/     J-' i' /'
THE WAR SYSTEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS.
MR. S UMNER"'S ADDRESS
BEFORE THE
AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.
SE C OND EDITION.








AI D  R ESS
BEFORE THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.
13Y CHARLES SUMNERo
IMR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN, — We are now assembled in
what may be called the Holy Week of our community - not occupied by the pomps of a complex ceremonial, swelling in tides
of music, beneath tinme-honored arches, but set apart, according
to the severe simplicity of early custom, to the Anniversary
meetings of the various associations of charity and piety, from
whose good works our country derives such true honor. Each
association is distinct. Within the folds of each are gathered its
own peculiar members, devoted to its own  peculiar objects; and
yet all are harmonious together, for all are inspired by one sentiment, the welfare of the united Human Family: Each has its
own distinct orbit, a pathway of light, while all together constitute a system which moves in a still grander orbit.
Of all these associations, there cannot be one so comprehensive
as ours. The prisoner in his cell, the slave in his chains, the sailor
on his ocean wanderings, the Pagan on his distant continent or
island, and the ignorant here at home, will all be commended to
you by eloquent voices. I need not tell you to listen to these
voices, and to answer to their appeal. But, while mindful of all
these interests, justly claiming your care, it is my special and
most grateful duty to-night, to commend to you that other cause
- the great cause of Peace - which enfolds in its Christian embrace, alike the prisoner, the slave, the sailor, the ignorant, all
mankind, - which is to all these interests the source of strength
and light, I may say of life itself, as the sun in the heavens.
1




Peace is the grand Christian charity, the fountain arnd parent
of all other charities.  Let Peace be removed, and all other charities shall sicken and die. Let Peace exert her gladsome sway,
anrd all other charities shall quicken into celestial life. Peace is
a distinctive promise and possession of Christianity.  So mnuch is
this the case, that, where Peace is not, Christianity cannot be.
There is nothing elevated which is not exalted by Peace. There
is nothing valuable which does not contribute to Peace. Of
wisdom herself it has been said, that all her ways are pleasantness, and all her paths are Peace. Peace has ever beent
the longing and aspiration of the noblest souls —whether for
themselves or for their country. In the bitterness of exile, away
from the Florence which he has illmmortalized by his Divine
Poem, pacing the cloisters of a convent,,in response to the inquiry of the monk,- " wlhat do you seek?" Dante said, irn
words distilled from his heart, Peace, peace. In the struggles of
civil war in England, while King and Parliament were rending
the land, a gallant supporter of the monarchy, renowned for the
bravery of battle, the chivalrous Falkland, cried in words which
consecrate his memory more than any feat of arms, Peace, lpeace,.
peace. Not in aspiration only, but in benediction is this word
uttered. As the apostle went forth on his errand, as the son left
his father's rdof, the choicest blessing was, Peac be be ith you.
As the Saviour was born, angels from  Heaven, amidst quiring
melodies, let fall that supreme benediction, never before tasted
by the IHeathen tribes, addressed to all nations, and to all
children of the Human Family, Peace on, earth and goad wilt
towards mnez.
To maintain this charity, to, promote these aspiratiuns, to wel —
come tlese benedictions, is the object of our Society. To fill men
in private life with all those sentiments, which make for Peaceto animate men in public life to the recognition of those paranmount principles, which are the safeguards of Peace -above all
to teach the True Grandeur of Peace, and to unfold the folly and&
wickedness of the INSTITUTION of War and of the whole WAR
SYSTEM, now reecgnized and established by the COMMON-'WEALTH OF NATIONS, as the mode of determining international controversies; such is the object of our Societvy.
There are persons, who have allowed themselves sometimes
to speak of associations like ours, if not with disapprobation, at
least with levity and distrust.  A writer, so humane and genial
as Rtobert Soutllhey, has left on record a gibe at the " Society for
the Abolition of WAar," saying, that " it had not obtained sufficient notice even to be in disrepute."  It is not uncomm6n to
hear our aims characterized as visionary, impracticable, Utopian.
It is sometimes hastily said that they are contrary to the nature
of man, that they require for their success a complete re-construction of his character, and that they necessarily assume in man
qualities, capacities and virtues, which do not belong to his ex



3
isting nature. This mistaken idea was once strongly expressed
by the remark that'"an Anti-War Society seemed as little practicable as an anti-thutnder-and-lightnling society."
It cannot be doubted that these objections, striking at the heart
of our cause, have exerted great influence over the public mind.
They proceed often from persons of unquestioned sincerity and
goodness, who would rejoice to see the truth as we see it.
But plausible as these objections may appear, to those who have
not properly meditated this subject, I cannot but regard them —
I believe, that all who will listen to me to-night shall hereafter
regard theml -as prejudices, without foundation in reason or
religion, which nust yield to a candid and careful examination
of the precise objects contemplated by our society, and of the
movement which it represents.
Let me not content myself, in response to these critics, by the
easy answer, that, if our aims are visionary, impracticable, Utopian, then the unfulfilled promises of the prophecies are vain --
then the Lord's Prayer, in which we ask that God's kingdom
shall come on earth, is a mockery - then Christianity is a Utopia. Let me not content myself by reminding you, that all the
great reforms, by which mankind have been advanced, have encountered similar objections - that the abolition of the punishment of death for theft was first suggested in the Utopia of Sir
Thomas More - that the efforts to abolish the crime of the slavetrade were opposed almost in our day, as impracictable and visionary - in short, that all the endeavors for human improvement,
for knowledge, for freedom, for virtue, that all the great causes
which dignify human history, - which save it from being a mere
protracted WAvar Bulletin, a common sewer, a Cloaca IlIcaziina,
flooded with perpetual uncleanliness, have been pronounced
Utopian, while, in spite of distrust, of prejudice, of enmity, all
these causes have gradually found acceptance, as they gradually
became understood, and the Utopias of one age have become
the realities of the next.
Satisfactory as such an answer might be to many minds, I
cannot content myself on this occasion with leaving our cause on
such grounds. I desire to meet directly the objections which have
been made, and to show, by a careful exposition of our precise
objects, that these objects are in no respect visionary —that the
cause of Peace does not depend for its success upon any re-constitution of the human character, or upon holding in check the
general laws of man's nature, but that it deals with man as he
exists, according to the experience of history - and above all that
the immediate and particular aim of our Society, the abolition
by the Commonwealth of Nations of the Institution of War, and
of the whole War System, as an established Arbiter of Right, is as
practicable, as it would be -beneficent.
And I begin by carefully putting aside several questions, which
have often occupied much attention, but which an accurate ana



4
lysis of our position will show to be independent of the true issue.
Their introduction has perplexed the discussion by transferring
to the great cause of International Peace the doubts by which
these questions have been encompassed.
One of these is the alleged right, appertaining to each indi..
vidual, to take the life of an assailant in order to save his own
life - compendiously called the right of self-clefence, usually recognized by philosophers and publicists as founded in nature, and
in the instincts of men. The exercise of this right has been
carefully restrained to cases where life itself is placed in actual
jeopardy. No defence of property, no vindication of what is called personal honor, justifies this extreme resort. Nor does this
right imply the right of attack; for instead of attacking one another for injuries past or impending, men need only have recourse
to the proper tribunals of justice. There are, however, many
most respectable persons, particularly of the denomination of
Friends - some of whom I may now have the honor of addressing- who believe that the exercise of this right, even thus limited, is in direct contravention of high Christian precepts. These
views find faithful utterance in the writings of Jonathan Dymond, of which at least this mlay be said, that they strengthen
and elevate, even if they do not always satisfy the understanding. " I shall be asked," says Dymond, -" suppose a ruffian
breaks into your house, and rushes into your room with his arm
lifted to  lurder you, do you not believe that Christianity allows
you to kill him?  This is the last resort of the cause. My answer to it is explicit- Ido not believe it."  But while thus candidly and openly avowing this extreme sentiment of non-resistance, he is carefiul to remind the reader, that the case of the
ruffian does not practically illustrate the true character of war,
unless it appears that war is undertaken simply for the preservation of life, when no other alternative remains to a people than
to kill or to be killed.
But according to this view, the robber on land, who places his
pistol at the breast of the traveller, the pirate who threatens life on
the high seas, and the riotous distuiber of the public peace, who
places life in jeopardy at home, cannot be opposed by the sacrifice of life. Of course, all who subscribe to this renunciation of
the privilege of self-defence, must join with us in efforts to abolish the Arbitrament of War. But our appeal is addressed to the
larger number, who make no such application of the Christian
precepts, who recognize the right of self-defence as belonging to
each individual, and who believe in the necessity at times of
sorrowfully exercising this right, whether against a robber, a.
pirate, or a mob.
Another question closely connected with that of self-defence is
the alleged right of revolt or of revolution. Shall a people endure
political oppression or the denial of Freedom, without resistance?
The answer to this question will necessarily affect the rights of




5
three millions of fellow-men, held in slavery in our country. If
such a right unqualifiedly exists - and our sympathy with our
fathers, and with the struggles for Freedom now agitating Europe,
must make us hesitate to question its existence- then these
three millions of fellow-men, into whose Eouls we thrust the iron
of the deadliest bondage the world has yet witnessed, would be
justified in resisting to death the power that holds them in fetters.
A popular writer on Etllics, Dr. Paley, has said: " It may be as
much a duty, at one time, to resist government, as it is at
another, to obey it, to wit, whenever more advantage will, in our
opinion, accrue to the community from resistance, than mischief.
The lawfulness of resistance, or the lawfulness of a revolt, does
not depend alone upon the grievance which is sustained or
feared, but also upon the probable expense and event of the
cause." "  This view distinctly recognizes the right of resistance,
but limits it by the chances of success, founding it on no higher
ground than expediency. A right thus vaguely defined and
bounded, must be invoked at any time with reluctance and distrust. The lover of Peace, while admitting that an exigency
may unhappily arise, in the present state of the world, for the
exercise of this right, must confess the inherent barbarism of such
an agency, and admire, even if he cannot entirely adopt, the
sentiment of Daniel O'Connell; "Remember that no political
change is worth a single crime, or above all, a single drop of
hutman blood."
But these questions I put aside-not as unimportant, not as
unworthy of the most carefiul consideration, but as unessential to
the establishment of the great cause which 1 have so much at
heart. If I am asked-as the advocates of Peace are often asked-whether a robber, a pirate, a mob may be resisted by the
sacrifice of life, I answer that they may be so resisted —mournfully, necessarily.  If I am asked, if I sympathize with the
efforts for freedom now finding vent in rebellion and revolution,
I cannot hesitate to say, that wherever Freedom struggles, whereever Right is, there my sympathies must be. And I believe I may
speak, not only for myself, but for our Society, when I add, that,
while it is our constant aim to diffuse those sentiments which
promote good will in all the relations of life, which exhibit the
beauty of Peace everywhere, in the internal concerns, as well as
in the international relations, of States, and while we especially
recognize that grand central truth, the Brotherhood of Mankind, in
the clear light of which all violence among men becomes dismal
and abhorred, as among brothers; it is nevertheless no part of our
purpose to question the right to take life in honest self-defence,
or when the public necessity shall distinctly require it, nor to
question the justifiableness of resistance to urgent outrage and
" Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, Book vi. cap. 4.
1*




6
oppression. On these several points there are individual diversities of opinion anmong the friends of Peace, which our Society,
confining itself to efforts for the overthrow of War, is not necessarily called upon to determine.
Waiving, then, these matters, which have often thrown perplexity and difficulty over our cause, making many hesitate, I
come now to the precise object which we hope to accomplish,
the Abolition of the Institution of TVar, and of the whole Tacr Shjstemr as an established A>rbiter of Justice in the Cownzonzvealth of Vations. In the accurate statemlent of our aims, you will at once
perceive the strength of our position. Much is always gained
by a clear understanding of the question in issue; and the cause
of Peace has unquestionably suffered often, because it was misrepresented, or not fully comprehended. In the hope of removing
this difficulty I shallfirst unfold the true character of War and
of the War System, involving the question of preparations for
War, and the question of a militia.  The way will then be
open, in the second branch of this Address, for a consideration of
the means by which this System can be overthrown. And here
I shall pass in review the tendencies and examples of nations,
and the efforts of individuals, constituting the Peace Movement,
with the auguries of its triumph, briefly touching, at the close, on
our duties to this great cause, and on the vanity of military
glory.
I. And, first of War and the War System  in the Coimmonwealth of Nations. By the Commonwealth of Nations I understand that Fraternity of Christian States, which recognize a
Common Law, regulating their relations with each other, usually
called the Law of Nations. This law being established by the
consent of nations is not necessarily the law of all nations, but only
of such as have recognized it. The Europeans and the Orientals
often differ with regard to its provisions; nor would it be proper
to say that the Ottomans, or the Mahomedans in general, or the
Chinese, had ever become parties to this law. The substantial
elements of this law are drawn from the law of nature, from the
truths of Christianity, fronm the usages of nations, and from the
written texts or enactments of treaties. Thus, in its origin and
growth, it is not unlike the various systems of municipal jurisprudence, all of which may be referred to kindred sources.
It is often said, by way of extenuation of the allowance of
War, that nations are independent, and acknowledge no common
superior. It is true, indeed, that they are politically independent,
and acknowledge no common political sovereign. But they aoknowledoge a common superior of unquestioned influence and
authority, whose rules they cannot disobey. This acknowledged
common superior is the Law of Nations. It were superfluous to
dwell at length upon the opinions of publicists and jurists in con



firmation of this view. " The Law of Nations," says Vattel,* a
classic in this department, "is not less obligatory with respect to
states, or to men united in political society, than to individuals."
An eminent English authority, Lord Stowell,t says; " The: Conventional L;awv of Mltnkind, which is evidenced it their practice,
allows some and prohibits other modes of destruction."  A recent
German jlurist 4 says; " A nation associating itself with the general society of nations, thereby recognizes cd lawt commzon to all nations, by which its international relations are to be regulated."'
Lastly, a popular English moralist, whom I have already quoted,
and to whomn I refer because his name is so familiar, Dr. Paley,~
says, that the principal part of what is called the Law of Nations derives its obligatory character " simplyfriom thefact of its
being established, and the general czety of cotfornzing to established
rules upon cquestions, and between parties, where nothing but
positive reguzlctions can prevent difficulties, and where disputes are
followed by such destructive conrsequences."
The Law  of Nations is, then, the supreme law of the Commonwealth of Christian States, governing their relations with
each other, determining their reciprocal rights, and sanctioning
the remedies fbr the violation of these rights.  This Law is to the
Colmmonwealth of Nations, "Iwhat the Constitution amd Municipal
Law of Massachusetts are to the associate towns and counties,
composing that State, or rather, by an apter illustration, what
the Federal Constitution of our country is to the thirty sovereign
States which now recognize it as the supreme law.
But the Law of Nations —and I now come to a point of great
importance to the clear understanding of the subject-while anticipating and providing for controversies between nations, has
recognized and established War as the final Arbiter of these controversies. It distinctly says to the nations; " if you cannot
agree together, then stake your cause upon the Trial by Battle."
And it l)roceeds to define, at no inconsiderable length, under the
namne of thle Laws of WVar, the rules and regulations of this contest.  "The Laws of War," says Dr. Paley, "are part of the
Law of Nations, and founded, as to their authority, upon the
same principle with the rest of that code, nanely, upon the fact
of their being establiszhed, no matter whenl or by whom."
It is not uncommon to speak of the practice of War, or the custom of War, a term adopted by that devoted friend of our cause,
the late Noah VWorcester.  Its apologists and expounders have
called it " a judicial trial," -" one of thle highest trials of right "
-"a process of justice "- " a prosecution of our rights by force "
-"a mode of condign punishment" —"     an appeal for justice "
-" a nmode of obtaining rights."  I prefer to characterize it as
* Law of Nations, Preface.      t Robinson, Rep. vol. i. p. 140.
$ Heffter, quoted in Wheaton's Elements, Part I. cap. i. ~ 7.
~ Philosophy, Book vi. cap. 12.




8
an INSTITUTION, established by the Commonwealth of Nations, as
an Arbiter of Justice. As slavery is an Institution, growing out
of local custom, sanctioned, defined and established by the municipal law, so War is an Institution, growing out of general, custom, sanctioned, defined, and established by the Law of Nations.
It is only when we contemplate War in this light, that we are
fully able to perceive its combined folly and wickedness. Let
me bring this home to your minds still further. Boston and Cambridge are adjoining towns, separated by the river Charles. In the
event of controversies arising between these different jurisdictions,
the municipal law has established a judicial tribunal, and not
War, as the Arbiter. And, ascending in the scale, in the event of
controversies arising between two different counties, as between
Essex and Middlesex, the same municipal law has established a
judicial tribunal, and not War as the Arbiter. And ascending yet
higher in the scale, in the event of controversies arising between
two different sovereign States of our Union, the Federal Constitution has established a judicial tribunal, the Supreme Court of the
United States, and not War, as the Arbiter. It is, however, at
the next stage that the Arbiter is changed. In the event of controversies arising between two different States of the Commonwealth of Nations, the Supreme Law  has established, not a
judicial tribunal, but War, as the Arbiter. War is the Institution
established for the determination of justice between the nations.
But the provisions of the municipal law of Massachusetts, and
of the Federal Constitution, are not vain words. It is well known
to all, who are familiar with our courts, that suits between towns,
and also between counties, are often entertained and satisfactorily
adjudicated. The records of the Supreme Court of the United
States show also that Sovereign States habitually refer important controversies to this tribunal. There is now pending before this high court, an action of the State of Missouri against the
State of Iowa, arising out of a question of boundary, wherein the
former State claims a section of territory-larger than many
German principalities- extending the whole length of the
Northern border of Missouri, and several miles in breadth, and
containing upwards of two thousand square miles. And within
a short period this same tribunal has decided a similar question,
between our own State of Massachusetts, and our neighbor
Rhode Island, the latter State pertinaciously claiming a section
of territory, about three miles broad, on a portion of our Southern
frontier.
Suppose that in these different cases between towns, counties,
States, War had been established by the supreme law as the Arbiter-imagine the disastrous consequences %which must have ensued-picture the imperfect justice which must have been the
end and fruit of such a contest; and while rejoicing that: we are
happily relieved in these cases, from an alternative, so dismal
and deplorable, do not forget, that, onl a larger theatre, where




grander interests are staked, in the relations between nations,
under the solemn sanction of the Law of Nations, War is established as the Arbiter of Justice. Do not forget that a complex
and subtle code - the Laws of War — has been established to
regulate the resort to this Arbiter.
RPecognizing the irrational and unchristian character of War
as an established Arbiter between towns, counties and States in
our happy land, we may learn to condenln it as an established
Arbiter between nations. But history furnishes a parallel, in the
light of which we may form a yet clearer idea of its true nature.
I refer to the system  of PrTiate Wars, or, more properly, of
Petty TWars, and to the Trial by Battle, which darkened the
dark ages. Both of these, though differing in some respects,
yet concurred in recognizing the sword as the Arbiter of Justice. The right to wage war (le droit de g2~uerr'oyer) was accorded by the early municipal law of European States, particularly
of the Continent, to all independent chiefs, however petty, but
not to their vassals; precisely as the right to wage war is
now accorded by international law  to all independent states
and principalities, however petty, but nlot to their subjects.
iBut in proportion as the sovereignty of these chiefs was absorbed
in some larger lordship, this offensive right gradually disappeared.
It continued, however, to prevail extensively in France, till at
last king John, by an ordinance dated 1361, expressly forbade
Petty'Wars throughout his kingdom, saying, "We order that
all challenges and wars and acts of violence against all persons,
in any part whatever of our kingdom  shall in future cease, and
also all assemblies, convocations andi cavalcades of men at arms
or archers, and also all pillages, seizures of goods and persons
without right, vengeances azd counter-vengeances -all these things
we wish to forbid, under pain of incurring our indignation, and
of being reputed and held disobedient and rebel."*  More appropriate words could not be employed by the Commonwealth of
Nations, in forbidding forever the Public WVars, or more properly
the Grand Wars, with their vengeances and counter-vengeances,
which are yet sanctioned by international law.
But the Trial by Battle, or judicial combat, furnishes the most
vivid picture of the Arbitrament of War.  This at one period,
particularly in France, was the universal umpire in disputes
between private individuals. All causes, civil and criminal, and
all the questions incident thereto, were, referred to this Arbitramlent. Neither bodily infirmity, nor old age, could exempt a
litigant from the hazards of the Battle, even to determine matters of the most trivial character. Substitutes were at last allowed, and, as in War, bravos or champions were hired for wages
to enter the lists. The proceedings were conducted gravely,
*Cauchy, du Duel considere dans ses Origines, Tom. I, ch. v, p. 91.




10
according to prescribed forms, which were digested into a system
of peculiar subtlety and minuteness, as War in our day has its
established code, the Lalws of War. Thus do violence, lawlessness,'andcl absurdity, shelter themselves beneath the rule of Law!
Religion also lent her sacred sanctions. The priest cheered, with
prayer and encouragement, the insensate combatant, and, like
the military chaplain of our day, appealed for aid to Jesus
Christ, the Prince of' Peace, as the sovereign judge.
To the honor of the Church, however, let it be said, that it
early perceived the wickedness of this system.  By the voices of
pious bishops, by the ordinances of solemn councils, by the anathemas of Popes, it condemned,* as " a most wicked homicide and
bloody robber," whosoever should sla-y another in a battle, so
impious and inimical to Christian peace, while it regarded the
unhappy victim  as a volunteer, guilty of his own death, and
therefore decreed his remains to an unhonored burial without
psalm, or prayer.  With sacerdotal supplications it vainly sought
from rulers, and especially from' successive emperors, to refuse
their countenance to this great evil, and to confirm with the
civil power the ecclesiastical censures. Let praise and gratitude
be offered to these just efforts:! But alas! authentic history and
the forms, still on record in its ancient missals, attest the unhappy countenance which the Trial by -Battle succeeded in obtaining in some places at the hands of the Church - as in our day
the Liturgy of the EnglislL Church, and the conduct of Christian
ministers in all countries, attest the unhappy countenance' which
the Institution of War yet receives.  But the admonitions of' the
Church, and the efforts of good men slowly prevailed.  Proofs
by witnesses and by titles were gradually adopted, though opposed by the loathsome selfishness of the servants of the camp,
of the subaltern officers, and of the lords, greedy of the fees, or
waces of the comTbat.  In England, Trial by Battle was attacked
by Henry I[., striving to substitute the trial bly jury.  In France
it was expressly forbidden, in an immortal ordinance, by that
illustrious monarch, St. Louis.  At last this system, so wastefiul
of life, so barbarous in character, so vain and inefficient as an
Arbiter of Justice, yielded to the establishment of judicial tribunals.
An early king of the Lombards, in formal decree, condemned
the Trial by Battle as "impious;" Montesquieu at a later
day branded it as "monstrous;" and Sir William Blackstone,
a writer of authority on the English law, characterized it as,clearly an unchristian, as well as most uncertain method of
* Statuimus juxta antiquum ecclesiastinem observationis moren, ut quicnumque tam impia et Christianm paci inimica pugna alterumrn occidenit seu
vulneribus debilem reddiderit, velut homicide nequissimus et latro cruentus,
ab Ecclesim et omnium fideliurn ccetu reddatur separatus, etc. (Canon.
13 Concil. Valent.)'Canchy, du Duel, Torn. I. ch. iii. p. 43.




trial."  In the light of our day all unite in this condermnation.
No man hlestates. No man undertakes its apology; nor does
any man cotunt as " glory " the feats of arms which it prompted
and displayed.  But the laws of morals are general and not
special. They apply to communities and to nations as well' as
to individuals; nor is it possible, by any cunning of logic, by any
device of human wit, to distinguish between that domestic Institution, the Trial by Battle, established by municipal law as the
Arbiter between individuals, and that international Institution,
the grander Trial by Battle, established by the Christian Commonwealth as the Arbiter between nations. If the judicial combat was impious, monstrous and unchristian, then is War impious, monstrous and unchristian. And so it is regarded by our
Society.
Let us look further at the true character of the: Institution of
War. It has been pointedly said in England, that the whole
object of King, Lords, and Commons, and of the complex British
ConstitutiQn, is " to. get twelve men into a jury-box," and Mr.
Ilume repeats the idea when he declares that the administration
of justice is the grand aim of government. If this be true of individual nations in their municipal affairs, it is equally true of the
Commonwealth of Nations. The whole complex System of the
Law of Nations, overarching all the Christian States, has but one
distinct object, thie administration qf justice between nations.
Would that with pen or tongue I could adequately expose the
enormity of this system, involving, as it does, a violation of the
precepts of religion, of the dictates.of common sense, of the suggestions of economy, and of the most precious sympathies of
humanity! Would that I could impart to all who hear me,
something of the strength of my own convictions!
I need not dwell now on the waste and cruelty of War.
These stare us wildly in the face, like lurid meteor-lights, as we
travel the. page of history. We see the desolation and death,
that pursue its demoniac footsteps. We look upon sacked towns,
upon ravaged territories, upon violated homes; we behold all the
sweet charities of life changed to wormwood and gall. Our soul
is penetrated by the sharp moan of mothers, sisters and daughters -of fathers, brothers and sons, who, in the bitterness of
their bereavement, refuse to be comforted. Our eyes rest at last
upon one of those fair fields, where nature, in her abundance,
spreads her cloth of gold, spacious and apt for the entertainment
of mighty multitudes- or, perhaps, from the curious subtlety of
its position, like the carpet in the Arabian tale, seeming to contract so as to be covered by a few only, or to dilate so as to
receive an innumerable host. HIere, under a bright sun, such as
shone at Austerlitz or Buena Vista - amidst the peaceful harmonies of nature - on the Sabbath of Peace - we behold bands of
brothers, children of a common Father, heirs to a common hap



piness, struggling together in the deadly fight, with the madness
of fallen spirits, seeking with murderous weapons the lives of
brothers who have never injured them or their kindred. The
havoc rages.  The ground is soaked with their commingling
blood. The air is rent by their commingling cries. Horse and
rider are stretched together on the earth. More revolting than
the mangled victims, than the gashed limbs, than the lifeless
trunks, than the spattering brains, are the lawless passions which
sweep, tempest-like, through the fiendish tumult.
Nearer comes the storm and nearer, rolling fast and frightful on.
Speak, Ximena, speak and tell us, who has lost, and who has won?
" Alas! alas! I know not; friend and foe together fall,
O'er the dying rush the living; pray, my sister, for them all "
Horror struck, we ask, wherefore this hateful contest? The melancholy, but truthful answer comes, that this is the established
method of determining justice between nations!
The scene changes. Far away on the distant pathway of the
ocean two ships approach each other, with white canvas broadly
spread to receive the flying gales.  They are proudly built.
All of human art has been lavished in their graceful proportions,
and in their well-compacted sides, while they look in dinensions
like floating happy islands of the sea. A numerous crew, with
costly appliances of comfort, hives in their secure shelter.
Surely these two travellers shall meet in joy and friendship; the
flag at the mast-head shall give the signal of fellowship; the
happy sailors shall cluster in the rigging, and even on the yardarms, to look each other in the face, while the exhilarating
voices of both crews shall mingle in accents of gladness uncontrollable. It is not so. Not as brothers, not as friends, not
as wayfarers of the common ocean, do they come together; but
as enemies. The gentle vessels now bristle fiercely with deathdealing instruments.  On their spacious decks, aloft on all their
masts, flashes the deadly musketry.  From their sides spout cataracts of flame, amidst the pealing thunders of a fatal artillery.
They, who had escaped " the dreadful touch of merchant-marring rocks" —who had sped on their long and solitary way
unharmed by wind or wave -whom the hurricane had spared
- in whose favor storms and seas had intermitted their immitigable war-now at last fall by the hand of each other. The
same spectacle of horror greets us from both ships. On their decks,
reddened with blood, the murders of St. Bartholomew and of the
Sicilian Vespers, with the fires of Smithfield, seem to break forth
anew, and to concentrate their rage. Each lhas now become a
swimming Golgotha. At length these vessels —such pageants
of the sea - once so stately - so proudly built -— but now rudely
shattered by cannon-balls — with shivered masts and ragged
sails - exist only as unmanageable wrecks, weltering on the
uncertain waves, whose temporary lull of peace is now their




only safety. In amazement at this strange, unnlatural contest —
away from country and home — where there is no country or
home to defend —we ask again, wherefore this dismal duel?
Again the melancholy but truthfiul answer promptly comes, that
this is the established method of determining justice between
nations.
Yes! the barbarous brutal relations which once prevailed between individuals, which prevailed still longer between the communities, principalities and provinces composing nations, have
not yet been banished from the great Christian Commonwealth.
Religion, reason, humanity, first penetrate the individual, next
small communities, and widening in their influence, slowly
leaven the nations. Thus while we condemn the bloody contests of individuals, of towns, of counties, of provinces, of principalities, and deny to them the r'ig'ht of waging wvarz, or of appeal
to the Trial by Battle, we continue to uphold an atrocious System of folly and crime, which is to nations, what the System of
Petty Wars was to principalities and provinces, what the Duel
was to individuals; for War is the -Duel of NYations.*  As from
Pluto's throne flowed those terrible rivers, Styx, Acheron, Cocytus and Phlegethon, with their lamenting waters and currents
of flame, so from  this established System flow the direful currents of War.  " Ours is a damnable profession," is the recent
confession of a veteran British general.  " War is a trade of barbarians," exclaimed Napoleon, in a moment of truthful remorse,
prompted by his bloodiest field.  "Give them  Hell," was the
language written on a slate by a speechless dying American
officer. Alas! these words are not too.strong.  The business
of War cannot be other than a damnable profession - a trade of
barbarians; and War itself is certainly Hell on earth.  But
consider well —do not forget-let the idea sink deep into your
souls, animating you to constant endeavors —that this damnable profession, that this trade of barbarians, is a part. of the
War System, which is sanctioned by International Law, and
that War itself'is Hell, recognized, legalized, established, organized by the Commonwealth of Nations!
"Put together," says Voltaire, "6 all the vices of all the ages
and places, and they will not come up to the mischiefs of' one
* Plautus speaks, in the Epidicus, of one who had obtained great riches
lby the duelling art, meaning the art of War;..rte duellica
Divitias magnas adepturn.
And Horace, in his Odes (Lib. iv. 15) hails the age of Augustus, as at peace
or free from Duels, and with the temple of Janus closed:
Tua, C Iesar, etas
vacuum duellis
Jovem Quirini clausit.
2




14
campaign."  This is a strong speech. Another of surer truth
might be made. Put together all the ills and calamities from
the visitations of God, from convulsions of nature, from pestilence
and famine, and they shall not equal the ills and calamities inflicted, through the visitation of War, by man upon his brotherman- while alas! the sufferings of War are without the alleviation of those gentle virtues which ever attend the involuntary
misfortunes of the race. Where the horse of Attila had been, a
blade of grass would not grow; but in the footprints of pestilence, of famine, and the earthquake, the kindly charities have
sprung into life.
The last century has witnessed three peculiar visitations of
God; first, the earthquake at Lisbon; next, the Asiatic Cholera,
as it moved slow and ghastly, with its scythe of death, from the
Delta of the Ganges, over Bengal, Persia, Arabia, Syria, Russia,
till Europe and America shuddered before the spectral reaper;
and, lastly, the recent famine in Ireland, consuming, with renlorseless rage, the population of that ill-fated land. It is impossible to estimate precisely the deadly work of the Cholera or
of the famine, or to picture the miseries which they caused.
But the single brief event of the earthquake can be portrayed
in authentic colors.
Lisbon, whose ancient origin was referred by fable to the
wanderings of Ulysses, was one of the fairest cities of Europe.
From the summit of seven hills, it looked down upon the sea,
and the bay studded with cheerful villages —upon the broad
Tagus, expanding into a harbor ample for all the navies of
Europe, and upon a country of rare beauty, smiling with the
olive and the orange, amidst the grateful shadows of the cypress
and the elm. A climate, which offTred flowers in winter, enhanced these peculiar advantages of position, and a numerous
population thronged its narrow and irregular streets. Its forty
churches, its palaces, its public edifices, its warehouses, its convents, its fortresses, its citadel, had become a boast. Not by
War, not by the hand of man, were these solid structures levelled,
and all this beauty changed to desolation.
Lisbon wvas taken and sacked by an earthquake on the morning of November 1st, 1755. The spacious warehouses were
destroyed; the lordly edifices, the mIassive convents, the impregnable fortresses, the lofty citadel, were toppled to the ground;
and as the affrighted people sought shelter in the churches, they
were crushed beneath the falling mass. Twenty thousand persons perished in this catastrophe. Fire and robbery mingled
with the earthquake, and this beautiful city seemed for a short
time to be obliterated. All the powers of Europe were touched
by this great misfortune, and succor from all sides was offered to
repair the loss. Within three months English vessels appeared
in the Tagus loaded with generous contributions — ~20,000 in
gold —a similar sum in silver —six thousand barrels of salt




15
meat, four thousand barrels of butter, one thousand bags of biscuit, twelve hundred barrels of rice, ten thousand quintals of
corn, besides hats, stockings and shoes.
Such was the desolation, and such the charity sown by the
earthquake at Lisbon- an event, which, after the lapse of
nearly a century, still stands without a parallel. But War shakes
froin its terrible folds all this desolation, without its attendant
charity. Nay, more; the Commonwealth of Nations voluntarily
agrees, each with the other, under the grave sanctions of International Law, to invoke this desolation, in the settlement of the
controversies among its members, while it expressly enjoins
upon all its members, not already parties to the controversy, to
abstain from rendering succor to the unhappy victim. High tribunals are established, whose special duty it is to uphold this
Arbitrament, and to enforce, with unrelenting severity, these barbarous injunctions, to the end that no aid, no charity, shall come
to revive the sufferer or to alleviate the calamity. Vera Cruz
has been bombarded and wasted by the American arms. Its
citadel, its churches, its houses liave been shattered, and peaceful
families at their firesides have been torn in mutilated fragments by the murderous bursting shell; but the universal, the
English charities, which helped restore Lisbon, were not offered
to the ruin-d Mexican city. They could not have been offered,
without a violation of the Lawzs of War!
It is because men have thus far seen War chiefly in the light
of their prejudices, regarding it only as an agency of attack or
defence, or as a desperate sally of wickedness, that it becomes
difficult to recognize it as a form of judgment, sanctioned and
legalized by Public Authority. Let us learn to regard it in its
true character, as an establishment of the Commonwealth of Nations, and it will no longer seem merely an expression of the
lawless passions of men- no longer a necessary incident of imperfect human nature - no longer an unavoidable, uncontrollable
volcanic eruption of rage, of vengeances and counter-verngeances,
knowing no bounds - but it will be clearly recognized as a monstrous and gigantic Institution provided for the adjudication of
international rights, - as if it was established that an earthquake, with its uncounted woes, and without its attendant
charities, might be legally invoked as the Arbiter of Justice.
All must unite in condemning the Arbitrament of War. Does
any one hesitate?  He who runs shall read and comprehend its
enormity. But if War be thus odious - if it be the Duel of Nations -if it be the yet surviving Trial by Battle - then it must
affect with its barbarism all its incidents, all its encginery and machinery, all who sanction it, all who have any part or lot in itin fine, the whole vast System by which it is upheld. It is impossible, by any discrimination, to separate the component parts
of this System. We must regard it as a whole, — in its en



16
tirety.  But half our work would be done, if we confined ourselves to a condemnation of this Institution merely.  We condemn also all its ilstruments and agencies, all its adjuncts and
accessaries, all its furniture and equipage, all its armaments and
operations, - the whole apparatus of forts, of navies, of armies,
of military display, of military chaplains, and of military sermons - all together constituting, in connection with the Institution of War, what may l)e called the WAR, SYSTEM. It is this
which we seek to abolish; believing that religion, humanity,
and policy all require the establishment of some peaceful means
for the administration of international justice, and that they still
further require the general disarming of the Christian nations, to
the end that the enormous expenditures now lavished upon the
War System may be applied to purposes of usefulness and beneficence, and that the business of the soldier mav finally cease.
While earnestly professing this object, let me disclaim  again
all idea of questioning the righlt of strict self-defence, or the duty of
upholding government, and of maintaining the supremacy of the
law, whether on the land, or on the sea.  Reluctantly admitting the necessity of Force, even for such purposes, Christianity
revolts at Force as a sZbstitZute for a judicial tribunal.  The example of tle great Telacher, the practice of the early disciples,
the injunctions of self-denial, of love, of non-resistance to evil —
which are sometimes supposed to forbid the resort to Force in
any exigency, even of self-defence. - all these must apply with
unquestionable certainty to the established Systeml of WV!ar. Here
at least, there can be no doubt. If, sorrowfully, necessarily, cautiously - in a yet barbarous age- the sword, in the hanld of an
assaulted individual, may become the instrument of sincere selfdefenee- if, undler the sanctions of a judicial tribunal, it may
become the instrument of Justice also - surely it can never be the
Arbiter of Justice.  Here is a distinction vital to our cause, and
never to be forgotten in presenting its Christian claims. The
sword of the magistrate is unlike — oh! how unlike - the flaming sword of War.
Let us now look briefly in detail, at some of the component
parts of the War Systeni.  All of these may be resolved into
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR, as court-house, jail, judges, sheriffs, constables and posse conmitatus are preparatiolis for the administration
of municipal jutstice. If justice were not to be administered,
these would not exlst.  If War were not sanctioned by the Cornmonwealth of Nations, as the means of determining international
controversies then forts, navies, armies, military display, military
chaplains and military sertons, would not exist.  They would
be as useless and irrational - except for the rare occasions of a
police - as similar Lprel)arations would now be in Boston for
defence agvainst its neighbor Cambridge - or in the County of
Essex for dcefence against its neighbor County of Middlesex — or
in the State of Massachusetts for defence against its neighbors,




Rhode Island and New York. It is only recently that men have
learned to question the propriety and righteousness of these preparations; for it is only recently that men have begun to open
their eyes to the true character of the System, of which they are
a part. It will yet be seen, that in sustaining these we sustain the
System. Still further, it will yet be seen, that, in sustaining'these we offend by wicked waste against the demands of economy, and violate also the most precious sentiments of Hu-man
Brotherhood, taking counsel of distrust instead of love, and
provoking to rivalry and enmity, instead of association and
peace.
Time would fail me now to discuss adequately the nature of
these preparations; and I am the more willing to abridge what
I am tempted to say, because on another occasion I have treated
this part of the subject. I should -do wrong, however, not to
expose their vital inconsistency with the spirit of Christianity.
It is from a clear comprehension of the unchristian character of
the War System, that we shall perceive the unchristian character of the preparations which it encourages and requires. I might
exhibit this character by an examination of the Laws of War,
drawn originally from no celestial founts, but from a dark profound of Heathenism. But the Constitution of our own country
furnishes an. illustration so remarkable as to be a touchstone of
the whole System. No town, county, or State is at liberty to
"declare War."  The exercise of any proper self-defence, arising
from actual necessity, requires no such sanction. But Congress
are unhappily authorized expressly to " declare  ar " — lthat is,
to appeal to the Arbitrament of arms. And the Constitution
proceeds to state that, all, " giving aid and comfort to the enemy,"
shall be deemed to be " traitors."  Mark now, what the Gospel
has said; Love your enemies; if thine enemy hunger, feed him;
if he thirst, give himnt drink. Thus shall obedience to this positive
injunction of'Christianity, expose a person, under the War Sys.
tem, to the penalty of the highest crime known to the law. Can
this be a Christian system?
But the true character of these preparations is distinctly,
though unconsciously, attested by the names of the vessels in
the British Navy.  I have selected tlhe following offensive
catalogue from the latest official List. Most'of these are steamships of recent construction. They may be considered, therefore, to represent the spirit of the British Navy in our day —
nay, of those War preparations, of which they are a most effective part; — Acheron, Adder, Alecto, Avenger, Basilisk, Blood.
hound, Bull-dog, Crocodile, Erebus, Firebrand, Fury, Gladiator,
Goliah, Gorgon, Harpy, Hecate, Hound, Jackal, Mastiff, Pluto,
Rattlesnake, Revenge, Salamander, Savage, Scorpion, Scourge,
Serpent, Spider, Spiteful, Spitfire, Styx, Sullphur, Tartar, Tartarus, Teazer, Terrible, Terror, Vengeance, Viper, Vixen, Virago,
Volcano, Vulture, Warspite, Wildfire, Wolf, Wolverine!
2*




18
Such is the Christian array of Victoria, Defender of the Faith!
It may relmind us of the Pagan names of the savage warriors of
our continent, Black Hawk, Man-Killer, the Wild Bear; or of
the companions of King John, in wicked depredations upon his
subjects, in the early periods of English history, " Falco without
Bowels," " Maclean the Bloody," " Malter Buch, the ZMunrderer,"
"'Sottim. the Merciless," and " Godeschal the Iron-Hearted."
Or it might seem to be
---   all the grisly legions that troop
Under the sooty flag of Acheron.
As a man is known by the company he keeps -as a tree is
known by its fruits, so shall the ~War System  be fully and unequivocally known by these its chosen ministers, and by all the
accursed fruits of /Var. Employing such representatives, sustained by suchi agencies, animated by such Furies - and producing such fruits of tears and bitterness, it must be hateful to all
good men. Tell me not that it is sanctioned by the religion of
Christ; do not enroll the Saviour and his disciples in its Satanic
squadron; do not invoke the Gospel of Peace, in,rofane vindication of an Institution which, by its own too palpable confession,
exists in defiance of all the most cherished Christian sentiments;
do not dishonor the Divine Spirit of gentleness, of forbearance, of
love, by supposing that it can ever enter into this System, except
to change its whole nature and name, to cast out the devils
which possess it, and fill its gigantic energies with the holy inspiration of Beneficence.
I need say little of military chaplains, or military sermons.
Like the steamships of the navy, they come under the head of
preparations for War. They are unquestionably a part of the
War System. They belong to the same school with the priests
of former times, who held the picture of the Prince of Peace
before the barbarous champion of the Duel, saying, "Sir Knight,
behold here the remembrance of our Lord and Ptedeemer, Jesus
Christ, who willingly gave his most precious body to death in
order to save us. Now, ask of him mercy, and pray that on this
day he may be willing to aid you, if you have right, fobr he is the
sovereign jutdge.'*"  They belong to the same school with the
English prelates of our day, who consecrate, in the name of the
Prince of Peace, banners to be used in remote East Indian wvars,
saying, " Be thou in the midst of' our hosts, as thou wast in the
plains of India, and in the field of Waterloo, and may these banners, which we bless and consecrate this day, lead thee ever on
to glorious victory."  In thus consenting to degrade the " blessedness" of the Gospel to the "blasphemy" of the WTar System,
they follow long-established custom, doubtless often without con* Cauchy, Du Duel, Tom. I. cap. iii. p. 74.




sidering the true character of the System, whose ministers they
become.  Their apology will be, that "they know  not what
they do."
And here the important practical question occurs, is the
Militia obnoxious to the same unequl:ivocal condellnation? —
So far as the militia constitutes a part of the War System, it
is impossible to distinguish it from the rest of the System. It is
a portion of the apt)aratus provided for the administration of
international justice. It borrows from  this character the unwholesome attractions of War, while it disports itself like a
North. American Indian in finery and parade.  Of the latter
feature I will only incidentally speak.  If War be a Christian
Institution, let those, who act as its ministers, shroud themselves
in colors congenial with their dreadful trade. Let them, with
sorrow and solemnity, not with gladness and pomp, proceed to
their melancholy office.  The Jew Shylock, speaking through
the wisdom of Shakspeare, exposes the mockery of the streetshows of Venice in words which somnetinmes find an echo here;. When you hear the drum,
And the vile squeaking of the wry-necked fife,
Clamber not up to the casements then,
Nor thrust your head into the public street
To gaze on Christian fools with varnished faces;
But s[.op my house's ears, I mean my casements:
Let not the sound of shallow foppery enter
My sober house.
It is not as a part of the War System, but only as an agent for
preserving domestic peace, and for sustaining the law, that the
militia can be entitled to our support.  And here arises the important practical question - interesting to the opponents of the
War System and to the lovers of order - whether the same object cannot be accomplished by an agent, less expensive, less
cumbersome, and less tardy, forming no part of the War System,
and, therefore, in nlo respect liable to the objections encountered
by the militia.  Even the supporters of the militia do not disguise its growing unpopularity.  The eminent Military Commissioners of Mlassacllhusetts, to whom was referred in 1847 the duty
of arranging a system for its organization and discipline, confess
that there is "either a defect of power in the State governmenrt for an efficient and salutary militia organization, or the
absence of a public sentiment in its.favor, and a consequllent unwillingness to submit to the requirements of service, which
alone can sustain it;" and they add, that " they have been
met, in the performance of their task, with information from
all quarters, of its general neglect, and of the certain and rapid
declension of the militia in numbers arnd efficiency."   And
the Adjitant General of Massachusetts, after alluding to the
different systems which have been vainly tried, and have fallen




:20
into disuse in the State, remarks, that " the fate of each system
is indicative of public sentiment, and until public sentiment
changes, no military system whatever can be sustained in the state."
Nor is this condition of public sentiment for the first time
noticed. It was also recognized by the Commissioners, who, as
long ago as 1839, were charged by the legislature with this subject. In their report they say; " it is enough to know that all
attempts hitherto to uphold the system in its original design of
organization, discipline, and subordination, are at last brought to
an unsuccessful'issue."
None, who are familiar with public opinion in our country,
and particularly in Massachusetts, will question the accuracy of
these official statements. It is true, that there is an indisposition
on the part of citizens to assume the burthens of the militia.
Still further, its offices and dignities have ceased to be an object
of general regard. This certainly must be founded in a conviction, that it is no longer necessary or useful; for it is not customary with the people of Massachusetts to decline occasions of service, necessary or useful to the community. The interest which
once attended military celebrations has decayed. Nor should
the fact be concealed that there are large numbers, whose sentiments on this subject are not of mere indifference - who regard
with aversion the fanfaronade of a milita muster - who question not a little the good tendency which it may exercise over
those who take part in it, or behold it, and who look with regret
upon the expenditure of money and time which the service
requires.
If such be the condition of the public mind, it is wrong for
the Government not to recognize it -that our legislation may
be accommodated to it. The soul of all effective laws is an
animating T)ublic sentiment. This gives vitality to what else
would be a dead letter. In vain do we enact what is not inspired
by this spirit. No skill in the device of the system —no penalties -no bounties even - can uphold it. But happily we are
not without remedy. If the State Legislatures should deem it
proper to provide a substitute for this questionable or offensive
agency, as a conservator of domestic quiet, it is entirely within
their competency. Let the general voice demand the substitute.
Among the powers which are recognized as reserved to the
States, under the Federal Constitution, is the power of Internal
Police. Within its territorial limits a State is sovereign. Its
municipal arrangements depend entirely upon its own will. In
the exercise of this will, let it establish a system, congenial with
the sentiment of the age, which shall supp)ly the place of the
militia, as a guardian of municipal quiet. This system may consist of unpaid volunteers or special constables, like the fire companies in the country, or of hired men, enrolled for this particular
purpose, and always within call, like the fire companies in Boston. It would not be thought desirable, in all probability, that




21
they should be clad in showy costume, or subjected to all the
peculiarities of the military drill. I cannot doubt that a system
so simple, practical, efficient, unostentatious and cheap, especially as compared with the militia, would be in entire harmony
with the existing sentiment, while it could not fail to remedy
those evils which are feared firom the present neglect of the militia. Many unsuccessful attempts have been made to reform the
militia. It remains that a proper effort should be made to provide a substitute for it.
An eminent English jurist, of the last century - renowned as
a scholar also -Sir William Jones, in a learned and ingenious
tract, entitled "An Inquiry into the legal mode of suppressing
Riots, with a Constitutional Plan of Future Defence,"* after! developing the obligations of the citizen, under the common law,
as a part of the Power of the County, has presented a system of'
organization which is to act independently of the military. It is
not probable that this would be acceptable, in all its details, to
the people of our community; but there is one of his recommendations, which seems to harmonize with the existing state of
sentiment.  "Let the companies," lie says, "be tauglht in the
most private and orderly manner, for two or three hours early
every morning, until they are completely skilled in the use of
their arms; let themn not unnecessarily mnarcl tlrozugh the streets or
MiAgh roads, nor makce any the least military parade, but consider
themselves entirely as part of the civil State."
But, while divorcing the Police firom the unchristian and barbarous War System, I would never fail to inculcate the vital importance of maintaining law and order. Life and property should
be guarded. Peace must be preserved in our streets.  And it is
the duty of the Government to provide such means as shall be
most expedient for this purpose, if those already established are
found in, any respect inadequate, or uncongenial with the Spirit
of the Age.
I cannot close this exposition of the War System without a'brief endeavor to display the inordinate expenditure by which it
is sustained.  And here figures appear to lose their finctions.
They seem to pant, as they toil vainly to represent the enormous
sums wllich are consumed in this unparalleled waste.  Our own
experience, measured by the concerns of common life, does not
allow us adequately to conceive these sums. Like the periods
of geological time, or the distances of the fixed stars, they baffle
the imagination. Look, for instance, at the cost of this System
to the UnIJited States.  Without making any allow 7ance for the
loss sustained by the withdrawal of active men from productive
industry, we shall find tlhat, from the adoption of the Federal' Jones's Works, Vol. vi. p. 6835.




22
Constitution down to 164S, there has been paid directly from the
National Treasury —
For the Army and Fortifications,          $366,713,209
For the Navy and its operations,           209,994,428
$576,707,687
This amount of itself is immense. But this is not all. Regarding the militia as a part of' the War System, we must add a
moderate estimate for its cost duiing this period, which, according to the calculations of an able and accurate economist, may
be placed at $1,500,000,000. The whole presents an inconceivable sum-total of mnore than tzwo thousand milliotas of dollars,
which nave been dedicated by our (;overnmient to the support of
the War System —more than seven times as much as was set
apart by the Government during the same period to all other
purposes whatsoever'.
Look now at the Commonwealth of European States. I do
not intend to speak of the War Debts, under whose accumulated
weight these States are now pressed to the earth. These are
the terrible legacy of the Past. I refer directly to the existing
War System, the establishment of the Present. According to
recent calculations, its annual cost is not less than a thousand
millions of dollars. Endeavor for a moment to grapple with this
sum by a comparison with other interests.
It is larger than the entire profit of all the commerce and
manufactures of the world.
It is larger than all the expenditure for agricultural labor, for
the production of food for man, upon the whole face of the globe.
It is larger, by a hundred millions, than the amount of all the
exports of all the nations of the earth.
It is larger, by more than five hundred millions, than the value
of all the shipping of the civilized world.
It is larger, ty nine hundred and ninety-seven millions, than
the annual combined charities of Europe and America for preaching the Gospel to the Heathen.
Yes! the Commonwealth of Christian States, including our
own country, appropriates without hesitation, as a matter of
course, upwards of a thousand mlillions of dollars annually to the
maintenance of the War System, and vaunts its two millions of
dollars, laboriously collected, for diffusing the light of the Gospel
in foreign lands! With untold prodigality of cost it perpetuates
the worst Heathenism of War, while it seeks, by charities insignificant in comparison, to send to the Heathen the message of
Peace. It breeds and fattens at home a cloud of eagles and
vultures, trained to swoop upon the land, and sends across the
sea to the Heathen a solitary dove.
Still farther; every ship-of-war that floats costs more than a
well-endowed college.
Every sloop of-wvar that floats costs more than the largest pub.
lic library in our country.




23
But it is sometimes said, by persons yet in the leading-strings
of inherited prejudice, and with little appreciation of the true
safety of the principles of Peace, that all these comprehensive
preparations, are needed for the protection of the country against
enemies from abroad. Wishing to present our cause, without
raising any superfluous question as to what have been called
"defensive wars," on which there are varieties of opinion
among the opponents of War, let me say in reply - and here all
can unite —that if these preparations should be so needed at
any tinle, according to the aggressive martial interpretation of
the right of self-defence, there is much reason to believe it would
be, because the unchristian spirit in which they have their birth,
and which lowvers and scowls in the very names of the ships,
had provoked the danger- as the presence of a bravo in our
houses might challenge the attack which he was hired to resist.
Frederick of Prussia, sometimes called the Great- with an
honesty or impudence unparalleled in the history of warriors —
has left on record, most instructively prominent among the real
reasons which urged him to make war upon Maria Theresa, that
he had troops always ready to act. Thus did these preparations
for War become, as they have too often shown themselves,
the incentives to War. A careful consideration of human nature, whether as manifest in the conduct of individuals or of
communities, will show that the fatal War Spirit derives much
of its aliment from these preparations. Indeed, they unquestionably sow the seeds of the evil, which some persons vainly
imagine they help to avert. Let it never be forgotten - let it be
treasured as a solemn warning of history - that it was the possession of troops always ready to act, that helped inspire that
bloody War of seven years, which, first pouncing upon Saxony,
at last connected itself with the strifes of England and France,
and drew under its hostile banners, in the distant colonies across
the Atlantic, even the savages of the forest.
But I deny distinctly that these preparations are needed for any
just self-defence. In the first place, it is difficult, if not impossible,
to suppose any such occasion, in the Fraternity of Christian States,
if War should cease to be an established Arbitrament, or if any
State should be so truly great as to refuse to appeal to it. There
is no such occasion among the towns, or counties, or states, of
our extended country. There is no such occasion among the
counties of Great Britain, or among the provinces of France.
But the same sentiments of good will and fellowship, the same
ties of commerce which unite towns, counties, states and provinces, are fast drawing into similar communion the whole Commonwealth of Nations. France and England, so long regarded
as natural enemies, are now better known to each other, than
only a short time ago, were different provinces of the former
kingdom. And at the present moment, there is a closer intima



24
cy in business and social intercourse, between Great Britain and
our own country, than there was at the beginning of the present
century, between Massachusetts and Virginia.
But admitting that an enemy might approach our shores, with
purposes of piracy, or plunder, or conquest, who can doubt that
our surest protection would be found —not in the insane waste
of previous preparations —not in the idle fortresses along our
coasts, built at a cost far surpassing all our light-houses, and all
our colleges -but in the intelligence, union, and pacific repose
of good men, with the unbounded resources derived from an unititerrupted devotion to productive industry? - I think it may be
assumed as beyond question, in the present light of political
economy, that the people who have spent most sparingly in
preparations for War - all other things being equal - must possess the most enduring means of actual self-defence at home, on
their own soil, before their own hearths - if any such melancholy
alternative should occur. Consider the prodigious sums that have
been squandered by the United States, since the adoption of the
Federal Constitution, in support of the War System, exceeding
in all two thousand millions of dollars. Surely, if these means
had been devoted to railroads and canals, to schools and colleges,
our country would possess, at the piresent moment, an accumulated material power grander far than any she now boasts. But
there is another power of more unfailing temper, which would be
hers also. Overflowing with intelligence, with charity, with
civilization, with all that constitutes a generous state, she wouldc
be able to win peaceful triumphs transcending all she has yet
achieved-surrounding the land with an invincible self-defensive
might, and, in their unfading brightness, rendering all glory from
War impossible. Well does the poet say, with most persuasive
truth:
What constitutes a State?
JVot high-raised battlement or labored mound,
Thick waill or moated gate;
Not cities proud with spires an(t turrets crowned 
Not bays and broad-armed ports,.Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride;
But MEN, bigh-minded MEN.
Such men will possess a Christian greatness, which shall render
them unable to do an injury to a neighbor, while their character,
instinct with all the guardian virtues, shall render their neighbors unable to do an injury to them, and there shall be none to
molest them or make them afraid.
The injunction, "In timle of Peace prepare for War," is of
Heathen origin.  As a rule of international conduct, it is unworthy of an ageof Christian light. It can be vindicated only on
two grounds. First, by assuming that the Arbitrament of War
is the proper agency for deciding controversies between. nations,




and that tl;le War System  is, therefore, to be maintained and
strengthened, —as the essential means of internatioi:al justice.
Or, second, by assun-iing tile rejected donma of an ateist philosol)her. Hobbes, that \x ar is the natural sitlle (of nian.  Whatever may be the infirmities of our passions, all telist pIereeive that
the natural state of individuals, in which-L they hlave the hlig'lest
happinless, and to which they tenld by an irrcsi.tile  heaveidly
attraction is Peace.  And this is ttrue of commlnlllities alnd of' natious, as well as of individuals.  The proper rule should b)e, " in
time of Peace cutltivate the arts of Peace"  So doilng you  will
rellcler the country truily strong and truly great - not by arousing
the.passions of WVar, not by lnursina men to the business of blood,
not by converting thle land into a flaming arsenal, a manpazine of
gunl)owder, or an " inllferal maclhine," all ready to explode - but
by dedicating its wliole energies to iusefuil and beneficent %?orks.
Tle inlcongruity of this System of Armed Peace nay  be illustrated by an examplle.  Look into the life of that illilstriouLs philosophler, John Locke,  and you wMill fiind tlhat in thle jouiJ'nals of
his tour thlroolig F1rance, describirg    the arcles of the arl p)hitheatre at Nilmes, lhe says, " there is a stone laid about twenlty
inches or tcwo feet siliare, and aboult si tinies the lenatli oJf my
sword, twhich ucas abouat a philosoplhic yais  c lo,,."  Who  is ilot
struck by the ntlseeriinless of thle ilage of the author of the
Essay on thle Humani Untderstanding, travelhlino withl a sword by
his side?  But in this lie only followed thle barbarous custonm  of
his time.  Itldividuals theti lived in the samre relations towards
each other, lwhich now chlaracterize nations.  The Wralr System
had not yet entirely retreated from  nlmunicipal law aiid ctsiotn,
to find its last citadel and temnple in the iaws atlic c ustoans of
nations.  Do not fbirget, tltat, at thle present momentt, ou:ir own
country, tile  l'reat atllhor, aotilon  the nations of'a new Essay on
the CHumIan'Understanding, not only travels with a s-word by its
side, bIt i ives encased in complete artnor, bl)rthensol le to its
limbl-s atnd costlv to its treasury.
ItL condemniltg the Wiar System, as a birlarous andl most
wasteful ageintey, thle token and relic of a state of society alien to
Christian civilizatioD,  we may except the navy, so fa. as it nmay
be necessary in tle arrest of piirates, of trahicekers in hunial fle-sh,
and geaterally in v[reserving the )police of tlie sea.  But after the
present suirvey, it will be difficult for the unpriejuicecld mrind to
regard thle array of fortificatiolis alnct ofstan(lilng atmles,  otherwixse than as obnoxious to thie coildemtaation   h lichl  attaclles to
the ViWar System   Thle fortifications are thle iinstruments, atid
the armny are the hired champ, ons of the great Duel of Nationls.
BJit here I quit this part of the subject.  Sufficient has been
said to expose thie ttrue chlarac;ter of t'he WVar Systenm of tilhe Commonw\vealth of Clhrislian ~Nations.  It stainds befoie us nDT as a
colossal irmage of Interinational Justice, with/ the sword, bllt wziztowt
fi




26
the scales - like a hideous Mexican idol, besmeared with human
blood, and surrounded by the sickening stench of hunman sacrifice. But this image, which seems to span the continents, while
it rears aloft its flashing form of brass and of gold, and hides far
in the clouds " the top and round of sovereignty " which it wears
upon its head, can yet be laid low, for its feet are of clay. Every
thing is weak and brittle which exists in violation of right and
reason, of religion and humanity. And such is the condition of
the War System. It stands on wrong and folly, on impiety and
ihalumanity. Surely its feet are of clay.
IL. And now I come, in the second branch of this Address, to
the more grateftl consideration of the mleans by which the War
System can he overthrown.  Here I shall unfold the tendencies
and examples of nations, and the sacred efforts of individuals,
constituting the Peace Movemlent, now ready to triumph, and
shall offer some practical suggestions on our duties to this great
cause, with a concluding glance at the barbarism of military
glory. In this review I shall not be able to avoid the details incident to a multiplicity of topics; but I shall try to introduce
nothing that (does not bear directly on the subject.
Civilization now writhes in great travail and torment, and asks
for liberation from the oppressive sway of the War System. Like
a. slave, under a weary weight of chains, it raises its exhausted
arms, and pleads for the angel Deliverer. And lo! the beneficent angel comes — not like the Grecian God of Day, with
vengefill arrow to slay the destructive Python, not like the Archangel Michael, with potent spear to transfix Satan to the earth,
but with words of gentleness and Christian cheer, saying to all
nations, and to all children of men, " Ye are all brothers, of one
flesh, of one fold, of one shepherd, children of one Father, heirs to
one happiness. By your own energies, by united fraternal endeavors, in the name of Christ, shall the tyranny of War be overthrown, and its Juggernaut be crushed to the earth."
It is in this spirit, and with this encouragement, that we should
labor for that grand and final object, the watcllword of all ages,
the Unity of the Human Family. Not in benevolence, but in
selfishness has this been sought in times past; not to promote
the happiness of all, but to establish the dominion of one. It was
the mad lust for power which carried Alexander from conquest to
conquest, till he boasted that the whole world was his empire,
and the Macedonianl phalanx his citadel. Again, the same passion animated Rome, till at last, while Christ lay in his manger,
this city swayed broader lands than were swayed by Alexander.
The Gospel, in its simple narrative, says, " and it came to pass
about these times, that a decree went out fromn Cwsar Augustus,
that all the world should be taxed."  History points to the exile
of Ovid, who, falling under the displeasure of this sanle Enperor, was condemned to close his days in vain longings foA




Rome, far away in Pontus, beyond the E: xine Sea. With singular significance, these two contemnporaneous incidents reveal
the universality of Rotan dominion, stretching from  Britain to
Parthia.  But1 this empire crumbled, to be re-constructed for a
brief moment, in part by Charlemagne, in part by Tamerlane.
In our own age Napoleon has made a last effort for Unity, founded oli Force. And now firom his utterances at St. Helena, the
expressed wisdm of his unparalleled experience, comes the:remarkable confession, worthy of constant memory; "The more I
study the world, the more am  I convinced of tlhe inability of
brute force to create any thing durable."  From  the sepulchre of
Napoleon, now sleeping on the banks of the Seine, surrounded
by the vain trophies of battle —nay more, firom the sepulehres of
all these broken empires seem to proceed the words,'They that
take the sword shall perish by the sword."
Unity is the longing and tendency of Humanity; not the enforced Unity of military power; not the Unity of' might triumpliant over rioght; not the Unity of Inequality; not the Unity
which occupied the soul of Dante, when in his treatise De
s/MIonarchia, the earliest political work of modern times, he strove
to show that all the world ought to be governed by one man, the
successor of the Roman Emperor.  Not these; but the blessed
voluntary Unity of the various people of the earth in fraternal
labors; —the Unity which was promised, when it was said,
"' there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free,
there is neither male nor female, for ye are all one in Christ
Jesus";- the Unity which has filled the delighted vision of good
men, of prophets, of sages and poets, in times past; —the Unity
which, in our own age, prompted Beranger, the incomparable
lyric of France, in an immortal ode, to salute the Holy Alliance
of the peoples, sumlrmoning  thenm in all lands, and by whatever
nanies they may be called, French, Englisl, Belgian, German,
Russian, to give to eachl other the hand, to the end that the useless tllunderbolts of War shall all be quenched, and Peace shall
sow the earth with gold, with flowers, and with corn;- the
Unity which prompted an early American statesman and poet
to anticipate the time when all the nations shall meet in. Coingress;
To give each realm its limits and its laws,
Bid the last breath of dire contention cease,
Anod bind all regions in the leagues of Peace,
Bid one great empire, with extensive sway,
Spread with thle sun, and bound the wallrs of day,
One centered system, one all-ruling soul
Live through the parts, and regulate the whole;
the Unity, which has inspired the contemporary British poet, of
exquisite beauty, Alfred Tennyson, to hail the certain day,
When the drums shall throb no longer,
And the battle-flags be furled,
In the Parliamernt of man,
The Federation of the World.




28
Such is Unity in the bonds of Peace.  The common good and
miliutual consent shall be its adamantine base.  Justice and Love
s}hall hI its anil;ltingl soul.  Tlhese alone can -ivre p)ermanence
to any combinationsof imen, A whetherin states or in conltedeJacies.
In thlese is the vital elixir of  nations- the true philosopller's
stone of divine efficacy, potent to keep alive the civilization of
mankind.  So far as these are neglected or, forootlen, will the
people, though under one appiarent head., cease to be in eality
united.  So far as these are re_4arded, will the p)eople within
the slhere of their influence constitute one body, and be inslired
by one spirit.  A1Il jlst il prolportion  as these  sentiments
find recogutition1 fioima ididvidua ls, and from  nations, will all War
be inl)possihle.
But Inot in vision,,ioj' ini Ionmises only is this Unity discerned.
History reveals cti'istattl elrfotls fbr it in thle volulntary associationvs, ccilfiel:.:cies, lea ges, coalitions and  ConLoresses of
Nations, which! thou.l')h fh thiti  e and limited in their inflitence,
all attest the unsatisfiedc desires of men, solicitouis for union, and
show the means by whichl it may yet be permanently accomplished.  Let me briefly enumlerate some of these  1. The
Amphictyozic Council, embracing at first twelve, and finally
thirty-one states or cities, was established in the year 497 before
Christ.  Each city sent two deputies, and had two votes in the
Coln cil, wohich h1ad full2 power to contsidcer all cdiferetices that might
arise between the associate cities.  2. Next comes the Ah/2cean
Lreaguze, founded at a very early pieriod, and renewed in the year
284 before Chrlist. ELxci  in member of the League was independent, alld yet all together cnstituted one body. So great was the
fame of their juticea ajd t)col)ithy, that tile Greek cities of Italy were
glad to refer clispfl.tes to tI!einr  eacefil arbitration.  3. Passing
over other confiE-CterC1;es (of''ntitllity, I conme to the IlaZseczsic
League, begun in tie rtwelfth centuL1ry, completed near the mniddle
of the thirteenth, and tc ol-p)isinlg at one time nearly eighty cities.
A system  of Internlatijonal Law  was adopted in their general
assemblies, and coutrts of arbitrat.iou were established to de-terzine
conttrove'sies amonZg the cities.  Tle decrees of these courts were
en forced by placing the condemned city under what vwas called
the ban, a sentence ellquivalent to the excommunication of the
ecclesiastical law.  But this League was not alon-e.  4. In the
twelfth and thirteenth centutries various othler cities arid nlobles
of Germany, entered into alliances and associations for mutual
protection, under various natmes, as the League (f the Rhinze, and
the League of Suahbia.  5. To these I may acid, perhllaps, the
coml-ination of the Armzed Neutrality in 1780, uniting, in declared
suplport of certain p)rinciples, a large cluister of nations - Russia,
France, Spain, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, a, d the
United States   6. And still further, I may refer to various Congresses, whether at Utrecht, at Westphilalia, at Cambray at Aix
la Chapelle, or at Vienna, whose professed object has beeln, aller




29
thle wasteful struggles of War, to arrange the terums of Peace and
to arbitrate beLween nations.
These examples, which belong to the Past, reveal the tendencies and capacities of nations.  There are other instances, however, whichl colme with the effect of living authority, while they
afford a Ipractical illustialion of thle means by which the War
System of the Commonwealthl of Christian States timay be overthrown.  There is, first, the Swiss Republic, or Hdcetic Union,
which began as long ago as 1308, and has preserved Peace
amonglu its members during the greater part of five centuries. In
sp~ealting of this Union, Vattel says, in the early part of the last
century,'* "  The Swiss have had the precaution, in all their allii
ances among themselves, and even with the neighboring powers,
to agree beforehand on the manner in which their disputes were to be
submitted to arbitrators, in case they (ould'not adjust them in an amicable nmanner.  This wise precatltion has not a little contributed
to maintain thle Helvetic Republic in that flourishing state, which
seculres its liberty, and renders it respectable througholut Europe."
Since these words were written, there have been many changes
in thle Swiss Constitution, but its present Federal System, embracing upwards of twenty-four diftbrent slates, established on
the downfall of Napoleon, and again confirmed in 1830,'provides
that differences among the states shall be referred to "special
arbitration."  This is an itlstructive examp)le.  But second, our
own happy country furnishes one yet more so. The United
States of America are a Federal Union of thirty independent
sovereign States,'- each having peculiar interests,-in pursuance of a Constitution, established in 1788, which not only provides a hilgh tribunal for the adjudication of controversies) between
the States, but expressly disarms the individual States, declaring
that "no State shall, without consent of Congress, keep troops, or
ships qf war in time qf peace, or engage in any war, unless actually
invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not acnmit of dlay.
(Art. 1, Sec. 9).  A third example, not unlike that of our own
country, is the Confideration of Germany, composed of thirtyeight sovereignties, who, by reciprocal stipulation in their Act of
Union, (Sec. 12,) on the 8th June, 1815, deprived each sovereignty of the right of war with its confederates.  The words of
this stipulation, as well as those of the Constitution of the United
States, miglht furnish a mnodel to the Commonwealth of Nations.
It is as follows: " The members further bind themselces under no
pretence to declare war against one another, nor to pursue their mzutual differences by force of armns, but engage to submit them to the
Diet. The Diet is in such cases competent to attempt a reconciliation by the appointment of a select committee, and should
this not prove successful, to procure a decision from  a well-organ* Laww of Naitions, Book ii-. chap.- 18 ~ 3298',.




30
ized Court of Arbitration, whose sentence is impl2icitly 6incding upon
the disputing parties."
Such are some of the authentic well-defined examples of history.  Butt this is not all. It seems in tlie order of Providence,
that individuals, families, tribes, and nations, sliould teand, by
means of association, to a final Unity.  A law of muttual attraction, or atti,,ity, first exerting its influence upon smaller bodies,
draws tl-em by degrees into well-established fellowsllip, and tlhen
continuing its power, h'ises these larger bodies into nations; and
nations themselves, stirred by this same sleepless influence, are
now  moving towards that grand system  of combined order,
which shall complete the general harmony;
Spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artus
Mens agitat molerem, et magno se corpore miscet.
History bears ample testimony to the potency of this attraction.
Modern Europe, in its early periods, was filled by petty lordships, or commlunities, constituting so many distinct units, acknowledging only a vague nationality, and mlainrtaining thle right
of war with each oth-er. Ttie great states of our day have grown
and matured ilto their presentt form, by tle gradual absorption
of these political bodies  Territories, wlicl-h once l)ossessed an
equivocal and turbulent indleendence, now feel new power and
haJppiness in peaceful association.  Spain, composed of races,
dissimilar in origin, religionl and goverllmlent, slowly ascended by
progressive combinations among its prinicip)aities and pIrovinces,
till at last, in the fifteenth cent ury, by tle crowning union of
Castile and Arracon,  the whole country, with its various sovereigoties; was united Linder one common rule.  Germany once
consisted of upwards of three lhu:ndled different prilcilalities,
each \with the right of war.  These slowly coalesced, otrming
larger principalities, till at last the whole complex aggregati,)n
of states; eambracing  bishoprics, abbeys, archl bishopric.s, ducllies,
cotunties; baili wicks, electorates, niargraviates, an(l fiee implperial
cities, 0was (iraldually resolved inlto the present Confederation,
wlherein each state expressly renounces thle right of war with its
associates.  France has passed throllCgh similar changes.  By a
power of assimnilation, in no nation so strongly marked, she has
atbsorbed the various races, anri sovereignties, which once filled
her territories with violence a-ncd conflict, and conrerted them  all
to herself  Thle.ornman or Iberian of Provence, the indonlitable
Celtic race, the Germarn of Alsace, have all become Frenchimen,
while tle various provinces, once irlsp)ired by such hostile passions, Brittany and Normandy, Franclhe Comte and Bourgovne,
Gascog,,e and Languedoc, Provence and Dauptiiny; are now
blended in one powerfill united nation. And Great Britain slhows
the influence of the same law.  Tile manly hostile principalities
of England were first resolved, into the Heptarlclhy, andli  these




31
seven kingdoms became one under thle Saxon Edgar.'Wales,
which was forcibly attached to Etnglaiid under Ed\. ard I., has at
lasL entirely assimilated with her cotlqueror; Ireland, after a protracted resistaince, was fiially absorbed under Edward llI., andt
at a later clay, after a series of bitter struggles, was united -I
do not say how slecessfillly - uider the iml erial palliainent;
Scotland becaime connected with Englan)d by tle accession of
Jamles I. to the thirone of thle'TtLdots, ajd tlhese two countries,
wlhich had so often encountered in battle. at last, unider Queen
Anne, were joined togetler by an aci, of peacefiiul legislation.'Thus hlas this lendeney to Unity predctoii nlated over ilde)pelclent sovereignties and states, slowly co; ducting the great process
of crystallization, which is constanltly gOilng onr among the nations.  But this cannot be arrested here.  Ti:e next stage must
be tlle peaceftil association of thle Christian States.  In tllis anticiaiition we but follow  the analogies of' the rmaterial creation,
whlethler regarded in the illunlination of chlemical or of geological
science. Every where natulre is [proceeding with lier conmbitnations —with occilt,.iicalculable p-)ower, diawing elenimeits into
new  relations of larmony - uniting molecule xwith rnolecule,
atom with atom, anid by progressive clangres, in the la)pse of
time, )roducing new structural  arrangemeijts.  Looi, still closer,
and the analogy wili still continue.  At first wre detect only the
operatioln o' colesion, rudely acting upon T)articles near together.
This is followed by subtler influenlces, slouwly inll)arting regiilarity
of form, while heat, electricity, and )potent eh-enmical affinities all
conlspire in the work.  Yet still we lhave an incomp>lele body.
Li)ght -now exerts its mysterious )ovwers, andcl all assulies an
organized form.  So it is also witlh mankind.  Tlie rude colicsion of early ages, acting only upon individuals near togetller,
first appears.  Slowly does the work Iproceed.  But time arnd
space, the great obstructions, if not alnnlilhilated. are now subldued,
giving free scope to the powerful affinities of civilization.  At
last ligllt-hail! holy light - in whose glad beams are knowled-ge, morals and religion, with emplyrean sway, shall resolve
these separate and distracted elements into one orga nized s} stem.
But rot only ill the present active p)rocesses of nature (do we
find encoLuraging atnalogies.  Illu-trations occur of a diflerent
clharacter. As it the geological history of' the earth there first
appeared above thle world of waters, the mountainl peaks and
ridges, next the elevated plains, and lastly the coJtirnents in their
present form, wvith "old ocean poured  round all,' so, in the history of mankind, have we seen individuals, first rising above the
waste of barbarisml, and learnilng to decide tleir controversies by
reason, arld next cities, principalities- and provinces, slowly appearing in the light of day. It yet remains that broad nlations,
filling the spaces of the continents, slould ascend into thle same
gratefiul atmosphere.  Until this takes p)lace, "6 chaos and old
night" caunnot cease to brood over the world.




32
Thus much for the -examples and tendencies of nations. In
harmony with these are the tjortls of individuals in various ages,
strengthening witlh timne, ti.l now at last they swell into a voice
that sllall be heard.  A rapid:glance at these will show the
growth of the cause which we have met to welcome. Far off ia
the writings of the early Fathers of the Christ1ian Churlch we
learn the duty and importance of Universal Peace. But the rude
hoof of War trampled down these sparks of' generous truth, destined to tlame forth at a later day. In the fitteelnth centutry, the
character of the good Ican of Peace was clescribed in that work of
unexampled circulation, which has been translated into all modern tongues, and republished more than a thousand times, the
Imitation of Christ, by Thomas a Kenmpis.  At the close of' the
same century, thle cause of Peace founld important support from
the pen of one of the chief scholars of the age, the gentle and
learned Erasmus.  At last it obtained a specious advocacy firom
the throne.  Henry IV., of France, with the codperation of his
minister, Sully, conceived a grand scheme for the blending of the
Christian States in one Confederacy, witli a high tribunal for the
decision of controversies between them. He had drawn into his
plan Quleen Elizabeth of England, when all was arrested by
the dagger of the assassin.  This gay and gallant monarch was,
however, little penetrated by the divine sentiment of Peace; for
at his death  he was gathlering the materials for fiesh War, and
it is unhappily too evident, that even in his schenme of a European Congress, he was animated by a selfish ambition to humble
Austria, rather than by a comprehensive humIanity. Still his
scheme has performed the important office of'holding aloft before
Christendom, thle practical idea of a tribunal for the Commonwealth of Nations.
The cause of Universal Peace was not destined thus early to
receive the direct countenance of governments.  But the efforts
of private persons now began to multiply.  Before the close of
the' seventeenth century, Nicole, the friend of Pascal, belonging
to the fellowship of Port-Royal, and one of tile highest names in
the Church of France, gave to the world, in his Moral Essays, a
brief Treatise on the means of preser'ing Peac, amnong men, (rLaite
des.llIoyens cle conservec; la Paix avec les Hommines,) a production
which Voltaire, inr exaggerated praise, terms " a master-piece to
which nothing equal lhas been left by Antiquity."  There next
appeared a work, which I suppose to be now lost, entitled Nouveau Cyneas —the name bein-o sulggested by the pacific adviser
of Pyrrhus, the warrior king of Elirus - wherein the unknown
author counselled sovereigns to govern their states in Peace, and
to cause their differences to be judged by an establishled tribunal.
And in Germany, as we learn firom Leibnit.z, who also mentions
the last authority, at the close of the seventeenth century, a
retired general, who had commanded armies, the Landgrave
Ernest of Hesse Reinfels, in a work entitled'7ze Disc-teet  aho



lic, offered a project for Perpetual Peace, by means of a tribunal
estal)lished by associate sovereigns.  Cotltem!oral)eotusly with
these efforts, William Pelnn in EEngland pubtlistled an1 "Essay on
the present and fiuture peace of Europe," in which he urged the
plan of a general Congress for the settlement of international disputes, atdcl referred with praise to the " great design " of [enry IV.
Thius, by his wriilngs, as aiso by hlis illuistrioLis example in Pennsylvania, has he slhown. himself the friend of Peace.
Tflese were soon followed by the untiriIjg lablors of the good
Abbe Saint Pierre, of France -the most efflicient of the early
aposles of Peace.  He is nrot to he confotinded with the eloquent
andl eccentric Bernardin. de Saint Pierre, tile author of Paul and
Virginia, whlo, at a later day, beautiftlly  painted the true Fraternitv of Nationis.   WVithl less aististi genius thlan the latter, the
Ablbe consecrated a life, prolonged to extrerme old age, to the iraprovement of marlnkind. There was no lhumane cause whlich he
did not espouse, but he was especially filled with the idea of
Universal Peace, aind with tie illllortance of teaching nations,
not less than individuals, the duty of doing to others as they
would have others do unto thlelrn.  His views are elaborately
presented in a work of three vol umes, entitled, AP oject for PerpetoLal Peace, wherein lie proposes a Diet or Congress ol' Sovereigns
for the adjudication of international controversies without resort
to V War  Throughout his volumninous writings, lie constantly
returns to this project, which was the cherished vision:of his life.
More than once the regret falls firom himn, that the exalted genius
of Newton and Descartes had not been devoted to the stucdy and
exposition of the great laws which determine the welfare of tmen
and of nationls; believing that they mighlt have succeeded in organizing Peace.  He often dwells on the beauty of Christian
precepts, as a rule of public conduct, and on the true glory of beneficence, while lie exposes thle vanity of military renowni and
does not liesitate to question that false glory wlhich trocured for
Louis XIV., from flattering courtiers and a barbarous world, the
undeserved title of Great.  He enriched the French language
with the word bies/C.sisance, and D'Alembert said that it was
right lie should have invented the word, who practised so largely
the virtue which it expresses.
I need hardly add that, thourlh thus of benevolence all-conipact, St. Pierre was not the favorite of his age.  The profligate
minister, Cardinal Dubois —tlte ecclesiastical cornpanion of a
vicious regent.in  his worst excesses, - condemned his ideas in a
phrlase of satire, as " tlhe dreamrns of a good irnan."  Tlhe plen of
La Bruyere wantoned in an unattractive iortiait of some of the
peculiarities of his character.  Many persons averted from him
their countenance.  To thle scandal of literature aiid science, the
(E Ouvres de Bernardin de St. Pierre, Tomn. x. p. 138. Harmonies de la
Jature; Tom. ii. p. 168. IVeux d'un Solitaire.




34
Academy of France, of which he was a member, forbore, on the
occasion of his death, the eulogy which is its customary tribute
to a departed academician.  But an incomparable genius in
Germany —an authority not to be questioned on any subject
u por which l-le ventured to speak - Leibnitz, bears his testimony
to the Project of Porpetual Peace, arld in so doing enrolls his own
illustrious name in the sacred catalogue of' our cause.  In some
observations on thlis Project, communicated to its author, under
date of Feb. 7th, 1715,* after declaring, thlat it touches a matter
which interests the whole human race, and lwhich is not foreign
to his studies, as he had fiom his youth occupied himself with
law, and particularly with the Law  of Nations, Leibnitz says,
"' Ihave read it with attention, and am re-rsuarlec that such a Project
on the whole is frasible, andl that its executionz would be one qf the.most useful things in the worldl.  Although my sffi'age cannot be
of any weight, I have nevertheless thought that gratitude obliged me not to withhold it, and to join to it some remarks for the
satisfaction of a meritorious author, who ought to have much reputation and firmness, to have dared and been able to oppose
with success the prejudiced crowd, and the unbridled tongue of
mockers."  Such language from Leibnitz must have been precious even to Saint Pierre.  I cannot close this brief sketch of an
ever-constant ph-lilanthropist, in an age when philanthropy was
little regarded, without offering him my unaffected homage.  To
him  may be addressed the sublime salutation, which hymned
from  the soul of Milton;
Servant of God, well done! well hast thou fought
The better fight, who single hast maintained
Against revolted multitudes the cause
Of truthl, in word mightier than they in arms;
And for the testimonyof truth hast borne... e.. reproach, far worse to bear
Than violence; for this was all thy care
To stand approved in sight of God, though worlds
Judged thee perverse.
Our world hlereafter, as it wakes from its martial trance, shall
salulte the true greatness of his career with gratitude and adnmiration.  It may well measure its advance in civilization by its
appreciation of his chlaracter.
Saint Pierre was followed in 1761 by that remarkable genius,
Rousseau, in a small work to which he modestly gave the title,
Extract fi'on the Project of Perpe;tual Peace qf the Abbe Saint
Pierre.   Without referring to thlose higher motives-as the
love of true glory, and of humanity, a regard for the dictates of
conscience and the precepts of religion- for addressing which to
sovereigns, Saint Pierre incturred the ridicule of what are called
practical statesmen - Rousseau merely appeals to the common
* Leibnitz, Opera, Tom. V. pp. 56-62, (ed. Dutens.)




35
sense of rulers, and shows bow much their actual: worldly interests would be pronm-oted by submitting their respective pretensions to the Arbitration of an impartial tribunal, rather than
to the uncertain issue of arms, which cannot b)rimg adequate
comlpensation even to the victor, for the blood and treasure expended in the contest.
In Germany several writers, of different schools of philosophy,
have proposed the establishment of an Amphictyonic Council of
States, by which their mutual differences may b1e jid icially settled,
and the guilt and misery of War be forever abolished amonog civilized nations. One of the most remarkable of these projects
was published in 1795, by the renowned philosopher, Emanuel
Kant.  In his work on Jurisprudence, lie says;"  "What we
mean to propose is a General Collvress of Nations, of which both
the meeting and tile duration are to depend entirely on tile Sovereign will of the League, with an indissoluble Union like that
which exists bet" een the several States of North AAmerica founded on a Municipal Constitution. Such a Congress, and such a
League, are the only means of realizing the idea of a true public
law, according to wliech the differences between nations would
be determined by civil judicature, instead of resorting to War,
a means of redress worthy only of barbarians."
Almost at tle same time in England, that indefatigable jurist
and reformer, Jeremy Bentham, entered upon similar speculations. In an Essay on I nternational Law, bearing date firom
1786, to 1789,.and first published by his Exectutor, Dr. Bowring,
in 1839, t he develops a plan for Universal and Perpetual Peace
in the spirit of Saint Pierre. According to him, such is the extreme folly, the lmadness of War, that on no supposition can it
be otherwise than mischievous.  All trade is in its essence advantageous, even to that party to whlom it is least so. All war
is, in its essence, ruinols; and yet the great employments of'
government are to treasure jup occasions of MTar, and to lput fetters upon trade,  To remedy this evil, Bentharn proposes, first,
"' The reduction and fixation of the forces of the several Nations,
that compose the European system," and in enforcing tlhis proposition he says;  TWhatsoever nation should get the start of the
other in making the proposal to reduce, and fix the amount of
its armed force, would crown itself with everlasting honor. The
risk would be nothing- the gain certain. This gain would be,
the giving an incontrovertible demonstration of its own disposition to peace, and of the opposite disiposition in the other nation
in case of its rejecting the proposal."  He next proposes the
establishment of a Court of Jtldicature for the settlement of international differences, with power to report its opinion, and cause
that opinion to be circulated in the territories of each state, and
- Kant, Rechtslehre, Th 1I. ~ 61.
t Beontham's Works, Part viii. pp. 537-554.




36
after a certain time, to put a refractory state under the ban of
Europe.  Ttie whlole arrangemenit lhe urges, can inl no respect be
styled visionary, for it is plroved, Jirst, that it is the interest of
the parties concerned, secoatd, thtat tlhey are already sensible. of
tlhat interest, anld, third, thle situ-ation in wliich it would place
them  is not new, but htinds a parallel in the difficult and comlplicated( conventions, which have already been effected  between
nationis.
Coming to our country I find many names worthy of commemoration in outr ca!use.  No p)erson in all history has borlne hlis testilony against WVar in pt)rases o' greater punlgellcy and of' nmore
convilclcnl truth thlan Benjamin Franklin.  ITlhere never lias
been," lie says, " nor ever will be, any such thlinlg as a good
War, or'  bad Peace;" and lhe asks, " Wien  ill mankilld be
colvilled of tlhis, atid agree to settle their difficulties by Aibitration?. Were  they to do it even  by tlhe cast of a. die, it would
be bihetter than by figtting and destroying eacll other."  As a
diplonatnst Frankili. Strove to limit tile evils of War.  From him
wmtile Nlliister of the United  tatcs at es, at Pais, proceeded those instrtlctiolJs,'more honorable to the Anmerica n liame tlhan any battle,
addressed to the uaval cruisers ot our counltry, inelllditg thle redoubt.)able Paul Joines, directing trhemla if thley should fall in with
tihe returning' expedition of the great Enolish navigator, Capt.
Co!ok, to allov it, in the sacrod interests of universal scieiice, a
free amcl undlisturtbecd passage.  And still later to himt belongs the
honor or' introducing into a treaty witl- Pruissia, a cla.use f6r the
abolit.ionL of that special scanldal. private War on the oceean.  In
similar strain witt-1 Froakliil,   Jeffers,)n says;  "Will lnations
never devise a more ratio'ia]l umpire of dlfdfrernces tlhan Force?
War is an instrimuient entirely  ineff-icient. towarlds redressinog
wrolg, o adi mtltipiies itlsteacJ of indemtnlifyilig losses."  Anlld lie
proceedls to exhlibit tIhe waste of War, anc(l thie beneficent consequences, if its  expenlditutes could be diverted to purposes of
I)raetical utility.
To Fa. i nlil an-d TJefferson we offer our fhomage for their autlhoritative  words aljd exanloples.  Btut tlere are tlhree liames, fit
sticcessors of' Saint Pierre, -- I spealk nor of course, oi ly of thlose
whlose career is enlded, and on whlose good works is the hleavenlly
signtet of death -  whiich more thlan theirs deserve the aflbetioilate
regard of' tle firiends of Peace.  I refer to Noahl Worcester, Williar Ellery Channilng, and \Willila  Ladcld.  It xnoulld be a gratefiil task to dwell oil the services of tliese our virtl:ous ClhamplliOtns,
robed in garments of lustrous wvhite.  rT'lle occasioo will allow
only a passinlg notice.  In Worcester we t)elhold the single-miinlded country clergyman, little gifted as a preacl-her, witli narrow
mellus, -and hlis examp)le teaches what suchi a claracter may
accoml plishl, -in liis huIllle retirement pailned by tlhe reporlt.s of
War, anid at last, wheni tie great Eulropean drama of battles closed
at Waterloo, publishing tliat appeal, entitled " A solemln review of




v3
the custom of War," which has been so extensively circulated
at home and abroad, and has done so much to correct the inveterate prejudices which surround our cause. He was the founder
and for some time the indefatigable agent of the earliest Peace
Society in the country. - The eloquence of Channing, both with
tongue and pen, was often directed against WVar. He was heartstruck by the awful moral degradation which it caused, rudely
blotting out in men the image of God their Father, and his words
of flaine have lighted in many souls those exterminating fires
that shall never die, until this evil is scoured from the earth.William Ladd, after conmpleting his education at Harvard University, entered into commercial pursuits. Early blessed with
competency, through his own exertions, he could not be idle.
He was childless, and his affections embraced all the children of
the human family. Like Worcester, and Channing, his attention
was arrested by the portentous crime of War, and he was moved
to dedicate the remainder of his days to. earnest, untiring efforts for
its abolition, - going about from place to place, to inculcate the
blessed lesson of Peace, - with simple, cheerful manner winning
the hearts of good men, and dropping in many youthful souls
the precious seeds, which shall ripen in more precious fruit. He
was the founder of the American Peace Society, in which was
finally merged the earlier association, established by Worcester.
By a long series of practical labors in our cause, and especially
by developing, maturing and publishing to the world, the plan
of a Congress of Nations, has William-Ladd enrolled himself
among the benefactors of mankind.
Such are some of the names which, hereafter, when the warrior no longer receives from the world the " blessings" promised
to the "peace-maker," shall be inscribed on immortal tablets.
And now at last, in the fulness of time, in our own day, by the
labors of men of Peace, by the irresistible cooperating affinities of
mankind, nations seem to be visibly approaching — even amidst
tumult and discord - that Unity, so long hoped for, prayed for.
By steamboats, railroads and telegraphs, outstripping the traditional movements of governments, men of all countries are daily
commingling - ancient prejudices are fast dissolving, while ancient sympathies are strengthening, and new sympathies are coming into being. The chief commercial cities of England send addresses of friendship to the chief commercial cities of France, and
the latter delight to return the salutation. Similar cords of amity
are woven between cities in England, and cities in our own country. The visit of a band of French National Guards to London
is reciprocated by the visit of a large company of Englishmen to
Paris. Thus are pacific conquests now made, where formerly all
the force of arms could not prevail. Mr. Vattemare perambulates Europe and the United States to establish a happy system
of literary international exchanges. By the daily agency of the
4




38
press we are made sharers in the trials and triumphs of our
brethren in all lands, and learn to live no longer in the solitude
of insulated nationalities, bhut in the communion of associated
states. By the multitudinous reciprocities of commerce we deVelope relations of mutual dependence, stronger than any treaties
or alliances written on parchment, while, from a higher appreciation of the ethics of government, we learn, that the divine injunction, do unto others as you would have them do unto you,
was spoken to nations as well as to individuals.
From increasing knowledge of each other, and from a higher
sense of our duties as brethren of the Human Family, arises an
increasing interest in each other; and charity, which was once,
like patriotism, exclusively national, is beginning to clasp the
world in its loving embrace. Every discovery of science, every
aspiration of philanthropy, in whatever country it may have its
birth, is now poured into the common stock of the world. Assemblies, whether of science or of philanthropy, are no longer
merely municipal, but gladly welcome delegates from all the
nations. Science has had her Congresses in Italy, in Germany,
and in England. Great causes — grander even than scienceTemperance, Freedom, Peace —have drawn to London large
bodies of men from different countries, under the title of World
Conventions, in whose very name, and in whose spirit of fraternity, we may discern the prevailing tendency. Such a convention, dedicated to the cause of Universal Peace, held at London
in 1843, was graced by the presence of many persons well-known
for their labors of humanity. At Frankfort, in 1846, was assembled a large Congress from all parts of Europe, to consider what
could be done tbr those who were in prison. The succeeding
year witnessed a similar Congress, convened in the same charity,
at Brussels. And at last in August, 1848, we hail another Congress at Brussels, - inspired by the presence of a generous
American, Elihul Burritt, who has left his anvil at home to teach
the nations to change their swords into ploughshares and their
spears into pruning-hooks - presided over by an eminent Belgian
magistrate, and composed of numerous individuals, speaking
various languages, living under diverse forms of government,
differing in political opinions, differing in religious convictions,
but all drawn together by a common sacred sentiment, to
pledge themselves to united strenuous efforts for the Abolition of
War, and for the Disarming of the Nations.
The Peace Congress at Brussels constitutes an epoch inl our
cause.  It is a palpable'development of those international
attractions and affinities which are now awaiting their final
organization. The resolutions which it has put forth, are so important, that I cannot hesitate to introduce them here:
" 1st. That, in the judgment of this Congress, an appeal to arms for the
purpose of deciding disputes among nations, is a custom condemned alike




39
by religion, reason, justice, humanity, and the best interests of the people;
and that therefore it considers it to be the duty of the civilized world to
adopt measures calculated to effect its entire abolition.
" 2d. That it is of the highest importance to urge on the several Governments of Europe and America the necessity of introducing a clause into
all International treaties, providing for the settlement of all disputes by
Arbitration, in an amicable manner, and according to the rules of justice
and equity, by special Arbitrators, or a Supreme International Court, to be
invested with power to decide in cases of necessity, as a last resort.
" 3d. That the speedy convocation of a Congress of Nations, composed
of duly appointed representatives for the purpose of framing a well-digested
and authoritative International Code, is of the greatest importance, inasmuch
as the organization of such a body, and the unanimous adoption of such a
Code, would be an effectual means of promoting universal Peace.
"4th. That this Congress respectfully calls the attention of civilized
Governments to the necessity of a general and simultaneous disarmament,
as a means whereby they may greatly diminish the financial burthens which
press upon them; remove a fertile cause of irritation and inquietude; inspire mutual confidence; and promote the interchange of good offices,
which, while they advance the interests of each state in particular, contribute largely to the maintenance of general Peace, and to the lasting prosperity of nations."
In France these resolutions have received the adhesion of
Lamartine, in England of Richard Cobden.  They have been
welcomed throughout Great Britain, - from  the mountains of
Scotland to the Southern downs of England —by large and enthusiastic popu lar assemblies, who have hung with delight upon
the practical lessons of peace on earth and good will to men,
which have been poured by eloquent voices into their unaccustomned ears. At the suggestion of the Congress at Brussels, and
in harmony with the demands of an increasing public sentiment,
another Congress will be convened in the approaching month of
August at Paris.  The place of meeting is auspicious.  There,
as in the very cave of iEolus, whence have so often raged forth
the conflicting winds and resounding tempests of War, will assemble delegates from various nations, including a large number
from  our own country, whose glad work will be to hush and
imprison these winds and tempests, and to bind them foedere
certo in the everlasting chains of Peace. May God prosper the
grand endeavor!
But not in voluntary assemblies only has our cause found welcome. It has effected an entrance into legislative halls. As early
as 1838, the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the Congress of the
United States, in a report drawn up by the late Mr. Legare,
prompted by memorials fiom the friends (of Peace, while injudiciously discountenancing the idea of an Association of Nations,
as not yet sanctioned by public opinion, acknowledge, " that the
union of all nations in a state of Peace, under the restraints and
protection of law, is the ideal perfection of civil society; that they
accord fully in the benevolent object of the memorialists, and
believe there is a visible tendency in the spirit and institutions




40
of the age towards the practical accomplishment of it, at some
future period; that they heartily agree in recommending a reference to a Third Power of all such controversies as can be safely
confided to any tribunal unknown to the Constitution of our
country; and that such a practice will be followed by other
powers, and will soon grow up into the customary law of civilized nations."  The Legislature of Massachusetts, by a series of
resolutions, passed with exceeding unanimity in 1844, declare,
that they " regard Arbitration as a practical and desirable substitute for War, in the adjustment of international differences;" and
still further declare their "earnest desire that the government of
the United States would, at the earliest opportunity, take measures for obtaining the consent of the powers of Christendom to
the establishment of a General Convention or Congress of Nations, for the purpose of settling the )principles of international
law, and of:organizing a high Court of Nations to adjudge all
cases of difficulty which may be brought before them by the
mutual consent of two or more nations."  During the last winter,
the subject was again presented to the American Congress.
On Tuesday, January 16th, Mr. Tuck asked the unanimous consent of
the House to offer the following preamble and resolution:
Whereas the evils of War are aclknowledged by all civilized nations, and
the calamities, individual and general, which are inseparably connected
with it, have attracted the attention of many humane and enlightened citizens of this and other countries; and, whereas it is the disposition of the
people of the United States to co-operate with others in all appropriate and
judicious exertions to prevent a recurrence of national conflicts; therefore,
Resolved, That the Committeb on Foreign Affairs be directed to inquire
into the expediency of authorising a correspondence to be opened by the
Secretary of State with Foreign Governments, on the subject of procuring
Treaty stipulations for the reference of all future disputes to a friendly
Arbitration, or for the establishment instead thereof of a Congress of Nations, to determine International law and settle International disputes.
Though for the present unsuccessful, this excellent effort will
prepare the way for another trial.
Nor does it stand alone.  Almost contemporaneously, M. Bouvet, in the National Assembly of France, submitted a proposition
of a similar character, the official record of which is as follows:
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
Proposition relative to the opening of a Universal Congress, having for
its object a proportional disarmament among all recognized States. Presented the 8th of January, 1849, by the Citizen Francisque Bouvet, representative of the People. Referred to the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
(Urgency Demands.)
Seeing that War between nations is contrary to religion, humanity, and
the public well-being, the French National Assembly decrees;
First Article. - The French Republic proposes to the Governments and
Representative Assemblies of the different States of Europe, America, and




l41
other civilized countries to unite by their representation, in a Congress
which shall have for its object a proportional disarmament among the powers, the abolition of War, and a substitution for that barbarous usage, of
an Arbitral jurisdiction, of which the said Congress shall immediately fulfil
the functions.
Second Article. - The Universal Congress shall commence on the 1st of
May, 1849, at Constantinople.
Third Article. - The President of the Republic is charged to notify the
present proposition to all the Governments and Representative Assemblies
of civilized States, and to use all the means in his power to induce them to
concur in it.
In an elaborate report, the French Committee on Foreign
Affairs, while declining at present to recommend this proposition,
distinctly sanction its object.
In the British Parliament also our cause has found an able
representative, whose name is an omen of success, in Mr. Cobden.  He has not only addressed many large popular bodies in
its behalf, but has already striven by speech and motion, in the
House of Conmmons, for a reduction in the armaments of. Great
Britain, and has now given notice of the following motion which
he intends to call up in that assembly at the earliest moment:
" That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying she will
be graciously pleased to direct her Principal Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, to enter into communication with Foreign Powers, inviting them
to concur in treaties, binding the respective parties, in the event of any
future misunderstanding which cannot be arranged by amicable negotiation,
to refer the matter in dispute to the decision of arbitrators."
Such is the Peace lMovement.  With the ever-flowing current
of time it has gained ever-increasing strength, till it has become
like a mighty river, whose distant fountains are high up in inaccessible mountains, near to the skies, but which has swollen
with every tributary rill, with the friendly rains and dews of
heaven, and at last with the associate waters of various nations,
while populous cities rejoice on its peaceful banks. By the voices
of poets -by the aspirations and labors of statesmen, of philosophers, of good men —by the experience of history — by the
peacefll union of families, tribes, and provinces, divesting themselves of the right of War, into nations -by the example of
leagues, alliances, confederacies and congresses - by the kindred
movements of our age, all tending to Unity -by an awakened
public sentiment, and a growing recognition of the Brotherhood
of Mankind - by the sympathies of large popular assemblies -
by the formal action of legislative bodies —by the promises
of Christianity are we encouraged to persevere in our work.
So doing we shall act not against nature, but with nature,
making ourselves, according to the injunction of Lord Bacon,
its ministers and interpreters.  From  no single man, from  no
body of men, does our cause proceed.  Not from Saint Pierre or
4*




42
Leibnitz, or Rousseau in other days; not from Jay or Burritt,
from Cobden or Lamartine in our own. It is the irrepressible
utterance of longing with which the great heart of Humanity
labors-it is the universal expression of the Spirit 6f the Age,
thirsting after Harmony - it is the heaven-born whisper of Truth,
immortal and omnipotent —it is the word of God, published in
commands as from the burning bush —it is the soft voice of
Christ, declaring to all mankind that they are brothers, and saying to the turbulent nationalities of the earth, as to the raging
sea, "Peace, be still!"
GENTLEMEN OF TIE PEACE SOCIETY,- Such is the War System
of the Commonwealth of Nations, and such are the means and
auguries of its overthrow. It is the special object of our Society
to aid and direct public sentiment in such wise as most to hasten
the coming of that day. All who have candidly attended me in
this exposition, already too long protracted, will bear witness
that we attempt nothing in any way inconsistent with the human character - that we do not seek to suspend or hold in check
any general laws of nature, but simply to bring nations within
that established system of social order which has already secured
such inestimable good to civil society, and which is justly applicable to nations as well as to individuals.
The tendencies of nations, as revealed in history, teach us that
our aims are in harmony with those prevailing natural laws,
which God, in his benevolence, has ordained for mankind.
Examples teach us that we attempt nothing that is not directly
practicable. If the several States of the Helvetic Republic, if
the thirty independent States of the North American Union, if
the thirty-eight independent sovereignties of the German Confederation, can, by formal stipulations, divest themselves of the
right of war with each other, and consent to submit all mutual
controversies to Arbitration, or to a High Court of Judicature,
then can the Commonweal.th of Nations do the same. Nor
should they hesitate, while, in the language of William  Penn,
such surpassing instances show that it nmay be clone, and Europe
by her incomparable miseries that it ouglb.t to be done. Nay more;
if it would be criminal in these several clusters of states to reestablish the Institution of War, as the Arbiter of Justice, then is
it criminal, in the Commonwealth of Nations to continue it.
Changes already wrought in the Laws of W/Iar teach us still
further that the whole System may be abolished. The existence
of laws implies an authority that sanctions or enacts, which in
the present case is the Commonwealth of Nations. But this
authority can, of course, modify or abro'gate what it has originally sanctioned or enacted. In the exercise of this power, the
Laws of War have from time to time been modified in many
important particulars. Prisoners taken in battle cannot now be
killed; nor can they be reduced to slavery. Poison and assassi



43
nation can no longer be employed against an enemy. Private
property on land cannot be seized. Persons occupied, on land
exclusively with the arts of Peace, cannot be molested. It remains that the authority by which the Laws of War have been
thus modified, should entirely abrogate them. Their existence
is a disgrace to civilization; for it implies the comncnon consent of
nations to the Arbitrament of War, which is regulated by these
laws. Like the Laws of the Duel, they should yield to some
arbitrament of reason. If the former, which were once firmly
imbedded in the systems of municipal law, could be abolished by
individual states, so also can the Laws of War, which are a part
of international law, be abolished by the Commonwealth of Nations. In the light of reason and of religion, there can be but
one Law of'War —the great law which pronounces it unwise,
unchristian and unjust, and forbids it forever as a crime.
In thus distinctly alleging the practicability of our aims, I may
properly lrere introduce an incontrovertible authority. Listen to
the words of an American statesman whose long life was spent
in the service of his country, at home and abroad, and whose
undoubted familiarity with the Law of Nations was never surpassed, John Quincy Adams. "War," he says, in one of the
legacies of his venerable experience,* "by the common consent,
and mere will of civilized man, has not only been divested of its
most atrocious cruelties, but for multitudes, growing multitudes
of individuals, has already been, and is abolished.  Why:should
it not be abolished for all? Let it be impressed upon the heart of
every one of you — impress it upon the minds of your children,
that this total abolition of Wcar ulpon earth is an improvement in
the condition of man, entirely dependent on his own will. He
cannot repeal or change the laws of physical nature. He cannot
redeem himself from the ills that flesh is heir to; but the ills of
war and slavery are all of his own creation. He has but to will,
and he effects the cessation of them altogether."
Well does John Quincy Adams say, that mankind have but
to will it, and'War shall be abolished. Let them will it, and
War shall disappear like the Duel. Let them will it, apd War
shall skulk like the torturee. Let them  will it, and War shall
fade away like the fires of religious persecution. Let them will
it, and War shall pass among profane follies, like the ordeal
of burning plough-shares. Let them will it, and War shall hurry
to join the earlier Institution of Cannibalism. Let them wiill
it, and War shall be chastised from the Commonwealth of Nations, as slavery has been chastised from their municipal jurisdictions, by England and France, by Tunis and Tripoli.
To arouse this powerful vpublic will, which, like a giant yet
sleeps, but whose awakened voice nothing can withstand, should
be our earnest endeavor. To do this we must never tire in expos* Oration at Newburyport, July 4, 1839.




44
ing the true character of the War System. To be hated it needs
only to be comprehended; and it will surely be abolished as
soon as it is sincerely hated. See, then, that it is comprehended.
Expose its manifold atrocities, in the light of reason, of humanity,
of religion. Strip from it all its presumptuous pretences, its specious apologies, its hideous sorceries. Above all let men no
longer deceive themselves by the shallow belief that this System
is a necessary incident of imperfect human nature, and thus continue to cast upon God the responsibility for their crimes. Let
them see clearly, distinctly, as in the illumination of a meridian
sun, that it is a monster of their own creation, born with their
consent; whose vital spark is fed by their breath, and without
their breath must necessarily die. Let them see clearly and distinctly what I have so carefully presented to-night, that War is
an Institution, and the whole'War System is an establishment
for the administration of international justice, for which the Commonwealth of Nations is directly responsible, and which that
Commonwealth can at any time remove.
As men come to recognize these things, they will instinctively
cease to cherish War and will refuse to appeal to its Arbitrament.
They will forego their rights even, rather than wage an irreiigious
battle. But criminal and irrational as is War, unhappily we
cannot — in the present state of human error —expect large
numbers to appreciate its true character, and to hate it with that
perfect hatred which shall cause them  to renounce its agency,
unless we can offer an approved and practical mode of determining the controversies of nations, as a stubstitute for the imagined
necessity of an appeal to the sword. This we are able to do;
and so doing, we shall reflect new light upon the atrocity of a
System,/which discards reason, defies justice, and tramples upon
all the precepts of Christian love.
1. The most complete and permanent substitute for War would
be a Congress of Nations, and a High Court of Judicature organized in pursuance thereof. Suich a system, while admitted on
all sides to promise many excellent results, is opposed on two
grounds. First, it is said, that as regards the smaller states, it
would be a tremendous engine of oppression, subversive of their
political independence. Surely, it could not be so oppressive as
the War System. But the experience of the smaller states in
the German Confederation, and in the American Union — nay,
the experience of Belgium and Holland, by the side of the overtopping power of France, and the experience of Denmark and
Sweden in the very night-shade of Russia - all show the futility
of this objection. And, second, it is said that the decrees of such
a Court could not be carried into effect. Even if they were enforced by the combined power of the associate states, as the
executive arm of the high tribunal, the sword would be the
melancholy instrument of Justice only, but not the Arbiter of
Justice. But there can be no occasion to entertain the question




45
of the propriety or rightfulness of such a resort, so abhorrent to
many of the friends of Peace, though clearly not obnoxious to
the conclusive reasons against international appeals to the sword.
We may learn, however, from the experience of history, and: particularly from the experience of the thirty States of our Union,
that there will be little occasion for any executive arm. The
State of Rthode Island submitted, with much indifference, to. the
recent adverse decree of the Supreme Court of the United States
in its controversy with Mlassachusetts; and I doubt not that
Missouri and Iowa will submit with equal contentment to any
determination Iby the same tribunal of their present controversy.
The same submission would attend the decrees of any Court of
Judicature established by the Commonwealth of Nations. There
is a growing sense of justice, combined with a growing might of
public opinion, of which the soldier knows little, which would
maintain the judgments of the august tribunal, assembled in the
face of the nations, better than the swords of all the marshals of
France, better than the bloody terrors of Austerlitz or Waterloo.
The idea of a Congress of Nations and of a High Court of
Judicature, established in pursuance thereof, is as practicable as
its consummation is confessedly dear to all the friends of Universal Peace. Whenever this Congress is convened, as surely it
shall be convened, I know not all the names that will deserve
commendation in its earliest proceedings; but there are two,
whose particular and long-continued;advocacy of this Institution,
will connect them forever indissolubly with its fame - the Abbe
Saint Pierre of France, and William Ladd of the United States.
2. But there is still another substitute for War, which is not
open to the objections, so superficial and fantastic, made to the
Congress of Nations. Arbitration may be established by formal
treaties between two or more nations, as the mode of determining
controversies between them. In every respect it is a contrast to
War. It is rational, humaneand cheap. Above all, it is consistent with the precepts of Christianity. As I mention this
substitute, I should do injustice to our cause, and to my own
feelings, if I did not express the obligations of all the friends of
Universal Peace to its efficient introducer and advocate, our fellow-citizen, and the President of our Society, the honored son of
an illustrious father, whose absence to-night enables me, without
offending his known modesty of character, to introduce this
tribute - I mean William Jay.
The complete overthrow of the War System, involving, of
course, the disarming of the Christian States, would follow the
establishment of a Congress of Nations, or of a general System
of Arbitration. Then at last would our aims be accomplished;
then at last wrould Peace be organized among the nations, and
once more angelic voices should fill the skies, and be echoed in
every Christian breast. Then indeed might Christians repeat
the fitful, boast of the generous Mohawk, saying, "We have




46
thrown the hatchet so high into the air, and beyond the skies,
that no arm on earth can reach to brinig it down."  The incalcalable sums now devoted to armaments and the destructive industry of War would be turned to the productive industry of Art,
and to offices of Beneficence. As in the dead and rotten carcass
of the lion, which roared against the strong man of Israel, after
a time there was a swarm of bees and honey, so should crowds
of useful laborers, and all good works take the place of the wild
beast of WVar, and the riddle of Samson once more be interpreted; out of the eater came forth meat, and out of the strong
came forth sweetness.
Put together the products of all the mines of the world - the
fresh glistening ore of California. the accumulated treasures of
Mexico and Peru, with the diamonds of Golconda, and the
ancient gold of Ophir, and the whole shining heap shall be
less than the means thus diverted from WMar to Peace. Under
the blessed influence of such a change, civilization shall be
quickened anew.  Then shall happy labor find its reward,
and the whole land be filled with its increase. There is no
aspiration of knowledge, no vision of charity, no venture of enter)rize, no fancy of art which shall not then be fulfilled. The
great unsolved problem of Pauperism  will be solved at last.
There will be no paupers when there are no soldiers. The
social struggles, that now so fearfully disturb the European
states, would die away in the happiness of an era of unarmed
Peace, no longer cumnbered by the oppressive System of War;
nor can there be well-founded hope of any permanent cessation
of these struggles so long as this System endures. The people
ought not to rest -nay they cannot rest while this System endures. As King Arthur, prostrate on the earth, with bloody
streams running from  his sides, could not be at ease until
his sword, the vengeful Excalibar, was thrown into the flood,
so the nations, now prostrate on the earth, with bloody streams
running from their sides, cannot be at ease until they fling far
away the wicked sword of WMar.
Lop off the unchristian armaments of the Christian States,
extirpate these martial cancers, - that they may no longer feed
upon the best life-bldod of the people - and society itself, which
is now so weary and sick, will become fresh and young - not by
opening its veins, as under the incantation of'Medea, in the wild
hope of infusing new strength-lbut by the amputation and
complete removal of a deadly excrescence, which is the occasion
of unutterable debility and exhaustion. The energies, hitherto
withdrawn from the proper healthful action of the system, shall
then replenish it with unwonted life and vigor, filling all with
the exceeding cheerfullness of Peace. And society at last shall
rejoice, like a strong man, to run its race.




47
Such is our cause. In its mighty influence it embraces all
the causes of human benevolence. It is the comprehensive
charity, enfolding all the charities of all —onnes omnnium caritates complectens. There is none so vast as to be above its powerful protection; there is none so lowly or weak as not to feel its
generous care. Religion, Knowledge, Freedom, Virtue, Happiness, in all their manifold forms, depend upon Peace. Sustained
by Peace, they lean as upon the Everlasting Arm. And this is
not all. Law, Order, Government derive new sanctions from our
cause. Nor can they attain to that complete dominion which is
our truest defence and safeguard, until by the overthrow of the
War System, they comprehend the Commonwealth of Nations;
And Sovereign LAW, the world's collected will,
O'er thrones and globes elate
Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.
In the name of Religion profaned by War —of Knowledge
misapplied and perverted-of Freedom crushed to earth —of
Virtue dethroned - of human Happiness violated - in the name
of Law, Order and Government, I call upon yoTu to unite in
efforts to establish the supremacy of Peace. Let no person hesitate. You all confess with your lips the infinite evil of War.
Are you in earnest? Let the confession of the lips be followed
by corresponding action. Let all unite in endeavors to render the
recurrence of this evil impossible. Science and humanity every
where put forth their best energies against cholera and pestilence.
Let equal energies be directed against an evil more fearful than
cholera or pestilence. Let each man consider the cause his own
concern. Let him animate his neighbors in its behalf. Let
him  seek in all proper ways to influence the rulers of the
Christian states, and above all the rulers of our happy land.
Let the old, the middle-aged, and the young combine in a
common cause.  Let the pulpit, the school, the college and
the public street all be moved to speak in its behalf. Preach
it, minister of the Prince of Peace! Let it never be forgotten
in conversation, in sermon or in prayer; nor any longer seek,
by subtle theory, to reconcile the monstrous War System
with the precepts of Christ.! Instil it, teacher of childhood and
youth! in the early thoughts of your precious charge; exhibit
the wickedness of War, and the beauty of Peace; let these sink
deep among those purifying and strengthening influences which
shall ripen into a character of true manhood. Scholar! write it
in your books. Poet! let it inspire to higher melodies your
Christian song. Let the interests of commerce, whose threads of
golden tissue interknit the nations, enlist all the traffickers of the
earth in its behalf. And you, servant of the law! sharer of my
own peculiar toils, mindful that the law is silent in the midst of
arms, join in endeavors to preserve, uphold and extend its sway!
Remember, politician! that our cause is too universal to become




48
the exclusive possession of any political party, but that all are
welcome beneath its white banner. And you, statesman and
ruler! let the principles of Peace be to you, as a cloud by day
and a pillar of fire by night. Let the Abolition of War, and the
overthrow of the War System, with the Disarming of the- Christian nations, lbe your constant aim! Be this your pious diplomacy! Be this your devoted Christian statesmlanship!
As a measure, at once simple and practical, obnoxious to no
objections, promising incalculable good, and presenting an immediate opportunity of labor in the cause, let me invite your instant
active cooperation in the efforts now making by the friends of
Peace, at home and abroad, to establish Arbitrationa Treaties
among the nations. If there is a tendency only in this scheme
to avert War - certainly, if we may hope tihrough its agency to
prevent a single WVar - and who can doubt that such may be its
result?-we ought to adopt it. Make the initiative. Try it,
and nations will be slow to return to their present System. They
will begin to learn War no more. Let it be the high privilege
of our country to volunteer the proposal, through its representative abroad, to all civilized governments. Let it thus inaugurate
the idea of Permanent Peace in the diplomacy of the World.
Nor should it weakly wait for the movements of other governments. In a cause so holy no government is justified in waiting
for another to make the first advance. Let us, then, take the
lead in this great work. Let our republic, the powerful child of
Freedom, go forth, as the Evangelist of Peace. Let her offer to
the world aMagna Charta of International Law, by vliich the
crime of War shall be forever abolished. Let her do this, and
hers will be a Christian glory, by the side of wiich all the glory
of battle shall be as the flashing of a bayonet' by the side of the
heavenly light which beamed fiom- the countenance of Christ.
And now, while I thus encourage you in the cause of Universal Peace, the odious din of War, mingled with pathetic appeals
for Freedom, reaches us from struggling Italy, from convulsed
Germany, from aroused and triumphant Hungary; the populous
Niobrth, at the stern command of the Russian Autocrat, threatens
to pour its barbarous multitudes upon the scene; and a portentous cloud, charged with " red lightnings and impetuous rage,"
seems to hang over the whole continent of Europe, as'it echoes
once again to the tread of mustering squadrons. Alas!'must
this dismal work be renewed'? Can Freedom be born, can nations be regenerated only through the abhorred baptism of blood?
In our aspirations let us not be blind to the lessons of history, or
to the actual condition of men, so long accustomed to brute force,
that this seems to their imperfect natures the only means by
which injustice can be crushed. With sadness let me say, I
cannot expect the domestic repose of nations until tyranny is
overthrown, and the principles of self-government establishedespecially do I not expect imperturbable peace in Italy, so long




49
as foreign Austria continues to tread with insolent iron heel
upon any part of that beautiful land. But whatever may be
the fate of' the present crisis, whether it be doomed to the horrors of prolonged fraternal strife, or whether it shall soon brighten
into the radiance of enduring concord, I cannot doubt that the
nations are now gravitating, with resistless might, even through
fire and blood, into peaceful forms of social order, where the
War System shall no longer be known.
Nay, from the very experience of this hour, let me draw the
happy auguries of permanent Peace. Not in international strife
— not in duels between nation and nation — not in the selfish
conflicts of ruler with ruler -not in the unwise " game" of
War, as played by king with king, do we find the elements of
the present commotions, "with fear of change perplexing monarchs."  It is to overturn the enforced rule of military power,
to crush the tyranny of armies, and to supplant unjust governments, - whose only stay is physical force, and not the consent
of the governed, - that the people have at last risen in mighty
madness. So doing, they wage a battle in which all our sympathies must be with Freedom, while, in our sorrow at the unwelcome combat, we confess that victory is only less mournful than
defeat. But through all these bloody mists, we may clearly discern, with the eye of faith, the ascending sun of permanent
Peace - struggling to shoot its life-giving beams upon the outspread earth, already teeming with the powerfiul products of
a new civilization.  Everywhere the glad signs of Progress
salute us, and the promised land seems to smile at our approach.,
His soul is cold, his eye is dull, who does not perceive these
things. Vainly has he read the history of the Past, vainly does
he feel the irrepressible movement of the Present. Man has
waded through a red sea of blood, and has wandered for forty
centuries through a wilderness of wretchedness and error, but
he stands at last on Pisgah, whence he may see the streams of
milk and honey - like the adventurous Spaniard, he has wearily climbed the lofty mountain heights whence he may descry
the vast, unbroken Pacific sea, - like the hardy Portuguese he
is sure to double this fearful Cape of Storms, destined ever
afterwards to be called the Cape of Good Hope. Let me not
seem too confident. I know not, that the nations will, in any
brief period, like kindred drops, commingle into one; that, like
the banyan-trees of the East, they will interlace and interlock,
until there is no longer a single tree, but one forest,.....  A pillared shade
High overarcht, and echoing walks between;
but I am assured, that, without renouncing any essential qualities of individuality or independence, they shall yet, even in our
own day, arrange themselves in harmony, as magnetized iron
5




50
rings - from which Plato once borrowed an image - under the
influence of the potent, unseen attraction, while preserving each
its own peculiar form, all cohere in a united chain of irldependent circles. From the birth of this new order shall spring not
only international repose, but domestic quiet also; and Peace
shall become the permanent ruler of the Christian States. The
stone shall be rolled away from the sepulchre in which men
have laid their Lord, and we shall hear the new-risen voice,
saying, in words of blessed import, " Lo, I am with you alway,
even unto the end of the world."
And here I might fitly close. But, though admonished that I
have already occupied more of your time than I could venture to
claim except for the cause in whose behalf I now speak, I cannot
forbear to consider, for a brief moment, yet one other topic,
which I have left thus far untouched, partly because it was not
directly connected with the question of the War System, and
therefore seemed inappropriate to any earlier stage of the discussion, and partly because I wished to impress it, with my last
words, upon your minds and upon your hearts. I refer to that
greatest, most preposterous and most irreligious of earthly vanities, the monstrous reflexion of War - more worthy the place of
the wicked than the home of ransomed souls - Military Glory.
Let me not disguise the truth. It is too true that this is still
cherished by mankind -that it is still an object of regard and
ambition - that men follow War, and count its pursuit " honorable" — that the feats of brute force in battle are pronounced
He brilliant" - and that a yet prevailing public opinion animates
unreflecting and mistaken mortals to " seek the bubble reputation
e'en in the cannon's mouth."  It is too true, that nations persevere in offering praise and thanksgiving - such as no labors of
Beneficence can achieve - to the chief whose hands are red with
the blood of his fellow-men.
But whatever may be the usage of the world, whether during
the long and dreary Past, or in the yet barbarous Present, it
must be clear to all who are willing to confront this question
with candor, and in the light of unquestioned principles and
examples, that all " glory," won in bloody strife among God's
children, must be fugitive, evanescent, unreal — unstable as
water, worthless as ashes. It is the offspring of a deluded public sentiment, and must certainly disappear, as men learn to
analyze its elements and to appreciate its true character. Too
long, indeed, has mankind worshipped what St. Augustine called
the splendid vices, neglecting the simple virtues. Too long has
mankind cultivated the flaunting and noxious weeds, careless of
the golden corn wvhich produces the bread of life. Too long has
mankind been insensible to those Christian precepts, and to that
high example, which, whatever may be the apologies of selfdefence, rebuke all the pretensions of military glory.




51
Look for one moment at this "glory."  Analyze it in the
growing light which is shed by the lamps of history. Regarding War as an established Arbitrament, for the adjudication of'
controversies among nations - like the Petty Wars of an earlier
period between cities, principalities, and provinces, and the Trial
by Battle between individuals - the conclusion is irresistible,
that an enlightened civilization must condemn all the partakers
in its duels, and all their vaunted achievements, precisely as we
now condemn all the partakers in those miserable contests which
disfigure the commencement of modern history. The prowess
of the individual is all forgotten in unutterable disgust at the inglorious barbarism of the strife in which it was displayed.
Observe yet again this " glory," in the broad illumination of'
Christian truth. In all ages, even in Heathen lands, men have
looked with peculiar reverence upon the relation of Brotherhood.
Feuds among brothers, from that earliest mutual-murdering contest beneath the walls of Thebes, have been accounted dismal
and abhorred, never to le mentioned without condemnation and
aversion. This same sentiment was revived in modern times,
and men sought to extend the holy circle of its influence. Ac-.
cording to curious and savage custom, valiant knights, desirous
of associating in this sacred connection, voluntarily caused themselves to be bled together, that the blood of each other, as it
spirted from the veins, might intermingle, and thus constitute
them of one blood. In the same spirit, an emperor of Constantinople, and one of the crusading kings confirmed an alliance
of friendship, - being bled together, and giving to each other to
drink of their blood, in token of Brotherhood, while the attendants of each, following the example of their masters, also bled
each other, and pouring their blood into the wine-cup, drank a
mutual pledge, saying, " We are brothers of one blood."
Alas! by such profane and superfluous devices have men, in
their barbarism, sought to establish that relation of Brotherhood,
whose beauty and holiness they perceived, though they failed to
discern that, by the ordinance of God, without any human strat-.
agerm, it justly comprehended all their fellow-men. In the midst
of Judaism, which hated all nations, Christianity proclaimed
love to all mankind, and distinctly declared that God had made
of one blood all the nations of men. And, as if to keep this sublime truth ever present to the mind, the disciples were taught, in
the simple prayer of the Saviour, to address God as their Father
in Heaven - not in phrase of exclusive worship, as " my Father,"
but in those other words of high Christian import, " Our Father,"
with the petition not merely " to forgive me mny trespasses," but
with a diviner prayer " to forgive us our trespasses," — thus in
the solitude of the closet, recognizing all alike as children of'
God, and embracing all alike in the petition of prayer.
Confessing the Brotherhood of Mankind, we find at once a
divine standard, of unquestionable accuracy and applicability, by




52
which to estimate the achievements of battle. No brother can
win " glory " from the death of a brother. Cain won no " glory "
when he slew Abel; nor would Abel have won " glory," had he,
in the exercise of strict self-defence, succeeded in slaying the
wicked Cain. The soul recoils in horror from the thought of
praise or honor, as the mrneed of any such melancholy, hateful
success. And what is true of a contest between two brothers, is
equally true of a contest between many. No army can win
"glory " by dealing death or defeat to an army of its brothers.
The ancient Romans, ignorant of this sacred and most comprehensive relation, and recognizing only the exclusive fellowship which springs from a common country, accounted civil war
as fratricidal. They branded the opposing forces- even under
well-loved names in the Republic- as impious, and constantly
refused "honor," "thanksgiving," or "triumph," to the conquering chief whose sword had been employed against his fellowcitizens, even though traitors and rebels. As the Brotherhood of
Mankind -now professed by Christian lips  becomes practically recognized, it will be impossible to restrain our regard within
the exclusive circle of country, and to establish an unchristian
distinction of honor between civil war, and international war'. As
all men are brothers, so by irresistible consequence, ALL WAR MUST
BE FRATRICIDAL. And can "glory" come from fratricide? No,
no.  In the clear light of Christian truth, shame and sorrow
must attend it; nor can any war, under whatever apology of
necessity it may be vindicated, be justly made the occasion of
" honor," of " thanksgiving," or of "triumph."  Surely none can
hesitate in this conclusion, who are not fatally imbued with the
Heathen rage of nationality, that made the Venetians say, " they
were Venetians first, and Christians afterwards."
Tell me not, then, of the homage which the world yet offers to
the military chieftain. Tell me not of the " gloiy " of War.
Tell me not of the "honor" or "fame" that is won on its murderous fields. All is vanity. It is a blood-red phantom, sure to
fade, and disappear. They, who strive after it, Ixion-like, embrace a cloud. Though seeming for a while to fill the heavens,
cloaking the stars, it must, like the vapors of earth, pass away.
Milton has likened the early contests of the Heptarchy to the
skirmishes of crows and kites; but God, ard the exalted Christianity of the Future, shall regard all the bloody feuds of men in
the same likeness; and Napoleon, and Alexander, so far as they
were engaged in war, shall seem to be monster crows and kites.
Thus shall it be, as mankind ascend from the tllrall of brutish
passions by which they are yet degraded. iNobler aims, by
nobler means, shall fill the soul.5 A new standard of excellence
shall prevail; and honor, divorced from all deeds of blood, shall
become the inseparable attendant of good works alone. Far better, then, shall it be, even in the judgment of this world, to have




been a door-keeper in the house of Peace, than the proudest
dweller in the tents of War.
There is a legend of the early Church, that the Saviour left his
image miraculously impressed upon a napkin which he placed
upon his countenance.  The napkin has been lost, and men now
attempt to portray that countenance from the Heathen models of
Jupiter and Apollo.  But the image of Christ is not lost to the
world. Clearer than in the precious napkin, clearer than in the
colors or the marble of modern art, it appears in every virtuous
deed, in every act of self-sacrifice, in all magnanimous toil, in
every recognition of the Brotherhood of Mankind.  It shall yet be
supremely manifest in unimagined loveliness and serenity, when
the Commonwealth of Nations, confessing the True Grandeur
of Peace, shall renounce the wickedness of the War System, and
shall dedicate to labors of Beneficence all the comprehensive
energies which have been so fatally absorbed in its support.
Then, at last. shall it be seen, that there can be no Peace that is
not honorable, and there can be nzo War that is not dishonorable.
INFLUENCE OF WAR ON BUSINESS. - "Whilst in Mr. Naylor's service,"
says the Life of Zamba, a Negro Slave, " I saw many ups and downs in
the commercial world. During the war with Britain, from 1812 to 1815,
business was almost wholly at a stand. Let the Americans boast as they
will, to use the expression of an old Scotch merchant who went much
about our store, -' Anither half year, my braw lads, would finish you,
stoup and roup. Ye wad be rinnin' red naked, an' no a bowl, or a plate,
or a hale jug in a' yer aught.' War, in fact a ruin and a curse to any
country, is especially so to America. Her trade was completely knocked
up, and even her agriculture in a great measure. For example, good cotton was offered in Charleston at five or six cents per pound. But no one
would venture to buy it, because they were in daily dread that the British
would come in, and burn the city and its contents. I recollect, however, a
certain Dutch gentleman, who was very wealthy, and had perhaps better
information from Europe than some of his neighbors, who ventured upon
ten or twelve thousand bales of cotton, at six cents or so, and took his
chance of the burning. When peace came, he realized from twenty to
twenty-five cents for his whole stock, thus clearing more than half a million
of dollars. I recollect, also, that the earliest arrivals of goods from Britain
brought enormous prices. Blue-edged common dinner plates, which cost
about two shillings per dozen in Liverpool, brought six dollars, or about
twenty-seven shillings. I saw the same kind, however, sold, in about a
twelve-month afterwards, at half a dollar per dozen; the market getting
overstocked, and sales by auction being resorted to. Other kinds of goods,
British, French, and German, were equally in demand at the openingD of the
trade; but the market was so soon overwhelmed that I have seen such
sacrifices at auctions as would cause a man of a mercantile turn to shed
tears."
rk




54
ANNIVERSARY OF THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.
THE Society held its Twenty-first Anniversary in Park Street Church,
Boston, May 28th, at 71 o'clock, P. M. That spacious edifice was
crowded to excess long before the time for commencing the exercises. In
the absence of the Hon. WILLIAM JAY, President of the Society, the Rev.
J. B. WATERBURY, D. ID., of Boston, was called to the Chair; and the
Meeting opened with prayer, and reading of the Scriptures by the Rev. D.
HUNTiNGTON, of North Bridgewater, Mass. The Secretary, GEORGE C.
BEKWIrTH, then read a brief abstract of the Annual Reports, and CHARLES
SUMNER, Esq., made the Annual Address.  At the close, the Society
unanimously
" Voted, That the thanks of this Society be given to Mr. SUMNER for
his able and eloquent Address; that a copy be requested for the press, and
that efforts be made to give it the widest circulation possible."
ANNUAL REPORT.
THE events of the past year in both hemispheres have been fraught with
instruction, warning, and hope for the cause of peace. Our war with Mexico, that new leaf in the history of our national guilt and shame, has been
during the year brought to a formal close by wresting from her about one
half of her territory, to be, if possible, overspread through all time with the
curse of human bondage; but the readiness with which the nation have so
soon turned in disgust or indifference from the consideration of this war, the
deep loathing with which it is regarded by nearly all right-minded men
among us, and the brand of popular displeasure stamped upon it by the
fact, that the first appeal after its close to the ballot-box drove its originators and chief abetters from office, all conspire to show that the war-mania,
apparently so rife for a time through the country, has in some good degree
died away, and left the people to their " sober second-thoughts " in favor
of peace. Europe, one year ago convulsed in almost every part with the
incipient throes of revolution, and seriously threatened with a general war,
has indeed been continually in a feverish, perilous condition; but, when we
reflect how soon a tithe of the late provocations there would once have
whelmed that whole continent in blood for ten or twenty years, and remember too that all the lives sacrificed in the recent revolutions and conflicts of
the Old World, would hardly equal the victims in a single one of Napoleon's battles, we may well congratulate ourselves on such proof of the
progress which pacific sentiments have already made, and of the hold they
have practically gained both upon rulers and people. WVe could not, till
this trial came, well believe that so much had yet been gained in our cause
by the comparatively feeble and limited efforts in its behalf during the last
thirty-four years; and the result conclusively shows how sure it would be;
with adequate means and God's promised blessing, to hold in perpetual




55
check the war-dernon through the civilized world, and put an end in due
time to a custom that has probably done more than any other to cover the
earth for five thousand years with violence and oppression, with blood, and
crime, and woe.
FUNDS. -The great difficulty of our cause has ever been its lack of
means, receiving ordinarily scarce a tithe of what it really needs; but we
have reason for gratitude to God in the evidence that its friends are beginning to feel its claims, and to meet them with a larger as well as more
cheerful liberality.  The past year has been one of severe pressure on the
money-market, especially in this region, from which we commonly derive
our chief support, insomuch that some of our largest contributors have done
nothing for us of late; yet our income has been the past year greater than
the average of former years, amounting to $ 3,697.58, while the expenditures have been $3,680.62, leaving in the treasury a balance of $16.96.
TIHE SOCIETY'S OPERATIONS. -  Agencies and Publications. -  With
these slender resources, we have attempted a scale of operations that would
seem to require a much larger incoine. We have had in our employ five
persons- an Agent at our office to transact its current business; the Corresponding Secretary, to superintend the Society's general concerns, besides acting as a public lecturer for the cause; and three Agents, who
have spent, one all his time, and the others a part of theirs, in lecturing on
the subject in different parts of the country. We have, also, published
more than in any preceding year; a sum total, in periodicals, tracts, and
volumes, equivalent to nearly 5,000,000 duodecimo pages; an amount
sufficient of itself to absorb about all our income; and most of these publications have already been put in circulation, and are doing their work
among the people.
Circulation of Peace Publications. - We began, some time ago, to put
these in all the great centres and sources of influence within the reach of
our means; and the past year we have sent some thousands of our volumes,
best fitted for their use, to Christian ministers and Sabbath schools of all
denominations in the Great Valley of the UWVest; a field which ought to
have been well cultivated for this cause long ago, and must be soon, or it
will become a vast hotbed of wars that will ultimately prove fatal to our
Republic.
It will be remembered, that we attempted, several years ago, to furnish
our seminaries of learning through the land, and every American missionary station among the heathen, with a copy of our standard works. To
these we began, some time since, to receive very encouraging responses 
but the best of them all came last winter from the Sandwich Islands.  We
had sent our volumes thither for the use of the missionaries in particular;
but their influence reached the native Christians; and the Church at Hilo,
whose members, a few years ago, were Pagans delighting in war and
bloodshed, sent us, through their pastot, Titus Coan, not only a warmhearted letter of sympathy and encouragement, but a donation of ONE
HUNDnRED DOLLARS; a larger sum than any single Church in America has
at one time given during the last ten years for this cause; a keen but
well-merited practical rebuke of the apathy that still characterizes on this
subject ninety-nine-hundredtlhs of the professed followers of the Prince of
Peace, not only in our own land, but all over Christendom.
Review of the Mexican War. - Foreseeing from its outset, that the war
with Mexico must of course furnish materials in abundance for arguments
in favor of peace, and wishing to turn its manifold evils into lessons of wisdom and warning for the future, we early offered a Premium of Five Hun



56
dred Dollars for the best Review of the Mexican War, to be published long
enough after its close, not only to collect and substantiate its main facts, but
to let the mass of the people become sufficiently cool and sober to be rightly
impressed with the details, arguments and rebukes which such a work
would necessarily contain. Twelve essays, several of them very able and
elaborate, competed for the prize, which was finally awarded to the Rev.
ABIEL ABBOT LIVERMORE, Unitarian clergyman in Keene, N. H. We
made arrangements to have the Review published in season for presentation
to Congress and the State Legislatures, during their sessions the last winter; but the award, which we had expected in a few weeks, we did not get
till after the lapse of some four months, and even then under circumstances
which have hitherto prevented the publication of the work. The author
was out of the country for his health, and it could not be put to press before
his return early in the ensuing summer; a delay much to be regretted,
though we have reason to hope it will serve to render the Review ultimately
more effective for the great purpose which called it forth, and we trust we
shall in due time secure the means of giving it a circulation in the high
places of influence from one end of the land to the other.
Meanwhile, we were obliged to meet, as best we could, the demands of
subscribers to the Review, a considerable number having been obtained,
many of whom had become exceedingly impatient for the work, delayed so
long beyond their expectations and ours. In this state of things, our Executive Committee, learning that a Review by Judge Jay would at once be
published, knowing how ably he had already written on the subject of
Peace, and presuming that whatever might come from his pen, would do
valuable service to our cause, directed that the subscribers, if practicable,
be furnished with a copy of this work, if they preferred it to waiting so
long for the other. Arrangements were accordingly made for doing this
without pecuniary risk to the Society, and at the least possible expense;
and the demand in this and other ways for the work has, in less than two
months, absorbed three editions of nearly 2000 copies each. We shall
hope, when the other Review comes from the press, to secure for it a still
larger, as well as more general circulation; and for this purpose we would
in advance bespeak the co-operation and generous liberality of our wealthy
friends.
Commiltee on Substitutes for War. - As this has happily become in
England, and on the continent of Europe, the great, absorbing question in
our cause, and as our Society has from the first taken a deep and leading
interest in it as probably the ultimate hinge of our success, we have, during
the year, united in forming a Joint Committee on a Congress of Nations,
for the purpose of co-operating with our friends abroad to bring the subject
effectually before our own people, and before all Christendom. The Committee have auspiciously begun their work by holding public meetings; and
we trust that the public mind will be prepared, before the meeting of our
next Congress, to make such a demonstration before our rulers as shall
lead to some practical, earnest measures to secure some effectual, permanent substitute for War. We cannot tor a moment doubt the feasibility of
the general scheme; and all we need is a thorough, universal rectification of
popular sentiment on the subject; the great work preliminary and indispensable to the world's permanent pacification.
EFFORTS ABROAD. - Our co-workers in Europe have the past year bent
their efforts mainly to practicable and effective substitutes for War. With
this aim, our fiiends in England procured the holding of a Peace Congress
last September, at Brussels, in Belgium, where about three hundred delegates from the leading nations of Europe, some from the French National




57
Assembly, and others from the British Parliament, met, and discussed this
subject for several days with great enthusiasm of feeling, and harmony of
sentiments.  Viewed in all its aspects and bearings, it was a beautiful, a
grand and imposing demonstration. It may form an epoch in our cause;
and certainly it has left on the civilized world a stronger and more favorable
impression than had been made by any previous movement. It led to a
magnificent and most enthusiastic demonstration in Exeter Hall, London,
that moral thermometer of such enterprises; and this in turn was followed
by a multitude of similar demonstrations all over Great Britain, and by an
unexampled increase of efforts to bring the question of Substitutes for War
first before the British Parliament, and next before a much larger Congress
than the last, to he held in Paris the ensuing summer. Our friends in England at once set themselves at work to raise $25,000 for this specific purpose, to hold meetings in all the principal cities and towns through the
United Kingdom, and thus to pour upon Parliament an avalanche of petitions for superseding war by stipulated arbitration, or what are termed
arbitration clauses. Richard Cobden is at the head of the proposed movement before the British Legislature. The whole movement, both in England and on the continent, is highly auspicious; and we earnestly hope our
friends in this country will zealously co-operate by bringing in due time the
question of Substitutes for War before our own rulers by hundreds and even
thousands of petitions from all parts of the land.
Never had the friends of Peace more reason to thank God, and take
courage. True, the blood of the IMexican War is still fresh upon the garments of our Republic, and Europe is in danger of being plunged into a
long and bloody war of opinion, a fierce, desperate conflict between conservatism and reform, between the people, clamoring for their rights, and
rulers clinging to their prerogatives; but through all the smoke, and fire,
and burning lava of these volcanic eruptions, we see everywhere a stronger,
more general aversion to war, and desire for peace, than the world ever
witnessed under similar provocations. The bow of promise spans the tempest-cloud; and in God we devoutly trust there will yet emerge from this
chaos a new and better order of things, an era of peace, which alone can
give to the crushed yet hoping millions of the Old World the political, social and spiritual regeneration which they so deeply need.
WVTe have now reached in this cause a stage, which calls aloud for a
large, a very large increase of efforts; and without such increase, it is vain
to hope for decisive success. We must have means proportionate to the
ends we seek; but our present scale of means is utterly inadequate, and
the marvel is, how so much has already been accomplished by such slender
resources. WVith adequate means, there can be no doubt, under God, of
success; and we earnestly hope our friends in this country will at once
imitate our English co-workers, whose tens of thousands contributed to its
treasury attest the sincerity and strength of their interest in this blessed
cause.  Its claims ought to be brought soon before every Editor, every
Teacher, every Minister of the Gospel in our land, before Congress, and
all our State Legislatures, before our seminaries of learning from the highest to the lowest, before the mass of our people by lectures, publications,
and all other means within our reach. The public mind is now awake to
this subject as it never was before; and now is the time to work with
redoubled zeal and liberality.  Let us at once scatter broad-cast over our
whole land the seeds of Peace; and we may, under the dews and showers
and sunshine of God's blessing, hope ere long for a harvest of rich and
glorious results.




58
Dr.           Abstract  of the Treasurer's Report.                   Cr.
In discharge of former debts,  $4184 44 Balance firom last year's acFor Agencies, and their inci-            counts,    -. -        74 73
dental expenses,    -   1624 82 Receipts acknowledged in
For rent and care of office,             Advocate for
postage, fi-eight, and va-             June and July, 1S48,    1109 99
rjous expenses connect-                September,   -   -    470 40
ed with publications, -   1871 36      December,   -   -    807 08
Balance to new account,  -    16 96        April and May, 1849,   1235 38
$3697 58                             $3697 58
I have examined the foregoing account, and find the same correctly cast, and proiperly vouched.                                L. T. STODDARD, Auditor.
OFFICERS.
HON. WILLIAM  JAY, PRESIDENT.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
Hon. THEO. FRELINGHUYSEN, N. Y S..E. CouE S, Esq., Portsmouth, N.H.
ANsON G. PHELPS, Esq.           "    Rev. ANDREW P. PEABODY, t"  "
Rev. THoMAS DEWITT, D. D.  "    Hon. W.. ELLSWOItTH, Hartford,
Rev. STEPHEN H. TYNG, D.. D."    IsAAC COLLINS, Esq., Philad., Penn.
S. V. S. WILDER, Esq.           "    H. MALCOMi, D.D. Georgetown, Ky.
HENRY DWIG-IT Esq., Geneva, "    ROB'T RANTOUL, Esq., Beverly, Ms.
GERRIT SMITH, Esq., Peterboro' "    WMI. ROTCH, Esq. N. Bedford,'c
Hon. S. GREENLEAF, LL.D. Boston.  Hon. JAMES ARNOLD,    " c            "
Rev. CHARLES LOWELL, D. D. "    A. WALKER, Esq., N. Brookfield, 6
SAMUEL GREiELE, Esq.            "    Rev. S. OLIN, D.D. Middletown, Ct.
JoHN TAPPAN, Esq.               "    " T. C. UPHAM, D. D. Bruns'k, Me.
ROBERT WATERSTON, Esq.          "    " F. WAYLAND, D. D. Provid'e, R.I.
JOSHUA P. BLANCHARD, Esq.   " c' T. A. MERiILL, D.D. Midlb'y,Vt.
Hon. S. FE SSENDEN, Portland, Me.
DIRECTORS.
Hon. FRANCIS O. WATTS,  Boston.  Hon. DANIEL SAFFORD,   Boston.
Rev. J. B. WATERBURY, D. D.  "    ELLIS G. LORING, Esq.
C" CHARLES BROOKS,             "    MoSES GRANT, Esq.
" G. C. BECKWITH,'    CHARLES SUMINER, Esq,
~' J. WV. PARKEIR, Cambridge, Ms.   CHARLES TAPPAN, Esq.            "
" L. GILBERT, West Newton, "    W. C. BROWN, Esq.
BRADFORD SUMNER, Esq., Boston.  JOHN FIELD, Esq.
L. T. STODD)ARD, Esq.;"    Hon. S. WILLARD, Cambridge.
Rev. WM. JENKS, D. D.           "    Rev. CHARLES DURFEES, Dedham.
JACOB BANCROFT, Esq.;
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
CHARLES BROOrs,                      J. P. BLANCHARD,
GFORGE C. BECKWITH,                  AMASA WALKER,
L. T. STODDARD,                       WALTER CHANNING,
J. B. WATER1BURY,                    E. W. JACIRSON,
J. W. PARIKER,                       E. M. P. WELLS,
L. GILBERT,                          F. W. HOLLAND,
IWILLIAM C. BROWN,                    WITLLIAM RICE,
JOHN FIELn,                          J. D. BRIDGE,
CHARLES SUMNER,                      LUMAN BOYDEN.
G. C. BECKWITH, Corresponding Secretary.
W. C. BROWN, Recording Secretary.
JOHN FIELD, Treasurer.




59
FUNDS.
WE commend to the special attention of our friends that part of the Anlual Report which speaks of this subject; and there they will see, as we
might show them by a variety of additional statements, that our chief difficulty lies in procuring these sinews of peace as truly as of war. In the
expectation of circulating the Review of the Mexican War during the Society's year recently closed, we then suggested, for that purpose in particular,
an effort to raise a much larger sum  than we have ever been wont to receive; but the unexpected delay of their decision by the Adjudicators, has
transferred that service to the present year, and rendered it both more difficult, and less hopeful of good. It ought to have been done at the time we
had fixed for it, and would have been, if the matter had rested with ourselves; but this delay, while increasing the labor, does not diminish the
desirableness or necessity of its being now done as extensively as possible.
Some will prefer to aid in circulating Judge Jay's Review, and others that
of Mr. Livermore, which is now expected fiom the press in October; but
one or the other, (in our opinion, both,) ought, as an effective use of that
war for the promotion of our cause, to be scattered as widely as possible
before the memory of its follies, atrocities and manifold evils shall fade
from the public mind.
In addition, then, to our current necessities, we want funds especially
for the following purposes:1. THE CIRCULATION ON THE REVIEW  OF THE MEXICAN VWAR. -  Our
friends can, at their option, contribute to circulate either of the Reviews we
have mentioned; that by Judge Jay now, and that by Mr. Livermore
when it shall be published. A large amount of funds might be wisely expended in spreading one or both of these all over the land, but especially
among editors, legislators, and other persons of great and extensive influence.  A  work so thorough and reliable as that of Judge Jay, a work
which must in time be regarded as a standard authority on the subject,
ought to be put, as a book of reference, if for no other use, in every public
library; and some wealthy friends of our cause could not do better with a
spare thousand dollars, than to give it for such a purpose.
2. THE CIRCULATION OF MR. SUMNER's ADDRESS BEFORE OUR SOCIETY.
-This admirable exposition of our cause, and powerful plea in its behalf as
a practicable enterprise, commending itself to statesmen and jurists, as well
as to philanthropists and Christians, deserves a wide circulation. We have
already published five thousand copies; and, if our friends desire to have it
spread still more widely, and especially put in the hands of such practical
men as have been wont, in their misconception of its true character, to regard the peace movement as a visionary, Utopian scheme, we hope they
will signify their wishes to this effect by sending us money or their names
for a cheap, yet well-printed edition.  The first edition was retailed at 25
cents, a fair price; bhut we propose to stereotype it in such size and form
that it can be afforded in large numbers at five cents or less.  We wish our
friends, if so disposed, to apply for it in subscriptions of not less than one
hundred copies each, at five cents a copy; and, when the list shall reach
5000 copies, (or less, if less will indemnify us,) we shall stereotype the
work at once. If they send money, and the work should not be thus stereotyped, we will return of the second edition, already published, twelve
copies for every dollar forwarded to us.
3. EFFORTS CONSEQUENT ON THE PEACE CONGRESS AT PARIS. - -We
presume the Paris Congress will carve out not a little work for us in carrying its recommendations into effect; hut the occasion, when it arises, will
suggest the particular kind and amount of special efforts it may require at
our hands.




60
TURNING  THE OTHER CHEEK  TO THE SMITER.. —Some persons think
that our Lord, in directing us to turn the other cheek to the smiter, spoke
only figuratively, as when he says we must hate father and mother. But
how did he act himself? He showed that the latter instruction was not
meant literally, by exhibiting the tenderest love for his mother; but when
he was smitten on the cheek, he did not smite again; when pierced to the
heart he did not pieree again; and, when one of his disciples thought he
could render service by drawing his sword, and smiting off the ear of a servant, Christ told him to put up the sword into its sheath, and healed the
ear, as though to say -' I will have no such assistance as that.'  And
when upon the cross, to show that he was in earnest when he said, " Bless
your enemies; pray for them them that evilly entreat you," he prayed that
God would forgive his murderers, for they knew not what they did.
WAR FOR A PICAYUNE. — We can hardly believe it; yet'tis a fact.
The Corsicans, long oppressed and plundered, were roused, in the year
1729, to insurrection by a very slight event, a single paolo, a piece of about
fivepence English, which a poor elderly woman being unable to pay to a
Genoese collector, he proceeded to sieze hei effects. The tumult which
this act of cruelty excited, was the signal of a general revolt. The Corsicans flew to arms, siezed on the capital of the island, and elected military
chiefs.  The Genoese, unable alone to subdue them, solicited and obtained
the powerful assistance of the emperor Charles VI.,by which the Corsicans
were once more compelled to enter into an accommodation with their tyrants, though on condition that the emperor would guaranty the treaty,
which was accordingly signed in 1733.
Receipts from   ipril 1, 1849, to June 1, 1849.
Portland, Me., L. Dana,     2 00              Jotham Stetson,         5 00
J. B. Cahoon,          3 00              Paul Curtis,            2 00
Cash (E. S.)           6 00              Others, in smaller sums,  4 00-46 00
Eliphalet Greely,      5 00        Providence, R. I., Francis Way-  100 00
Nathaniel Blanchard,    5 00             land, for Prize Review,
Friend,                2 00        Newx York, E. J. Woolsey,    50 00
Others, in smallersums, 11 00-34 00      Dwight Lathrop,        5 00-55 00
Saco, Me., Collection-in F. W.     a 3 64 East Brookfield, Coll. in Bap. Church,  2 00
Baptist Church, S           North BrBookfield, Collection in  11 54
Brookl/ne, N. H., ELEAZEP JILSON,              Congregational Church, S
in addition, to constitute him    16 00  From  individuals, be-  2
a Life Member                             sides pay for public'ns        79
Hartford, Ct., from the estate of the)   Soutt Readsng, B. F. Abbott,        2 00
late Ws. ELY, his bequest to  250 (10 Lynn,                            2 00
A. P. S.                           FarM'ii7gtosn, Ct.,                 3 00
Boston, John Field,         15 00        West Springfield, Col. in Cong. Ch.   13 00
J. W. Converse,        5 00         W. Woodstock, Ct., Rev. EZEKIEL   20 00
W. C. Stimpson,        2 00-22 00        Rscu, L. M.
Medlfrd, Galen James,       1(1 00       Getcva, N. Y., Henry Dwight,       25 00
Dudley Hall,          10 00 
S. Kidder,            10 00                                         $671 68
G.'W. Porter,         5 00
tt  Receipts for the circulation of Jay's Review will be given hereafter.