movement,
and even construed it as a state of war, publishing upon two occasions reports that certain
states were in rebellion against the McKinley
administration, because of his attempts to subdue the Philippines by force of arms. The fact
that an anti-expansion league was formed in the
United States was circulated among the natives.
They were exhorted to stand firm, and never
recede from their demands. A telegram was
forwarded to the Insurgents by Agoncillo, from
Paris, which informed them that the anti-annexation party increased day by day, and that the
campaign in the Philippines was considered a
great failure. Other cablegrams were industriously transmitted by Agoncillo, quoting utterances in America that favored the cause of the
Insurgents.




"A SENATOR'S OPINION" 287


The Filipinos knew that they had champions in
the United States Senate. They were thoroughly
posted upon what was going on in America, and
in their official organ published at great length
"A Senator's Opinion," which was cabled them
by Agoncillo, from Paris. The speech was delivered on the floor of the United States Senate,
and was an attack upon the " Imperialist " party.
To quote from La Independencia, "The senator
foretells the dire results and misfortunes of his
country, if the labors of the anti-annexation
league do not break down the Imperialist
party." The article then proceeds to give the
"exact words " of the senator, to wit: -
" It is a criminal work which certain individuals in the actual government of the United
States are doing. Such a fit of madness as has
attacked President McKinley and his cabinet
has never been seen before. Instead of conducting the country through the rows of peace
and honor, they are leading her through a rough
path that leads to ruin and destruction. We
have fought with Spain because she represented
barbarity and despotism.  We declared war
against Spain in defence of the rights of humanity. We have apostatized our intentions.
Ambition and ' rattle-brain' are threatening the
safety of our republic and its virtues. We are




AGUINALDO


288


edging day by day nearer to the pit of perdition,
and must fall therein if Imperialism does not
retreat and turn back into the true and old path.
The Filipinos are fighting to-day for their independence, just as the United States fought for
hers against England.  Instqad of assisting
them to honorable ends, this government is seeking to reduce them to slavery. In a little while
we will be calling for more troops. We are following the course of European nations. We are
building up a great standing army. We cannot
continue this sort of thing. The Philippine
Islands will be our ruin. We need impossible
force to subdue them, and we are neglecting our
internal affairs in order to occupy ourselves with
those distant Islands. Public opinion ought to
pronounce an anathema upon the policy of
McKinley, and abandon him in his stupid ambition for conquest and expansion."
Hardly greater encouragement to the Filipinos' hope for independence could have been
given by the fiery Mabini or the eloquent
Paterno.
The Insurgent leaders felt that they had
little to hope for from the party in power in
America. So they espoused the other alternative, and told the natives that there was a great
party in the United States which would over



LA INDEPENDENCIA


289


throw the administration and get in control of
the government. "Cleveland has been put in
the front ranks of the anti-annexationists to
fight against the government," said La Independencia, "and common sense prompts the
Democrats to work in behalf of the Filipinos,
and thus avoid the censure of other nations and
their ultimate intervention in some form or another, and avoid also the disgrace and discredit
of their country."
The desertion of Tavera, Torres, and Arellano, and their friendliness to the Americans,
agitated the revolutionary leaders, who feared
the influence of their example upon the people.
In fact, the action of these advanced Filipinos
was not without effect upon the natives, who
recognized them as the leading Filipinos of
Manila.  Aguinaldo, therefore, in order to
"explain matters," caused to be published an
article in La Independencia, which said that,
"though Sefior Arellano is one of those engaged in compiling the laws [for the Americans], he is certainly making slow work of it,
and takes several days upon each article. The
fact is he is 'gaining time' so as to leave unmolested the true effect of the war."
La Independencia was an important factor,
indeed. What would the Filipino leaders have




A GUINAILDO


290


done without their printing office? Had it not
been for those few fonts of well-worn type and
that venerable hand press, the unenlightened
native, homeless and destitute, shorn of his
property and bowed down with grief, would
never have known that " the decadence of
Yankee power was foreseen "; that the downfall
of the McKinley government was assured; that
Manila was converted by American trickery
into a breeding hole of political nondescripts,
plunderers, and criminals; that to live in towns
taken by Americans was impossible; that plunder was the order of the day; that in short,
"wherever the Yankees are, disorder, anarchy,
and immutability prevail."
Destitute and forlorn, hungry and half naked,
the credulous population read these things, and,
awed into wonderment and adoration at the
profound knowledge of their intrepid leaders,
followed blindly and gave their all to the cause,
while their half-caste leaders lived in comparative luxury, and not infrequently in extravagance and immorality.
Day after day the revolutionary publication
put forth "authentic facts" and "important
events" culled from the Hong Kong papers,
from the telegraphic despatches, and received by
cable from the industrious Agoncillo.  To re



SHATTERED DREAMS


291


publish them would be but to repeat, in another
form, the arguments already given.
The revolutionists were encouraged by every
flattering gust of sentiment. They mistook political opposition to the administration for direct
encouragement.  At least they so accepted
the action of the various leagues in America
and the policy of the Democratic party. The
words of Mr. Bryan, the Democratic leader,
found their way into the Insurgent organ and
were construed to arouse great hopes in the
breasts of the defeated and discouraged Filipinos.
But one by one their dreams were shattered.
The dual occupation of Manila had been defeated.
The "recognition of part of the rights of a
friendly people" had been denied. Foreign
intervention had not been forthcoming.  The
opportunity to "take a plebiscite and ascertain
the final desires of the people" had failed to
secure an armistice. The two allies, the rainy
season and sickness among our troops, cited
by Luna, did not come to their rescue. And
now, as a last resort, they clung to the hope
of McKinley's defeat, and the triumph of the
party of anti-annexationists.  Surely theirs
was a pathetic struggle, but unfortunately we
had found indulgence and kindness construed as




G UINA L D O


292


weakness and fear. It was too late to repeat
the experiment that had before failed so utterly.
Kindness and generosity they might expect,
but our sovereignty must first be enforced.
General Luna was too able a man not to realize
the futility of the struggle. "America represents a colossal giant Goliath, with muscles of
steel, deadly weapons and artifices of war, and
immense resources for prolonging the contest,"
he said. And yet he concluded, "We are compelled to maintain the honor of our country."
The trouble with Luna was, his ideas were
hopelessly Spanish.
"Our real campaign has not yet commenced,"
he told his people. "With the guerilla system,
which is the most practicable, and the pouring
rains which will add to the difficulties and obstacles, it is certain that our arms will prosper
rapidly and powerfully, recapturing from the
hands of our enemies the land we have been
forced to evacuate."
Just one more reference to the arguments
presented by the Insurgent leaders, and I will
close this phase of the question.
The argument in question was very prejudicial to us, and engendered in the breasts of the
natives a deep distrust. I cannot better explain
its nature than by a quotation from a published




INS URGENT ARGUMENTS 293
article in La Independencia. "A very convincing proof of what may be our lot at the hands
of the Americans," said the Insurgent organ,
"can be reckoned from the condition of affairs
that actually exists in the states of North and
South Carolina with two million negro inhabitants, who are so ill-treated that they have not
even a voice nor a vote in the elections; and to
better complete their cruel work, two white
Americans, revolvers in hand, are stationed at
the door of the City Hall or Assembly, and
any negro who enters the door to assert his
rights is a dead negro. Americahs profess to
advocate the equality of men and races-but
for them  there are whites and blacks-the
former enjoying all the rights of men and citizens, the other only certain rights.  The one
occupies all the governmental positions and administrative offices. The others are their subordinates, - indeed, even their slaves; they dare
not aspire to dignity or to high station, for if
they do they surely will be subjected to humiliation, and insults, and vicious treatment.
They are considered in every way inferior and
worthy of no more consideration than a dog
in the streets, or a horse which resists his
master.
"To war then, dear brethren! To war! The




4 G UINA DL D O


294


G6d of battles in whom we have placed our trust
and hope will help us.
"The invading army is choked by internal
strifes and international bickerings, their volunteers are fighting without enthusiasm, and
solely to fulfil the military duty which compels
them to fight. In the very heart of this same
great American nation there is a large political
party demanding the recognition of our sacred
rights; and it is the Divine Providence that is
watching over the justice of our cause.
"Advance! Filipinos! The Sun of Victory
shines for us!
"Viva the Philippine People!
"Viva the National Independence!
"Viva the Army of Liberty!
"Viva Emilio Aguinaldo, President of the
Republic!"
It is evident what were the influences that
contributed to inflame the native mind against
American sovereignty, and fortify the Filipino
diplomat with a tangible argument to justify his
uncompromising attitude toward the United
States.  It will thus be seen how the official
organ played an important part in the revolution, turning defeat into victory and magnifying the importance of every opinion expressed
in the United States that could be used to




THE FIRST ANNIVERSARY 295


influence the people; for in Spanish colonies
newspapers have an almost official status, and
the deluded native had been taught to believe
anything "in print" as gospel, hardly less
inspired than the Bible.
On June I2, 1899, one year from the birth
of the Filipino republic, and after nearly six
months of continual defeat at arms, the revolutionary government convened at Angeles and
celebrated with great pomp and ceremony the
first anniversary of independence. Undaunted
by the fact that the troops had been driven
from every position fifty miles north of Manila,
and ten miles south and east, they jubilantly
celebrated their success and their independence.
Upon this occasion Aguinaldo made his last
public speech to the assembled people. It is
an interesting example of Tagalog eloquence
and a valuable record, as it shows the absolutely
uncompromising attitude of Aguinaldo and his
belief in the final triumph of Filipino independence. I therefore republish it in full, as a fitting close to a chapter on the fuel that fed the
flames -
"ADDRESS PRONOUNCED BY EMILIO AGUINALDO,
12th JUNE, IN THE TOWN OF ANGELES AT
THE COMMEMORATION OF THE NATIONAL
INDEPENDENCE.




AG UINALDO


296


" Gent/emen: - We assembled to-day to commemorate a happy day for the Philippine
people, the greatest event in our political evolution; the first anniversary of the proclamation
of our independence, which took place in Kawit,
on this same date in the year which has but just
passed,- 1898.
"' Free and independent Philippines' was the
first cry of this people, who in yearning for liberty, through love of justice, and the exercise of
their own rights, made a great rush to witness
in Kawit, this highly patriotic demonstration,
the commencement of a new era of progress,
and benefit for our adored country; and it was
precisely to show to the entire world the unimpeachable facts of our most legitimate aspirations fixing the starting-point of our political
march and sealing our acts with the stamp of
our glorious ensign.
"The first triumph of our efforts was on M\ay
28th of the same year; three hundred Spaniards
under the command of Commander Pazos succumbed to the sharp fire of a small group of our
untrained soldiers who were attacked in open
field. Since that time our people have not
rested nor tired; entire detachments of Spaniards
have surrendered to our troops, and from day to
day the people have been gaining their freedom.




AGUINALDO'S LAST SPEECH 297


"On I2th June, I898, Cavite, Bataan, Batangas, Morong, and Laguna declared themselves
independent from Spanish dominion, and the
opportune moment arrived for the events with
which you are already acquainted; we hoisted
for the first time, floating gayly and majestically
in the wind this tricolor flag, the ensign of liberty, the symbol of our freedom, device of our
faith ever constantly in the attainment of our
unique ideal. See, here you have it! waving its
clear folds which reflect in splendor the rays of
the sun of liberty; behold it! Contemplate it!
How beautiful, is it not? This symbolizes the
virtue of our men of knowledge, the bravery of
our soldiers and the peace of the home.
"Filipina! dear daughter of the ardent
sun of the tropics, committed by Providence
to the care of illustrious Spain, be thou not
ungrateful, acknowledge her, salute her, who
was your mother, who nursed thee with the
sap of her own culture and civilization;
thou hast sought independence, thou hast
emancipated thyself from her, but cherish in
heart the memory of more than three centuries
in which thou hast lived under her uses, her
language, her customs. It is true, she wished
to stifle your hopes of independence, ay! in
the same manner that a mother refuses, op



AGUIN ALDO


298


poses, resists forever, separation from the daughter of her womb. But the joyful hour came.
In the great book of the destiny of man the
Supreme Creator signalled the birth of a people,
and by divine mission thou hast achieved in His
strength the sacred and inalienable right to liberty and independence. The flag that has been
raised by a people worthy of the best privileges
and enjoyments of liberty, and which assures
our independence, we are obliged to defend at
all times, even unto death; let us give courage
and abnegation without limit, and even sacrifices that be necessary, and to-day, that we are
provoked and brought to fight, let us go forth
with our eyes fixed upon this ensign of the sun
and the three stars, which signify to us our
dearest ideals. Let us go forth to the fight
against America, a nation powerful in elements
of war and rich in resources; although we can
count only upon the valor and self-denial of our
soldiers and the patriotism of the Philippine
people; the contest is an unequal one, but no
matter. Justice and right are on our side; for
it is known the American people are opposed to
annexation. Who can doubt that after we have
demonstrated by positive actions our ability for
self-government, or rather 'a government of the
people by the people,' this same nation which




AGUINALDO'S LLAST SPEECH             299
to-day appears to manifest a strong greed in its
efforts to possess our territory by means of war,
this same nation will be the one to offer us the
olive branch, recognizing our independence.
"We have never hidden our hopes; we have
announced before all the nations, calling the
Almighty Creator and ruler of the Universe
to witness that we desire nothing more than
our independence, and in seeking'that we do
not waver one moment.  We could very well
accept the autonomy which America offers
us -but what could we do with it, if from
beginning to end we want independence, the
sum total of the aspirations of the people,
according to an unhidden inevitable law marked
out by the Supreme Creator? If we accept it,
in order that afterward to fall by force of
arms under the sway of American sovereignty-which we believe the autonomists
through perfidy and knavery are attempting
-we cannot accept it, we do not want to be
traitors, but to show ourselves frankly and
sincerely - nothing more. We persist in our
idea which is the one legitimate and noble
aspiration of a people who want at all costs
to preserve national honor cleansed of all
spot or blemish, pure as crystal, 'having a
high polish, without a streak, without a flaw,




A G UINA L D 0                       300
without a stain,' and there will not be a
single Filipino who would be an autonomist. Those who seem to be (as the people
say they are), are nothing more than conventionalists who fear to lose their riches, as the
war seemed to menace such loss.
"Filipinos!  Let us be constant! faithful!  Let us bind more strongly the cords
of unity, and end the conflict crying Viva la
Independencia! Viva la Union de los Filipinos! Viva el ejeicito Libertador! [Long
live Independence!  Long live the Union of
the Philippine people! Long live the Army
of Liberation!]"




XVI
T      IHE " paper " hostilities were carried on
during the rainy season and formed a
period of unwritten armistice in the
north. But to the south of Manila the Insurgents under Baldomero Aguinaldo made several attempts to break our lines. Across the
Maraquina River, opposite the Pumping Station the Insurgents were particularly active.
They planted a gun on a hill commanding the
mouth of the Pasig, where it takes its rise in
the Laguna de Bay, and harassed the movements of our lake and river launches.
General Lawton took command of the division of our army, facing the enemy's position
to the south, and organized an enveloping movement to trap the Insurgents in the vicinity of
Antipolo and Marong. General Hall was sent
out with a brigade of twenty-five hundred
men the 3d of June.  He crossed the Maraquina Valley, sending one detachment along
the base of the mountain and one over the
301




4G UINALDO


302


crest toward Antipolo. Colonel Truman moved
out of the Pasig and crossed the valley to
Taytay, driving the Insurgents over the hills.
The soft, rain-covered ground and the pelting
midsummer sun conspired to tax the strength
of our forces to the utmost. The field carts
sank to the hubs and the artillery was dragged
across the loamy soil and up the mountain
side, through the dense tropical jungle, under
the greatest difficulties. The Insurgents, commanded directly by Pio del Pilar, for a time
contested our advance, but, seeing the closing trap planned to hem them in, flew over
the hills and escaped to the mountain fastness
of San Mateo and Boscoboso. Hundreds of
our men were prostrated by the heat in those
two burning days, but the casualties were
only four killed and eighteen wounded. Hall's
brigade proceeded to Marong, on the lake;
but the natives fled, and our artillery boats
shelled empty houses and vacant streets.
Antipolo, Taytay, Canita, Teresa, Morong,
Binangonan, Angono, and a dozen nepa-hut
villages were captured or surrendered as our
troops advanced. The natives, burdened with
their belongings, fled to the mountains, only
to return under white flags the next day
and be restored to their homes and property.




LAWTON'S CAMPAIGN


303


Mud-bespattered, travel-stained, and sore-footed,
Hall's brigade dragged itself wearily back to
Manila on the 8th of June. A garrison was
established at Morong, but its occupation
proved useless and it was abandoned, and
our troops removed to Calamba, across the
lake.
Directly southeast of Manila, Baldomero
Aguinaldo's forces under General Trias gathered in large numbers. Several attempts were
made to treat with Trias, who was governor of
the province, but tension became strained after
the failure of the Aguinaldo peace emissaries,
and Lawton in command of Wheaton's and
Ovenshine's brigades planned a move southward. At Imus was an Insurgent arsenal and
powder factory, and so near to Manila was
Paranaque that the Filipinos had been able to
enter the city at night and smuggle arms and
supplies to the  Insurgent army.  General
Wheaton moved out of Guadalupe, and General
Ovenshine advanced from his position at Pasay.
The troops pressed forward through the bamboo and over the rough ground for three hours
before encountering the enemy. Ovenshine's
brigade met the first resistance while nearing
Paranaque. Wheaton's troops encountered a
strong force at Taguig. The whole country






AGUINALDO


304


proved to be a network of trenches, which were
cleverly placed along the crests of rolling ground
and on the opposite sides of streams. The
terrific heat of the June sun caused havoc
among our men, and over six hundred were
prostrated in the day's advance. Ovenshine's
brigade occupied the attention of the Insurgents
in Paranaque, and Wheaton swung around to
the left, hoping to cut off their retreat.
The natives quickly divined our plan and attempted to escape, but the American warships
lay along the bay and opened a fearful shelling
beyond Paranaque, checking their retreat along
the coast. Paranaque, Bacoor, and Zapote were
levelled to the ground, the great churches were
destroyed, and the shore huts wiped out of existence. The natives fell back to the Zapote
River. Lawton advanced across a marshy
country toward that stronghold, but sending a
detachment of the Twenty-first Infantry toward
Zapote found the Insurgents heavily intrenched
across the bridge along on the river banks.
Our men had only one hundred and fifty rounds
of ammunition. The Filipinos sent a terrific fire
across the river, and our ammunition was soon
exhausted. Major Starr rushed out to the beach,
while the Fourteenth and Nineteenth Infantry
were slowly coming up with a mountain gun, and




THE FIGHT AT ZAPOTE


305


"wigwagged" the Monadnock for assistance.
Lieutenants F. R. Payne and G. B. Bradshaw
were sent off in launches with about one hundred marines, and a Colt machine gun landed at
the mouth of the river and held the Insurgents
in check three hours until the reinforcements
arrived.  The Fourteenth, the Twenty-first,
and the four guns of the Sixth Artillery
approached along the dikes, down the bank,
and straight for the bridge. The enemy sent a
fearful fire into our ranks, and opened up with
their big smooth-bore gun, a relic of the Spanish army. Our men gradually advanced, while
Payne and Bradshaw sent a hot enfilading fire
down the Insurgents' trenches; and their gallant
action effectually prevented the slaughter of our
little body of the Twenty-first Infantry. For
two hours the Filipinos stuck to their positions,
holding out until our artillery was within thirtyfive yards of their trenches. They then destroyed
a span of the bridge, and made it impossible for
our troops to cross the river. Hotchkiss guns
were brought into play, and the Insurgents were
forced to abandon their positions. A number
of our men plunged into the river, and swimming across, jumped upon the trenches and
scattered a few remaining natives, who quickly
followed their fleeing comrades to the jungle,




A G UINA LD 0O


3o6


despite the fact that the previous day every one
of them had sworn upon a crucifix to die rather
than surrender Zapote to the Americans.
Eleven Americans were killed and forty
wounded in the Zapote fight. Over two hundred dead Insurgents were found in the trenches
and on the field; hundreds of wounded were
carried away.
After the battle nothing was seen or heard of
the Insurgents for four days, when the mayor
of Imus, Valentin Leano, rode into the American lines and offered to surrender the town.
His proposition was accepted by General
Lawton, but it was found that all he could
give over were the buildings and a brass band;
the population had fled. The mayor wished to
celebrate the entrance of the Americans into
Imus with music, but General Lawton thought
the musicians could do better service attached
to the baggage train.
General Wheaton cleared out the country as
far as San Francisco de Malabon, and southward to Des Marinas, at which place the Insurgents displayed very active guerilla tactics,
killing some of our skirmishers, but offering no
combined resistance.  At Imus several hundreds of pounds of powder were destroyed
and several thousands of rounds of ammu



COMMISSART GENEROST'2 307
nition, besides great quantities of empty cartridges.
After operations ceased in the Cavite province thousands of dejected, half-starving natives flocked back to their homes; and to relieve
their pitiable condition, Captain Coudert, of the
commissary department, was ordered to distribute twenty thousand rations to the inhabitants
of Las Piflas and Paranaque. The scramble
for the rice and canned roast beef was one
of the most amusing episodes of the war.
Upon hearing of General Lawton's generosity
the mayor of Imus drove into camp in his caromatta, and begged a supply for his town. His
gig was loaded down, and he disappeared. Natives came from all over the country to take
advantage of the opportunity, and it was a grim
travesty upon our generosity when, some days
later, many of the empty cans were found in
the Insurgents' trenches farther south. Our
army canned beef also was displayed and
offered for sale in the little tiendas the natives
set up in Paranaque and Imus. Our soldiers
enjoyed the joke of buying back from these
thrifty little Tagalog shopkeepers, beef that
our government had meted out gratuitously.
The mue pauvre Filipino turned out to be very
closely related to the mucho amigo type, taking




AGUINALDO


308


advantage of our philanthropy. The people
returned to their towns, and newly built nepahuts soon gave the battlefield a look of life and
habitation. The Paranaque campaign opened
up a large territory in the immediate vicinity of
Manila.
The American commission was very anxious
to make experiments in local administration,
and the foreign residents of Manila, as well as
the friendly Filipinos and American business
men, were clamoring to have civil government
established. So General Lawton and Professor
Worcester, accompanied by Major Edwards
and Lieutenant King and several Filipinos who
had surrendered in the Paranaque campaign,
made a trip to the towns in the vicinity of
Manila, notifying the natives of the intention,
on'the part of the United States government,
of establishing a local government, made up of
their own people. General Lawton and Professor Worcester explained to the Filipinos that
the taxes assessed would be placed in the hands
of their own officials and used to pay schoolteachers, build roads, and keep up the government they established. Though the Americans
were received with suspicion, the natives gave
way to the offers of our officials and appeared
to concur heartily in the scheme. An election






NA TIVE GOVERNMENTS 369
followed, and Filipinos were elected mayors of
Paranaque, Las Pifias, Bacoor, and Imus. The
Filipinos seemed much pleased with the arrangement, and greeted the American officials with
bands of music, and held celebrations and festivities in their honor. Other local administrations were established at San Pedro Macati,
Malabon, and towns within our lines.
For a time the native governments seemed to
be successful; but Aguinaldo's emissaries soon
stirred up discord, and several of the mayors
were found to be plotting with the Insurgents
and turning over taxes and supplies to the Filipino army. They were put under arrest, and
military authority restored.
The time was hardly ripe to place the power
of civil administration into the hands of those
so lately in arms against us. The natives were
so disturbed and excited by warfare in other
parts of the Islands, and so thoroughly misled
by reports of Insurgent victories, that they
proved very difficult to restrain, and numerous
plots and devices were unearthed revealing
their conspiracies with the Insurgents.  In
some cases, however, the local governments
were successful, and still exist. General Lawton
believed that in the end this method would conquer the natives; and by garrisoning the towns


I
ii




AGUINA4LDO


310o


and preventing outside influence and interference, the people would come to understand that
the system we offered them was practically a
self-governing one.
In Manila an attempt was made to place the
judicial affairs in the hands of the Filipinos.
The leading natives formed an organization and
published a paper which advocated the acceptance of American supremacy. Its editor was
Dr. Pardo de Tavera, formerly "Director of
Diplomacy " in Aguinaldo's cabinet at Malolos.
Tavera was outspoken in his allegiance to the
United States, and as a result his life was
threatened, and he was denounced by the Insurgent organ as a traitor. He and his associates,
the Rosarios, Arellano, Torres, and others, held
frequent consultations with the Philippine commission, and drafted a form of government which
they thought would be suitable to the Filipinos.
On June 3 the supreme courts were established, with Cayetano Arellano president. Manuel Araullo was appointed president of the civil
branch. Associated with him were Gregario
Araneta and Lieutenant Colonel Crowder. Raymundo Melliza was appointed president of the
criminal court, associated with Ambrosio Rianzares, Julio Llorente, Major R. W. Young, and
Captain W. E. Birkheimer. The city attorneys




THE NEW JUDGES


311


were Florentino Torres and Dionsio Chanco.
The Spanish code of procedure and existing
laws were recognized. A month later an order
was issued permitting any properly licensed
lawyer taking the oath of allegiance to the
United States " without mental reservation," to
practise in the courts. An Insurgent pamphlet
issued at Tarlac descanted rather sarcastically
upon the newly appointed judges: -
"Touching the reorganization of the court of
Manila," says the pamphlet, "your newspapers,
commenting upon these office-holders, attribute
to them the profoundest wisdom, well-known
honesty, indefatigable zeal, discretion, skill, etc.,
all of so superlative a grade as to lead one to
infer that you were capable to govern not only
the Philippines, Sumatra, Borneo, New Guinea,
Australia, and Corea, together with Japan and
the Dominions of the Celestial Empire, but the
entire terrestrial globe in all its geographical
and hydrographical dimensions. What do you
think of such contradiction? Does it not mean
that all logic has flown from you at the first
shot from the American squadron? Or that
the Philippine people must look upon nothing
but your capability, for you are no longer Filipinos but Americans at heart? In the first
case the people must look upon you with com





A G UINA LD O


3I2


passion, in the second as enemies, and in neither
case ought they to pay any heed to you at all;
for he who tramples upon logic, and is an
enemy of the country, is not worthy of notice,
much less he who subjects his country under
the yoke of foreign domination."
On June 5 all the civil and criminal courts
were reestablished throughout Manila, with
judges and district-attorneys drawn almost exclusively from the native lawyers, formerly connected with the Spanish administration, and
latterly with the revolutionary government. In
a legal sense, therefore, all matters pertaining
to the public peace and private property were
in the hands of a civil administration composed
almost entirely of Filipinos. The newspapers
and Americans at Manila pleaded for the establishment of American law, and openly denounced
the Spanish law, maintaining that it gave little
protection to those outside of official circles.
Its existence was also, said the opponents of its
reestablishment, one of the chief reasons that
continually incited the natives.
The revolutionists were furious over the
action of the Manila Filipinos, and brought
every power and influence they possessed to
harass and intimidate them. A " Green Book "
was issued, directed at the Filipino "traitors"






THE "GREEN BOOK"


3I3


and the " servile and false democrats " who are
aiming to bring the Philippine people under the
government of a foreign nation. " If we want
to continue to live in Manila," says the " Green
Book," "in addition to all that has been demanded we must take, without mental reservation, an oath to give up our native land for the
benefit of the Imperialists."
The document accused the Filipino judges of
eagerness to gain prestige and live a life of
ease at the expense of the bondage of the
people and their inalienable rights. The argument presented was that the Manila Filipinos
proclaimed by their actions that they are not
capable of self-government, and yet General
Otis calls first upon them to obtain the establishment of government. " Between the supporters
of the revolution and the contestants the ratio is
99,999 to i," says the "Green Book." "Who,
then, are the people? We, or you? Previous
to war your voices filled the legislative courts
of the Philippines. Then you were ministers,
directors, plenipotentiaries, senators, counsellors,
and you entered upon your offices upon oath
to recognize and defend the independence of
the country. If you felt yourself then capable
to govern the country, why not now? If you
swore to the office, knowing you were incapa



AG UINALD O


314


ble, you deceived Aguinaldo and the Philippine
people; and if you deceived them, what right
have you now to demand from them that which
they have created?"
The " Green Book " was a terrific arraignment
of the Filipinos who accepted judicial and civil
positions at the hands of General Otis. Every
invective known to language was hurled at the
ex-revolutionists. The book was suppressed in
Manila, but all who cared to see it had no
trouble in getting a copy. Its influence was
small, though it aroused to anger the men it
denounced, and widened the chasm between the
Insurgents and the Manila Filipinos.  As a
specimen of Tagalog literature Aguinaldo's
"Green Book" was a masterpiece, cunningly
written, eloquently expressed, vituperative, and
abounding in that peculiar anatomical and religious fervor characteristic of Tagalog literature.
While these events were taking place in
Manila and the South, the Filipino leaders of
the North were engaged in deadly rivalry.
The friction between the war and peace
elements came to a climax which resulted in
what appeared like a cold-blooded plot on the
part of Aguinaldo to rid himself of Luna. Luna
was ordered to present himself at Cabanatuan,
to confer with the president of the repub



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do




ASSASSINATION OF LUNA                315
lic. On the 5th of June he, in company with
Buencamino, arrived at the Insurgent capital.
Luna presented himself immediately at the
" presidency," but was informed by Aguinaldo's
aide that the president had gone to review his
troops. Luna suspected a ruse, and demanded
admittance.  Being again refused, a fierce
struggle ensued in which Luna was run through
with a bayonet by the guard who, after he fell,
pulled out his revolver and shot Luna twice as
he lay prostrate on the floor of the presidency.
Colonel Roman, Luna's aide and friend, drew
his sword upon the assassin, but was shot dead,
his body falling across that of his chief. Panic
ensued, and the assassin and guards ran for their
lives. Aguinaldo appeared upon the scene and
expressed deep sorrow. The next day a mass
was held, and with great pomp and show of sorrow Luna and Roman were buried side by side.
Aguinaldo did not attend the funeral, but sent
a message of condolence to Luna's mother,
placing himself immediately at the head of
Luna's division. It was the tragic end of two
of the most brilliant Filipinos in the revolutionary ranks.
Directly after the assassination of Luna,
Aguinaldo, to show his valor and regain the
confidence of Luna's troops, planned.nd exe

I




A GUI NAL DO


316


cuted an attack upon San Fernando, nearly surrounding  MacArthur's headquarters.  Just
before daybreak on the i6th of June, the Insurgent rockets were sent heavenward in all
directions, and the roar of cannon and the
clatter of musketry began at the outposts. The
Iowans, Seventeenth Infantry, Kansans, and
Montanans made a rush for the enemy, for bullets began to sing down the streets. Aguinaldo
had planned the attack well, torn up the railway
and cut the telegraph wires; but before the
furious onslaught of our troops, the Insurgents
fled like wild geese, and by breakfast-time there
was not a Filipino soldier within gun-shot. After
the battle our troops buried nearly one hundred
dead Insurgents; not an American was killed.
It is therefore interesting to read the report of
the attack as sent out by the revolutionary officials, as follows:"The Minister for the Interior has telegraphed
to the provincial chiefs, as presidents, and the
governors of the various towns: 'Yesterday
San Fernando and Kingua were recovered by
our troops under the command of the captain
general.' Upon this feat La Independcncia
remarks: -
"'Our telegraphic service finally gave us the
account. As will be seen from same, the troops


i






M A CABEBE ALLIES 


317


achieving such wonderful glory (which events
will without doubt have great moral effect upon
our enemy) were led by the honorable president
of our republic, the gallant hero of Cavite,
birthplace and cradle of Philippine liberty. If
as a public man, Emilio Aguinaldo is worthy of
the love and respect of our people, he is no less
worthy of such, as a self-sacrificing patriot and
military leader. His ardor of yesterday is still
alive, his glory and praises are not yet at an end,
he continues to reproduce them with the same
splendor as of old. All praise to such a brave
leader! ' "1
The Macabebes were a source of constant
irritation to the Insurgents. They persistently
refused to join the revolutionists, and resisted
the Tagalogs, who repeatedly attempted to
intimidate and dislodge them from their strongholds. Over a hundred of these valiant little fellows trooped into San Fernando and begged that
the Americans send over a garrison and occupy
the town.  Major Bell was despatched with a
scouting party, and upon arriving at the village
was given an enthusiastic welcome. The church
bells were rung, and the population turned out
1 When Aguinaldo was captured, some two years later, he
said, in an interview, that he had never taken part in or personally directed an engagement.




AG UIN ALDO


318


to receive the American troops. Five Tagalog
prisoners, held in durance vile, were turned over
to Major Bell. The ordnance of the Macabebes consisted of one Mauser rifle, twenty
Remingtons, a number of revolvers augmented
by an organized force of two thousand bolo
and spear men. They begged for an American
flag, offering hostages to prove their loyalty.
From this body of fighting material were organized several companies of scouts, who proved
their ability and fealty by very effective cooperation with our troops upon numerous occasions
in the northern campaign. These men were
practically of the same blood and same training
as the Tagalogs, but showed that they were
able to think and act for themselves.
Jolo, the capital of the Sulu Archipelago, had
been occupied on May 19 by a detachment of
the Twenty-third Infantry under Captain Pratt
and Lieutenant Hagadorn, the Spanish garrison
leaving upon the arrival of our'troops. In July
Brigadier General J. C. Bates was sent to Jolo
to arrange a treaty with the Sultan, presenting
him with $Io,ooo silver, and offering him and
his datos (lords) salaried positions under the
American government. Late in August General Bates successfully accomplished his mission,
drawing up a treaty with the Sultan of Sulu,






THE SULU ARCHIPELAGO 319


Dato Rajah Muda, Dato Attik, Dato Kalki, and
Dato Joakanain, recognizing the sovereignty of
the United States over the Sulu Archipelago.
The treaty respected the rights and dignities of
the Sultan, and his datos and the religion and
customs of the Moros. Free trade with the
islands of the Archipelago was agreed upon;
all crimes committed by natives were to be
punished by the Sultan; the offences of Americans to be under American jurisdiction; slavery
was permitted, but slaves were given the right
to purchase their freedom at the "usual market
value," 1 and the United States agreed not to
sell the Archipelago without the consent of the
Sultan, who was guaranteed $250 per month
salary, the datos to receive from $15 to $75 per
month, Mexican money.
But in the outlying districts of Negros, in
Cebu and in Panay the bandits, insurrectos and
Tagalogs united and continued to resist our
military occupation.
On the 3ISt day of August Aguinaldo and
Paterno issued decrees ordering the release of
all American prisoners, and commuting the sentences, by one-third, of Filipino "culprits." The
1 Just two years after the treaty with the Sultan of Sulu, this
oriental potentate, enlightened by American influences, abolished
slavery.




AGUINALDO 


320


decree was issued, said Paterno, in celebration
of the third anniversary of the uprising of San
Francisco de Malabon, Santa Rosa, Caloocan,
Cavite, Novaleta, and Balintawa, "the first cry
of liberty of the triumphant revolution against
Spain." A month later fourteen Americans
were turned over to General MacArthur's command at Angeles. General Wheeler went on
to meet them, and was the first American to
welcome them back. The prisoners said that
they had been well treated, been fed on chicken,
beef, pork, fish, bread, vegetables, and all the
fruit they could eat, and had been given twenty
cents a day for tobacco. " They treated us like
kings," was the remark of one of the men.
The testimony of the released soldiers, both
at that time and subsequently, until our troops
drove the Filipino army pell-mell into the mountains, was creditable to Aguinaldo's command.
It is true, however, that some imprisoned
Americans suffered considerable hardship, as
in the case of Albert Sonnichsen, who was for
ten months a captive. His own narrative of
that thrilling experience testifies that it was
due to the brutality of individuals rather than
through the orders of Aguinaldo that he was
forced to endure privation. He was cared for
when sick and permitted much liberty, and in




INSURGENT COMMISSION


321


many cases shown exceeding kindness. His
story reveals many creditable characteristics of
the Filipinos, and considering the fact that he
was a prisoner of war, having entered the lines
under an assumed nationality, and arrested as
a spy, his captivity was made comparatively
endurable.
Aguinaldo made another attempt, on October i, to secure "peace with honor" and independence. General Alejandrino, Colonel Salina,
and Major Ortiz of the Insurgent army, went
to Manila under flag of truce, and renewed the
request for a joint official commission to meet
and treat upon the questions at issue. General
Otis refused to consider such a proposition.
After visiting around town and being cheered
roundly by the natives, the emissaries returned
to their camp. The visit of the Filipino officials
aroused the natives in Manila, and a feeble
attempt at an uprising occurred; but it was
snuffed out by the police before it assumed
dangerous proportions.
President Schurman, of the Philippine commission, on the Bennington, visited the southern
Islands. The work of the commission was very
valuable. They met and talked with hundreds
of Filipinos of all classes, listened to their points
of view, entertained them, and studied their




AGUINALDO


322


needs and peculiarities. That they were not
more effective in pacifying the Insurgent element is due to the complications of the situation.
The natives were bent on independence, and
influences more potent than any that could be
brought to bear upon them by the commission
were encouraging them in the hope of attaining
the goal. General Otis did not sympathize with
the commission, and frequently remarked that
"they had no status."  Their powers were
advisory and limited, which perhaps is the
reason why their efforts at conciliation were
not effective with the natives, who soon learned
that General Otis, and not the commissioners,
was the power that could treat officially with
them. The work of the commission, therefore,
as an intermediary board was of little effect
outside of Manila.  Their investigations and
studies of Filipino character and affairs contributed a valuable chapter to Philippine history,
and paved the way for legislative action and
public enlightenment.
One who has not lived in the Philippines can
hardly appreciate the ferocity of the rains in
May, June, July, and August, and even September. An ordinary shower, such as occurs
daily in Luzon, in the wet season, would be
called a "cloud-burst" in America. In Manila




THE RAINY SEASON


323


the streets become canals, and though the
native, who wears a limited amount of clothes,
does not mind it, the American finds the soaking atmosphere and flooded ground a serious
matter. The railroad undergoes an annual inundation, and in some instances its entire bed is
washed out for miles; telegraph poles disappear, and small bridges succumb to the floods,
while the Pasig, which sweeps down from
Laguna de Bay, at an average speed of four
miles an hour, becomes unnavigable, and the
rice paddies and low river country become a
vast lake.  Sixteen inches of rainfall is the
record of forty-eight hours, according to a memoranda of one year I have in my note-book.
The average rainfall during the rainy season
for the last dozen years is seventy inches. This
is a record to inspire the wholesome respect of the
foreigner, though the native of the Philippines
does not seem to be disturbed greatly over it.
The Insurgents counted upon the rainy season
as an effective ally; but while it did call a
decided halt in our operations, the American
soldier did not take to high ground or relax in
his duty. He met the harassing tactics of the
Filipino, and showed that he was able to keep
his gun from rusting and his powder dry, as
long as he preserved his health.




AGUINALDO


324


General Otis, in October, had at his command
905 officers and 30,578 regulars; 594 officers
and I5,388 volunteers with additional troops
en route from America, which would bring his
command up to 2,05I officers and 63,483 men.
With this force in the Islands there was no
further excuse to delay a general campaign.
The period of rains and typhoons was largely
over, and the summer heat gave way to the
cooling breezes of the fall season. Although
the temperature averages 80~, the heat of the
dry season does not rack the body and engender
malaria, dysentery, and typhoid, prevalent in
the rainy weather.
The Insurgents kept our lines busy both to
the north and south. At San Rafael and Porac
they attacked our troops. Near Angeles they
derailed a train, killed and wounded several of
our men, and attempted to prevent our work in
rebuilding the railroad.
Near Imus and Bacoor they attacked General
Grant's lines, and it required a strong force of
seventeen hundred men under General Schwan
to fight over again the territory to San Francisco de Malabon and Des Marinas in the Cavite
province. The Insurgents returned to their old
position at Zapote bridge, and reoccupied their
trenches. The fighting was almost continuous




LAST PROCLAMATION


325


for two weeks. Zapote had to be fought over
again. The programme was much the same as
that pursued by General Lawton in June. At
Angeles, the Insurgents vigorously attacked our
outposts, indifferent to the fact that we had over
four thousand men there. At Maycauyan they
pursued the same tactics, cutting the telegraph
wires and tearing up the track.
The minor attacks brought our commanders
to a realization of the useless loss of life and
time, and hurried the preparations for a vigorous campaign to sweep the entire north of
Luzon and crush the Insurgent government
and annihilate its army. Aguinaldo's attitude
was as uncompromising as ever; and to apprise
us of his intentions and arouse hope in the heart
of the Filipino, he issued what I think is the last
proclamation that the fugitive Insurgent printing
office delivered to the public. In this document
he said: -
" In America there is a great party that insists
on the United States government recognizing
Filipino independence. They will compel their
country to fulfil the promises made to us in all
solemnity and faith, although not put in writing.
For this reason we must show our gratitude and
maintain our position more resolutely than ever.
We therefore pray to God on high that the great




A G UINALDO                          326
Democratic party of the United States will win
the next fall election, and that Imperialism will
fail in its mad attempts to subjugate us by forced
arms. There are, moreover, some Americans
here in the Philippines who have joined our side
because they disapprove of the war which Mr.
Atkinson calls 'criminal aggression,' and these
Americans, when offered the chance to return
to their camp, have declined. We do not want
war against the United States. We only defend
our independence against the Imperialists. The
sons of that mighty nation are our friends and
brothers."




XVII
W       E had proven to our own satisfaction
that it was impossible to entrap the
Insurgents.  A plan was therefore
formulated-a great encompassing movement
which would occupy every port and every valley in the north of Luzon and stretch a cordon
of soldiers across the great central plains, to
prevent escape southward.
In October, I899, the Americans controlled
the situation in the provinces of Manila, Cavite,
Morong, Bulacan, Pampanga, and Bataan, - not
a very large portion of the map, but the most
populous and wealthy section of Luzon. To the
north lay the great central plain, the wild, mountainous district and the rich tobacco valleys of
the Cagayan. The Manila and Dagupan Railroad penetrated the fertile valley of the Rio de
la Pampanga to the important Gulf of Lingayen,
and its occupation was of the utmost strategic
importance. General MacArthur's division was
chosen for this task. Directly in front of him
327




AG UINA LDO


328 -

for seventy miles were populous cities and
towns, and at Tarlac was the seat of the revolutionary government.
To the east of the railroad line is the great
Candaba swamp, and along the foothills of the
southern Caraballos, beyond the swamp, stretches
a fork of the Rio Grande, fed by innumerable
streams plunging down from the mountains into
a wide grazing country. The old Spanish government road and telegraph line snakes along
through Nueva Ecija province, and crawling
over the Caraballo passes into the Cagayan
Valley and on to Aparri, the northernmost
part of Luzon.  This was the trail General
Lawton was directed to follow.
On the Gulf of Lingayen, one hundred and
twenty-three miles from Manila, is the town of
Dagupan, the terminal of the railway and the
chief Insurgent port of the Island. Taking a
swing southward and then shooting around and
up, parallel with the coast ten miles offshore,
is the river Agno, taking its rise in the mountains to the north on the west coast, beyond
which extends a broken plain, cut up with rivers and streams to Vigan and Loag and Cape
Bojeador at the extreme north. From Dagupan, traversing the coast country, is the state
road and telegraph line. To land at Dagupan,




LAWTON'S CAMPAIGN


329


sweep this country, and occupy the ports on the
west coast was the mission reserved for General
Wheaton. It was a grand strategic movement,
encompassing a vast territory, characterized by
a topography as wild as the Rockies and inhabited by millions of natives ranging from the
cultivated Tagalog to the naked Igorote.
The American officers and soldiers were
anxious for the work, and the great nation
across the Pacific listened at the ticker with
bated breath and expectant ear. No man knew
the force of the Insurgent army. Estimates
ranging from fifty thousand to two hundred
thousand were current. Months had elapsed
from June 12, 1898, when the revolutionary
congress met at Malolos and proclaimed independence or death. A dozen ports in Luzon
had been made depositories for arms and ammunition, for among all the rumors that reached
our ears none had come that indicated a lack of
funds among the Filipinos.  Smugglers and
filibusters, Juntas and sympathizers had bobbed
between Singapore and Yokohama like shuttles
in a machine, buying and shipping arms and
ammunition on all available routes; and if ever
a people had an opportunity to equip themselves
and show their mettle, the Filipinos had the
chance. The entire population was under the




AG UINNALD O


330


domination of the Insurgent army. The wealth
of the rich natives, the hidden treasure of the
monastic orders, revenues from the sale of
natural products, and the individual fortunes
of Filipinos at home and abroad, all contributed
to their coffers. Never in the world's history
was a native force of armed soldiery in better
condition to resist an invading army.  The
majority of their officers had seen service under
Spanish generals, and had fought in the revolutions of I897-1898. They were in possession of
a large share of the territory and, accustomed
to a rice, fruit and fish diet, they were abundantly provided for. They were fighting, on
their own soil, a war for independence. The
Americans, therefore, prepared for strong, systematic and skilful opposition. Guessing at
the strength of the Insurgent army ceased to
be popular. So our fall campaign was planned
on a gigantic scale. Again and again Aguinaldo had eluded us and slipped from our welllaid trap. We did not propose to be again
fooled. Our campaign embraced closing in on
every port to the east, west and north of Luzon,
and shutting off of all possibility of escape southward. Troops of cavalry and companies of
Macabebe scouts were sent out to scare the
game from its covey, while the onward rush of




THE ADVtANCE BEGINS


331...... _ _       I.. I  II   _..... 1. Il.._
the artillery and the "hike" of thousands of
feet closed up the avenues of escape.
General Young with a provisional brigade
advanced upon Arayat on the I2th of October.
The fight was short and decisive, as the three
hundred Insurgents quickly retreated under the
hot fire of Captain Bachelor's battalion of the
Twenty-fourth Infantry.  The Filipinos attempted to use their cannon, but one burst
from an overload, and the other fell into our
hands. The Insurgents hastily retreated toward
Magalang. Farther up the Rio Grande another
batch of Insurgents were driven from their
trenches, and made haste northward into Nueva
Ecija.
Lawton and Young's flying brigade, which
stretched from the shadows of Mt. Arayat,
across the plain of Pampanga, and down the
Rio Grande, joined MacArthur's at San Fernando, and completed the line across the valley
to the hills of Mabanga. Just off the cloudcapped coast of Luzon, Wheaton's brigade
sailed northward for Dagupan.
The movement of the troops in the vicinity
of Arayat made the Insurgents very uneasy.
They began active demonstrations all along the
lines, making a display of desultory shooting in
order to fall back to better vantage points, or




G UINA L DO


332


keep us inactive until providence, politics or
"Old Probability" should intercede in their
behalf.
At daylight, on the I6th of October, they
massed in the vicinity of Angeles, which General MacArthur held, and commenced a heavy
cannonading from  their Krupp guns.  The
shells poured into the town and struck with
considerable effect, killing and wounding several
of our men. Lawton commenced his formidable
march through the marshes and jungles of the
Nueva Ecija province. True to his reputation
as "El General de la Noches," he began the
advance at midnight. Lawton's object was to
hasten across the eastern part of Nueva Ecija
province, and swing around the base of the
Baler Mountain, and cut off the retreat of the
Insurgent army over the Caraballo passes,
while MacArthur, Wheeler, and Bell drove
them from their valley strongholds, and forced
them back into Lawton's clutches or cut them
off by Wheaton's battalion. General Young,
of Lawton's column, advanced on San Isidro on
the I9th of October, and dislodged Pio del Pilar
and his forces. A supply station was established
at San Isidro, accessible from Manila or Calumpit by water.
Under sealed orders, on the 6th of November,




AGUINALDO AT' TARLAC 333


General Wheaton's brigade proceeded on the
Sheridan and Francisco Reyes to the Gulf of
Lingayen. Three gunboats accompanied the
expedition. Great precaution was exercised to
deceive the natives, and every package aboard
the transports was marked as if destined to a
southern port.
Aguinaldo was supposed to be at Tarlac,
where he was last heard of attending the
graduation exercises of the " Tarlac University."
Eight scholars are said to have taken degrees
conferred under the patronage of Aguinaldo,
"who was present, attired in his full-dress uniform as a captain general."
In his presidential palace at Tarlac, before
decamping, Aguinaldo and his Congress held
a public meeting. Dated October 28, I899, La
Independencia published an announcement of
the event as follows: -
"GRAND MEETING. There will be held the
day after to-morrow in Tarlac, and in the presidential palace, a grand meeting, at which will
be rendered thanks to celebrated citizens of the
United States who have given their support to
the Honorable President Aguinaldo.
"Invitations to the meeting have been circulated in all the provinces, in order that represent



AGUINALDO


334


ative dignitaries may be present in sufficient
number to give to the occasion the importance
which it deserves.  Too much patriotic enthusiasm cannot be aroused to make this meeting
the success it should be."
In the same paper, which is the last gasp of
the Insurgent organ, the editors announced that
in the preceding thirty days the Yankees had
lost 4893, — 804 killed in battle, I20 from
disease, and 2969 from wounds. The greatest
losses for a single day being given as o05 killed,
201 wounded, and 6 dead in the hospital.
Wheaton's expedition anchored off San Fabian, near Dagupan, on November 7, and at its
approach the Insurgents sent a hail of Mausers
from their trenches on the beach.  The Samar and Callao shelled the enemy's positions, and several companies of the Thirteenth
made a dash from the landing launches and
cascoes, and in an hour the Insurgents broke
ranks, and.were chased by Captain Howland
and twenty men across the lagoons, and back
into the jungle. The unarmed natives of San
Fabian literally fell at General Wheaton's feet in
apparent ecstasies of delight over the arrival of
the Americans. Major Buck with a battalion
of the Thirteenth, reconnoitred the vicinity of




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MAJOR LOGAN KILLED 335


San Fabian on the 8th, but it was not until the
9th that our forces met the enemy.  Major
March on the 23d met a strong resistance while
moving toward Dagupan, but routed the enemy
without loss on our side. On the Ioth Major
John A. Logan, leading an advance against San
Jacinto, where was a strong force under General
Tino, was killed. Logan was at the head of his
column, but while stopping a moment to succor a
wounded man, fell pierced by a Filipino bullet.
The Insurgents routed by Logan were the rear
guard of Aguinaldo's army, who, according to
Buencamino, his secretary of state, captured on
the 2ISt, were making in hot haste for the north,
two thousand strong. A letter from General
Tino, subsequently intercepted, stated that his
loss was two hundred killed and wounded, and
that he had had enough, and was going to make
for the hills. Six enlisted men were killed, and
Captain Green and eleven of his command were
wounded.  Eighty-one Insurgents were found
dead in the trenches, and the balance retreated
under the furious fire of the Thirty-third.
Our troops were hot on Aguinaldo's trail.
Spanish prisoners were escaping by the hundreds.  The Insurgent printing office, and
$75,oo0 in silver were captured, also twelve thousand rounds of ammunition, large quantities of




AGUINA LDO


336


supplies, and thousands of uniforms, discarded
by Filipinos that they might turn amigo upon
our approach.
Wheaton's force pressed on through the mud
and marshes, despite typhoons and rains, and
crossed the Agno Valley toward the Caraballo
Mountains, meeting considerable resistance at
Pozzorubio.
Lawton's division, regardless of the terrible
conditions of the old Spanish mail road, the
dismantled and destroyed bridges and the
marshy lowlands, pushed on with wonderful
rapidity.
MacArthur in the meantime moved along the
line of the railway, taking Bamban, where were
a considerable number of Insurgents who had
employed their time in destroying railroad property.  Colonel Bell, with seven men of the
Thirty-sixth, and Captain Hawkins, with ten
men of the Fourth Cavalry, made a daring
reconnoitre, and succeeded in getting to the
rear of over a hundred Insurgents in a trench.
Bell and his eighteen men charged upon the
surprised natives and killed their captain and
eighteen men. Each American brought down
his man. The survivors ran for their lives,
though six of them were made prisoners.
But where was Aguinaldo?   Deerington's




ESCAPE OF AGUINALDO 337


scouting party had joined Young's Cavalry at
San Josd on the I Ith, having scoured the intervening country. The next day a squadron of the
Fourth Cavalry left San Jos6 and penetrated
the passes of the Caraballos near Carranglan,
the old Spanish telegraph station and the last
town of any importance south of the Caraballo
Mountains. Aguinaldo's main force, with General Tino and Gregorio del Pilar, made a rapid
flight through the gap between Wheaton's lines
and Young's advance, pushing up the coast
toward Cervantes, while a regiment of Insurgents scaled the Caraballo passes and intrenched
themselves at Bayombong.
Owing to heavy roads and constant rains our
movements were much impeded, and the wily
chief slipped out of our neatly set trap.
General MacArthur's division continued its
advance without much opposition. Tarlac and
the towns along the railroad to Dagupan were
occupied without great resistance. The rumored
thousands of Insurgents had disappeared, and
the bland natives welcomed our arrival with
brass bands and much bowing and affected
or real humility.
Colonel Bell, on November 25, with the
Thirty-sixth and one company of the Thirtythird, surprised and routed Generals Alejan

j
i;!1,
I
iI
t
11
iI
i
El
f[I
I'
jy




AGUINALDO


338


drino and San Miguel, who were fleeing to
the mountains west of Mangataren. Bell succeeded in getting a number of their rifles, one
three-inch Krupp gun, one Maxim, and one
Hotchkiss.
General Young hastened across the Benquet
province to San Fernando on the coast north of
Dagupan, and on the 23d proceeded to Namacpan, receiving supplies from the Samar, and
continuing a rapid chase after Aguinaldo.
On the 24th of November two hundred marines under Lieutenant Commander McCrackin
landed from the Oregon and took Vigan without resistance. A few days later Major March
arrived up the coast with the Twenty-third
Infantry and garrisoned the town.
Detachments of Lawton's column continued
over the mountains to Bayombong, and on
November 28 Lieutenant Munro, in command of
fifty troopers of the Fourth Cavalry, captured
Bayombong, the mountain retreat which was
supposed to be Aguinaldo's objective point.
General Canon of the Insurgent army surrendered without a fight to Lieutenant Munro.
Tino's force scampered over the mountains
toward the Cagayan Valley. On the 4th of
December Lieutenant Colonel Parker's garrison at Vigan, consisting of a company of the




RESCUE OF GILLMORE


339


Thirty-third Regiment, and one hundred and
fifty sick men were attacked by eight hundred
Insurgents. The natives rushed into the town
and fought in the streets, but were driven back
after an almost hand-to-hand encounter, eight
Americans being killed and three wounded.
General Young pursued Aguinaldo, who was
rumored to be at Cervantes fleeing toward
Bontoc, a populous mountain town at the headwaters of the Cagayan River. The natives received Young with bands of music, and welcomed
the Americans, protesting that the Insurgent
rule had been hateful and oppressive. After
sweeping through the Abra Valley, Young
arrived at Vigan.
Hare and Howze's columns, returning from a
forced march north of Vigan and at the headwaters of the Abalut River, on December I8
rescued Lieutenant Gillmore and his party,
where they were found abandoned by the Insurgents. Lieutenant Gillmore said of his rescue:
"The Filipinos abandoned us on the night of
December I6. We had reached the Abalut
River near its source that morning, and the Filipinos rafted us over. We then went down the
stream along a rough trail, guarded by a company of Filipinos. That night we were separated from this guard, and another company,




A G UI NA L D O


340


armed with Mausers, was put in charge of us.
I suspected something, and questioned the lieutenant in command.
" He said: 'I have orders from General Tino
to shoot you all; but my conscience forbids. I
shall leave you here.'
"I begged him for two rifles to protect us from
savages, adding that I would give him letters
to the Americans, who would pay him well and
keep him from all harm. He refused this, however, saying that he would not dare to comply.
Soon afterward he left with his company.
"We had seen some savages in war paint
around us, and we prepared to fight them with
cobblestones, the only weapons that were available to us. The next morning we followed the
trail of the Filipino soldiers, feeling that it was
better to stick to them than be murdered by
savages; but we could not catch up with them.
Then I ordered the men to build rafts, in the
hope of floating down the river. It was a forlorn hope, but I knew the river must empty into
the sea somewhere. I was so weak myself that
I did not expect to get out, but thought some of
the men could.
"On the morning of December 18, while we
were working on the rafts, the Americans came
toward us yelling. One of the men shouted,




PURSUIT ABAND ONED


34I


'They are on us!' He was lashing a raft of
bamboos. I, however, knew it was not the
yell of savages, but the yell of Americans. The
rescuing troops thought we had Filipino guards,
and called to us in English to lie down so that
they could shoot the Filipinos. That was the
finest body of officers and men I ever saw.
"While we were in the hands of General
Tino's men he issued an order that any person
aiding an American by food or money should
be treated as a criminal. One citizen of Vigan,
Sefior Vera, was probably killed for befriending
us.
"We would have starved but for the kindness
of some of the presidents of the towns and some
of the Filipino colonels, but others treated us
brutally. Whenever there was a prison we were
kept there. When there was no prison they
would lodge us in a convent. We suffered
greatly from want of exercise as well as lack
of food."
March's battalion abandoned the pursuit of
Aguinaldo on the 15th of December, his command having been depleted twenty per cent.
by the climate and lack of food. Aguinaldo
escaped, flying over the mountain trails from
Baguet. General Concepcion surrendered to
Major March, and six hundred Spanish prisoners




AG UI NALDO


342


were released. In March's perilous undertaking
he encountered in the Caraballo Mountains at
Tila Pass, the Filipino Thermopylae, the forces
of General Gregorio del Pilar, who had built formidable forts on the rocky ledges. After several
daring charges up the zigzag trail, the Americans
routed the Insurgents and killed the audacious little General Gregorio del Pilar, who, though a mere
boy, was one of Aguinaldo's most trusted brigadiers. Aguinaldo's wife and child were found
in the pass, abandoned by the flying Insurgents.
Young proceeded north to Loag, which was
occupied by the navy; Batchelor's command
pushed on from Bayombong, through the Cagayan Valley, and was relieved by the Newark at
Aparri, that place, including the province of
Cagayan, having surrendered to Captain McCalla,
United States Navy, on the i Ith of December.
The Filipino Junta at Hong Kong published
a declaration stating that the Insurgent government of the Philippines had been changed to a
dictatorship, to continue hostilities against the
Americans exclusively by the methods of guerilla warfare, and that the Filipino army was split
up into small bands, the troops taking an oath
before separation that they would fight until
their country's rights were recognized.
These guerilla bands attacked our railway




DEA TH OF LAW.,TON


343


guards, harassed our outposts, and gathered in
strong force under General Pio del Pilar at San
Mateo, the old Insurgent stronghold eight miles
from Manila. General Lawton was relieved of
his northern command, his division having scattered into separate columns, engaged in scouring
the country. Early in December Lawton organized a movement against Pio del Pilar; and while
engaging the enemy, General Lawton followed
directly behind the firing line across an open
rice field facing the Insurgent trenches. His
towering figure was familiar to the Filipinos, and
as he crossed the open field one of his staff
warned him that the Insurgents were shooting
at him. Lawton only replied with a grim smile,
continuing to give orders and direct the advance.
But poor Lawton! San Mateo was the Waterloo of his spirit, for it went out like a snuffed
candle as he stood fearlessly exposed, doing his
duty as a soldier, regardless of the bullets pecking the ground around him. He fell back into
the arms of his aide, Lieutenant King, and died
a commander on the field, facing the enemy in
battle, a Filipino bullet piercing his body.
Lawton was the greatest campaigner in the
Philippines, a hero and soldier whose name
adorns the page of American history. Lawton
never lost a fight. He was the terror of the




AGUINAL'DO


344


Indian marauders of the northwest, and the
"general of the night" whom the Filipinos
feared with superstitious dread.
General Lawton's body was taken to America
and interred in Arlington. The American people, by public subscription, presented $Ioo,oOO
to his widow, as an act of spontaneous gratitude.
The closing of the year I899 found our troops
in every part of Luzon but the south. Parts of
Cebu, Panay, Negros, and the entire Jolo archipelago were under our control. The fall campaign had driven the Insurgent army to the
mountains, and Mabini and Buencamino were
our prisoners.  Aguinaldo, Paterno, and the
revolutionary ministers disappeared into parts
unknown, and three thousand Spanish prisoners,
abandoned by Filipinos and captured by us,
were returned to Manila. But in spite of the
onward march of our troops; in spite of a hundred defeats and not a victory; in spite of the
superiority of our army, our equipment, and our
tactics; in spite of argument, unwritten armistices, and the generous treatment of their
families and relatives and prisoners, and the
preservation and restoration of their property,
the employment of their people in civil and
military capacities, and in the face of disaster
and death, they remained uncompromising and




THE DEFIANT FILIPINOS 345
defiant, their government annihilated, their army
fugitives, and their people poverty-stricken and
bowed down with the sorrows and misfortunes
of war.
Our relations toward the Filipinos and their
character had not materially changed. History
was repeating itself, and the immortal lines of
Kipling summed up the balance sheet:"The blame of those ye better;
The hate of those ye guard....
Your new-caught sullen peoples,
Half devil and half child."




XVIII
HE year I900 saw probably the largest
scouting force in the field in pursuit of
a fugitive government in all history.
That government succeeding in dodging the
combined vigilance of ten thousand American
regulars for over a year. During that period,
outside of all garrisoned ports there existed a
reign of terror. The renegade army scattered.
"Manoeuvre in flying columns and in guerilla
bands," ordered Aguinaldo. They carried out
the first part of the instructions precipitously.
The second they pursued with a vengeance. It
was no longer an army we fought, but a hostile
population, who hid their arms at our approach
and shot at us as we departed.
Aguinaldo refused to become reconciled. He
wrote to some of his Manila friends, soliciting
their advice. The advice was invariably against
a continuance of his hopeless campaign,-advice that was influenced by Americans, if not
absolutely dictated.  Aguinaldo undoubtedly
realized the fact, and stubbornly persisted in
346




MACAlR THUR IN COMMAND 347
his course. "I have sworn that as long as life
lasts," said Aguinaldo in a letter to Benito Legarda at Manila, "I shall labor until I gain the
acknowledgment of the independence of the
Philippines."
General Otis seemed to be unable to put
down the insurrection or quell the spirit of the
Tagalog. He requested to be relieved, and was
succeeded in command by General MacArthur.
A spirited campaign was instituted in the
north in pursuit of Aguinaldo, who kept up a
courier communication with his renegade soldiers, leagued with the wild forest tribes and
marauding bands in every part of the Archipelago. Though at our approach they would
disappear like mosquitoes in the daytime, upon
our withdrawal they swarmed back, intimidating
their own people into submission.
Even in the proximity of our army posts,
where Americans attempted to engage in commercial operations, life was not safe. We could
not trust the pacificos. Given the least excuse,
and a gun or bolo, they would drop their work
and offer a fight.
An enterprising American attempted to farm
a plantation in the hemp districts a few miles
from an army post in Nueva Caceras. No
sooner had he gotten a couple of hundred of




AG UIN.IALDO


348


Tagalogs at work than one morning they all
disappeared. In fact the little town was utterly
depopulated with the exception of the planter,
his overseer, and a few native women. After
several hours of vigilant inquiry, it was learned
that one of Aguinaldo's couriers had arrived,
reporting great victories in the north, and urging the entire village to rebel and swoop down
upon the little American garrison. Promptly,
the overseer, who was a half-caste, left for the
jungle, where he discovered his workmen holding an animated conference. His appearance
caused surprise, but no violence was offered,
and he plainly told them that they would be
perfectly helpless to resist the Americans without arms,-not even bolos.   It seemed this
aspect had not occurred to them, so they all
meekly followed the overseer back, and before
noon were peacefully at work as if nothing
had occurred to disturb their serenity.
General MacArthur adopted the one policy
necessary to pacify the Archipelago. He followed the plan long previously favored by
General Lawton.  He established permanent
garrisons in all the principal towns of the
Islands. He divided the territory into districts,
and appointed military governors over these
divisions.  He instructed the governors to es



LAWTON'S PLAN ADOPTED 349
tablish civil governments made up of the best
element of native administrators, and protect
them in their functions, as well as make life
safe throughout the districts, and convince the
Filipino that we had come to stay; that we
proposed to let them control their local affairs
as rapidly as they showed a friendly disposition
and sufficient capability.
The plan had the elements of success. The
natives were anxious for peace. They had had
a taste of revolutionary government, and they
had found it a great tax upon their resources
and patience. They had been compelled to
support in their houses Spanish prisoners, and
contribute from their scant savings funds to
the Insurgent army. For a time this taste of
home government had not been obnoxious, but
the increasing burdens put upon them by the
military faction soon marred the charm of independence, and they showed little disposition to
resent our occupation. The local mayors of captured towns clamored for office under American sovereignty, so we accepted their oaths
of allegiance, and sorting the sheep from the
goats distributed appointments and -perfected
their faulty civil administration. It was a policy that proved very effective, and gradually
won over the better classes of the population.




A G UINA L DO


350


It was slow work, however, for Aguinaldo's
guerillas were not idle.  Our outlying army
posts were attacked constantly, and our engineers and civil functionaries, engaged in repairing bridges and building roads, had to work
with their guns within reach.  Often, too,
these guerillas were successful..In many cases
they ambuscaded our supply trains and captured ammunition and tinned goods.  They
fired upon trains on the Manila-Dagupan Railway, and swooped down upon villages, terrorizing the inhabitants and carrying away loot.
To our knowledge the Insurgent force still
possessed between eighteen and twenty thousand rifles. " As long as they have arms they
will fight," said the captured General Concepcion. "When you've got their rifles, then, and
only then, will the revolution be over." Concepcion was largely right. So we were obliged
to hunt out the scattered bands one by one, and
separate them from their arms and ammunition.
This we proceeded to do, but it was like hunting
for needles in a haystack. The wild and mountainous nature of the country made the task a
difficult one. General Young in the Cagayan
Valley sent out detachments of cavalry and
scoured the country.  The natives received
them cordially, but volunteered no information.




GUERILLA WARFARE


351


They appeared profoundly ignorant of the
whereabouts of the guerillas, and perhaps
they were, but it is probable that they were
not. Nevertheless we found them, and from
time to time captured or killed these incorrigible
"ladrones."  General Kobbe in the southern
provinces of Albay, Sorsogan, and the islands
of Samar and Leyte had an equally difficult
task.  These people were supposed to dislike
the Tagalogs; nevertheless they showed a fighting spirit, and Kobbe had to hunt out the insurrectionary element and annihilate them before
he could establish responsible civil authority.
In the absence of guns they fought with bolos
and even bows and arrows.   We began to
understand why the Spanish would never permit these people to even possess a table knife.
In the Camarines General Bates found less
difficulty, although forced to assert his authority
by gunpowder.   In north Mindanao General
Bates was favorably received. A dozen towns
were occupied without firing a shot.  Aguinaldo's influence had waned. In fact it had
never been strong in Mindanao. The general
situation, however, was discouraging. We had
sixty-five thousand soldiers scattered throughout
the Archipelago, and we needed more. From
every military governor came calls for an addi



.AGUINA LDO


352


tional force. The natives at large did not love
us. They persisted in refusing to see our beneficent intentions, and contested our occupation
with what little force they could muster, —
just enough to make life unsafe and trade difficult, if not impossible. Wherever our. soldiers
were, the ladrone made himself scarce; but out
of our reach with his single rifle he terrorized
the people within shooting distance. With an
insufficiency of troops at our command, it was a
slow process to catch, kill, or disarm him.
Finally General MacArthur, June 21, issued
an order granting "amnesty with complete
immunity for the past and absolute liberty of
action for the future" to all Insurgents who
would within ninety days renounce all connection with the insurrection and take the oath of
allegiance to the United States. Thirty pesos
were offered for each rifle brought in by those
who wished to take advantage of the opportunity. Paterno, who had been captured, and was
in Manila, suggested the terms, and the proclamation was not without effect. But the rifles
were not forthcoming, with the exception of
some battered and useless carbines of ancient
Spanish make. Subsequently the time limit
was extended, and a number of prominent insurrectionists took the oath of allegiance, and




CAPTURE OF GARCIA


353


others followed, several thousand in all. Besides Paterno, Pio del Pilar, Buencamino, and
Montenegro, Pantaleon Garcia was captured
and held under surveillance in Manila. The
capture of Garcia was accomplished through a
picture which accompanied an article I published in Harper's Weekly some months previous. Garcia was hiding in the house of a
friend in the town of Jaen. Some American
soldiers were told of his whereabouts, and surprised him with a call while he was yet in bed.
"What is your name?" asked Lieutenant
Day, who commanded the expedition.
"Pedro Gonzales," replied the man in bed,
at the same time handing out a visiting card
upon which that name was printed.
Lieutenant Day pulled down the blanket,
looked at the man's face, and compared it with
the picture from Harper's Weekly which he
carried.
"Pantaleon Garcia!" he exclaimed with
conviction.
The Insurgent general meditated a moment.
Then he replied in a tone of resignation, "Si,
Sefior."
The bedclothes being pulled down, revealed
Garcia in uniform under the blankets. He was
sick, and greatly appreciated the, Am^riqta




AGUINALDO


354


rations and beer which he received after being
driven in his own carromata to General Funston's headquarters.
One by one we gathered in the revolutionists.  Mabini too was captured, but Mabini
refused to be reconciled. He could not resist
continuing his paper warfare; and taking advantage of the comparative liberty we gave him,
he wrote several magazine articles, in which he
showed his unconquerable hostility. The poor
old cripple was given a cell for his violation of
his liberties, and subsequently deported to Guam
with Pilar and a number of other incorrigibles.
Aguinaldo was allowed to swing around his
circumscribed circle, and very little was done to
strike him down. He was caged, and our exertions were particularly directed in pacifying the
inhabitants and reconciling them to American
sovereignty. It was slow work while the Insurgents infested the foothills and terrorized the
valleys, but our efforts gradually bore fruit.
Native police were organized; and the local
governments were instituted wherever we could
keep a garrison within call. We rebuilt public
buildings, constructed roads and bridges, and
cleaned up the towns devastated by war. By
these tactics of general reformation we succeeded in dividing the house against itself, and




THE TAFT COMMISSION 355


making some trusted allies and friends among
our former enemies.
The President's new Philippine commission,
headed by Judge W. C. Taft, and including
Dean C. Worcester, Luke W. Wright, Henry
C. Ide, and Bernard Moses, arrived in June,
I89o, and formulated and established provisional and local governments as rapidly as
possible.
For a long time little heed was given to Aguinaldo. It was a question of open controversy
whether it were better to capture him or let him
escape. We were in the middle of a political
campaign, and the excitement of the contest in
which expansion and anti-expansion became the
principal controversy, for a time made our policy in the Islands a delicate question. In the
meantime the school system was perfected and
enlarged, the perplexing church and land problems were grappled with, and all things pertaining to establishing American authority in the
Philippine Islands were placed in the hands of
the commission, Judge Taft being practically
the first civil governor of the Archipelago,
administering affairs with great ability.
The "war" was over before the year 19oI
saw birth. Fighting, however, continued, but
Judge Taft made great progress in civil affairs.




AGUINALDO


And that after all was our goal. Manila took
on a new aspect. Business opened up and the
city was turned into an up-to-date colonial capital. Filipinos of merit were given official positions, and not only the courts were placed in
their hands, but the policing of the city and the
minor affairs of government. Political parties
were formed, and new hopes and aspirations
took the place of dead issues in the minds of
the pacified Filipinos.
Aguinaldo spent the year in hiding and making vain attempts to reorganize his vagrant
army. Very few proclamations saw the light
of day. We had gathered in the "brains of the
revolution," captured their few fonts of type
and their battered press. The "paper" republic was finished, and all that remained was Aguinaldo, stripped of his verbiage makers, driven
into hiding, and cut off from his scattered bands
of ladrones.
It was not until February, I190, that his
actual hiding-place was discovered. The clew
was in the shape of a letter from Aguinaldo
commanding his cousin, Baldormero Aguinaldo,
to send him four hundred armed men, the
bearer to act as a guide to the same.  The
order was in cipher, but among other effects
captured at various times a copy of the Insur



AGUINALDO IN HIDING 357


gent cipher was found. The Insurgent courier
was convinced of the error of his ways (though
by exactly what means, history does not reveal)
and offered to lead the way to Aguinaldo's place
of hiding. Here was an opportunity that suggested an adventure equal to anything in pennyawful fiction. It was just the kind of a dare-devil
exploit that appealed to the romantic Funston.
It was something out of the ordinary for a brigadier general to leave his command and turn
into a scout, but Funston was irresistible.
He formulated a scheme and asked General
MacArthur's permission. It was impossible to
refuse the daring adventurer, the hero of the
Rio Grande, anything, so Funston set to work,
imitating the peculiar handwriting of Lacuna,
the Insurgent officer to whom Aguinaldo's communication referred. Some little time previous
to the capture of the Tagalog courier several
of Lacuna's letters were found, together with
Aguinaldo's cipher code. Having perfected
Lacuna's signature, Funston wrote two letters
on February 24 and 28, acknowledging Aguinaldo's communication and informing him that
he (Lacuna) was sending him a few of the best
soldiers in his command. Added to this neat
forgery General Funston dictated a letter which
was written by an ex-Insurgent attached to his




AG UIN ALDO


358


command, telling Aguinaldo that the relief force
had surprised and captured a detachment of
Americans, taking five prisoners whom they
were bringing to him because of their importance. This ruse was employed to explain the
presence of the five Americans: General Funston, Captain Hazzard, Captain Newton, Lieutenant Hazzard, and General Funston's aide,
Lieutenant Kitchell, who were to accompany
the expedition.
Seventy-eight Macabebes, hereditary enemies
of the Tagalogs, were chosen by Funston to
form the body of the command. These fearless and hardy natives fell into the scheme with
a vengeance. Three Tagalogs and one Spaniard were also invited. The Macabebes were
fitted out in cast-off Insurgent uniforms, and
the Americans donned field-worn uniforms of
privates.  Three days' rations were provided,
and each man was given a rifle.  The Vicksburg was chosen to take the daring impostors
to some spot on the east coast near Palanan,
where Aguinaldo was in hiding. Arriving off
the coast at Casigman, some distance from the
Insurgent-hidden capital, the party was landed.
Three Macabebes, who spoke Tagalog fluently,
were sent into the town to notify the natives
that they were bringing additional forces and




FUNSTON'S EXPLOIT


359


important American prisoners to Aguinaldo,
and request of the local authorities guides and
assistance.  The Insurgent president readily
consented, and the little party, after refreshing themselves and exhibiting their prisoners,
started over the ninety-mile trail to Palanan,
a mountain retreat on the coast of the Isabella
province. Over the stony declivities and through
the thick jungle, across bridgeless streams and
up narrow passes, the footsore and bone-racked
adventurers tramped, until their food was exhausted, and they were too weak to move, though
but eight miles from Aguinaldo's rendezvous.
A messenger was sent forward to inform
Aguinaldo of their position and to beg for
food.  The rebel chieftain promptly replied
by despatching rice and a letter to the officer
in command, instructing him to treat the American prisoners well, but to leave them outside
the town. What better condition could the
ingenious Funston have himself dictated? On
the 23d of March the party reached Palanan. Aguinaldo sent out eleven men to take
charge of the American prisoners, but Funston
and his associates succeeded in dodging them
and scattering themselves in the jungle until
they passed on to meet the Americans whom
the Insurgents were notified were left behind.




A G UINA L D O


360


Immediately joining his command, Funston
ordered his little band of dare-devils to march
boldly into the town and present themselves to
Aguinaldo. At the Insurgent headquarters they
were received by Aguinaldo's bodyguard, dressed
in blue drill uniforms and white hats, drawn up
in military form.  The spokesman so completely hoodwinked Aguinaldo that he did not
suspect the ruse. In the meantime the Macabebes manoeuvred around into advantageous
positions, directed by the Spaniard, until all
were in readiness. Then he shouted, " Macabebes, now is your turn!" whereupon they
emptied their rifles into Aguinaldo's bodyguard.
Aguinaldo and his immediate staff retired
to the interior of his house, but the chieftain
was a "Demigod," an "Invulnerable," no
longer. His anting-anting failed him. One of
his own people, a Tagalog, Halario Placido,
seized him around the waist, as he attempted
to escape, and called upon him to surrender.
"You are a prisoner of the Americans," said
the ex-Insurgent to his former chieftain. The
Americans joined in the skirmish, and two of
Aguinaldo's staff were wounded, but escaped,
the treasurer of the revolutionary government
surrendering. The rest of the Filipino officers




CAPTURE OF AGUINALDO 361
got away.  Aguinaldo accepted his capture
with resignation, though greatly in fear of the
vengeance of the Macabebes.  But General
Funston's assurance of his personal safety set
his mind easy on that point, and he calmed
down and discussed the situation.  He was
greatly cast down at his capture, and asserted
that by no other means would he have been
taken alive, - an admission which added all the
more to Funston's achievement, for Aguinaldo's
was a.difficult and desperate case, and demanded
extraordinary methods.
General Funston and his party returned with
their prisoners to the Vicksburg, which lay off
the shore awaiting the signal, and the revolutionary government and its chieftain was put
aboard the American warship, and in due time
landed at Manila.




XIX
A    GUINALDO, after two years of warfare, was a prisoner. He had made
us a very expensive campaign. It took
the lives of four thousand American boys to
establish American sovereignty. How many
more, wasted by fever and broken with hardships, will be added to the list, time and the
pension list alone will tell.  Commissioner
Evans estimates roughly 40,000 beneficiaries
will be added to the pension roll through Philippine casualties.
Then there is another bill Aguinaldo is responsible for. It amounts to several hundred
millions of dollars. The American people will
pay this, - in fact they are paying it every
time they sign a receipt or send a telegram or
execute a legal paper.  This account will be
open for some time.
On the other hand the campaign has been
expensive to Aguinaldo's countrymen. Up to
June 14, 19o0, our reports show that 11,346
362




FALL OF THE DICTATOR


363


rifles were captured or surrendered, 80 field
pieces, 3000 shells, 700,000 rounds of ammunition, 20 tons of gunpowder and 408 bolos.
These figures must comprise but a small proportion of the war munitions of the Insurgents,
31,415 of whom have been captured or surrendered. It is impossible to estimate their loss
on the field, but one officer has estimated it at
one-sixth of the population, which would be over
a million. Treasure to the amount of several
millions has also been captured from time to
time.
General Funston brought Aguinaldo to Manila. General MacArthur found him a man of
some ability. We did not clap him into a dungeon or boil him in oil. We wanted his spirit,
not his flesh. So we did not send him to
Guam.   We gave him    roomy quarters in
the "Palace," and provided for his comfort
with the constant attendance of a few stalwart American boys-with guns.   We gave
him a secretary, an interpreter and a typewriter,
and told him that the opportunity had arrived
for him to undo some of the harm for which his
name was responsible.
Strange to say, these considerations did not
turn his head. He accepted them gravely. He
pondered much. He talked seldom. Did he




AGUINALDO


364


pose? Possibly; it is his way. But he thought
hard.
Cayetano Arellano was sent to visit him.
Arellano was an old friend; a compatriot in
the great days at Malolos, when the Republica
Filipina was, as Aguinaldo said, "an established fact." Arellano is an old man, wise and
sagacious; a great lawyer, as lawyers go in
Manila. At one time he argued a republic into
being. He became His Excellency the Attorney
General, of Aguinaldo's cabinet. He prepared
the constitution of the republic.  It was a
clever document, too. It provided for everything but the one thing we might expect in a
republic - universal suffrage. Arellano is now
our friend. In fact he is His Honor, Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court. Why not? He
was educated in Madrid. He studied international law in Paris, and he worsted General
Otis in a legal controversy over the right of the
Filipino government to hold as prisoners friars
who held benefices and who had fought among
the Spanish volunteers.
So again Arellano advised and Aguinaldo
acted accordingly. He turned right about face
with an honesty of purpose that won him the
indulgence of his new-found country. He accepted the situation and wrote a proclamation




P R OCL MA TI ONV


365


to his people. He called upon them to accept
American sovereignty.  He deplored their
plight and predicted a better future. He was
surprised at the humanity and kindness of
American policy. He was delighted with the
progress we had made in conciliating the
people; in our treatment of them and in our
employing them in civil and military functions.
Then he sat down and signed a letter. It ran
as follows:
' MALACANAN PALACE, MANILA, April I9, 190o.
"i believe I am not in error in presuming that
the unhappy fate to which my adverse fortune
has led me is not a surprise to those who have
been familiar with the progress of the war.
The lessons taught with a full meaning, and
which have recently come to my knowledge,
suggest with irresistible force that a complete
termination of hostilities and lasting peace are
not only desirable but absolutely essential to the
welfare of the Philippine Islands.
"The Filipinos have never been dismayed at
their weakness, nor have they faltered in following the path pointed out by their fortitude
and courage. The time has come, however, in
which they find their advance along this path
to be impeded by an irresistible force, which,




AGUINALDO


366


while it restrains them, yet enlightens their minds
and opens to them another course, presenting
them the cause of peace. This cause has been
joyfully embraced by the majority of my fellowcountrymen, who have already united around
the glorious sovereign banner of the United
States. In this banner they repose their trust,
and believe that under its protection the Filipino people will attain all those promised liberties which they are beginning to enjoy. The
country has declared unmistakably in favor of
peace. So be it. There has been enough blood,
enough tears, and enough desolation.  This
wish cannot be ignored by the men still in
arms if they are animated by a desire to serve
our noble people, which has thus clearly manifested its will. So do I respect this will, now
that it is known to me.
"After mature deliberation, I resolutely proclaim to the world that I cannot refuse to heed
the voice of a people longing for peace, nor the
lamentations of thousands of families yearning
to see their dear ones enjoying the liberty and
the promised generosity of the great American
nation.
"By acknowledging and accepting the sovereignty of the United States throughout the
Philippine Archipelago, as I now do and with



IS HE CONVINCED?


367


out any reservation whatsoever, I believe that
I am serving thee, my beloved country. May
happiness be thine!
" EMILIO AGUINALDO."
So, at last, after two years of bloody warfare,
after losing thousands of our brave boys, after
killing thousands of his people, devastating the
country, and spending millions of dollars, we
have convinced Aguinaldo of the futility of his
ambitions and of the honesty of our intentions.
But have we?   I am not a prophet.  The
infallibility of man is a gamble.
Yet Aguinaldo is doing well.  His name is
powerful. He wrote other letters. The result
was a general scramble on the part of the
Insurgents to surrender and be forgiven. For
a year we had been capturing rifles, one by one.
Under the potent influence of Aguinaldo's
name they were laid at our feet by the hundred,
and it is only a question of time when we shall
have them all. True, there is yet fighting to be
done, but the tulisanes and ladrones exist in all
Far Eastern countries. They terrorize half of
Formosa. In the form of pirates they infest
China. Even in the Malay states they make
life uncomfortable.  In the Philippines they
inhabit the mountainous districts, and we shall




AGUIN ALDO


368


be hunting them for some time to come. But
the revolution is over.  The Philippines are
ours in fact. They have been expensive, but
they will be valuable. They will be valuable
in many ways. First, if the high ideals that at
present govern the course of our action continue, they will become a fruitful object lesson
in the promotion of civilization both at home
and abroad.  If we show to the world that
native races can be governed to their own
preservation and without military oppression,
we shall open a new page in history. England
has accomplished much along these lines in
India, but she has done it at the expense of
countless millions of poverty-stricken inhabitants. She has weakened rather than strengthened the caliber of native intellect. She has
raised the standard of effort among the few to
the degradation of the many. She has not
done this with malice prepense. It has been
the result of a purely commercial policy.
In the Philippines we are making a new experiment.  We are reversing the method.
Law and order first.  Freedom of thought,
speech, and action second. Education and religious toleration third.  Commercialism last.
That is our propaganda. In a word, Humanitarianism,- a product of latter-day government.




OUR EXPERIMENT     3


369


Shall we succeed? I think so. We have many
advantages to begin with. We have a religious
people, a people who have been cradled in the
Christian Church, and reared in the school of
discipline. That is quite a start.
Then, too, we have a mixed race, for the blood
of the Filipino is strengthened by the infusion of
foreign elements. We have the Spanish Mestizo,
the Chinese Mestizo, the English Mestizo, and
the Japanese Mestizo. This Mestizo element, for
good or bad, is at least full of possibilities. Rizal
was a Mestizo. Arellano is a Mestizo. Tavera
is a Mestizo. Paterno is a Mestizo, Buencamino is a Mestizo. Luna was a Mestizo. I
could name a hundred others; leaders in the
rebellion, men of wealth, ability, and education.
I do not believe with the archbishop that because these boast of being "high and mighty"
they are entirely devoid of common sense. I
do not believe that they are simply overgrown
children, who, by mimicking civilization, think
they have reached the utmost heights of culture.
The cultured Filipinos, it is true, are in the
minority, but the masses are not wanting in
virtues.  The native  is no   sluggard  in
thought. He has shown that he has a mind.
He learns, quickly, good as well as evil. Under
favorable conditions he is easily influenced,




AG UINALDO


370


He quickly takes on the manners of his superiors. Given good surroundings he will be
good. Among bad surroundings he will degenerate. His mind is not deeply cultivated, but
with a generation of good government he
will rival the Japanese. He possesses a marvellous memory. He is stoical in demeanor,
but beneath his imperturbable exterior he feels
deeply and thinks quickly. His morality is
peculiarly Oriental, but higher than the race
that governed him for three hundred years.
He loves his home. He idolizes his children.
Is this an animal trait? -then we are all animals. He is cruel, but who taught him cruelty?
Naturally simple and industrious, —as industry goes in equatorial latitudes,-these eight
millions of people possess possibilities that a
just, humane, generous, and tolerant government
will develop into virtues that will be an example
to the colonial powers of the world.
I will not descant upon the commercial possibilities of the Philippines.  For two years we
have had the facts drummed into our ears.
Statistics of imports and exports and natural
products are easily within the reach of any one
who will send a postal card to Washington.
The dream of the Tagalog is over, but the
reality will discount the dream. A Filipino




FILIPINO'S OPPORTUNITT 371


republic would have developed into a Mestizo
despotism. The time was not ripe for national
independence. Japan is not an analogous argument. Japan is in a different latitude. Japan
is but the evolution of China's intelligence, arts,
and commercialism. Japan possessed a highly
organized government before Marquis Ito went
to England and imbibed western civilization.
What the Tagalogs might have done in the
centuries to come it is impossible to imagine.
Their experience with the white man developed
the fighting rather than the industrial spirit
within them.
But from the ashes of defeat will spring the
true liberty and development of the Filipino.
The freedom that he has clamored for, bled
and suffered for during three hundred years,
will be granted him; for wherever floats the
American flag these attributes of human progress have always triumphed. If, in the future,
they do not follow the flag, the fault will be ours,
not theirs.




I
I




APPENDIX


THE "ASSURANCES" TO AGUINALDO
(See page 79)
AFTER Aguinaldo, Pio del Pila, and Sandico
were put aboard the McCulloch by Consul Wildman, they were taken to Captain Hodgson's
cabin, where Mr. Wildman gave them a final
talk in the presence of Lieutenant Caldwell,
Admiral Dewey's secretary, and Mr. John
Barrett, ex-Minister to Siam, who accompanied
the expedition. Mr. Wildman told Aguinaldo
that he was undertaking a mission at his own
risk; that the McCulloch was a small craft and
if overhauled and captured by a Spanish cruiser
the Americans could not promise to exact the
same considerations for him that might be extended to them; that upon arriving at Cavite
he would be given every friendly assistance,
but he was to understand that the adventure
was not instigated by the government of the
United States, nor was he to understand that
any promises were extended to him for his
people or himself. One pledge, however, was
373


W
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APPENDIX                             374
demanded, and that was that he should place
himself and his forces under the orders of
the Admiral or the commander of the United
States army. To this Aguinaldo replied in the
affirmative, promising faithfully to hold himself
absolutely under the orders of the American
commanders should they so desire. Bidding
the little Tagalog chieftain good-by, and wishing him success, Mr. Wildman, Lieutenant Caldwell, and Mr. Barrett left him and returned to
the city, while the McCulloch, which lay off
Kow-loon in Chinese waters, steamed away for
Cavite.






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D'ri and I
A Tale of Daring Deeds in the Second
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A     Princess of the Hills
A Story of Italy
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