799 H 6 Vo*' I I I HANDBOOKS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO PRESS ALBUQUERQUE, NEW MEXICO — i —OND-BO-KS OF ARACHAEOtLGICA-L H ISTORY by. L< H EWETT A. EDGAR So Live the Works of iMen ALBUQUERQUE, NEW MEXICO 1943 v li MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO FROM ASSISI TO SANTA FE In this design for the frontispiece and cover, the artist has portrayed the epic of Franciscan New Mexico. Pecos Church, named after Francis' Portiincula, in the foreground, symbolizes the New Mexico mission enterprise. Grouped to the right are a number of Franciscans in solid color, symbolizing the founders of the New Mexican Church. Striding across the front of the scene, carrying before him the Cross and holding closely under his left arm a miniature Quarii Church, is Friar Estevan Perea, the first Custodian of the Conversion of St. Paul, founder of Quarii and the veritable Father of the New Mexican Church. In order behind and above him are portrayed: Friar Alonso de Benavides with his miter as Archbishop of Goa, and holding a quill and book symbolizing his famous Memorial; Friar Tomas Manso with his miter as Bishop of Nicaragua and holding a miniature ox-cart symbolizing his great wark as Procurator-General of the mission supply service; Friar Francisco de Acevedo, the founder and builder of Ab6 Church, carrying the ruin of Ab6, in miniature, under his arm, symbolizing the destruction which came with the Great Rebellion; Lay-brother Jer6nimo de Pedraza carrying a small still symbolizing his half century's labors as physician of the first hospital of New Mexico at San Felipe; Brother Juan de Dios, the Apostle of Pecos, with bobbed hair, with folded arms and without hat or cowl distinguishing him as a donado and a Mexican Indian; and finally Friar Marcos de Niza with his traveler's staff standing on a miniature mesa as in his discovery of the Pueblo Land at Zuni in I539. In the background are seen St. Francis and St. Clare leading the procession of Franciscan Saints from Assisi throughout the world; a number can be distinguished-Didacus of Alcala, Ferdinand of Castille, Agnes of Assisi, Louis IX of France, Elizabeth of Hungary, and Anthony of Padua. a, —f-rAMUMM I 11111118111111111111?- - i — FROM ASSISI TO SANTA FE HANDBOOKS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO by EDGAR REGINAL L. HEWETT and D G. FISHER PUBLICATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO AND THE SCHOOL OF AMERICAN RESEARCH THE UNIVERSITY OF NEw MEXICO PRESS 1943 COP FRIGHT, 1943 THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO PRESS ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ACKNOWALEDGMENTS Grateful acknowledgment is hereby made To Professor France V. Scholes, Division of Historical Research, Carnegie Institution of Washington; To Father Theodosius Meyer, Order of Friars Minor, Rector of St. Francis Cathedral, Santa Fe; To Father Jerome Hesse, Order of Friars Minor, Guardian of the Sacred Heart Convent and Rector of Sacred Heart Cathedral, Gallup (transferred from St. Francis Cathedral in Santa Fe to the Sacred Heart Cathedral in Gallup while this book was in press); For reading the historical sections of the manuscript and for many helpful criticisms and suggestions; To Professor Lansing B. Bloom, Associate Professor of History, University of New Mexico, Editor of the New Mexico Historical Review, for reading this entire work; To Miss Martha Ann Walker, teacher of art, Mt. Vernon, New York, and lover of New Mexico and the Missions, for preparing the illustration for the jacket which is also used as a frontispiece; To the staff of the Museum of New Mexico for assistance in many ways, and especially to Miss Hulda Hobbs for aid in preparing illustrations and reading proof; To Mrs. Margaret Campos, stenographer, for many hours overtime, whose ever-willing help made the task of the authors immeasurably easier. I TABLE OF CONTENTS Pagr ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................... 9 FOREW ORD............................................................. 15 MYTH, LEGEND, AND HISTORY....................................... 19 CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH.......................................... 29 Francis of Assisi...................................................... 29 The Franciscan Order................................. 44 From Assisi to Santa F................................................ 53 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH..................................... 65 Growth of the Missions....................................... 65 The Missions Reach Their Zenith...................................... 90 SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED....................... 103 Return and Restoration................................................ 103 Secular Interlude..2............................................... 112 A m erican Friars....................................................... i S Sanctuaries of Today................................... 21 RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS................... 135 Pecos............................................... 135 The Saline Country........................................ I46 Q u a rai..........................................-............... 15o Ab6.................................................... 159 Tabiri. the Ghost City....................................... 165 jem ez M issions and Pueblos............................................ 75 Acoma, the City in the Sky....................... 83 RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION.......................... 95 PreservationAssured..................................... 200 Excavation and Repair of Quarai Mission................................. 208 Excavation and Repair of Ab6 Mission............................ 217 Repair and Stabilization of Pecos Mission................ 224 Reclamation of J6mez Mission....................................... 230 The Work at Gran Quivira......................................... 235 E p ilo g u e.............................................................. 2 3 7 APPENDICES:.......................................... 241 I. Roll Call of the M artyrs...................................... 243 II. Custodians, 1617 to 1680......................................... 245 III. List of Franciscans Who Labored in the Founding of the New Mexican C h u rc h........................................................... 24 6 IV. Franciscans in New Mexico, January, I942.............................246 V. Selected B ibliography............................................... 255 IN D E X..................................................................... 2 57 257 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Page From A ssisi to Santa Fe.............................................. Frontispiece St. F rancis of A ssisi......................................................... I4 Panorama of Assisi Today....................................... 21 The Pueblo World Through the Eyes of an Indian............................. 25 Conversion of St. Francis.................................................. 31 Renunciation of St. Clare.................................................. 46 Columbus at La Rabida....................................................... 55 Preaching to the M ayas and Aztecs............................................. 58 Building the Missions of New Mexico......................................... 75 Church of Santo Domingo........................................ 77 Church at Isleta...........................................79 Seventeenth Century Mission Supply Caravan............................. S 98 C hurch of Santa C ruz....................................................... 105 Reredos of the Santa Cruz Church........................................... 107 Reconstruction of the Nineteenth Century Church of San Miguel.................. loS Church of Las T ram pas...................................................... Interior of Las Trampas Church................................................ I Sanctuario de Chimay6...................................................... 3.. Sanctuario de Chimay6 (Interior)............................................. 5 The Franciscan Emblem...................................................... 117 St. Francis (in Santero A rt).................................................. 119 Church of San Estevan (Acoma)............................................ 121 Church of San Juan Bautista (San Juan Pueblo)................................ 122 Church of San Felipe (San Felipe Pueblo)..................................... 123 Church of San Lorenzo (Picuris).............................................. 124 Church of Nuestra Sefiora de la Asunci6n (Zia)............................... 125 Church of San Ildefonso (San Ildefonso Pueblo)................................. 126 Church of San Antonio (Sandia)............................................... 27 Church of San Jer6nimo (Taos)............................................... 28 Church of San Buenaventura (Cochiti)......................................... 129 Church of San Jos6 (Laguna)..........3.........3...................30 Church of San Diego (Tesuque)............................................... 131 Church of Santa Clara (Santa Clara Pueblo).................................... 132 Church of San Diego (Jemez)................................................. 33 Church of Santa Ana (Santa Ana Pueblo).................................... 134 Ruin of Pecos Church and Monastery....................................137 Ruin of Pecos Churcj I40 R uin of Pecos C hurc ih......................................................... 4o Ruin of Pecos Church and Monastery....................................... 142 Reconstruction of Pecos Mission........................................ 144 R uin of Q uarai C hurch...................................................... 5 R uin of Q uarai C hurch........................................................ 52 Page Ruin of Quarai Church and Monastery........................................ 154 Reconstruction of Quarii Mission............................................ 56 R uin of A b6 C hurch........................................................... 59 Ruin of Ab6 Church and M onastery............................................ 16 Ruin of Ab6 Church......................................................... 163 Reconstruction of Ab6 M ission.................................................. 164 Ruin of Gran Quivira Church and Monastery.................................. 68 Ruin of Gran Quivira Church............................................... 169 Ruin of Gran Quivira Church and Monastery................................. I 72 Reconstruction of Gran Quivira Mission...................................... 173 Ruin of Jem ez Church........................................................ I76 Ruin of Jemez Church....................................................... I77 Reconstruction of Jemez Mission............................................. 18 Acoma on Top of Its M esa................................................... I84 Church and Monastery of Acoma............................................. 193 El Palacio R eal.......................................................96 E l P a lacio R eal............................................................... 99 T he A rt M useum in Santa F6.................................................. 200 Ruin of Quarai Church....................................................... 216 Ruin of Ab6 Church........................................................ 222 R uin of Pecos C hurch...................................................... 229 R uin of Jem ez C hurch....................................................... 233 Ruin of Gran Quivira Church................................................. 235 Apotheosis of Saint Francis.........2........................................ 238 6 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO zation in the New World-in South, Central, and North AmericaFranciscan churches rose from the soil and stood with doors open, living sanctuaries to the poorest of earth as well as to the richest. Most eloquent of all these shrines, when known, are the Mission Monuments of New Mexico at Pecos, Quarai, Abo, Gran Quivira, Jemez, and Acoma. Monolithic, austere, battered by time and weather and vandals, they stand in profound loneliness in the midst of other ruins of silent centuries. In all this round world there are no monuments that more perfectly reflect the spirit that brought them into being. They were built without money-there was none in New Mexico. There was no gold or silver with which to embellish them. There were no artists, carpenters, or stone masons; no architects, blue prints, or machinery. Devoted fathers toiled for the work's sake. Obedient Indians knew no such thing as union hours and never in their lives received "pay" for labor. They were Franciscan in spirit from time immemorial. A little native earthen color served for mural decoration, and to enrich the crude carving upon viga and corbel and reredos. There surely was good architectural tradition brought to their construction by the padres from distant lands, probably Spaintradition vital enough to come to life some centuries later and give its character to the most striking regional architecture that we have in America. In the following pages we undertake to bring the majestic old Missions of New Mexico to life in the light of their whole history. You can't know them by simply seeing their ruins and the places where they were located. You must know what can be known of the people by whom and for whom they were founded, the difficulties of their building, the hardships under which they struggled for survival, the tragedy of their destruction, and their desolation through centuries of forgetfulness. You must know something of the indomitable soldiers of the Cross from the foreloper, Fray Marcos de Niza, to Archbishop Daeger of Santa Fe. We shall make known the steps that are being taken for the physical preservation of the Missions, and endeavor to arouse the pride with which they should be cherished as precious possessions of our state-possessions that will be cordially shared with millions from without our borders-who will see them along the Mission to Mission FOREWORD I 7 Highway (a veritable Via Crucis) that New Mexico will build. We ask for the venerable monuments respect and reverence from those who visit them. They should be approached in the spirit of Galilee and of Assisi. The mission ruins of Pecos, Abo, Quarai, Gran Quivira, and Jemez are dated somewhat uncertainly from 1617 to 1630. All have been acquired by New Mexico institutions (University of New Mexico, State Museum, School of American Research) for preservation as state monuments. The treatment of the mission ruins (preservation, without unnecessary restoration or rebuilding), which will be explained in the following pages, is in pursuance of a policy for which the undersigned is responsible as the agent of the institutions above named. It is believed that the policy is now almost unanimously approved. While this volume is to be devoted largely to the five great mission monuments that are in ruins, and one, Acoma, still intact, which we call the Archaic Group, a number of the earlier period, all of which have nearly disappeared, will be mentioned, and many Franciscan churches and chapels in New Mexico that have survived much repairing and rebuilding and are still in service, will come in for brief treatment. Few of them measure up to the great structures of the archaic period, but some are fine examples of the ecclesiastical architecture of the Southwest. All serve to document one of the most impressive religious movements in history. It is not the purpose of this work to discuss the problems of chronology that arise in the study of the documentary history of the New Mexico missions. These are questions that depend mainly upon scanty records, the study of which must be left to the historians. In view of the many vicissitudes that these buldings have undergonenormal deterioration, violent destruction, repairing, rebuilding and so forth-the evidence of the tree rings is of little value. We will use the broader dating that is fairly well agreed upon, with the reminder that exact historic chronology is unimportant in this work. For the technical study of New Mexico mission architecture, which is also outside the province of this handbook, Part 2 of Kubler's Religious Architecture of New M exico (Taylor Museum, Colorado Springs) is recommended. EDGAR L. HEWETT CHAPTER I MYTH, LEGEND, AND HISTORY HROUGH MYTHOLOGY, legendry, literary record, and cultural remains, we know the peoples of the past. This constitutes history. By the same criteria we evaluate living races and forecast their destiny. History comprehends the whole emprise of man's life on earth-all that people have done or can do; all that they have thought. History is drama. It is both tragedy and comedy. Human life may seem predominantly tragic; nevertheless, it is a divine comedy. Unless we recognize this, life becomes a rather dismal affair. With proper balance of the two elements, the drama of life emerges as the supreme phenomenon of the universe; history, the glorious experience of man in his world. Dictators who so sorely pester the earth become its most ludicrous figures. A full analysis of the meaning of history belongs to a subsequent volume of this series of Handbooks (Archaeological History of the Rio Grande Valley). The above statement indicates the scope of the term as used here. In this work we are to deal mainly with its monumental records, but the setting of these must be vividly seen and the life that animated them must be restored. We are not dealing with the husks of history. Historic monuments were endowed with the spirit of their builders. In their prime they were beacons to guide and welcome wayfarers. In ruin they are memorials to heroic men and remain as shrines to enrich the present and inspire a future. Whatever of myth, legendry, or tradition clings to them should be scrupulously preserved. The Mission Monuments of New Mexico are rich in all these. The Indians who awaited their coming for centuries and at first received them cordially, and the Fathers who came half way around 19 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO 20 the earth to establish them, are the actors in the drama of the Missions. There are now no Indians surviving from the Great Period, though there are many descendants of the Mission villages. Because of the Indians' fidelity to the past as expressed in ritual, custom, and symbolism, we can restore the picture of bygone times. Because of the stern Catholic religious discipline, and by means of meticulous reports that the archives have yielded up, the story from the standpoint of the Fathers of the church may be in part recovered. By bringing all these fragments together, the stones may be brought to life. This we are endeavoring to do in the treatment of these ruins. We must keep faith with the past. We will not fail in this if we know the full meaning of history. Every work of men's hands that tells of devotion to a great cause or aspiration to future achievement, even though now in fragments, should be looked upon with reverence and cherished as priceless heritage. The ruined missions of New Mexico tell of a past beset with heroic endeavor and martyrdom. Just as eloquently they point to great accomplishments out of what seemed tragic failure. The life span of the great missions was a scant fifty years. Their bones have bleached in sun and silence two and a half centuries, but the faith to which they testify is more vital now than ever before. If you are going to take just a casual look at what is left of these massive walls of stone and adobe, with no thought of what they mean, you may better drive on to the next filling station at once. The filling station will at least enable you to get on to the next filling station or hot dog stand. However, if you were that kind of a traveler, you would not have bought this book. In the chapter following, my collaborator tells the story of St. Francis and the Order that he founded; traces the footsteps of his disciples over a long, long trail to these far-flung outposts; tells of martyrdoms that rewarded lives consecrated to a Holy Faith. I must now tell you something of two lands, six thousand miles apart, that you must know about if you are to understand the noble ruins that you have come here to see. So I must invite you to drop back in time some seven hundred years, and learn something of the life of those two widely separated worlds, as ignorant of one another as Earth and Mars. MYTH, LEGEND, AND HISTORY 21 Italy in the thirteenth century-as in every century-answers to the description of an older, holier land better than does the one described as "a land of corn, barley, and wine, where the fig, pomegranate, and olive grow; a land of oil and honey." To see Italy has been the goal of every world traveler, and to have seen it and come to know it is to experience a profound homesickness on realizing that you are probably cut off from it for the rest of your life. Description of Italy is beyond the scope of this work. That must be left to the poetry and art, to the song and story that have flowed out of Italy to enrich the culture of the world. That this land of more inherent loveliness than any other under the sun, has, from ancient times to now, brought forth some of the foulest characters of all time, may be admitted and then forgotten. It is the soul of Italy with which we are concerned, manifested in its natural beauty and in the great ones born of its loveliness. It is not possible to choose names from such galaxies PANORAMA OF ASSISI TODAY The Convent and Basilica of Saint Francis Which Enshrines Francis' Tomb Are Seen on the Left 22 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO of immortals. The list would continue endlessly. Art, history, spiritual and natural charm, combine to make Italy a land without a rival. Such was the Beloved Land of Francis of Assisi. His time was the thirteenth century, not a very auspicious age in history. If you care to take a look at Old World conditions during that time, you will see Asia swept by fire and sword, the contribution to world history of the Mongol brute-man, Genghis Khan, whose sole motive as a world conqueror, as far as I have ever been able to make out, was that he might be called "Emperor of All Men." He devastated a great part of Asia and a lot of Europe-the major part of the then known world-and died as all beasts do in time, leaving his "World Empire" to go the way of all such futile creations. For some centuries its miserable remnants have constituted a sorry domain between the Caspian and Aral seas. It would be an easy conquest for the virile Navajo Indians of New M/exico and Arizona. In Europe the Crusades constituted the great irruption of the thirteenth century. Unaccountable except as a religious craze, they kept the European world in turmoil for a century and a half; drove hundreds of thousands to slaughter and starvation. The great idea in the minds of the fanatics who set the movement going was that the holy places of the Holy Land, especially the Holy Sepulcher, must be wrested from the foul hands of the "infidels." There is no use trying to account for something that is inexplicable. The vast impulse back of the Crusades was without truth or sanity. The holy places of Christendom have always been treated as reverentially by the Mohammedans as by the Christians themselves. True, Mohammedans have been known to defile sacred places, both Christian and Moslem. And I have found the noblest Christian sanctuaries of America, from New Mexico to Guatemala, used by Christians for the vilest of purposes. So we must simply write off the Crusades as one of humanity's vast futilities, contributing exactly nothing to the advancement of the race. Such were the vast convulsions through which the people of the Old World had to live in the thirteenth century-sound and fury ending in nothing save want and suffering and degeneration, but affording endless material for the speculations of historians of succeeding generations. The violence of these upheavals in history is no index MYTH, LEGEND, AND HISTORY 23 of their importance in human affairs. The quiet, unobtrusive movement that originated in Italy in that time of turmoil out of the life of the saint of Assisi swelled steadily on through centuries, bringing its benediction to hundreds of thousands of lives, while the creations of the "world shakers" that were to "last for all time" lie in dust and ruin, and humanity slowly overcomes the effects of their atrocities.* Now after you have taken this look at the Old World of the thirteenth century, and at the Italy of Francis of Assisi, turn to the New World, to what we now call the American Southwest, and to the gentle people who lived their lives out through peaceful ages apart from the turmoil of "civilization," and free from the "leadership" that usually means simply human lust for power. In preceding volumes of this series of Handbooks-Indians of the Rio Grande Valley, Pajarito Plateau and Its Ancient People- and my Ancient Life in the American Southwest, the Pueblo Indians have been described at such length as to render unnecessary any further recording here. But the picture at this terminus of the long Franciscan trail must be clearly in mind if you are to know the meaning of the Mission Monuments. The American Southwest has been proclaimed a Land of Enchantment. That is a rather grand claim. But if you allow yourself to see the Southwest as a stage on which stirring acts in the drama of human life have been played, you will find no exaggeration in the term. It is a Land of Enchantment, and the story of the missions an important scene in a pageant of ages. For the picture of life in the thirteenth century at this New World * In a forthcoming number of the Handbooks, The Archaeological History of the 'Rio Grande 'galley, there will be a chapter on the meaning of history, in which a few of the vast irruptions that we call "wars" are discussed: the Persian of the fifth century B.C.; the Macedonian (Alexander) in the last third of the fourth century B.C.; that of the Huns under Attila, the middle of the fifth century A.D.; the Crusades, twelfth and thirteenth centuries A.D.; the Napoleonic, early in the nineteenth century; and the Teutonic, now at its height, every one of which —with the exception of the Crusades (a useless, century-long religious craze) —was due to one-man lust for power. The weakness of humanity for "leaders" makes place for such wretches as Alexander, Attila, Napoleon, Mussolini, Hitler, and their deification is the most pitiable aspect of our race's immaturity. It is suggested in that forthcoming work that we drop the exaltation of these master murderers who balked humanity's progress and contributed nothing to its welfare. Likewise, that the prevalent idol worship or hero worship of our time might be replaced by the veneration of real men. There was more heroism in the souls of one pair-your father and mother or mine-who pioneered the western wilderness that you and I might be here, more manhood in one Junipero Serra, than in all the "heroes" that have won the adulation of the populace by a single daring stunt and made it pay munificently. 24 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO "end of the trail," we must go to myth and legend, often more faithful reflection of the human past than are the perversions of written history. As I have repeatedly pointed out, letters are one of the most potent means of establishing and perpetuating falsehood. The falsification of events and motives and characters that has reached such colossal proportions in the systematized propaganda of our time bears this out, while the mythology, legendry, symbolism, ritual, art of the cultural (pre-civilized) ages perfectly mirror the human past that is of most consequence, namely the spiritual life. To bring up for the present purposes some legends of the Southwest in the thirteenth century, I am going to quote here from my Ancient Life in the 4American Southwest. Of their ancestral home the Aztecs themselves preserved some clear traditions. Duran, native Aztec historian, speaks of "seven caves" from which all Nahuatl tribes issued; "these caves are in Teoculhuacan, otherwise called Aztlan, a country which we all know to be toward the north and connected with Florida." They went overland through all the country of the Chichimecas, over the new lands and plains of Cibola. The last named place we know to have been our New Mexico Zuii. Tezozomac, another Aztec historian, speaks of Aztlan from which the Mexicans came as toward the extreme north, using the expression "they had in this land and the lagunes thereof." Here is an indication of water, and the name "Aztlan" fits the suggestion, meaning, "place of herons." Acosta, who came to Mexico in I585, records the traditions of migration of seven principal Nahua tribes of Mexico, all speaking the same language and all coming from the north, though at long intervals apart. He names them in the order of their coming: the Xochomilcos, Chalcas, Tepenecans, Tezcucans, Tlatluicans, Tlascalans, and Aztecs or Mexicans. He speaks of them as coming "from other far countries which lie to the north where now they have discovered a kingdom they call New Mexico. There are two provinces in this country, one called Aztlan, which is to say a place of herons, and the other Teoculhuacan, which signifies a land of such whose grandfathers (ancestors) were MYTH, LEGEND, AND HISTORY 25 THE PUEBLO WORLD THROUGH TIE EYES OF AN INDIAN Painting by the noted Zia artist, Velino Herrera (MaPeWi) Such was the land where the ancestors were divine divine. The Navatalcas (Nahua) point their beginning and first territory in the figure of a cave and say they came forth of seven caves to come and people the land of Mexico." Other historians recite substantially the same tradition. Here then are clues we may follow in retracing the steps of the Aztecs from Anahuac back to far Aztlan. It is not the purpose here to point out the landmarks along that trail of the centuries. If you fare to the north a thousand miles or so along the eastern base of the Cordillera, keeping well upon the high plateau, you will traverse valleys and plains and mountains over which these ancient peoples must have moved. There is rarely a day's journey that is not marked by more or less conspicuous objects of antiquity. Not, however, until you reach the American Southwest are you in the region that meets the 26 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO conditions of the Aztec tradition. This region I have for many years divided roughly into five areas: namely, the inland basin of MimbresChihuahua, the Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico, a great natural highway between the north and the south, and the three tributary valleys of the Colorado: the Gila, Little Colorado and the San Juan. The San Juan valley was believed by Morgan, an enthusiastic student of Pueblo and Aztec relations, to be the fabled Aztlan. In common with the two other tributary valleys of the Colorado Basin, it meets none of the conditions of the legend, though all were the seats of numerous ancient population. Teoculhuacan, "the place of divine ancestors," suggests the upper Rio Grande Valley. It is the true "land of the delight makers," where every Indian village holds its dramatic ceremonies in which the Koshare impersonate the spirits of the ancestors, who by virtue of their spirit state are all divine. In the latter part of the fifteenth century a sailor from Genoa, by name Cristobal Colon (Anglicized, Christopher Columbus) of mystical mind and indomitable spirit, pushed out into the western Unknown, and this great New World became a reality. He was followed by those men of iron whom we call the Conquistadores, and, let it never be forgotten, beside every mailed captain rode or walked a brown-robed soldier of the Cross. There was stern reality a-plenty in the explorations of Mexico, Central America, and Peru; nevertheless, myth and legend had more to do with the unveiling of unknown lands and peoples of this continent than did any amount of commonplace fact. El Dorado (The Gilded Man), Seven Cities of Cibola, the Land of the Seven Caves, Golden Quivira, impelled men to undertakings seemingly beyond human accomplishment and sustained them in hardships unmatched in history. Few have ever tried to comprehend these adventures. Suppose we follow the wanderings of one Spaniard of the sixteenth century. Starting from Spain with an expedition that met with shipwreck on an unknown coast somewhere in Florida, wandering alone for five or six years with wild Indians, knowing as little of the land and people as we know of Mars; rejoined then by three companions from the shipwreck, drifting-the four of them-until the continent is crossed, then turning southward down the continental sierra; at last, meeting with MYTH, LEGEND, AND HISTORY 27 white men somewhere in Mexico, and finally reaching Mexico City-a journey of almost nine years and uncounted miles, practically all the way afoot with the exception of that shipwrecked portion at the beginning. Then, not yet having enough to satisfy a superhuman wanderlust, back to Spain, from there to what is now Brazil and Argentina in South America; finally carried back to Spain to be exiled to Africa, but this sentence at last remitted. Such were the journeyings of Cabeza de Vaca. As an endurance test, can it be matched in all history? Follow another wanderer of the New World, Fray Marcos of Niza. He blazed the Franciscan trails in Perui and Ecuador. Just how he got up to Mexico City, I have never learned. But wherever a legend pointed to the existence of real human beings, Fray Marcos was on the way. A matter of sixteen hundred miles of mountain and desert wilderness to the north with his negro Estevan (who had hoofed it with Caheza de Vaca a few thousand miles), to the mythical Cibola, New Mexico's pueblo of Zuii; then back to Mexico alone, for Estevan ended his vast journeyings, which began in the village of Azamor in Morocco, at the town of Hawikuh, one of the Cibola villages of New Mexico-a place strangely like his old home town in Africa. Then Fray Marcos, piloting Coronado and his army over the trail he had pioneered back to Cibola (which failed to live up to the reputation he had given it), meets the tragic disappointment of his life of striving, turns sadly back to Mexico in disgrace. You who shrink from a trip down town without your auto may have some difficulty in imagining a walk from New Mexico to Peru. The idea would not have daunted a Franciscan friar of the sixteenth century in the least. We may seem to have gone far afield in bringing in these episodes. But they are not irrelevant. The purpose is to give you a true background for the study of the Mission Monuments of New Mexico, to be thought of not as tumbledown walls, but as memorials of heroic men of an heroic age, outposts of one of the most vital movements in the history of civilization. Mexico early in the sixteenth century had been conquered by the Spaniards, as had Central America and Peru. But the north was as yet unknown save through the myths and legends carried by Indians who swapped artifacts and traditions and rituals from one tribe to another. No Spaniard could resist the lure of a mythical El Dorado. That will-o'-the-wisp led to thousands of miles -28 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO of exploration, especially in South America. There was just as unquestionably to the north a Teoculhuacan, a "Land of Divine Ancestors." Well, that myth wasn't all moonshine. There was, sixteen hundred miles north, a world of gentle, spiritual people, a Pueblo land, where, curiously enough, to this day the spirits of the ancestors are venerated and in fervent dramatic ceremonies impersonated as they have been for ages. Here, then, came the conquistadores of Coronado; came, too, the disciples of St. Francis of Assisi. You will agree with me that the massive ruined walls of the Franciscan Missions of the American Southwest mark the terminus of a trail conceived in exalted vision, blazed in almost superhuman courage and endurance, consecrated with the blood of countless martyrs, and marking at the end a victorious and lasting achievement. CHAPTER II CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH FRANCIS OF ASSISI O APPRECIATE the New Mexico Missions, it is necessary to know well that movement of almost unparalleled religious fervor to which they owe their origin; a movement which marks an epoch in the history of the Roman Catholic Church. Behind the epic of New Mexico stands a saint who challenged the values of the world fearlessly and dramatically-who changed the complexion of history. Tosee him in life one must turn four hundred years behind New Mexico to the beginning of the thirteenth century in the Umbrian Valley of middle Italy. There, in Assisi, lived a young man familiarly known as Francis because of his fondness for the French language, it is said. The interests of Francis, as a youth, were centered in revelry, finery, and showiness. He was ambitious and wanted fame above everything. He was the spoiled son of Peter Bernardon, a wealthy clothier. Yet, Francis had a charitable trait. The story is told that one day, absorbed in something of his own, he let a beggar go by. Upon noting what had happened he immediately ran after the fellow to give him some coins, vowing never to refuse a poor man who should ask alms for the love of God. "Francis was buoyant, imaginative, creative, impulsive. The nature of a mystic was strong within him. A born artist, a natural, unconscious dramatist, a wit; he showed forth the greatest of all dramas, the clash of the Eternal on the things of Time, in a life-story so stirring that the world has been able to match it only with that of the Master, twelve hundred years before. Strange young man, too full of love! There has been one Francis, and only one." 29 30 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO This is Ernest Raymond speaking in his Steps of St. Francis, page 8.* When about twenty years old, Francis fought in a skirmish between Assisi and the neighboring city of Perugia. He was taken prisoner and held for over a year, returning home to suffer a long, serious sickness. During this, his thoughts changed from sports and frivolities to religion. While the immediate cause, as biographers say, may have been a wounded pride, the great urge- behind the change was nothing less than the mystic in him driving for unity with God and the universe. He resolved to aim at Christian perfection and to imitate Christ's example in his life, as nearly as was within him. "After this, he gave himself much to prayer... and besought our Lord with great fervor to reveal to him his will. Being one day wholly absorbed in God, he seemed to behold Christ hanging upon His Cross; from which vision he was so tenderly affected, that he... was animated with an extraordinary spirit of poverty, charity, and piety" (Butler, Lives of the Saints, Vol. IV, p. 3 ). On a certain occasion while meditating on the meaning of the Passion, in Assisi's Church of St. Damian, with eyes fixed on the big crucifix above the altar, he fell into such deep concentration that only his thoughts seemed to exist-"What could he do to express his great love for his Lord who had suffered so much for him?" Then, suddenly, the words in answer seemed to come from the Crucifix"Francis, go and repair my house, which thou seest is falling to ruins." A surge of consuming ecstasy ran through him-by this miracle his Lord had accepted him. He rushed out, took a horse-load of cloth from his father's warehouse and sold it along with the horse for cash. He brought the cash to the poor old priest of St. Damian's. With it the church was to be repaired. Dreading his father's anger, Francis asked to stay with the priest. This was granted but the cash refused. When Peter Bernardon found what had happened, he came in a rage to St. Damian's. Francis hid until his father left, somewhat pacified, upon getting back the money. After several days Francis again made his appearance at home to be soundly beaten and locked in his room, but later set free by his mother. He returned to St. *All quotations here from In the Steps of St. Francis are made with the generous permission of the publishers, H. C. Kinsey & Co., Inc., New York. CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 31 Damian's, where his father followed him, insisting that he return home and be a sane man or renounce his inheritance. He was now squarely faced with the great choice which sooner or later he should have to make anyhow. He was ready. In Francis, a vision had been dawning, one of the most dazzling that has ever come to man. Yet not without great internal conflict did the truth of it bear upon him. He was seeing, as possibly no man before him except his Master had seen, that all possessiveness, all acquisitiveness meant a deliberate separating of himself from others. To pursue wealth and fame was to separate himself from common man by his superiority, and his great subconscious drive was unity with his universe. Most of all, the poor, the sick and the outcast clutched at CONVERSION OF ST. FRANCIS Mural in Saint Francis Auditorium Art Museum, Santa F ' The artist here sought to present the moment that Francis made his final decision, the moment that he put away - definitely the luxury and allurements of E' his family estate at Assisi to embrace poverty. Here Francis kneels with bare knees upon the cold flagstones at the entrance to St. Damian's Convent; above him the crucifix, at one side a candle sputters low for it is the hour before _ dawn; in the distance on the wooded i hill gleams the white castle where Francis has left wealth and earthly pleasures. To one side of Francis lies the rich clothing he has discarded for the coarse. sackcloth of the beggar. 32 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO his heart. Here was the truth for hint, to cast himself out and to equal the poverty of the poor. It was urging him to deal with poverty as Christ with pain: Christ desired that no man living should be able to say, "I have suffered more than you." Francis desired that no man should be able to say, "I have been poorer than you." Unless he were at the bottom of humanity someone might protest, rejecting his offered hand of service. Thus, only, could he be true to the highest in himself. Thus, only, could he be real. To be real was the positive aspect of his truth, the giving up of all possessions was its negative side. One arm of the eternal paradox would take everything from him, but the other would add all things unto him. By giving up all he would inherit the earth; by losing himself he would find God. He would be free! Ownership meant not only separateness but imprisonment; all men everywhere were shutting themselves up in prisons of gold; the more they grasped, the more they lost. If one desired to be, he must give up to have. Francis' vision is one part of his challenge to all ages, and most notably to our own. It is his pitying laugh at our scales of measurement. It was Christ's challenge, too, of course, but Francis was almost the only man in history who dared to take Christ at his word and act the principle out. Francis' vision was simply this, "Let me once be quit of the desire for property and praise, and I shall be free. Free from the nagging ache of envy. Free from the sick hurts of resentment. Free to love all and forgive all. Free to do and say the right, regardless of unpopularity. Free to wander everywhere as my inspiration guides me, and to enjoy the whole world of plain and forest and mountain, because I own no blade of grass in it anywhere. Only by having nothing of my own to look at anxiously shall I be able to see all." Unity with all the World, and freedom to be real; the key-word was poverty. Does not the vision disturb us a little with the fear that he may have been right? These three paragraphs are from Raymond's In the Steps of St. Francis, pp. 27-30. Of the two alternatives offered by his father, Francis chose the latter, saying that he was ready to undergo anything for the love of Jesus Christ, whose disciple he desired to be. With this they went CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 33 before the Bishop of Assisi to make the renunciation. In his fervor, the story goes, Francis stripped himself of his clothes and gave them to his father saying, "Until now I have called you father; henceforth I desire to say only, 'Our Father, who art in heaven, in whom I place all my hope and treasure.' " Peter Bernardon left him with the bishop and thus goes out of our story. A laborer's garment was provided Francis by a servant of the bishop. He made on it the sign of the cross and, with this his first alms, put on the cloak of poverty. Francis passed the next two years in and about Assisi, begging his living from those who had known him as the gay, careless, young Bernardon-the object of ridicule and contempt. Whenever he felt shame come over him, at some humiliating circumstance, he would invite even greater disgrace in order to humble himself further and destroy the remnants of pride. He spent his time in aiding the unfortunate and in restoring dilapidated churches of the neighborhood. First he repaired St. Damian's, carrying the stones and serving the masons with his own hands; then the old church of St. Peter; and finally the little church of Our Lady of the Angels, called Portiuncula* (Little Portion) from the small parcel of land on which it was situated. Francis became strongly attached to this church of the Little Portion because of its isolated and quiet location about a mile from Assisi and because of his devotion to the "Holy Angels" and to "Our Lady," the Mother of his Lord. Near by Portiuncula, which became his usual place of worship, he made his abode. Here, on the feast of St. Matthias in 1209, the words of the Gospel read at the Mass-"Do not carry gold or silver, or a scrip for your journey, or two coats, or a staff"-inspired Francis to carry his vision into action. He would preach repentance and the Kingdom of God, without money. He would imitate Christ and obey His commands, in absolute poverty, in Christlike love, and in humbled deference to the priests as Christ's representatives. Applying literally to himself the command of the Gospel for St. Matthias' Day in the old Latin Missal, he gave away his money and discarded his staff, shoes, and leather girdle, retaining only a coarse long robe tied around the waist with a cord, a short cloak over the shoulders, and a hood for head-cover-the peasant dress of *"Porti6ncula," the Italian spelling, is used here; later "Porci'incula, the Hispanized spelling given by Benavides, will be used. MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO 34 the time in Umbria. It was this habit which he gave to his brothers the following year. At first, considered a fool by his kinsfolk and townsmen, Francis was the butt of all men's scorn. Finally, however, certain like-minded persons were attracted by his vision and asked to become his companions. The first of these was Bernard of Quintaval, a rich tradesman of Assisi: Then Bernard of Assisi, being amongst The noblest of the city, and wealthiest And wisest, of his wisdom began note This in Saint Francis so exceeding scorn 0' the world, and so great patience under wrong, That now, albeit two years by every man Detested and despised, he even seemed More steadfast-patient-'gan, I say, to think And commune with himself: "It cannot be But that this Francis hath great grace of God": And so he bade him sup with him and lodge That night; whereto agreeing, Saint Francis supped and lodged with him. Whereat Saint Frahcis, deeming that indeed Bernard now slept, in the first hush of night Rose up from off his bed, and fell to prayer And raising eyes and hands aloft to heaven, With deepest fervour and devotion cried; "My God, my All!" continuing in these words Instant, with bitter tears, till dawn of day. Ever, and naught beside, "My God, my All!" Repeating: and these words Saint Francis spake, Thinking with wonder of the excellence Of Majesty Divine, which deigned look down From heaven upon a dying world, and through Francis, His little poor one, purposed For his own soul and other to provide A healing of salvation. Therefore now Illumed by spirit of prophecy to foresee The mighty things which God would bring to pass Through him, and through his Order, and withal CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 35 Musing of his own insufficiency And little worth, he cried to God in prayer That of His goodness and omnipotence, Without which human frailty nothing can, He would aid, supplement, accomplish that Which of itself availed not. Bernard then These gestures of Saint Francis, so devout By the lamp's light beholding, and himself Devoutly musing on the words he spake, Was by the Holy Spirit touched, inspired, To change his life; wherefore, when dawn appeared, He called Saint Francis, and bespake him thus! "O Brother Francis, I within my heart Am wholly purposed to forego the world And follow thee in all that thou shalt bid." This legend comes from the James Rhoades English verse translation of The Little Flowers of St. Francis, pp. 5 and 6. The Little Flowers of Saint Francis was compiled by an unknown writer in the fourteenth century from Actus B. Francesci et Sociornum ejus which dates about I320. While The Little Flowers contains more legendary material than the various biographies, it possesses great charm and a strong feeling of contemporaneousness. Bernard sold all his possessions and divided the returns among the poor. At the same time, Peter of Catana, a canon of the cathedral of Assisi, had asked also to be a companion. On August I6, 1209, Francis gave to both his habit, and with this founded the Franciscan Order. The story of the beginning of the Order is told in The Little Flowers thus (pp. 3 and 4): Of Francis, glorious Saint, consider first How that in all his life-deeds he has made Conformable to Christ: for even as Christ Did at the outset of His ministry Choose twelve Apostles to spurn worldly things Each one and follow Him in poverty And other virtues, so Saint Francis, first Founding his Order, chose companions twelve, Men dowered with deepest poverty. 36 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO And as the holy Apostles wonders were To all the world for sanctity, and filled With the Holy Spirit, even so were those Most holy followers of Saint Francis men Of such deep sanctity, that from the time Of the Apostles until now, the world Ne'er held so marvellous and saintly men: Seeing that one of them was rapt aloft To the third heaven, as was Saint Paul, and this Was Brother Giles; and one of them-the same Being Brother Philip Lungo-on his lips Was by an Angel touched with coal of fire, As was the Prophet Isaiah: one of them, To wit Brother Silvester, spake with God Like unto Moses, as friend speaks with friend: And one by subtlety of intellect E'en to the light of divine wisdom soared, As did that eagle, John Evangelist: And this was Brother Bernard, of all hearts Most humble, who to its profoundest depth Laid bare the Holy Scripture: one of them Was made a Saint by God and canonized In heaven, yet living in the world; and he Was of Assisi, born of gentle blood, Brother Ruffino: and thus each and all Were with peculiar sanctity endowed, As by the sequel is made manifest. To form a holy society with but the one purpose of living a life after Christ's example was the original aim of Francis and his companions. Within a year Francis had composed a rule for the Order. It was a simple rule which, in addition to the Gospel precepts of good conduct, comprised only a few exhortations as to manner of living. By it the brothers were bidden to manual labor, for which they should be content to receive only things necessary for life, not money; and to be unashamed to beg alms, remembering that Christ, in his ministry, lived without possession or income. They should live from "the Lord's table" as it might provide from day to day. They were forbidden to preach in any place without license from the bishop. Francis ended his talk by which the rule was given to the Order with the CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 37 words: "Fear not to appear little and contemptible; or to be called by men fools and madmen; but announce penance in simplicity, trusting in Him who overcame the world by humility; it is He that will speak in you by spirit. Let us take care that we do not lose the kingdom of heaven for any temporal interest, and that we never despise those who live otherwise than we do. God is their master, as He is ours, and He can call them to Himself by other ways." (Butler, Lives of the Saints, Vol. IV, p. 34). The brothers then numbered I27. Since Francis had, with his own hands, rebuilt the decaying Portiuncula and since the Order had made it its principal place of worship, the Subiaco Monks of the Benedictine Rule, to whom it belonged, offered to give the Church to the Franciscans. However, Francis would accept only the use-privilege and not the ownership of the property. True to his vision, Francis felt that he must be "free to say in his heart, that the house in which he lived, the bread which he ate, and the poor clothes which he wore, were none of his; and that he possessed nothing of any earthly goods, being a disciple of Him who, for our sakes, was born a stranger in an open stable, lived without a place of His own wherein to lay his head, subsisting by the charity of good people and died on a cross... in order to expiate our sins and to cure our passions of covetousness, sensuality, pride, and ambition." (Butler, Lives of the Saints, Vol. IV, p. 34). In token that he had only tenure of Portiuncula from the monks, Francis sent them every year, as an acknowledgment, a basket of fish which were plentiful in a neighboring river. Francis could scarcely have lived in imitation of his Lord without Holy Orders. However, because of humility, he would not allow himself the distinction of being a priest, but always remained a deacon-the lowliest of the three orders of the ministry. Francis naturally followed the rule of fasting as did all the faithful-yes, as many do today. Yet he was not content with the minimum rule that any ordinary person might do. He had set himself to live what he believed; to "make a tongue of his whole body." By example would he conquer the world. Instead of the one Lent each year, Francis observed Lents, as he called them, in commemoration of several of the great holy seasons of the year. After the feast of Epiphany (January 6th), he kept a fast in commemoration of Christ's 38 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO forty days in the desert. Then came the regular Lent, Ash Wednesday to Easter. Those familiar with the Church calendar know that Ash Wednesday varies from February 4th to March ioth depending upon the date of Easter which it precedes by six and a half weeks. Beginning a few weeks after Easter, on the day following the feast of Saint Peter and Saint Paul (June 29th), Francis observed a period of fast in commemoration of the "Mother of God" (an ancient designation of Mary, the mother of Jesus, which originated in the 3rd century). He observed yet another fast period during Advent ending with Christmas, in commemoration of the Incarnation. It is said also that Francis observed fast periods in honor of All Angels and of All Saints. Penance, he considered more than simply an act of sacramental satisfaction for sin. It had a special virtue of its own and was in itself a means of Grace. It will be recalled that Francis called his body "Brother Ass" because "it was to carry burdens and to eat little and coarsely." Francis recited daily the Divine Office of the Breviary-the Seven Canonical Hours of Prayer. Beginning in the early morning with Matins and its great hymn of St. Ambrose and St. Augustine, the Te Deum Laudamus, his day unfolded with the Psalms and Little Chapters of Prime, Terce, Sext, None; then Vespers with its "Song of Our Lady," called the Magnificat; to close in the late evening with Complin and its "Canticle of Simeon," called the Nunc Dimittis. With each of the Seven Hours a phase of the Passion was commemorated: At Matins bound, at Prime reviled Condemned to death at Terce, Nailed to the Cross at Sext, At None his blessed Side they pierced, They take Him down at Vesper-tide, In the grave at Complin lay, Who henceforth bids His church observe These seven-fold Hours alway. The poet in Francis shows throughout his life. His "Canticle of the Sun" or "Canticle to Brother Sun," though short, is perhaps his best known poem. It breathes the spirit of Francis. In it a peculiar animistic feeling prevails. CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 39 O most high, Almighty, good Lord God, to thee belong praise, glory, honor, and all blessing! Praised be my Lord God for all his creatures, and especially for our brother the Sun, who brings us the day and who brings us the light; fair is he and shines with a very great splendor; O Lord he signifies to us Thee. Praised be my Lord for our sister the moon, and for the stars, the which he has set clear and lovely in heaven. Praised be my Lord for our mother the earth, the air and cloud, calms and all weather, by the which thou upholdest life in all creatures. Praised be my Lord for our sister water, who is very serviceable unto us and humble and precious and clean. Praised be my Lord for our brother fire, through whom thou givest us light in the darkness; and he is bright and pleasant and very mighty and strong. Praised be my Lord for our mother the earth, the which doth sustain us and keep us and bringeth forth divers fruits and flowers of many colors, and grass. Praised be my Lord for all those who pardon one another for his love's sake, and who endure weakness and tribulation; blessed are they who peaceably shall endure, for thou, O most Highest, shalt give them a crown. Praised be my Lord for our sister, the death of the body, from which no man escapeth. Woe to him who dieth in mortal sin! Blessed are they who are found walking by Thy most Holy Will, for the second death shall have no power to do them harm. Praise ye and bless the Lord, and give thanks unto Him, and serve him with great humility..The "Canticle of the Sun" portrays Francis' great love for nature. He united religion and nature and found in all created things something of the beauty, power, wisdom, and goodness of their Creator. The personification of the elements in the "Canticle to Brother Sun" was to Francis something more than a mere literary figure. His feeling for nature sprang not simply from a sentimental disposition but rather from a deep sense of the presence of God, which underlaid all he said and did. Raymond says, "The Canticle of the Sun is more than a... 40 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO simple lyric, historically interesting as the first universally known poem in the Italian language, the first spring murmurings of a great literature, the head-waters that lead to Dante, Petrarch, and Tasso. Whether or not its author knew all that it was, is difficult to say; but those of us who have watched the light in the valley of Spoleto and felt its soft air, and at night have seen the stars mingled with the lights of Perugia on a company of hills, will know that in its simplest meaning it is the song of his own vale; while, if we have ears for a deeper music, we shall know also that it is the song of Francis' unity with his God." (Steps of St. Francis, p. 320.) "Francis' Order was 'a city set on a hill.' In his conception, it was a company of men who would enact again before the feudal world that life which had shaken the Roman world from Galilee. He wanted a corporation of Christs, no less. He had no desire to found a new monastic order. His wias an heroic appeal, but he addressed it only to heroes." (Steps of St. Francis, p. I93.) The bond of unity in the Order was simply like-mindedness and the will to live by the word of God. Its great purpose was to preach penitence, and the better life-not dogma, ecclesiastical precept, or religious formalism. No monasteries, no property, no possessions, no authoritarian discipline should circumscribe its devotion to God or its service to man. Its only discipline should be the will to follow the Master. However, the idea of free poor men, wandering the world in the likeness of Christ and refusing money, privilege or protection, was strange. Few of the Brothers and still fewer of the Hierarchy understood Francis' vision. He wanted to change the self-seeking competitiveness of society by flooding the world with men who would regard the pursuit of personal eminence a breach of divine trust. The time came when the Order demanded something more familiar and easier to understand-an enforced discipline, security of common property, cloistered communities, libraries, convents, studies, money. In these things of the monastic tradition, the way was already charted. The Order wanted the monastic way. Francis faced another great decision, whether to have a showdown in the Order and preserve his ideal. He could have forced his will by holy obedience. His human instincts urged him to fight, while refusing to use force seemed to hand the prize to the opposition. Yet CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 41 in the end force would achieve nothing but the opposite of his ideal. The more he thought of it the more he knew that to meet the opposition with force would be to betray his Master. His decision was that peace can not be taught by war, nor gentleness by violence, nor love and forgiveness by retribution and wrath; that freewill devotion to an ideal could never be had by repression and reprisal. He must teach by persuasion, never by force; he must lead by example, never by punishment. He would not coerce. He would give nothing more than rebuke with an uncompromising statement of his position. Beyond that, the example of his life must provide the ideal. Those who saw the vision should follow. For those who could not, he would live his ideal in hope that one day they too would see. Among those who saw, naturally were Leo, Silvester, Rulffino, Giles, Bernard, Peter, Angelo, and Masseo. By this time, at forty-three, Francis had all but spent himself living this drama of perfect love. Almost blind and in failing health, the great climax of his life came just two years before death. It happened on the summit of La Verna Mountain during the Lent which Francis kept between the Feast of the Assumption (August I th) and the Feast of St. Michael (September 29th). He had taken Leo, Angelo, Ruffino, and Masseo for a retreat on La Verna and had withdrawn to be in complete solitude. Leo alone was to come once a day to bring him a little bread and water. Thus he would spend the Lent. Here, on his sacred mountain, Francis attained to the vision that marked the fulfillment of his ecstatic life; here received the stigmata that showed forth his complete union with his beloved Master. Francis' last exhortation to his friars two years after La Verna was that they always honor the priests and pastors of the church as their masters; that they faithfully observe their rule; that they work with their hands, not out of desire of gain, but for the sake of good example, and to avoid idleness; that they who do not know how to work, learn some trade; that if they receive nothing for their work they have recourse to the table of the Lord in the begging of alms. And then, by a last grand gesture, this dramatist-poet-knight proclaimed that he was faithful to his "Lady-Poverty" to the last. And, 42 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO in so doing, he issued his last challenge to all of us who, nowadays no less than then, measure greatness by the quantity of possessions. As at the beginning he had shown no fear of shocking anybody if thereby he could give force to his message, so now at the end he told the brothers to take him off the bed, strip him naked, and lay him for a little while on the bare floor. And when on the ground, he accepted from the Father Guardian a tunic, breeches, cord and cowl, the Guardian saying as he handed them to him, "Know that this tunic and these breeches are only lent to you by me, and you have no right of property in them." Francis accepted them as a loan, was clothed again, and replaced upon the bed. Now he could die, owning nothing at all, not even, as of old, his tunic and cord. No half-measures, even in death, for the lad of Assisi. But it did not occur to him, probably that in that minute when he lay naked, he had put off the thirteenth century and lay there, a man not of any particular age, but of all time. It is not as a cowled figure from some old tapestry that he challenges our greedy appropriations, but as our contemporary. (Steps of St. Francis, p. 445.) Francis gave his final blessing to all his disciples in the following words: "Farewell, my children; remain always in the fear of the Lord. That temptation and tribulation which is to come, is now at hand; and happy shall they be who shall persevere in the good they have begun. I hasten to go to our Lord, to whose grace I recommend you." Then reciting the I42nd Psalm, Francis died with the words of the last verse on his lips-"Bring my soul out of prison, that I may give thanks unto Thy name." This was on Saturday, October 3rd, 1226, in his forty-fifth year. On July 16, 1228, Pope Gregory IX, who had been Ugolino, Cardinal Protector of the Order, performed the ceremony of canonization at the Cathedral in Assisi. However blind to Francis' vision Ugolino may have seemed from his outward acts, he was expressing the hidden truth of his heart when, as Pope Gregory IX... he canonized him in the Piazza San Giorgio, his eyes streaming with tears, as he recounted to the multitude what CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 43 manner of man was their father, Francis. (Steps of St. Francis, p. 352.) Of Francis the Catholic Encyclopedia says the following: He is the one saint whom all succeeding generations have agreed in canonizing... There was about Francis a chivalry and a poetry which gave to his other-worldliness a quiet romantic charm and beauty. Other saints have seemed entirely dead to the world around them, but Francis was ever thoroughly in touch with the spirit of the age.... The exquisite human element in Francis' character was the key to that far-reaching, all-enduring sympathy, which may be almost called his characteristic gift. In his heart... the whole world found refuge, the poor, the sick and the fallen being objects of his solicitude in a more special manner. Heedless as Francis ever was of the world's judgments in his own regard, it was always his constant care to respect the opinions of all and to wound the feelings of none... But above all it is his dealings with the erring that reveal the true Christian spirit of his charity. Saintlier than any of the saints, among sinners he was one of themselves.... According to Francis, not only was justice due even to evildoers but justice must be preceded by courtesy as by a herald.... This habit of courtesy Francis ever sought to enjoin on his disciples. Hardly less engaging than his boundless sense of fellow-feeling was Francis' downright sincerity and artless simplicity.... It was his singular study never to hide from men that which was known to God. "What a man is in the sight of God," he was wont to repeat, "so much he is and no more"... Another winning trait of Francis which inspires the deepest affection was his unswerving directness of purpose and unfaltering following after an ideal.... The saint imitated the example of Christ as literally as it was in him to do so... He is undoubtedly the most ardent, enthusiastic, and desperate lover of poverty the world has yet seen. After money, Francis most detested discord and divisions. Peace, therefore, became his watchword.... The duty of a servant of God, Francis declared, was to lift up the hearts of men and move them to spiritual gladness. Hence it was not 44 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO from monastic stalls or with the careful irresponsibility of the enclosed student that the saint and his followers addressed the people. They dwelt among them and grappled with the evils of the system under which the people groaned. They worked in return for their fare, doing for the lowest the menial labor, and speaking to the poorest words of hope such as the world had not heard for many a day. In this wise Francis bridged the chasm between an aristocratic clergy and the common people, and though he taught no new doctrine, he so far popularized the old one... that the Gospel took on a new life and called forth a new love. THE FRANCISCAN ORDER In I 2O Francis took the rule for the Franciscan Order to Pope Innocent III, who at first withheld approval on the ground that their intended poverty was impracticable. Then several of the Cardinals held that there were already too many religious orders. One Cardinal, however, Giovanni Colonna, Bishop of Salina, pleaded in favor of the Franciscans,, that their rule was no more than the "Gospel counsels of perfection." The Pope considered the matter for some time undecided. As legend goes, in a dream he saw Francis holding up the Lateran Church which seemed ready to fall. After this he called Francis in and gave verbal approval to the rule. This first rule was in time superseded by a second and longer rule, which in turn was followed by several modifications before the final rule came forth. This last was confirmed in a papal letter by Pope Honorius III, dated November 29, 1223. Francis gave the order the name of Friars Minor, meaning Lesser Brothers, to show even in the name that they strove not to be first but lowest and last. In less than three years after Francis gave his habit to Bernard of Quintaval and Peter of Catana the Order had spread to sixty centers throughout Italy among which were Catana, Arezzo, Vergoreta, Pisa, Bologna, and Florence. At the close of the first decade, the famous general chapter of Matts was held in the fields surrounding the Portiuncula. The attendance was so great that no building in the country would hold them. It is said that over five thousand Friars were present. This assembly of the Franciscans in 12I9 might CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 45 be said to mark the beginning of their spread throughout the world. Commissions were given for Friars to go beyond Italy into Greece, France, Spain, England, and Africa. The Friars Minor had won a permanent place in the world. Yet Francis' vision was not for men alone. The same personal magnetism and conviction of purpose which had captivated Bernard and Peter soon inspired the founding of the second Franciscan Order. Upon hearing Francis preach on the meaning of his order in the Cathedral of Assisi one Sunday, Clare, the beautiful daughter of the wealthy Favorino family, was attracted to the Franciscan way. As Francis had done a half dozen years before, an equally resolute Clare gave up family and fortune for poverty and humility. She, too, would be free from possessiveness and envy; free from competitiveness and resentment; free to love and forgive; free to follow the pattern of life set by her Lord. She would be a disciple of Francis and help him change the self-seeking, grasping world by making her life show forth his vision. Clare had asked Francis if there were not some place where women might live like his brothers. The idea delighted him and he began planning. On the night of Palm Sunday, 1212, Clare with her favorite aunt came to the Portiuncula. The two were met at midnight by a procession of the brothers and taken to the chapel where the early morning Mass of Holy Week Monday was begun immediately. At a proper place in the Mass, Francis clothed Clare in the Franciscan habit and by this ceremony made her the first sister of the Order. Clare always called herself the "unworthy handmaid of Christ and small plant of our blessed father Francis." Thus was the Second Order of St. Francis founded-the Sisters of Clare often called the Poor Clares. Francis established the Sisters at St. Damian's Church which he had repaired with his own hands a few years before. The word about Clare and her adoption of Franciscanism spread with the speed of gossip. Just as the First Order had grown, so did the second. First Agnes, Clare's devoted younger sister, then others of her kinswomen and townswomen and finally thousands of wistful and tired women came to be Sisters of Clare. The sisters multiplied almost as fast as the brothers. The rule which Francis drew up for the Sisters was simple and i & RN Pnt RENUNCIATION OF ST. CLARE Mural in Saint Francis Auditorium, Art Museum, Santa F6 Clare, moved by the saintliness of Francis, also discards her noble raiment in exchange for the coarse garments of poverty. On the one side is Clare's mother with her entourage displaying their horror and contempt. Unseen by them, the three virtues-Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience-minister to Clare, who is enraptured at the heavenly vision vouchsafed her. On the right, Francis is seen kneeling at the side of the leper cleaning his sores. The landscape setting is one of great beauty. I ^1I CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 47 patterned after that of the Friars. The Sisters should not wander around alone begging for themselves, but the Brothers should do this for them. In return the Sisters should sew and weave for the Brothers and should take care of them when they were sick. The Sisters would make vestments and linens for the poorest churches and conduct a hospital and convalescent home for the poorest people. Their rule finally approved by papal letter gave them, as Clare called it, "the privilege of most high poverty." It said in part that the Sisters should own neither house, nor convent, nor anything, but as strangers and pilgrims should wander through the world, serving the Lord in poverty and humility. Clare was a true sister of Francis until her death and the Sisters of Clare have gone side by side with the Friars Minor since their foundation. Branches of St. Damian's sprang up all over Italy and then throughout the world. Among the Poor Clares have been numbered princesses and queens. A third order of Franciscans must not be passed unmentioned. Tradition says that it came about in this manner during the year 1221. Francis preached one morning to the people of a small town named Cannara. He made such an impression that when he had finished the whole population wanted to join his order. Francis knew that this would not be good and promised to devise a plan of religious life for them. The result was the Tertiaries of Francis. The members of the Third Order, he planned, should live in their respective houses but lead a religious life. They could own property enough for all modest needs of their own. They could work for pay, for Scripture says, "A laborer is worthy of his hire." However, the surpluses which they might acquire beyond their needs for simple living should be devoted to charity. All undue or unjust profits which they considered themselves to have acquired, should be returned. They should refuse to fight against brothers in Christ, and should forswear all litigations among themselves. The Third Order of St. Francis was for both men and women, married and unmarried, and cleric or lay persons. The rule of the Third Order as unified and approved by Pope Nicholas IV in I289 prescribed the following: simplicity of dress; considerable fasting and abstinence; the Divine Office or other prayers to take its place daily; confession and communion three times a year; 48 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO monthly assembly in Church for religious instructions; upon the death of a member the whole confraternity must be present at the funeral; forbids carrying arms or taking solemn oaths without necessity; after admission every member must make his last will within three months; dissension among members must be settled peaceably; in case of trouble with local authorities the ministers should act under advice of the Bishop; no heretic or anyone suspected of heresy may be received into the Order; women may be received only with consent of their husbands; the ministers must denounce shortcomings to the visitor (inspector) who shall punish the transgressor; each year new ministers and a treasurer shall be elected; no point of rule obliges under pain of sin; direction of the Order is entrusted to the Friars Minor. (From the Catholic Encyclopedia.) In i883, during the time of Pope Leo XIII, the rule was modified to bring it more in keeping with modern society. In all substantial points, however, it remained the same. The daily vocal prayers and the fasts and abstinences were somewhat reduced; and the former statute of confession and communion was changed to provide monthly observance. Other points added or modified were: prohibition of pomp in dressing; prohibition of attending theaters of doubtful character; prohibition of reading books and papers at variance with faith and morals. The direction of the Third Order Secular was changed so that it might be under any one of the three branches of the First Order (Friars Minor, Conventuals, or Capuchins) or the Third Order Regular. By delegation, confraternities of the Third Order Secular might be established and directed by any parish priest, and finally those who for serious reasons might not join a confraternity might be received as single tertiaries. One can easily see how such a confraternity might sweep the world. It did, and drew within itself kings and princes, queens and princesses, sages and scientists, painters and poets. Among the Tertiaries were numbered Lady Giacoma, a Roman patrician; Orlando, Lord of Chinsi; Giovanni da Vellita, Lord of Greccio; St. Louis IX, King of France; John, King of Jerusalem; Aiton II, King of Armenia; Roger Bacon, English scholar and philosopher; Dante, great Italian poet; St. Elizabeth of Hungary; St. Ferdinand III, King of Castille; Isabella, Queen of Castille; Christopher Columbus, dis CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 49 coverer of America; Vasco da Gama, Portuguese explorer; Miguel de Cervantes, Spanish author who wrote Don Quixote; Lope de Vega, Spanish dramatist and poet; Luigi Galvani, Italian physicist and physician of the eighteenth century; and Alessandro Volta, Italian physicist of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Francis left the Tertiaries as simple religious confraternities. However, after his death, Tertiary groups at various times and places associated themselves into enclosed communities, bound by solemn religious vows. Several branches of the "Regular" Tertiaries for each sex came into being. They devoted themselves mainly to serving the sick and insane. Among these communities were the Gray Sisters; Penitente Sisters of the Third Order; Brethren of the Third Order of St. Francis; Infirmarians Minims (of Spain); Penitent Brothers (of Flanders); Penitents of the Third Order; etc. A disturbing force at an early date came into the Franciscan movement. It was in the person of Ugolino, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, Count of Agnani, a great man in the Church and Cardinal Protector of the Order. Ugolino was a nephew of Pope Innocent III and, as Pope Gregory IX, his successor. While an affectionate friendship existed between Cardinal Ugolino and Francis, it was through Ugolino's influence that much of Francis' way in the Order was replaced with the traditional monastic way. Ugolino loved organizing. He worshipped discipline-a discipline of obedience enforced by authority and external penalties. He took the Order under his Cardinal-protectorship and proceeded to organize it into "a power for Holy Church." Discipline with the right to punish replaced direction by grace of personality through love. The security of property-in-common replaced reliance upon the "Lord's table." Learning was raised to equal importance with serving and with it the question of how to get learning if the Order observed the extreme poverty that its Founder desired. How could studies be carried on without convents, cloisters, libraries, money? The result was that the Order found itself wanting to keep Francis as a figurehead but not as a governor. They would have a practical, worldly-wise man to govern them; one who would allow them to have sensible houses to live in, and libraries and cloisters for study like the Dominicans, a reasonable amount of common property to 50o MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO secure them from care, and one who could make the law, enforce obedience to it, and give them a dictator's peace. This indeed was what the Church had wanted to do with Francis from the beginning; always it had wanted to force his free limbs into the old monastic habit. Back to the old, the customary, and the blessed of the Church, was its idea, while Francis' was forward to something new and nearer to Christ. Despite the failure of the Order to grasp the full meaning of his vision, Francis still knew he was right. His methods of love might. be slower but in the end would win. He found that he could have but few perfect followers for the vision of the perfect follower must equal his. The true prophet or real artist finds few equals. But while his confidence in his vision grew stronger, his confidence in himself as the leader of the Order weakened. He could see and feel, but could he organize, control, and plan? He felt that maybe the Order was right in saying that he was very well as its prophet, but if progress was to be made he would have to retire as its general. Yet who had both the vision to see the ideal and the ability to organize it without compromise? Francis stepped down and Peter of Catana, one of the first two Brothers and always among the best of "those who were with him," was elected his Vicar General. But Peter died almost at once and Brother Elias was named Minister-General in his place. He was the realist, the politician, the good business man, the dictator. He was very willing, in the best interests of the Order, to punish and flog like the magistrates of the world. With the election of Elias as Minister-General, the seeds of schism in the Friars Minor were sewn. While the majority wanted the modifications of the rule and dispensations in poverty for which Elias stood, many of the Friars desired a strict observance of the rule set forth by Francis himself. The two attitudes gradually shaped themselves into separate branches of the Order. These came to be known as the Observants who supported the strict adherence to the rule, and the Conventuals who followed the modified rule. But once the original spell of unity of a movement is broken, its bond of cohesion seems to disintegrate. Look what happened to the Church itself at the Reformation-Lutheran, Presbyterian, Baptist, Methodist, Assembly of God, Jehovah's Witness, and Pentecostal Flame; division of division CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 5 I and subdivision of subdivision occurred almost at the whim of any strong man who got out of sorts with the others. So also it went with the Friars Minor once the original unity was broken. The Observants and the Conventuals continued under one head until 1517 but their formal separation dates from the Council of Constance in 1415. Even prior to 1517 certain reform groups such as the Clareni and Colletani had branched off. In 1517 all these early reforms united to become the Friars Minor of the Regular Observance. In I525 Friar Matteo da Bassi, aiming at a more perfect return to the primitive observance of St. Francis' rule, instituted a reform of the Observants which became the Friars Minor Capuchin. Finally in I897, a reunion of Friars of the Regular Observance of 1517 with certain later reforms such as the Recollects of I570 and the Reformati of I532, was effected. There are today three bodies of Friars Minor -The Friars Minor Observant, the Friars Minor Capuchin, and the Friars Minor Conventual; the first of these is usually called Friars Minor and the other two simply Capuchins and Conventuals. In I927 the Observants had one hundred provinces with 1,863 houses and about twenty-five thousand religious throughout the world. They wear the dark brown habit confined by a white cord. The Conventuals who acknowledge the dispensations of the original rule numbered about 213 convents and eighteen hundred religious in I927. They are sometimes called the "Black Franciscans" from their black habit. The Capuchins who strive to maintain the simplicity and detachment of St. Francis, at the same time had fifty-three provinces, 9IO convents, and about eleven thousand religious. The Poor Clares had 58i convents and about eleven thousand religious, and the Tertiaries numbered over two million throughout the world. From the three Franciscan Orders more than three hundred saints and beati have come. Among the Franciscan saints appear such names as: Francis of Assisi Clare of Assisi Bernardo of Cabio Peter Baptist Philip of Jesus Benedict of San Philadelphio 52 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Paschal of Baylon Bernardine of Siena Anthony of Padua Nicholas Pick Bonaventura of Baguorea Francis Solano Daniel of Ceuta Peter of Alcantara John Capistran Didacus of Alcala Leonard of Port Maurice Agnes of Assisi Catherine of Bologna Louis of France Elizabeth of Hungary Ferdinand of Castille In the government of the Friars Minor, the highest authority was the general chapter which was an assembly of representatives from all the provinces and custodies. The general chapter conducted general affairs, elected the Minister-General who was the top administrative officer, and established administrative areas which were of two kinds, provinces and custodies. Each area was comprised of a certain number of houses or convents. The convent was the unit of administration. Wherever there was a group of friars of sufficient number that the offices of the Order could be held, convents were established. The administrative officer of a convent was called a guardian. Whenever areas had a sufficient number of convents to warrant it, and provided adequate training facilities for novices, they were organized into provinces which had autonomy in government except in matters pertaining to the Order as a whole. The administration of a province was in the hands of a Provincial-Minister and a standing committee of Definitors, elected by a provincial chapter of representatives from the convents. Custodies were those areas which did not have full-fledged provincial status. Usually they were comprised of a group of recently established convents or areas lacking in facilities for training novices. This was the case with New Mexico throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. A custody was semi-independent in the administration of its own affairs and had self-government in local matters but CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 53 was subject to general supervision from the province to which it belonged. A custody had its own custodial chapter, its own committee of Definitors and its own administrative officer entitled Custodian. A Province might have several custodies within its jurisdiction. The normal procedure was for custodies to become independent provinces as soon as they could qualify. In new areas, inaccessible and difficult to administer from provincial headquarters, a commissariat might be established. This comprised a jurisdiction entirely under the control of the province administered by a Commissary delegated to the area by provincial authority. To assist in the administration of Franciscan affairs in the Spanish colonies of the New World, a special officer called a Commissary-General for the Indies was appointed to reside in Madrid. He had general supervision over all the provinces in the Spanish Indies, subject to the Minister-General. Then, in the Americas, two lesser Commissaries-General were appointed, one for New Spain and one for Peru. FROM ASSISI TO SANTA FE From Assisi, the Friars Minor set out to "lift up the hearts of men and move them to spiritual gladness." The whole world was their field. With amazing speed their custodies spread on an ever increasing radius from the Portiuncula. Before Francis' death there were Franciscan houses in every country of Europe. England became a Franciscan stronghold; Friar Angellus of Pisa had led a group of friars there in 1224 and before the end of that year there were establishments at London and Oxford. Oxford University became a center of Franciscan students. At the end of the thirteenth century there were seven custodies with fifty-eight houses in the English Province. The Friars Minor along with all other religious orders in England were wiped out during the Reformation. Finally, however, with the birth of religious toleration the Franciscans reestablished the English province and by I909 had eleven convents with 145 friars. From 1240 to 1244, Haymo of Faversham, a learned and zealous English Franciscan, served as Minister-General of the Friars Minor-the third after St. Francis. The friars were soon being called by the Church to go out into 54 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO new and difficult mission fields. By the middle of the thirteenth century they were working in missions in Oran, Libya, Tunis, and Algiers; Friar John of Piano Carpinis had been sent to the Great Khan in Tartary and had gone into Mongolia, and Friar William of Rubruck had been sent through Armenia and central Asia to Karakorum. In 1274 five friars were sent to China; among them went John of Montecorvino who preached on the outward journey in Armenia and Persia and on his return in India as well. He translated the New Testament and the Psalms into Chinese and built the first church in Peking. In 1307 he was made Archbishop of Cambaluc and Primate of the Far East. In I309 Friar William of Prato was sent as Archbishop to Peking. With him went twenty additional friars. This first work of the Franciscans in China came to ruin in 1368, however, with the rise of the Ming Dynasty. Several unsuccessful visits to China followed. Finally in 1661 Friar Bonaventura Ibanez with eight other friars from the Philippines, where missions had subsequently been established, went into China, and from that time on, Franciscan missions have been maintained there. The friars went as the first missionaries to the Philippines in 1577 under the leadership of Friar Pedro de Alfaro; these were Spanish Franciscans. The Province of St. Gregory was soon organized there with Friar Alfaro as provincial minister. One of his successors was St. Peter Baptist ( I586-91 ). From the Philippines the friars extended their mission field to include Siam, Formosa, Japan and Borneo. In 1592 St. Peter Baptist led a group of friars from Manila to Japan. By 1594 they had erected a church and convent in Meaco. However, in 1597 St. Peter Baptist with twenty-five companions (three of whom were Jesuits) was crucified. Among these first martyrs in Japan was St. Philip of Jesus, Franciscan native of Mexico (now patron saint of Mexico City). Many attempts to work in Japan followed with a long list of martyrs. Not until 1907 were the friars finally successful in establishing Japanese missions. A group of Italian friars established missions in Australia and New Zealand in I68o. These were transferred in 1878 to Irish Franciscans. The Franciscans had been in Spain since the dispatch of the General Chapter of Matts in 1219. By the end of the fifteenth century \5:c~a COLUMBUS AT LA RABIDA Mural in Saint Francis Auditorium Art Museum, Santa Fe The artist here symbolizes the influence of St. Francis on Spain and the Discovery of America. Columbus and his son, after years of wandering, find welcome and hospitality at the Convent of La Ribida near Palos, from which port Columbus sailed later upon his voyage which transformed the world. It was the Franciscan, Father Juan P6rez of La Ribida, confessor to Queen Isabella, who pleaded the cause of Columbus at the Spanish Court. Columbus' vision of the caravels that were to carry him to the New World is depicted at the top. I I i i, i I 9 t @ _ i '7 a # MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO a number of provinces had been established. Christopher Columbus and Queen Isabella were both tertiary Franciscans. They had a mutual friend, Father Juan Perez, guardian of the Franciscan convent at La Rabida in Andalucia. A group of friars, led by Father Perez, went to the New World with Columbus on his second voyage. On the morning of December 8, I493, Father Perez celebrated the first Mass in America on the Island of Espanola (now Haiti). Father Perez became the guardian of the first convent in America, established probably in I493 at Isabella on Espanola (Haiti). It was moved in I496 to New Isabella (later renamed Santo Domingo, still the capital of the Dominican Republic) when the old settlement was abandoned; by I502 a permanent stone monastery had been built at Santo Domingo. At this point, one of the greatest Spanish Franciscans-Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros-enters the stage momentarily to send a group of fifteen new friars to Espanola and to have a part in the establishment of the first diocese in America-the Diocese of Santo Domingo. It is worth a moment's digression to take note of this great Franciscan who had showered upon him all the honors that could come to a religious. A few of the more important charges he had during his life were: Vicar-General of the Diocese of Siguenza, Confessor to Queen Isabella, Provincial Minister of the Friars Minor of Castile, Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain, Grand Inquisitor of Castile, Cardinal of Spain, and finally Regent of Spain for several months between the death of Ferdinand and the accession of young Charles V. The only child of Ferdinand and Isabella, Juana, after having given birth to Charles V, had gone insane at the death of her husband, Philip of Burgundy. Charles V, the first of the Hapsburg line in Spain, was the grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of Maxmilian I (Hapsburg) of Austria and Mary of Burgundy. Ximenez was a patron of learning; he founded the University of Alcala and published the Polyglot Bible. He established and endowed a chapel at the Cathedral of Toledo to preserve the Mozarabic liturgical rite of Spain which prevailed in the Spanish Church before it was Romanized. His endowment provided that the Mozarabic Mass and Divine Office should be sung daily in the chapel. Only in this Chapel and one other, the Chapel of Talavera at Salamanca, can the Mozara CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 57 bic rite be seen today. Ximenez also published the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary. As regent on the death of Ferdinand, he kept the feudal nobility in hand, moved the seat of government from Guadalupe to Madrid, reformed the taxation laws and interested himself in the welfare of the Indians of the Spanish possessions in the New World. In the end, he handed over a united and peaceful kingdom to Charles V whom he had never seen. Of Ximenez it has been said, "In the whole history of the world he is the only prime-minister who was revered by his contemporaries as a saint." In his eighty-first year after putting the kingdom into the hands of Charles V, Ximenez retired to the little town of Roa, put off the purple of a cardinal, and died clad in the grey habit of a poor brother of St. Francis. About I5oo the first convent was established on the Island of Cuba at Santiago and by 5 I I about two dozen friars had gone to the Island of Porto Rico at San Juan. Before I 51, Franciscan missions had been established throughout the Greater and Lesser Antilles. The Franciscans were the first religious on the mainland of America, which they reached at the Isthmus in 1512. The first martyrs of the New World were three Franciscans-Friar Fernando Salcedo, Diego Bathillio, and an unknown lay brother-who went among the Carib tribes of the South American coast and met death at their hands in 1516. The earliest Franciscan missions on the mainland were established in the following order: Colombia (then New Granada) in 15 6 Venezuela in 1519 Mexico in 1524 Perui in 1532 Guatemala in 1533 Yucatan in 1534 The Custody of the Holy Gospel with headquarters at Mexico City was organized in 1524. It was the first Franciscan jurisdiction on the mainland and included all of New Spain. It reached provincial status in 1534. In close succession new Custodies were organized under its supervision-first the Custody of the Holy Name of Jesus of Guatemala in 1533; next San Francisco of Peru and San Pedro y San I i i I I '.. t.I PREACHING TO THE MAYAS AND AZTECS Mural in Saint Francis Auditorium, Art Museum, Santa Fe In this triple panel, the artist symbolizes the Conquests of the Cross in Mexico and Central America. At the left are depicted the Spanish Conquistadores with their lances and banners, their glittering armor and shining helmets-merciless exponents of military conquest. At the right are shown the Indians gathered around their sculptured altar; their leader carries a pagan staff strangely like a crucifix. In the background are their magnificent temples and palaces. On the one hand is pagan splendor and pageantry and on the other military power and haughtiness. Between is the Franciscan, symbol of mercy and compassion, proclaiming that triumphs of the Spirit are greater than those of the World. CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 59 Pablo of Michoacan, both in the year 1535; then San Jose of Yucatan in 1549. New custodies of the Holy Gospel Province continued to come through the whole sixteenth and early seventeenth centuriesSan Jorge of Nicaragua, San Francisco of Zacatecas, Santiago of Xalisco, Santa Helena of Florida, Conversion de San Pablo of New Mexico, etc. Most of these custodies attained provincial statusYucatan in 1559, Guatemala in 1565, Michoacan in 1665, Peril in i665, Nicaragua in I576, Zacatecas in I603, Xalisco in i608, and Florida in I612. By the middle of the seventeenth century all the provinces and custodies of the New World had more than two hundred convents. The earliest bishoprics in the New World were established in the following order: Santo Domingo (Haiti) in 1504, with Friar Garcia de Padilla as first bishop Mexico in 1527, with Friar Juan de Zumarraga as first bishop Guatemala about I534, with Friar Pedro de Ziuniga as first bishop Yucatan in 1561, with Friar Juan de la Puerta as first bishop The renowned Franciscan explorer-priest, Friar Marcos de Niza was with Francisco Pizarro in the conquest of Ecuador and Peru and established the first convent at Cuzco in 1532. In 1589, St. Francis of Solano, the famous Franciscan known as the Apostle of South America, came to Peru to begin his great work in the evangelization of the Peruvian Indians. He died in Peru in I6Io. Father Pedro Melgarejo, who was with Cortez in 1521, was the first Franciscan in Mexico City. He returned to Spain, however, the following year. In 1524 Father Martin de Valencia with eleven other friars came to Mexico City, established the first convent, and founded the missions there. Their work was so successful that they have become known as the twelve apostles of Mexico. Friar Martin de Valencia, as apostolic delegate to Mexico, convened the first ecclesiastical council of the New World in July, 15 24. Seventeen Franciscans, five secular priests, and six secular doctors of canon law took part in the council. Hernando Cortez, the conqueror, also sat in its sessions. It was during this council that the Custody of the Holy Gospel was organized to 60 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO become a full-fledged province ten years later. Throughout the Spanish period, which came to an end with Mexican Independence in I82I, the Church in New Mexico was to be under the jurisdiction of the Province of the Holy Gospel. The first religious community for women in the New World was a convent of Sisters of the Franciscan Third Order Regular established in 1525 in Mexico City. They devoted themselves to teaching Indian girls. The Poor Clares were brought over from Spain in I530 by the wife of Cortez. Three convents were at once founded, at Mexico City, Texcoco, and Huexocingo. Bishop Juan de Zumarraga, a Franciscan, brought the first printing press to Mexico in I537 or 1538. From it flowed a constant stream of publications on Christian doctrine, morals, history, Spanish-Indian dictionaries, etc. M1any of these are of utmost importance to students of history and ethnology today. Among the famous Franciscan writers of this early period will be found such men as Toribio de Benaventi (Motolinia), Alonzo de Molino, Bernardino de Sahagun, Geronimo de Mendieta, Agustin de Vetancurt, Juan de Torquemada, and many others. In 1527, Father Juan Suarez, one of the twelve Apostles of Mexico, was named Bishop of Florida. Panfilo de Narvaez had organized an enterprise for colonizing Florida in the hope of founding a great new kingdom for Charles V. With the Narvaez expedition went Father Suarez. He was the first Franciscan to set foot within the present territory of the United States. In April, 1528, the colonizers, numbering about four hundred, reached the west coast of Florida in the vicinity of Tampa Bay. Narvaez and Bishop Suarez with about three hundred others went ashore, while the ships were sent northward along the coast. The land and sea parties were never reunited. After failing to find the land party, the ships finally returned to Cuba. The land party built a number of barges in which an attempt was made to sail west along the coast of the gulf to Mexico. After passing the mouth of the Mississippi a storm arose, and all were wrecked on the coast of Texas. By the spring of I529 all but fifteen of the survivors from the wrecked barges had died of disease, starvation, exposure, or at the hands of the Indians. Eight years and three months after reaching Florida the last four survivors of Narvaez' land party reached CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 6I Mexico City, after having passed nearly six years in slavery among the Indians and after a most remarkable journey through lands which now are Texas, New Mexico, and Sonora to reach Culiacan, the northern outpost of Sinaloa. These survivors were the well known Cabeza de Vaca and his three companions, Andres Dorantes, Alonso del Castillo, and Estevan, the negro slave of Cibola fame. With Cabeza de Vaca's arrival and the account of his adventures a wave of interest in the north country swept both Spain and New Spain. Antonio de Mendoza had been appointed first viceroy of New Spain in 1535-. He was anxious to extend and improve the continental possessions of Spain. Friar Marcos de Niza who had been with Pizarro in Peru had come to Mexico. Viceroy Mendoza thought very highly of Friar Marcos for his piety, his knowledge, and his extensive experience in the New World, and consequently chose him, early in 1539, to investigate this north country and make a report on his findings. The negro Estevan, who had been one of Cabeza de Vaca's companions and thus was considered to know something of the north' country, was sent with Friar Marcos on the journey of reconnoiter. The results are well known-the discovery of the Zuni pueblos in western New Mexico in May, I539; the death of Estevan at the hands of the Zuni Indians; Friar Marcos' glimpse of Zuni from a distance; his flight back to Mexico; and his report that Cibola was "larger and finer than Mexico." This was the signal for another "rush" like that to Peru a few years before. The famous expedition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado to New Mexico (I540-42) was the outcome. With Coronado were several Franciscans, Friar Marcos de Niza among them. Coronado reached Zuni in June, 1540. In August, Friar Marcos left the expedition to return to Mexico. The main events of the Coronado Entrada are well known-the discovery of the Rio Grande pueblos, the headquarters at Tiguex (near Bernalillo), the discovery of the Hopi pueblos and the Grand Canyon, the trip out into the great plains in search of Quivira, and in the end bitter disappointment in the failure to find the expected riches. The expedition retired from New Mexico in April, 1542, but all the members did not leave the country. Two friars, Juan de Padilla and Luis de Escalona, remained to convert the Indians whom they had 62 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO found "well disposed." In addition to the friars there remained a Portuguese named Andres do Campo, a mestizo, two Mexican Indians, and three negro slaves. Some years later Do Campo and several of the Indians finally made their way back to New Spain and brought an account of the martyrdom of the friars. Father Theodosius Meyer of the Friars Minor, in his I926 New Mexico Historical Society paper on the Franciscans in New Mexico, gives the following accounts of these first two Franciscan martyrs of New Mexico. (The quotations from Father Meyer's paper as given here are slightly abridged.) Friar Juan de Padilla From Pecos Friar Juan de Padilla continued on his journey to Quivira in company with Andres do Campo, two Indian porters and a mestizo. He was received with joy by the Indians and worked successfully among them. His zeal demanded a larger missionary field. While on his way to other tribes to the northwest of Quivira, he was met by some of these Indians, shot with arrows, on November 30, 1542, thrown into a pit and covered with stones. His companions were captured, held captive for ten months, made their escape and after years of captivity, wanderings and hardships reached Mexico. Friar Luis de Escalona Friar Lus de Escalona lived in a little hut outside the enclosure of the Pueblos of Pecos, where he had goats, sheep and supplies that Coronado had left him. The Indians brought him atole and tortillas from time to time. He loved prayer and solitude, and was held in the highest regard by the Spaniards, while he was with the expedition. Very often when they made camp, he went to some quiet spot to pray. However, the medicine-men of Pecos disliked him. He was murdered in 1542. These two were the first of the long list of martyrs who were to shed their blood on New Mexico soil during the next two centuries in the conversion of the Indians. Four decades passed after Coronado's entrada before the next expedition penetrated the Pueblo land. In Santa Barbara, one of the CRUSADERS OF A HOLY FAITH 63 mining towns of Nueva Viscaya (now Chihuahua), was stationed a Franciscan lay-brother, Friar Agustin Rodriguez. Friar Rodriguez had heard of the great country to the north and his imagination had been stirred. He applied to the viceroy for permission to lead an entrada into the land. The request was granted but with the stipulation that the number of soldiers to accompany him would be limited to twenty. When the expedition was ready to leave Santa Barbara in June, 158, there were nineteen Indian servants, nine soldiers, and two friars besides Rodriguez. These latter were Father Francisco Lopez, and Father Juan de Santa Maria. After having visited the Piro pueblos, Tiwa pueblos of the Middle Rio Grande Valley, and the Tano pueblos of the Galisteo Valley, Father Santa Maria, for reasons of his bwn, decided to return to Mexico and make a report on the findings of the expedition to date. He was advised and urged not to attempt it but in spite of the remonstrances of Captain Francisco Chamuscado he set out alone on September Io, I58I. Three days later near the Pueblo of Paako (now the Paako State Monument) to the east of the Sandia mountains he met martyrdom at the hands of the Indians. The story is told that while resting near the pueblo "the Indians put a heavy rock on his head and suffocated him." Father Santa Maria thus became New Mexico's third martyr. The Rodriguez party continued its explorations. It went on north to Taos and then east out into the buffalo plains. It returned to the Rio Grande, then went west to Acoma and Zuni. There, four Mexican Indians who had remained from Coronado's entrada were found still to be living. The Rodriguez expedition visited almost the entire pueblo country before returning to Santa Barbara in January, I582. The two friars, Rodriguez and Lopez, however, with five Christian Indians, remained at Puaray in the Rio Grande Valley'near the present town of Bernalillo. Here the friars hoped to found a mission. In less than a year both friars and all five of the Christian Indians were killed. Father Theodosius Meyer gives the following account of the death of the friars: Friar Francisco Ldpez The friars stayed and began to study the language of the natives. Using what little they knew of the native idiom and sign-language, 64 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO they managed to impart some of the Christian teachings. All was going well when, of a sudden, some hostile Indians from the surrounding country came down upon the pueblos to slaughter the inhabitants, probably because they were giving shelter to the missionaries. Friar Francisco went out to meet them and admonished them to live in peace with their neighbors, whereupon they shot him with arrows. Friar Agustin Rodrilguez Friar Agustin remained alone with the five Mexican Christian Indians, who had come along to help in the conversion of the idolators. He became provoked with the natives on account of their abominable idolatrous practices. At times he rebuked them gently, but without result. Finally he thundered forth with apostolic freedom and threatened them with God's chastisement and eternal hell-fire. Shortly after that he was martyred, together with the five Christian Indians, lest they be witnesses of their misdeeds, report to their masters and friends in Mexico and bring about their punishment. These two brought the number of Franciscan martyrs in New Mexico up to five. The returning party of the Rodriguez entrada had scarcely reached Santa Barbara before a relief expedition was organized to go back and rescue the two friars in New Mexico. In November of 1582 this relief expedition set out. With it went a Franciscan-Father Bernardino Beltran. Upon reaching Puaray it was found that the two missionary friars had already met death. The purpose of the journey completed, the entrada returned to Nueva Viscaya and the period of preliminary exploration came to an end. CHAPTER III THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH GROWTH OF THE MISSIONS WO SCORE and ten years have passed since Coronado's willo'-the-wisp vanished in thin air beyond the horizon of the Kansas plains. After his entrada, four others have come and gone-the religious entrada of Friar Agustin Rodriguez of 158 I-82; the relief entrada which followed it in 1582-83 to succor the two friars who remained at Puaray; the unlicensed entrada of Gaspar Castano de Sosa of 1590-91; and finally the entrada of Leyva and Humana of I593 on which Humana killed Leyva and was in turn destroyed a little later with most of his followers. Five Franciscans-Friars Padilla, Escalona, Santa Maria, Lopez, and Rodriguez-have met martyrdom. During the late fifteen hundreds the Spanish authorities became convinced that the time had come to send a colony to New Mexico to settle the country. It was decided that a contract of special privileges would be given to some suitable person who would undertake the colonization at Iis own expense. Twelve years were taken up in finding this "suitable person"-the one who might make the most favorable offer to the crown in terms of furnishing of men, animals, ox-carts, provisions, and other supplies. There were many applicants for the contractamong them Juan Bautista de Lomas, known as the wealthiest man in Nueva Galicia; Francisco de Urdinola, lieutenant-governor of Nueva Viscaya; Pedro Ponce de Leon, Count of Bailen, Spain; and Juan de Onate, descendant of a distinguished family of New Spain. After much wrangling and vacillating on the part of the Council of the Indies and the viceroy, the contract was finally awarded to Oniate, "the honorable gentleman of Zacatecas." Dr. Hammond in his New Mexico Historical Society publication, 66 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO "Don Juan de Ofiate and the Founding of New Mexico," (pp. 19 and 20), gives the following summary of the terms of Onate's contract: He was obliged to recruit a minimum of 200 men, fully equipped with necessary supplies and provisions. This was to be done entirely at his own cost, though he was permitted to enlist soldiers defraying their own expenses. The royal treasury was not to be called upon to provide salaries for any part of the army whatever. Don Juan offered, among other things, to take Iooo head of cattle, 3000 sheep for wool, another Iooo for mutton, IOOO goats, Ioo head of black cattle, 150 colts, o50 mares, quantities of flour, corn, jerked beef, seed wheat and numerous other minor articles including horseshoe iron and nails, footgear, medicine, tools, harness, arms, gifts for the Indians, etc. Onate was granted the titles of governor and captain-general'for two generations on condition that he fulfill his part of the contract. The viceroy promised to supplicate the king to extend this period an equal length of time. He was also to have the title of adelantado on taking possession of the land. Furthermore Onate was to receive a salary of 6000 ducats, was to name the officials of the expedition, was to appoint and remove the officers of the colony, was to set up a royal treasury and name its officials, was to exploit mines through paying only a tenth instead of the usual fifth, erect forts, suppress rebellion, make laws and divide the land into governmental districts. These powers were not absolute, but usually limited to approval by the crown. A special privilege which Onate sought and was granted was the right of encomienda for three generations so that he might give lands to the settlers and confer the title of hidalgo with all the "rights, honors, and privileges that are enjoyed by the noblemen of Castille." In Onate's contract was a provision that the crown would supply the necessary funds and equipment for six Franciscan friars, five fathers and one lay brother, to minister to the Spaniards and convert the natives. As has already been noted, the religious motive was always prominent in the organization of Spanish conquering expeditions-friars went with Columbus, Pizarro, Cortez, and Coronado. The Spanish monarchs were interested in reaping great harvests of THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 67 gold, yet they also wanted to save souls. Onate's expedition would be no exception. As soon as the preliminary questions of the contract award were settled and it seemed assured that Ofate would lead the expedition to New Mexico, he requested the Franciscan commissarygeneral of New Spain, Father Pila, to name the friars to go with the colony. New Mexico was made a commissariat and Friar Rodrigo Duran was appointed in the spring of I596 as the first commissary. Among the others named were: Friar Diego Marquez, called "the good"; Friar Cristobal de Salazar, Onate's cousin, characterized as "eminent in letters"; Friar Francisco de San Miguel; and Friar Baltasar. The appointment of all the missionaries to go with the New Mexico colony from the Franciscan order brought forth a dispute between the secular and regular clergy concerning the question of religious jurisdiction over New Mexico. The bishop of Guadalajara insisted that the jurisdiction was under his bishopric and that he could exclude the friars from administering the sacraments. The viceroy felt that it would be unwise to permit both the secular and regular clergy to go into the same field, independent of one another. He therefore submitted the question to the audiencia and to higher church authority. Although the documents are silent concerning the verdict, it would seem that the bishop was over-ruled, for during the next century and longer the Franciscans had exclusive ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the New Mexican Church. No bishop had authority over New Mexico throughout the seventeenth century. The province was given the status of a prelature nullius, that is, a territory belonging to no diocese but having its own superior called a prelate who had much the same functions as a bishop, but with limited powers. A prelate of this sort could administer confirmation, confer minor orders, consecrate church buildings and ornaments, issue indulgences, and give dispensation in certain matrimonial cases. Such quasi-episcopal powers have often been granted to the ministers or superiors of monastic orders in areas where there were no bishops. Under authority of the bull Exponi nobis of Pope Adrian VI the commissaries and custodians of the Franciscans in New Mexico were the prelates of the New Mexican Church. Although Onate's expedition was ready to march in the spring 68 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO of 1596, not until January, 1598, did it finally get under way. It was held up for nearly two years by various official delays. The expedition had moved as far as Santa Barbara where it was held for about eighteen months. Father Marquez was withdrawn by the commissarygeneral before the expedition left Santa Barbara, and Father Duran became discouraged and returned to Mexico, leaving Father San Miguel as acting commissary in his place. By the time the colony was actually on the move only two of the original friars were still with itSan Miguel and Salazar. In the meantime a petition had been sent in to the viceroy and the commissary-general to increase the number of missionaries going to New Mexico. This was granted and early in 1598 Friar Alonso Martinez, newly appointed commissary in place of Friar Duran, was able to lead the new group of Franciscans to join the Ofnate colony. Before the Rio Grande had been reached, Father Martinez and his group had caught up with the expedition. Three of them seem to have been Mexican Indian donados (a donado was a lay brother who had dedicated himself to the order but who had not taken the vows). The list included the following: Father Alonso Martinez, Commissary Father Francisco de Zamora Father Juan de Rosas Father Francisco de San Miguel Father Juan Claros Father Alonso de Lugo Father Cristobal de Salazar Father Andres Corchado Lay-Brother Pedro de Vergara Lay-Brother Juan de San Buenaventura Donado Juan de Dios, Mexican Indian Donado Martin, Mexican Indian Donado Francisco, Mexican Indian During the summer of 1598 the colony established its headquarters at the Pueblo of Oh'-ke, on the Rio Grande opposite the mouth of the Chama River. Oh'-ke was christened San Juan (Bautista) and has been known by this name ever since. The building of the first church in New Mexico was begun on August 23rd. Its dedication early in September-it was not finished until October-was the occasion for a THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 69 great fiesta. Many Indians had come from the other pueblos up and down the valley. Onate accompanied by his captains and the missionaries met the head men of the pueblos in one of the San Juan kivas and exhorted them to swear allegiance to God and the king and to obey the commissary and governor as their representatives; the Indians' souls would thus be saved and their earthly happiness insured. All agreed. On September 9th the assignments of fields of labor were made to the missionaries as follows: Francisco de Zamora was assigned to the Taos district which included Picuris. One of the donados, either Francisco or Martin, soon went to work with him. Juan de Rosas was assigned to the Keres district of the middle Rio Grande valley and in addition was to minister to the pueblos of the Galisteo valley. Under his charge were placed the pueblos of San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Cristobal, Galisteo, and others. Francisco de San Miguel with Juan de Dios was assigned to the Pecos district. In addition he was given charge of the pueblos of the Salinas and the Jumanos. Father San Miguel seems to have stayed at Pecos only a very short time, if at all, for in I60o he was at San Ildefonso and had been there long enough to have built a church. Juan de Dios seems to have remained at Pecos. Juan Claros was assigned to the Tiwa (Tigua) district of the middle Rio Grande valley which had about fifteen pueblos. Among them were Sandia, Puaray, Alameda, and Isleta. Alonso de Lugo with one of the Mexican Indian donados was assigned to the Jemez district in which were ten or more pueblos. Cristobal de Salazar with the two lay-brothers, Juan de San Buenaventura and Pedro de Vergara, remained at San Juan. Andres Corchado was assignd to Zia, with Acoma, Zuni, and Hopi also under his jurisdiction. The headquarters of the colony were kept at San Juan until the first capital, San Gabriel, could be built. The move to San Gabriel was made sometime during 1599 or I600. Commissary Martinez stayed at the capital when not with Onate on excursions or visiting other pueblos. In March of I599 Father Martinez returned to Mexico to secure more missionaries. He carried 70 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO a report from Onate telling of the wonders of the new land and asking for more soldiers to explore and conquer the new rich regions of which the natives had brought word. With Father Martinez went Father Salazar, Onate's cousin, who died on the trip. Father San Miguel seems to have served as vice-commissary in charge until the arrival of a new commissary. The viceroy authorized the reenforcements of soldiers and commissioned a number of captains to enlist men to go to New Mexico. Among these captains was the poet-historian, Gaspar de Villagra. In September, I600, an expedition totaling seventy-three persons was ready to leave Santa Barbara for New Mexico. Among these were: eleven captains, eight ensigns, five sergeants, and fortyeight soldiers. Father Martinez's petition for more missionaries was granted. Eight new friars were sent. One of them, Friar Alonso de la Oliva, went earlier during the summer in advance of the main party because he was "very anxious to reach New Mexico." In this group of friars were also Father Luis Mairones and Lay-brother Damian Escudero, a physician. The main body of reenforcements reached San Gabriel on Christmas Eve of 1600. With these recruits the total number of missionaries, including the three donados, working in New Mexico was raised to about nineteen at the beginning of Escalona's term as commissary which followed that of Martinez. By the third year, the mission program was making definite progress. It is said: that Father Lugo and the Mexican Indian donado had built a church at Jemez where the neophytes listened attentively to sermons and were learning the prayers; Father Oliva had made such progress at Santo Domingo that at the sound of the bell the natives would gather for religious instructions; at San Ildefonso, Father San Miguel had erected a church; the donado with Father Zamora had met with notable success at Picuris; Juan de Dios who had learned the Pecos language could preach in the native tongue; a number of Indians had been baptized, notably at San Juan; and the Gospel was favorably received wherever it was preached. (See Hammond, Don Juan de Ohate and the Founding of New Mexico, pp. I48-I49.) The handicaps under which the missionaries worked must have been enough to discourage even the strong hearted. The loneliness which these first friars experienced in their pueblo missions must have been overpowering-no one with whom to speak in one's own tongue, THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 71 I no one who had the same outlook on life, no one with whom to share his hopes or discouragements. And how discouragingly slow the conversions must have seemed when neither friar nor Indian knew the other's language. How strange the customs and habits of each must have seemed to the other. Then, alone among these strange people, there was always the lurking fear that today might be one's last. It is little wonder there was occasion for the charge that some were loath to go more than two leagues beyond San Gabriel to preach. By I60o the whole colony of San Gabriel had become deeply discouraged by the poverty of the land. Moreover, discontent was running high with Onate's administration. Onate had been away during the whole summer on an extensive expedition to the north in search of new and wealthy lands. When he returned in September he found a sadly depleted capital awaiting him. In his absence a general desertion from the colony had taken place. About a hundred soldiers had been with him on the expedition; aside from these, only two or three dozen Spaniards remained at San Gabriel. At least two-thirds of the Franciscans had gone back to New Spain. Among those who remained were: Juan de Escalona, the commissary; Francisco de Velasco and Pedro de Vergara who had been with Onate; and Juan de San Buenaventura who later, in I604-05, went with Onate on the expedition to California. The names of Juan de Dios, Martin, and Francisco are not mentioned among the deserters nor do they appear in the meagre later records which we have. Whether or not they joined the desertion is unknown. At most eight Franciscans remained. A request was soon sent to the viceroy and audiencia for additional aid for the colony in both soldiers and missionaries, but Onate was now under a cloud of viceregal disfavor and was not very successful in getting the needed reinforcements. Onate had also made an urgent request that the Jesuits be allowed to enter New Mexico. Moreover, in Spain, Onate's brother, Don Alonso, representing him, had asked the Council of the Indies that missionaries of all orders be permitted to enter New Mexico, expressing the opinion that no trouble would arise if the Franciscans were limited to those placed then in their possession. Don Alonso made a special plea for the Carmelites. The requests were refused. Viceroy Monterey sent four new friars and the Council recommended a loan of thirty or forty thousand ducats to 72 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Onate, that the conversion of the natives might not be hindered. These new Franciscan missionaries reached San Gabriel probably late in I603. In the group were: Father Francisco de Escobar, Father Cristobal de Quinones, Father Lazaro Ximenez. Father Quinones was sent as resident missionary to San Felipe. He learned the Keres language and soon built a church and convent. In the New Mexico missions, whenever more than one or two friars were located at a given place, one among them was placed in charge and called the guardian of the convent. Father Quinones seems to have been the first guardian of the San Felipe convent, and to have established the famous hospital there. He served at San Felipe until his death in April, 1609. Father Escobar came as the new commissary to succeed Father Escalona. In the fall of the year when he accompanied Ofiate's expedition to the Gulf of California he is mentioned by that title. During Father Escobar's term the situation in New Mexico was still very precarious. The province was in danger of being deserted entirely. After their return to San Gabriel in April, I605, he and Onate set out in July for Mexico to report the new discoveries and make a plea for reinforcements. Before reaching Mexico City, Onate was ordered back to New Mexico and Escobar went on alone to intercede for the colony. Just before he reached Mexico City, however, the viceroy had sent two friars to New Mexico with an escort of twenty-four soldiers. They arrived in the spring of i605. One of the two friars was probably Isidro Ordoinez, who later became commissary. In view of the opposition and ill-will against him, Onate finally decided that nothing would be gained by his remaining in New Mexico. It had been made clear that royal support for his project on a large scale was not forthcoming. Thus he decided to give it up and return to Mexico. His letter of resignation was tendered in August, 1607. In it he informed the viceroy that the coming of the last missionaries and soldiers in such small numbers caused much dismay among those who were in the province, and that strenuous efforts would be necessary to preserve the colony. He continued that the soldiers were so wearied and had lived on hopes so long that they had neither the will, nor could they wait any longer; and the friars did not dare continue baptizing till it was seen what was to be done with the region. He THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 73 reported that he and his relatives had spent over four hundred thousand pesos and were unable to continue the expense; but it was imporant that the fruits of the eleven years of labor in extending the king's dominion and converting the natives should not be lost. The colonists agreed to Ofiate's resignation and drew up a report of their own similar to his. They requested the king that a man of means, able to carry on the project, be appointed in his place and that the colony be subsidized from the royal treasury. This, they said, must be accomplished by the end of June, I60o, "for there would not be anyone able to wait a day longer." The only alternative was desertion of the colony. The disappointing reality had to be faced; instead of kings, nobility, and castles there were only primitive farmers and mud houses. In place of sophisticated civilization was only pristine, stone-age paganism. New Mexico was a land of poverty in the eyes of the conquistador. The future of New Mexico was in the balance during I608. It was a serious question whether it should be retained as a part of the Spanish Empire or be given up as an extravagant and unprofitable possession. Friar Lazaro Ximenez had come from New Mexico to New Spain as an agent of the entire colony, missionaries, soldiers, and settlers, and requested in the name of all, that permission be given to leave the province or that sufficient relief, in both men and provisions, be sent. He presented several reasons for their desire to leave. His account had the following tone. The harvest of souls had been small and was likely to continue so. The religious had shown little disposition to learn the numerous native languages and were thus unable to make any substantial progress in the conversions, only about four hundred converts having been made. It was not only difficult, but practically impossible to bring supplies from Mexico because of the distance and expense. Soldiers would not serve voluntarily in New Mexico, for there was no hope of profit. No gold or silver had been discovered. It was a barren land altogether. Father Ximenez returned to New Mexico with instructions from the viceroy to the colony not to abandon the province until they had further word. With all this, the Council of the Indies recommended to the viceroy that New Mexico be abandoned. There was one hard problem, 74 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO however, in this connection-what to do about the Christian Indians? It seemed unjust to desert them, but to remove them to some other place would have caused them great hardship and suffering. The Council "passed the buck" to the Church authorities in Mexico, whether to leave the converts to revert to heathenism, or to remove them by force and save their souls. Just as the question was being argued, late in I608, Father Ximenez came again to Mexico with enthusiastic reports of considerable progress made in the conversion of the Pueblos during the summer and autumn. Father Ordonez was with Ximenez on this trip. Instead of four hundred converts they reported that there were now seven thousand. The news caused the viceroy to consider the question anew, and this time in the light that saving souls was, perhaps, the biggest return which could be expected from the province. The crown decided that New Mexico should not be abandoned but continued as a mission area with support from the royal treasury; "in no case thereafter should the entrada be made by soldiers as a conquest." This land of poverty for the conquistador was a land of wealth in souls for the Franciscans. Thus the mission became the "reason for being" of New Mexico as a province of Spain. It was decided that the expenses for fifty soldier-citizens, of whom thirty were to be armed, should be paid by the crown. For carrying on the work of the conversions eight new missionaries with everything necessary for their journey, all at the crown's expense, would be provided. Father Alonso de Peinado who was to lead these new friars to New Mexico was appointed the new commissary and prelate. Don Pedro de Peralta was named governor with full instructions how to conduct the affairs of the province for the best interests of the mission program. Supplies of all kinds were provided for the relief of the colonists. During the winter of I609-IO the new governor and commissary with the reinforcements arrived in New Mexico. When this turn of events occurred there were probably not more than three or four friars working in New Mexico. Father Juan de Escalona had died and was buried at Santo Domingo on June 22, I607, probably the first of the Franciscan missionaries to live out his natural life in New Mexico. Father Francisco de Velasco had returned to Mexico. He later became provincial of the Holy Gospel Province. A I I -r r BUILDING THE MISSIONS OF NEW MEXICO Mural in Saint Francis Auditorium Art Museum, Santa F6 In the foreground are seen three Franciscan fathers, one of them kneeling, intent on the plans for the church being built; the other two look on with evident interest. In the middle ground rise the adobe walls pierced by the main entrance of the proposed church; carved corbels support the viga-lintel above the door. Indian women go by on their way to the pueblo on the brow of the mesa. In the background hazy mountains and shadowy canyons are vaulted by a New Mexico sky. 76 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Father Crist6bal Quifiones had died at San Felipe on April 27, I609. Father Lazaro Ximenez had remained in Mexico in I609 after his second trip. Father Isidro Ordonez had gone to Mexico with Ximenez in I608; however, he would return later. What became of lay-brother Pedro de Vergara and the three donados Martin, Francisco and Juan de Dios, is not known. They are not mentioned after the desertion of I601 and might have remained in New Mexico. Lay-brother Juan de San Buenaventura was on the trip to the Gulf of California in 1604-o5 and is mentioned again in I614. Only four friars are known with any certainty to have been in New Mexico in the fall of I609-Francisco Escobar, Bernardo de Marta, Juan de San Buenaventura, and Pedro de Vergara. Friar Alonso Peinado, who came as the new commissary during the winter of I609-IO, was a saintly person, thoroughly embued with missionary zeal. With him came a group of seven friars of whom five were priests and two lay-brothers. Among them was Estevan de Perea who was destined to become one of the great men of the seventeenth century New Mexican Church; also Andres Perguer. Isidro Ordonez, mentioned above, returned to New Mexico at this time. During I61O, the Villa of Santa Fe (La Villa real de Santa Fe) was founded as the capital to replace San Gabriel, so the seat of government might be more centrally located among the pueblos. El Palacio Real (The Palace of the Governors) was built and at the same time a church and convent-possibly the original San Miguel of Santa Fe. Under Commissary Peinado's charge the area of evangelization was greatly enlarged. Resident missionaries were sent to the old districts of the Keres and the southern Tiwa. Missions were established for the first time in the Tano district of the Galisteo Vallev. Father Perea founded the mission of San Francisco at Sandia and soon built a church and convent. He remained there as resident pribst and guardian for the next seven years. About the same time Father Perguer founded the mission of San Lazaro, one of the Tano pueblos. It may have been during Peinado's term that the prelate's church was moved from San Gabriel to Santo Domingo. When this move was made Santo Domingo became the ecclesiastical capital of New Mexico. It remained so throughout the seventeenth century. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 77 In I6I, Friar Ordonez was sent to Mexico to seek reinforcements and further aid. His requests were generously answered. Large quantities of supplies were provided and several new missionaries were sent back to New Mexico with him. The supply caravan consisting of twenty wagons, military escort, clergy, servants, etc., set out from Zacatecas in May, I612, and arrived at Sandia, the southernmost of the missions, where Father Perea was stationed in the latter part of August. Among the friars who came with Ord6onez were: Father Pedro de Hara de la Cueba, Father Juan de Salas, Father Francisco Perez Guerta, and Father Luis Tirado. The names of several friars who must have come either with Peinado or Ord6onez appear in the accounts of Ord6nez's administration. Among these are Father Andres Juarez, Father Agustin de Burgos, Father Cristobal de Quiros, Father Pedro de Miranda, Father Diego Ortega, Father Andres Bautista, and Lay-brother Jeronimo de Pedraza. CHURCH OF SANTO DOMINGO Santo Domingo Pueblo Monument to Friar Juan de Escalona who came to New Mexico in 6oo0, was probably the first resident missionary to Santo Domingo, and who died and was buried there in I607; the first Franciscan to live out his natural life in New Mexico. Santo Domingo has had several churches since Friar Escalona's time. The one shown here was washed away by a flood of the Rio Grande in i886. 78 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO There must have been about twenty missionaries working in New Mexico in 1612. Upon his arrival with the reinforcements in August of I612, Friar Ordon6ez presented a letter which named him commissary to succeed Friar Peinado. Within a few days Ord6fiez called a chapter meeting at Santo Domingo and made the mission assignments for the new friars. Friar Tirado was sent as minister to Santa Fe. Friar Perez Guerta went to Galisteo pueblo where he seems to have remained until 1617 when he returned to Mexico. Juan de Salas, destined to be one of the outstanding men of the New Mexican Church, was assigned to Isleta where he remained for the next seventeen years. He soon built the church and convent of San Antonio de Padua there, which was said to have been the finest church in New Mexico in its day. There seems to have been a falling-out between Ordonez and Peinado. The latter was treated so shabbily that he finally "banished" himself to the Tiwa pueblos on the frontier east of the Manzano Mountains to undertake the conversion and baptism of the Indians of Chilili. In 1613 we find Friar Jeronimo de Pedraza, lay-brother physician, working at San Felipe, Friar Pedro de Miranda at Taos, and Friar Quiros probably at Zia with Bernardo de Marta. Commissary Ordonez had his headquarters at Santo Domingo, the prelate's church. A few years later Agustin de Burgos was stationed at Sandia and Diego Ortega at Pecos; just when they were given these assignments is uncertain. On the secular side of life in New Mexico one finds the governors serving also as captains of the colony's military force. Colonial legislation was specific that the governor's functions were to promote the general advancement of the province, to secure the administration of justice, to foster and protect the missions, and to protect the Indians from abuse and exploitation. As captain-general, the governor saw to the defense of the province from internal revolt and from attack by outside enemies. Thus the governor was at once the political leader of the province, the commander-in-chief of its military establishment, its legislator on all matters of local provincial policy, and its most important judicial officer. His powers were broad enough to permit an honest and energetic man to maintain discipline and secure THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 79 justice, or to make it possible for a self-seeking official to become a local tyrant (see Scholes, Civil Government in New Mexico, p. 75). New Mexico's seventeenth century military force was small and loosely organized and had no regular garrison. The nucleus of the army was comprised of a group of soldier-citizens who made military service and politics a life job. In lieu of a regular salary they were given encomiendas. These encomendero-soldiers had to be ready at all times for escort and guard duty. In times of crisis each of them might assume command of fighting units of about one hundred Spanish and mestizo (mixed bloods) citizens with a considerably larger adjunct of CHURCH OF SAN ANTONIO DE PADUA (EARLIER) CHURCH OF SAN AGUSTIN DE HIPPO (LATER) Isleta Monument to Friar Juan Salas who founded the Isleta mission about 1613, built the first church, was twice custodian of New Mexico, labored at Isleta for nearly a quarter of a century, and was in the custody for more than forty years. The first church at Isleta was said to have been the finest church in New Mexico in its day. Before remodeling into its present form the Isleta church had the above appearance. It may still incorporate some of the Pre-Rebellion walls. 8o MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Indian allies. The number of enconlenderos in New Mexico was set at thirty-five. Over them the governor exercised direct control and authority. He allocated the encomiendas and determined the revenues to be derived therefrom. The encomienda was an institution inherent in the Spanish colonial system: A grant of protection or patronage which was given by royal favor to the well-deserving person of the Indies over a portion of Indians, to teach them the Christian doctrine and to defend their person and possessions. A pueblo which was assigned to an encomendero in order that he might collect the tributes and take advantage of the personal services which that pueblo should give to the royal crown. A trust, charge, or consignment of a pueblo or portion of Indians which was made by favor to a colonist who had rendered deserving service in the Indies to the Crown, to be used by them for the benefit of that one to whom it was entrusted. (See Barber, "Indian Labor in the Spanish Colonies," pp. 17 and I8, Historical Society of New Mexico, Publications in History, Vol. VI, Oct., 1932.) The encomienda system was set up in the laws of the Indies. In theory it was beneficent, but, nevertheless, had economic motives as well as religious. The religious motive of indoctrination of the Indians was emphasized throughout the laws, but with the colonists themselves its economic aspect was uppermost. The encomendero (holder of the encomienda) collected the tribute from his holdings. Further, it became the practice to take personal service from the Indians in lieu of tribute. The encomenderos thus formed a vested interest whose aim was to use the Indians for profit. More often than not the governors set the pace in exploiting the Indians instead of "fostering the missions and protecting the Indians from abuse." This obviously would be a source of conflict between the religious and secular interests in New Mexico. With Ordonez' term as commissary the irritation became THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 8 so sore that it dominated the relations between the prelates and governors during the whole Spanish period. It flared up again and again throughout the seventeenth century, and finally brought ruin to the mission program in the great rebellion of the Indians. The normal term for the commissary (later the custodian) in New Mexico was three years. Ordonez served a long term from the middle of I612 to the end of I616. With the end of his prelacy it might be said that the first phase of the mission program came to a close. Despite the conflict between the prelate and the governor, the success in the conversions was considered sufficient to put the program on a more permanent basis. Sometime during 16I6, New Mexico was elevated to a custody-the Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul of the Holy Gospel Province. It is said that by this time fourteen thousand Indian converts had been made and eleven churches had been built. Among these eleven were probably churches at Santa Fe, Santo Domingo, San Juan, Sandia, Isleta, San Lazaro, San Ildefonso, San Felipe, and Zia. In addition, several others were seats of resident missionaries-Cochiti, Taos, Pecos, Galisteo, Chilili, and Picuris. Among the Franciscans in New Mexico in I616 were the following: Priests Isidro Ordonez, Commissary, Santo Domingo Alonso Peinado, Chilili Bernardo de Marta, Zia Cristobal de Quiros, Zia Andres Perguer, San Lazaro Estevan de Perea, Sandia Agustin de Burgos Juan de Salas, Isleta Pedro de Miranda, Taos Martin de Arvide, Picuris Diego Ortega, Pecos Francisco Perez Guerta, Galisteo Luls Tirado, Santa Fe Francisco Escobar (Uncertain whether he was still living) Andres Juarez Pedro de Haro de la Cueba 82 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Lay-Brothers Jeronimo de Pedraza, San Felipe Juan de San Buenaventura may still have been in New Mexico Donados Juan de Dios may still have been in New Mexico Martin may still have been in New Mexico Francisco may still have been in New Mexico The supply caravan which brought the word in January, 1617, that New Mexico had been made a custody also brought the appointment of Father Estevan de Perea as its first custodian. With it came seven new friars for work in the conversions, bringing the total number of Franciscans above two dozen. Isidro Ordfiez and Francisco Perez Guerta went back to Mexico with the return caravan in the autumn of I6I7. Estevan de Perea had already been in New Mexico seven years serving as resident missionary to Sandia and as guardian of the convent there. Little is known of him prior to his arrival in I605, except that he was born about I556 in Villa Nueva del Fresno, Estremadura, and that his parents were of Portuguese descent. Before coming to America he had made his profession in the Order of Friars Minor, probably in the Province of San Miguel of Estremadura. This province in Spain was of the Friars Minor Observant as was the Province of the Holy Gospel in Mexico. Perea was fifty years of age when he succeeded Ord6iez as prelate of New Mexico. Under Father Perea's custodianship-that is, his first term in office ( 617-2 ), for, ten years later, he was to serve a second termconsiderable progress was made in the general mission program. The seven new recruits to the Franciscan forces made it possible to reinforce the missions already established and to reach out into new territory. However, an irreligious and antagonistic governor caused no end of trouble. Stimulated by the governor, that he might, it was said, more easily exploit the Indians, the old pagan rites and ceremonies continued to persist at the mission pueblos. The prelate maintained that royal decrees supported the friars in their stand against pagan idols and ceremonial. The governor insisted that the THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 83 Crown held to the position that newly converted Indians should not be obliged to give up their idols and concubines for a number of years until they more fully understood Christianity. It is a matter of record that Governor Eulate lost no opportunity in exploiting the Indians to his own profit and opposed the mission program wherever it interfered. In October, I621, Friar Miguel de Chavarria arrived with the supply caravan to succeed Father Perea as custodian. Perea probably returned to his old post as resident missionary at Sandia. Among the five new friars who came with Chavarria was Friar Jeronimo de Zarate Salmeron who went to work among the Jemez pueblos, and probably Friar Asencio de Zarate who later worked at Picuris. The Jemez Indians had had no resident priest and few visits from the Church since Friar Alonso de Lugo's time-before the desertion in I60I. It will, however, be recalled that one of the native Mexican donados, either Martin or Francisco, of Onate's group of Franciscans, worked among the Jemez with Friar Lugo, but even though he may have remained in I60I he probably did not stay long after Lugo left. Father Zarate Salmeron revived the work among the Jemez pueblos and soon had built the fine church and convent of San Jose. The ruin of this church is probably the one now preserved on the Jemez State Monument. By the following year he had concentrated several of the smaller Jemez communities into the large "Pueblo of the Congregation" where a church and convent dedicated to San Diego was built. The present Jemez pueblo is now considered to be the modern successor of this "Pueblo of the Congregation." The reader is referred to Professor Lansing Bloom's analysis of the question of the locations of the San Jose and San Diego missions, New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XIII, pp. 85-0o9. In 1622 Chavarria appointed Friar Asencio de Zarate as vicecustodian and returned to Mexico. Father Zarate remained in charge for the next three years. The governor became so unbearable to the Franciscans during this time that they went so far as to hold a general meeting to decide whether they should not all abandon the missions. However, Father Perea strongly opposed this idea on the grounds that it would be a great injustice to the many Indian Christians and would be a great detriment to any future work in the land. Because 84 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO of his arguments the plan was not carried through. However, six friars did return to Mexico during the crisis. There was trouble among the Jemez during Vice-Custodian Zarate's time. The "Pueblo of the Congregation," in I623, destroyed its church and convent and it is not certain that the San Jose mission was able to continue. The whole Jemez district became so disturbed that Zarate Salmeron had to withdraw. It was several years before the Jemez again had a resident missionary. In 1628 Father Martin de Arvide, who had served for many years at Picuris, went to Jemez. Sometime between 1623 and I626, Friar Zarate Salmeron carried on the first productive evangelization of Acoma which up to that time was still unconverted. However, between the time of his return to Mexico, in I626, and Father Perea's second term as custodian, which began in I629, Acoma seems still to have had no resident missionary. Friar Chavarria's term, which Friar Asencio de Zarate served out as vice-custodian, should have come to an end in 1623. Father Alonso de Benavides was appointed his successor, but in making preparations for the eleven new friars who were to accompany him, Benavides did not arrive until December, 1625. The treasury accounts at this time indicate expenditures for twelve new friars and allotments for fourteen old ones serving in the custody. Friars Zarate Salmeron and Perea went to Mexico on the return caravan in the autumn of I626, the former to stay and the latter to present a report to his Franciscan superiors. Two years later Perea would come back to New Mexico as custodian for a second term. During the founding of the Church in the New World, the Church in Europe was struggling with that persistent trait of human nature, nonconformity, which was called heresy. Even far off New Mexico did not go unaffected. The Spanish church in particular expended great effort in its suppression. The punishment of heresy by force had arisen soon after the Roman Empire became officially Christian, but special machinery for its investigation and punishment was not devised until about the beginning of the twelfth century. Certain sects-the Cartheri, the Waldenses, and Albigenses-considered dangerous by the Church, were spreading in Europe. Church and State had become so united that heresy was regarded as a crime against THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH the State no less than against the Church. The Roman Church established a tribunal-the Inquisition-for the discovery, repression, and punishment of heresy, unbelief, and other offenses against religion. Torture was an approved means of eliciting evidence and death was the prescribed punishment for heretics. It must be borne in mind, however, that the criminal codes of medieval Europe were much more cruel than those of today; in France there were more than one hundred capital offenses down to the time of the French Revolution. The chief scene of inquisitory activity was central and southern Europe. It was introduced into Spain in I237. The real Spanish Inquisition, which today makes one shudder at the thought of its severity, began with Ferdinand and Isabella in I478. By the middle of the sixteenth century the Inquisition was operating in the New World. Because of the many accusations of error against the governors, which had been coming from the New Mexico missions, the Office of the Inquisition in Mexico City decided to send an agent to investigate heresy and other offenses against the Church in New Mexico. This meant, of course, among the Spaniards, for the newly converted Indians were not subject to the Holy Office. Friar Alonso de Benavides, who had already had long experience as an official of the Inquisition, was named its agent in New Mexico and when he arrived late in 1625 it was in the dual capacity of Franciscan custodian-prelate and commissary of the Inquisition. Immediately upon arrival Benavides made an investigation of Governor Eulate's administration. More than thirty witnesses, friars and laymen, made declarations. Father Perea was the first witness called. Benavides' report with the declarations was sent to the Holy Office by the return caravan. Benavides was one of the truly great men of the seventeenth century New Mexican Church. His Memorial to King Philip IV, written in 1630, describing "the treasures spiritual and temporal in those conversions and the new discoveries by means of the priests of this Seraphic Order and the great growth those conversions were making and the lack of religious to administer them," is known to every one who has knowledge of New Mexico's past. It portrays conditions in early seventeenth century New Mexico as no other single contemporary source does. It was written to induce the king to send more mission 86 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO aries and build more churches for the conversion of the Indians, and was considered so important at the time that it was published in French, Dutch, German, and Latin. Benavides seems to have stayed aloof from the conflict between the secular and religious parties. During his term as custodian great progress was made in the missions. He extended the active mission area to the Piro pueblos, and himself worked among the Apaches of southwestern New Mexico. He remained in charge of the custody until Estevan de Perea, re-elected custodian, came back from Mexico as his successor in I629. Benavides returned to Mexico City with the caravan in the autumn of that year, and in a few months went on to Spain. He recommended strongly to provincial headquarters in Mexico City that missions be established among the Manso Indians of the El Paso district. He pointed out the importance of such an enterprise not only for carrying forward the conversion of the natives, but also because of the great strategic value such missions would have to communication between Santa Fe and Mexico City. He was looking to the future of the custody. The next five years, Benavides spent urging the cause of the New Mexican missions to the King and the Pope. His great hope was to have New Mexico made a bishopric and his most cherished desire was to become its first bishop. His hopes were never realized, for the vice-regal and provincial officials of Mexico eventually reported unfavorably on the plan. It has been said, however, that Father Benavides was finally rewarded with the mitre as Archbishop of Goa, India. Father Perea's report of his first term as custodian must have been satisfactory to the provincial of his Order and to the Holy Office, for he was re-elected custodian and somewhat later appointed commissary of the Inquisition to succeed Father Benavides in both capacities. On the caravan of 1628-29 Perea returned to New Mexico with twenty-nine new friars for the missions. In April, I629, he once more took over the administration of the custody. Among Perea's friars were the following: Father Antonio de Artega Father Francisco de la Concepcion Father Tomas de San Diego Father Francisco de Letrado THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 87 Father Diego de la Fuente Father Francisco de Acevedo Father Bartolome Romero Father Francisco Muinoz Father Juan Ramirez Father Rpque de Figueredo Father Agustin de Cuellar Father Tomas Manso Father Francisco de Porras Father Andres Gutierrez Father Martin Gonzales Father Garcia de San Francisco Father Diego de San Lucas Lay-brother Francisco de la Madre de Dios Lay-brother Cristobal de la Concepcion Lay-brother Francisco de San Buenaventura Friar Martin Gonzales, the procurator general for the custody, seems to have died before the caravan reached its destination, and Friar Tomas Manso was appointed in his place. More will be said of Friar Manso later. The fourteen friars working in New Mexico at the time of Benavides' arrival, as recorded in the treasury report, the eleven with Benavides and twenty-nine with Perea would make a total of fifty-six Franciscans in the custody at the beginning of Perea's second term. Friar Perea was one of the outstanding men of seventeenth century New Mexico. Great progress was made in the mission program under his custodianship. The Church of "Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Porciuncula" at Pecos which Benavides describes as a "fine church with six towers," was probably built during his first term. It will be noted that the Pecos church is named after St. Francis' first church in Assisi. During Perea's second term, the church of San Gregorio de Abo was probably built; Francisco de Acevedo, the founder of the Abo mission, was sent there by Father-Perea from among the friars who came with him in 1628. Also during Perea's second term residence missions were established at the Acoma, Zuni, and Hopi pueblos. At the close of his custodianship Father Perea went to Quarai to establish the mission there. He doubtless supervised personally the building of the great Church of the Immaculate Conception of Quarai, 88 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO built about I630. The ruins of this church and convent are now preserved on the Quarai State Monument. Perea retained the office of commissary of the Inquisition until the end of his life. Father Perea played an influential role in New Mexico up to the year of his death. His old friends Juan de Salas and Cristobal de Quiros followed him as custodian. These three along with lay-brother Pedraza were now the senior friars of New Mexico. From Benavides' time to the end of Perea's life, relations between the governors and the prelates were fairly quiet. Although the governors of the period were not always wholly sympathetic toward the missions, no major conflict arose. The investigations of the Inquisition had to do mainly with cases of bigamy, superstition, witchcraft, and demonology involving the lower and more ignorant members of the Spanish population rather than those of the official set. On 'the other hand, the governors concerned themselves little with the promotion and assistance of the missions. Practically no aid from the civil forces was given in enforcing mission discipline. The Indians soon realized that the Spanish officials were not especially interested in supporting the Church. They became insubordinate and restless, especially those of the more remote pueblos on the margins of the mission area. This unrest reached a peak during the 1630's when five friars met martyrdom at the hands of the Indians. Father Martin de Arvide, one of the older friars in the custody, had been serving at Picuris until his transfer to Jemez in 1628, following Father Zarate Salmer6n. On February 27, 1632, while on his way to take up a new work among the Zipias Indians of Sonora, he was killed by Zuni Indians southwest of their pueblo. Father Francisco de Letrado, who came with Father Perea in 1628, was at first assigned to work among the Jumanas southeast of the Manzano mountains; he may have been the builder of the smaller and earlier of the two churches at Gran Quivira (Tabira? or Jumanas?). About I631 he was transferred to the Zunii pueblo of Hawikuh where the Indians shot him to death with arrows on Sunday, February 22, I632. Father Francisco de Porras who also came with Father Perea in 1628 was assigned in I629 to the Hopi pueblo of Awatobi where he probably built the Church of San Bernardino. On June 28, i633, he died from poisoning by the Indians. Father Pedro THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 89 de Miranda, who came between I609 and 1612, had gone to Taos where he worked until he was murdered along with his guard of two soldiers, Luis Pacheco and Juan de Estrada, on December 28, 1639. Friar Diego de San Lucas, another of Perea's 1628 group, was guardian of one of the Jemez missions in I639 when he was shot to death with arrows, possibly during a Navajo raid; the circumstances of his martyrdom are not clear. While Friar Juan de Salas was serving his second term as custodian, Father Perea went to his eternal reward at Sandia in I639. He had seen the mission program reach its peak. In 1631 the total number of friars to be supported in New Mexico from the royal treasury was set at sixty-six. Aside from an increase of four friars in 1657 to work among the Manso and Suma Indians around El Paso, this quota remained fixed until the great uprising of I68o. However, after i639, the quota was seldom full. There were only forty-six friars in the field in 1657 and it was necessary to send twenty more friars in I658 to fill out the quota. On the road to New Mexico ten of these deserted and returned to Mexico leaving the quota still short. An official list shows the following friars working in the custody during the triennium of 1658-61: Father Francisco de Salazar Father Antonio de Ybargaray Father Juan Gonzales Father Tomas de Alvarado Father Juan Ramirez Father Juan de la Chica Father Francisco de Acevedo Father Garcia de San Francisco Father Benito de la Natividad Father Juan de la Ascencion Father Miguel Sacristan Father Diego Rodriguez Father Jacinto Monpean Father Antonio de Sotomayor Father Joseph Espeleta Father Juan de Plasencia Father Diego de Parraga Father Nicolas de Villar 9go MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Father Diego de Santander Father Salvador Guerra Father Joseph de Paredes Father Fernando de Velasco Father Antonio Aguado Father Felipe Rodriguez Father Nicolas de Freitas Father Fernando de Monrroy Father Juan Lobato Father Francisco Munoz Father Miguel de Guevara Lay-brother Francisco de San Buenaventura Lay-brother Jeronimo de Pedraza Lay-brother Pedro Moreno Lay-brother Antonio de Tabares Lay-brother Joseph de Pliego Lay-brother Francisco Flores Lay-brother Felipe de la Cruz Lay-brother Luis Martinez Lay-brother Pedro de Molina Lay-brother Bias de Herrera THE MISSIONS REACH THEIR ZENITH Before Father Perea's death the number of residence missions had reached its maximum of about forty. For fifteen years or so the mission program held its own; after that it began to decline. In I639 the missions included: San Juan Bautista, Oh'-ke San Felipe el Apostol (Keres pueblo) Nuestra Seniora de la Asuncion, Zia Puaray Mission (Tiwa pueblo) San Francisco, Sandia Santo Domingo (Keres pueblo) San Lorenzo, Picuris San Geronimo, Taos San Ildefonso (Tewa pueblo) San Lazaro (Tano pueblo) San Miguel, Santa Fe La Parroquia, Santa Fe THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 9 I La Navidad de Nuestra Senora, Chilili Santa Cruz, Galisteo San Antonio de Padua (later San Agustin de Hippo), Isleta Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Porciuncula, Pecos Santa Clara (Tewa pueblo) Alameda Mission (Tiwa pueblo) San Cristobal (Tano pueblo) San Jose, Jemez San Diego, Jemez San Miguel, Tajique La Purisima Concepcion, Quarai San Gregorio, Abo San Buenaventura, Jumanas San Estevan, Acoma La Purisima Concepcion, Hawikuh, Zunii Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria (la Purificacion), Halona, Zuni (no missionary 1632 to 1642) San Bernardino, Awatobi, Hopi San Bartholome, Shongopavi, Hopi Nuestra Seinora del Socorro (Piro pueblo) San Luis Obispo de Toulouse, Sevilleta San Antonio de Padua, Alamillo San Antonio de Padua, Senecii While the majority of the friars labored in the Indian missions, one or two always remained in Santa Fe to minister to the Spaniards there. In his Civil Government and Society in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century, pp. I02-105, France Scholes gives the following description of the life of the Spanish minority in the custody: The ordinary round of life must have been monotonous, broken now and then by the arrival of a new governor, the events of an Indian campaign, the hanging of a criminal at the gibbet, or the scandal caused by a brawl over a card table. The men spent much of their time in the saddle, either in some form of military activity or in managing their farms and herding their livestock. For the women the duties of childbearing and the home were a heavy burden, lightened only by the aid of Apache slaves or servants from the pueblos. For both men and women recreation and amusements were few. For the 92 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO men there were the gambling tables, the rough sport of the plaza, or obliging antigas of whom there was apparently no lack. For the women there were the treasured associations of bosom friends, endless gossip about some local scandal, or the consolation of an Indian servant who knew how to prepare potions and powders guaranteed to bring back the love of a wayward husband... For both men and women the church and the convent offered another means of escape from the monotony of existence. In the pageantry of the mass and in the processions which now and then passed through the streets, the citizens saw a little of what in distant lands was the gorgeous splendor of the church. The friars were the only really learped class in the community, and in private conversations with these men and in the sermons which they preached, the people heard the best standards of speech in the province. A friar was usually a welcome visitor in the home, for he, like the governor, had seen other places and other lands. Some of them brought the solace of medical skill and knowledge... Santa Fe was the one villa of New Mexico, the one place where there might be found anything of the social life of Spain. Whatever there was of elegance and luxury in New Mexico was found in Santa Fe. Primitive Santa Fe! Venerable Santa Fe! A raw frontier community, but also an outpost for Spain and the Church. For all their vices and lack of refinement the citizens of that isolated community far away on the fringe of things were doing their duty-blindly perhaps, but doing it. Material rewards came only to a few. For most men, soldiers and friars alike, the only reward was knowledge of loyal service to king and the faith. The fundamental problems of political and religious experience were essentially the same in Santa Fe as in less isolated and more cultured centers. Heresy was just as great a sin there as in Mexico City... The Casa Real, where the governor and his retinue lived, was the social center of the community. The soldiers spent many a long winter evening there in conversation with the governor, eagerly listening to his tales of other lands... From him they might borrow a few books, THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 93 for in the list of belongings of the various governors we find such books as Don Quixote, Lebrija's grammar, and a few devotional works.... From the Casa Real the governor thundered decrees against prelates and friars. On the doors of San Miguel were posted excommunications against governor and lowly citizen, and from its pulpit were read edicts of the faith against heresy and apostasy. Long before witches were tried in Salem and men were punished for free thought in Boston, Santa Fe had its own witch problem, and men were dragged through its streets to do public penance for offending the Church. From the time that the Crown assumed responsibility for the support of the mission field in 1609, a supply service was maintained from Mexico City to sustain the missions. A caravan with supplies and equipment was scheduled for every third year. The round trip for the caravans, including the time spent in New Mexico before starting back, took about a year and a half. The remaining part of each triennium was given over to preparations in Mexico for the next trip. It is impossible to over-emphasize the importance of this supply service to seventeenth century New Mexico. It provided the one regular line of communication between the colony and the civilized world. It was the only regular means of transportation in and out of New Mexico. Emptied of the supplies brought in for the missions, the wagons were reloaded with hides, salt, textiles, etc., for the out-going trip. With the supply caravans came the new prelates, governors, friars, and colonists. On the return journey the caravans were accompanied by traders, ex-governors, retiring friars, sometimes by prisoners for trial by the Inquisition, and on rare occasions by citizens of New Mexico going to Mexico on business. Upon the death of Friar Martin Gonzales during Perea's return trip in I628, it will be recalled, Friar Tomas Manso became procurator-general for the custody, that is to say, the general manager of the mission supply service. In 1631 he was instrumental in negotiating a contract between the viceregal and Franciscan authorities of New Spain which became the basis for the operation of the supply service for a third of a century. Even after the contract was changed in I664 ) 94 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO the new terms followed the original pattern. From I609 until this contract was made, the supply service had not been systematized. Afterward it operated for twenty-five years under Friar Manso's management with clocklike precision. The contract fixed the quota of friars working in New Mexico at sixty-six. Every caravan brought equipment for the new missions to be established and supplies for the missionaries who would be serving in the custody during the triennium. The caravans consisted of thirty-three wagons-one for every two friars serving in New Mexico. It is interesting to note some of the supplies and equipment brought by the caravans: Equipment for each new mission to be established during a coming triennium brought by the supply caravans. One ornament of Chinese damask, Chasuble, stole, maniple, frontal and frontal trimming, and bundle of corporalcloths. One alb made of Rouen-cloth. One surplice. One pair of altar-cloths made of Rouen-cloth, each six yards in length. One embroidered altar-cloth. Some coarse corporal-cloths. One missal, with the office of the Order. One enameled silver chalice, the paten and cup gilded. One small bell to sound the Sanctus. One bell, two hundred pounds in weight. Iron framework from which to swing the bell. One pair of gilded wooden processional candle-h iders. One pair of brass candlesticks. Snuffing scissors. An oil painting of saint, two and a half yards in height, with gilded frames to go behind altar. Small chest with crismeras. Two papers of pins. One pair of cassocks made of Chinese stuff. One piece of damask to cover the altar. Cupboard for the chalice. One rug for the altar steps. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 95 One copper vessel for the holy water. One tin plate with vinajeras. One crucifix, with gilded brass handle. One wafer-box for the unconsecrated hosts. Three yards of Rouen-cloth for amices and cornvaltares. Two and a half pounds of incense. Two and a half pounds of copal. Three ounces of silk wicking. Three pesos' worth of soap. One white cedazo, and a black one. For every five friars two choir robes of chinese damask. For every five friars two sets of dalmnaticas made of the same stuff. For every five friars a ciborium. For every five friars an iron utensil for making hostias (the wafer or host). For every five friars a brass lamp. For every five friars a pall for the Holy Sacrament. For every five friars a set of trumpets. For every five friars three books of chants. For every five friars three mangas of velvet with gold edgings. For every friar for building his church: Ten axes. Three adzes. Three spits. Ten hoes. One medium-sized saw. One chisel with collar and handle. One large latch for the church door. Two au 'irs. One plane and box for same. Ten pounds of steel. Six hundred tinned nails for the church doors. 4000 assorted nails. Eight hundred tacks. Two small locks. One dozen hinges for doors and windows. One dozen hook-and-eye latches. One pair of braces for the two doors. Supplies for each friar-priest serving in the custody during a 96 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO triennium brought by supply caravans. (The supplies for lay-brothers were the same except for the wine, tapers and oil for the sanctuary light.) Forty-five gallons of sacramental wine. Eighty-five and a half pounds of prepared candle wax. Twenty-six gallons of oil for illuminating the Holy Sacrament. Eight gallons more for the friar. Four gallons of vinegar. One hundred yards of sack-cloth. Twelve yards of Rouen-cloth. Twelve yards of linen. One ream of paper. Two blankets. Two declas (set of ten) of butcher knives. Two pairs of scissors. One pound of domestic yarn or thread. One dozen awls with handles. One dozen angled or square needles. One dozen coarse needles. Also two dozen ordinary needles. One dozen horseshoes. Three pairs of sandals. Two pairs of woolen stockings. One friar's hat. One candado que Ilaman de fraile (pendant or locket). Six common rosaries. Two bundles of plaited cord. One white cedazo and a black one (strainer made of horsehair). One pair of spurs and a Jerez bridle. Thirty-five pesos' worth of medicines. One sheet made of Rouen-cloth, one pillow-case. One blanket. Six and a half yards of coarse linen. Five boxes of conserves. Six and a half pounds of sweetmeats. Twenty-five pounds of sugar. Three ounces of saffron. One pound of pepper. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 97 Six ounces of cinnamon. Ten and a half pounds of raisins. Six pounds of almonds. Five pounds of conserves in syrup. Two jugs of Campeche honey for the infirmary. For every two friars, the price of copper cupping instrument. For every two friars one syringe. For every two friars one razor. For every two friars one lancet. For every two friars one pair of barber's scissors. For the entire infirmary, one grindstone. Also two stills for distilling water. Four pairs of razor hones. One large brass basin. One box of loza de Puebla (Puebla tile or porcelain) (These lists come from Professor Schole's paper, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century.") Tomis Manso was one of the great men of the New Mexican Church. With perhaps the exception of Estevan de Perea no other friar played such an important role in the successful development of the New Mexican Church. For a quarter of a century the missions were dependent upon his efficient management of the supply service. He was a zealous defender of the Church and in the course of time held every important office of the custody. From 1627 to i655 he served as procurator-general and altogether he made some nine roundtrips between Mexico City and Santa Fe. Because of his intimate knowledge of affairs in the custody Friar Manso was frequently called upon for advice, or assigned to difficult or delicate missions. In 1638 he was one of the small group consulted on the question of making New Mexico into a bishopric. He served as custodian of New Mexico from 1644 to I647 (?). In recognition of his long and faithful service as procurator-general he was given the highest honor in the Province of the Holy Gospel by election in I655 to the leadership of his Order as provincial. Eight months later he was made bishop of Nicaragua. After Friar Manso's term as procurator-general, the mission supply service ran into trouble. Manso's successor, Friar Juan 98 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Ramirez, somehow incurred the ill-will of the commissary-general of the Franciscans of New Spain. A long quarrel between them finally ended in 1664 with the ousting of Ramirez, after which the commissary-general insisted that a layman rather than a friar be put in to manage the service. The commissary-general won a personal victory, but at the expense of the New Mexico missions. The wagons were sold to Don Juan Manso, ex-governor of New Mexico and brother of Bishop Manso. A new contract was made with Manso under which the number of wagons was reduced from one for every two friars to one for every three friars. The change had ill effects. The reduction in the supplies was sorely felt in New Mexico. Manso's bid on the operation costs of the caravan was considerably lower than under the old contract, but the service suffered in much greater proportion. Manso was interested mainly in personal profit. The service fell to a low ebb. Finally, in I673, another change was made. The Franciscan Order itself bought the wagons which at first had belonged to the Royal Treasury, and once more took over the operation of the service. Commissary-General Zapata's personal dislike for Ramirez, as shall be seen, was costly to the New Mexico mission program. i ~ s /' g_ m.'.i:":8"/.: SEVENTEENTH CENTURY MISSION SUPPLY CARAVAN ENTERING SANTA FE A diorama in the Museum of New Mexico THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 99 In New Mexico the real struggle for the faith was not with the Indians, nor with the wilderness, but with the weakness of the flesh. Selfishness, greed, dishonesty, thirst for power, and desire for recognition, were the real issues in the century-long conflict between the secular and religious parties which so disturbed the Christian way in the New Mexico missions. Call them, if you will, the issues of Indian labor and rivalry for control of the destiny of the Indians, problems of mission discipline, conflict of economic interests, questions of ecclesiastical immunity and the authority of the prelate as ecclesiastical judge ordinary, over-exercise of ecclesiastical censure, interference of the clergy in strictly secular matters, lack of respect of the civil authorities for the religious, negligence of the civil authorities in their defense of the Indians and the missions, disregard one for the other between ecclesiastical and civil authorities-call them anything you like, but it all goes back to the human shortcomings of those in authority on the two sides of the conflict. The same claims and counter-claims between secular party and religious party were sounded over and over again throughout the seventeenth century in New Mexico. No permanent compromise was ever reached. How could there be when the two authorities were independent and sovereign in their respective spheres, and their spheres were inter-inclusive; when each party represented a vested interest irreconcilable without loss of sovereignty by one or the other? On the one hand was the prelate, head of religious interests; on the other was the governor, head of secular interests. The disturbances were deep-seated in the Spanish colonial system. There was no way to correct them without correcting the system, and as is generally the case, nothing short of a major catastrophe could do that. The governors and the encomenderos increasingly exploited the Pueblos for personal profit. The Indians found the acceptance of Christianity to carry with it an inescapable obligation to serve conquering masters. To the Indians, the quarrel between the religious and civil authorities indicated a lack of unity among the Spaniards and belied the very things the missionaries taught. Such incidents as the imprisonment and public humiliation of Governor Peralta, the physical violence of Rosas against Friars Romero and Nuinez, the murder of Rosas, the beheading of the anti-Rosas leaders, all had I00 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO a demoralizing effect on the Indians. The constant expeditions for seizing captives from the unconverted Indians for sale as slaves in Mexico made the once peaceful Apaches more and more belligerent. Their raids of reprisal became ever more frequent against the Pueblos whom they considered accomplices of the Spaniards through Christianity. When the Franciscan Order bought the caravan wagons in 1673, Friar Francisco de Ayeta, another of the outstanding figures of seventeenth century New Mexico, came on the scene as procurator-general. Upon his first caravan trip in I675 Ayeta found New Mexico in desperate straits. The old Church-State quarrel had destroyed the efficiency of administration. The conflict of authority in high places had inspired a growing contempt in the Indians for the Spanish regime. Then there had been a series of drought years and poor crops. The mission herds and stores of food were exhausted and with them had gone one of the strongest appeals to the Indians. As long as the missions could furnish food in times of disaster the Indians' loyalty was easily kept. The Apaches and Navajos, facing want themselves, would swoop down upon the Pueblo villages, burning and pillaging the dwellings, carrying off dozens of captives, and stealing hundreds of bushels of grain and whole herds of livestock. The demoralized and inefficient civil authority of New Mexico could not cope with the situation. It had sewn the wind and was reaping the whirlwind. Moreover, the decrease in the supply service during Manso's management did not help matters any. By the time that Friar Ayeta became procurator-general and reached New Mexico with his first caravan, a serious shrinkage had occurred among the missions. The pueblos of the Salinas east of the Manzano Mountains-Chilili, Tajique, Quarai, Abo, Tenabo, Tabira, Jumanas-had been abandoned. The great new church which Father Diego de Santander had started building about 1660 at Gran Quivira (Tabira? or Jumanos?) was never finished. The people of these towns had joined other pueblos not so exposed to attack. On October 7, I670, the Navajos had descended upon Hawikuh of Zuni, had burned the church and had beaten out the brains of Father Pedro de Avila y Ayala with a bell while he clung to a cross. The Hawikuh mission was never reestablished. While the pueblo itself continued to THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FAITH 101 be inhabited for a few years longer, it was not occupied after 680. On January 23, I675, the Apaches raided Senecu, murdered its missionary, Father Alonso Gil de Avila, and killed most of its inhabitants. The survivors permanently abandoned their pueblo and fled to Socorro. Eight pueblos had been abandoned, their missions gone to ruin, and two new names were added to the mounting list of New Mexican martyrs-twelve from 1542 to 1675. The Spanish population was discouraged. The custody was in a precarious condition. Grave fears for its future were held. It was decided that on his return to Mexico City, Ayeta should advise the viceroy of the seriousness of the situation and appeal for aid. This he did. The appeal was not this time for the missions but for the military establishment. Without military protection, and that soon, the whole mission program would come to failure and ruin. He asked for fifty additional soldiers and one thousand horses fully equipped and he offered all the supply caravan facilities of the Franciscan Order for their transportation. The request was granted, and, in i677, Ayeta conducted the reinforcements to New Mexico. With the caravan went Don Antonio de Otermin, newly appointed governor. Ayeta was back in Mexico City again the following year making preparations for the next regular mission supply caravan, and in the spring of I680 started with it for New Mexico. When he reached the Rio Grande at El Paso in August, he was informed that a general uprising of the Pueblos against the Spaniards was in progress. With the inability of the missions to provide food during the years of crop failure and give protection against Navajo and Apache raids, a strong yet almost unconscious movement had developed among the Pueblos to revert to their old animistic practices. Since the Church was not alleviating their unhappy condition, they sought solace and refuge in their ancient religious ways. In spite of the restlessness of the Pueblos a direct attack was launched against the trend of reversions to the old pagan practices. In one case a number of San Ildefonso Indians were brought to trial for witchcraft, forty-three were sentenced to be whipped and sold into slavery, and four to be hanged. The hangings and whippings were carried out, but a delegation of seventy men from the pueblo came to Governor Juan Francisco de Trevino with a ransom of "eggs, chickens, tobacco and beans" and 102 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO secured the release of their kinsmen. Among those punished was an Indian called Pope who never forgot or forgave the incident. This was the "final straw that broke the camel's back." From then on the great rebellion was brewing. Pope was the organizer. The final plans for the revolt were formulated at Taos where meetings of the head men of all the northern pueblos were held. On the day appointed the Indians were to seize the arms of the Spanish and put to death all men, women, and children, including the friars. The Villa of Santa Fe was to be cut off from the lower Rio Grande valley. Alliances were formed with the Apache and Manso Indians, who were expected to kill all who escaped the first onslaught. The original date for the uprising was set for August 13, I680, but something caused it to be changed to August I Ith. It actually broke on August Ioth when the Indians learned that word had been given to Governor O'termin that the attack was scheduled for August I3th. At the time there were around three thousand scattered Spanish settlers in New Mexico. About a third of them lost their lives during the uprising. Of the four dozen friars, more or less, in New Mexico during the rebellion, almost half were murdered. All of the churches in the custody were laid in ruin. The Spanish survivors withdrew to El Paso and the Indians were once again masters of their own destiny. They had New Mexico to themselves for the next dozen years. In less than a century the Custody of the Conversion of San Pablo had reached its apogee and fallen to destruction. Desolation came upon the missions. Greed and thirst for power were the causes. How sharply does this all bring Francis' vision into focus: "Possessiveness and acquisitiveness mean a deliberate separation of oneself from others. To pursue wealth and fame is but to place a wall between oneself and one's fellowman. Men continually shut themselves up in prisons of gold; the more they grasp, the more they lose. If one desires to be one must give up to have. Not force, but humility will overcome the world. Peace can not be taught by war, or gentleness by violence, or love by retribution. Devotion to an ideal can never be had by repression and reprisal." CHAPTER IV SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED RETURN AND RESTORATION PANIARDS WERE all either killed or driven from New Mexico during the Great Uprising; all churches and convents with their vestments, fixtures, and archives were destroyed; all material things which suggested "Spaniard" to the Pueblos were eliminated-sheep, cattle, wheat, fruit trees, tools, and utensils. The '%,9 Pueblo land was to be purged of every vestige of Spanish contamination. Castilian speech was forbidden. Christian marriages were annulled. The cleansing process even went so far with the Indians as their trying to "wash off" their baptisms. But they were attempting the impossible. The clock could not be turned back. For a hundred years they had been absorbing Spanish civilization. For four generations they had been under Christian influence. Their thought life and their cultural concepts had been profoundly modified. Those invisible things of mind, heart, and spirit, the realities of life, more enduring than things seen, persisted to disturb their peace. The Indians did not find happiness in their dozen years' respite from Spanish rule. Professor Bloom says, "From what little is known of the period, it was a time of anarchy, strife, and oppression worse than anything experienced under Spanish control" (New Mexico History and Civics, p. I 3). The Spaniards, however, only retired to El Paso and spent the interim preparing for the reconquest. By September, I692, Don Diego de Vargas was at the entrance of Santa Fe demanding that the Indians submit again to Spanish rule. The villa had been taken over by Indians from the Tano pueblos of San Lazaro, San Cristobal, and San Marcos, who had made it into a pueblo for themselves. By inspired tact, patience, and courage, Vargas won the submission of I03 104 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Santa Fe without firing a shot. The campaign journal describes the thrilling scene in the following words: Only the General, the Reverend Father-President, and six soldiers without their harquebuses should come in, so that the people would not get excited. "He who takes no risk to win an immortal name," said the intrepid General in reply to this, "accomplishes nothing"; and so, piously invoking the aid of the Most Holy Mary, he marched in. Santa Fe had been fortified with a wall which had but a single gate guarded by a portcullis and approached by a narrow passageway with several loopholes. Scarcely had the general and his companions entered when the portcullis was dropped behind them. The flat roofs of the houses swarmed with armed Indians. Vargas ordered them to descend and leave their weapons inside their houses. They obeyed, and unperturbed and even with great dignity and composure he went on to the central square with the Father-President and six soldiers. There the Indians had just set up a beautiful cross. This historic event is reenacted annually in the Vargas Pageant of the Santa Fe Fiesta. There is a tradition in Santa Fe today that before going into the town that day in September, 1692, Vargas vowed to the "Blessed Virgin" that a procession and novena of masses should be held annually thereafter in her honor as "Our Lady of Victory" if he were granted a successful and bloodless recapture of the town. Santa Fe was retaken and now each year on the second Sunday after Trinity in keeping of Vargas' vow, the faithful of Santa Fe solemnly walk in the Procession of "Our Lady of Victory" which moves from St. Francis Cathedral to Rosario Chapel, built on the site where tradition says Vargas was encamped. There the novena of masses is said. Don Diego de Vargas, general of the reconquest and governor for two terms (I691-97 and I703-04), is one of New Mexico's immortals. During a vigorous four months' campaign he visited all the pueblos and by diplomacy, as much as by display of force, persuaded all of them to renew their allegiance to the Crown and to the Church. SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED Io5 The Spanish reoccupation began in the fall of I693 with seventeen friars for the missions, one hundred soldiers for the presidios (garrisons), and eight hundred settlers. With them they brought nine hundred cattle and three thousand horses. Two other groups of settlers followed during the next two years. Formal repossession of Santa Fe was taken for the Spanish king on December i6 with appropriate ceremonies in which both the Indians and Spaniards participated. However, the actual reoccupation of the villa was not accomplished without military force and bloodshed. The winter was 1 A CHURCH OF SANTA CRUZ Church of a Re-Conquest Community La Villa Nueva de Santa Cruz de los Espanoles Mexicanos del Rey Nuestro Senor Don Carlos Segundo was founded in 1695 by General Diego de Vargas on the south side of the Santa Cruz River, with sixty families, but was moved to its present site on the north side of the river about 1697. The building of the church shown here was begun about 1733 and continued through a period of some fifteen years. The gabled roof has been superimposed since 900o, but the vigas of the flat roof remain inside. The chapel off the south transept built during the eighteenth century is dedicated to the Third Order of St. Francis. The chapel off the north transept also built during the eighteenth century is dedicated to Nuestra Seiora del Carmen. Io6 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO bad and the Indians did not wish to move until warm weather came in the spring. But neither were the Spaniards very comfortable in their camp on the heights of La Cuma north of Santa Fe. Because of the complaints of the members of the expedition, Vargas decided that they should occupy the public buildings of the villa at once. During the twoday battle to dispossess the Indians, which occurred between Christmas and New Year's, nine Indians were killed. This action caused considerable feeling among the Pueblos. Some even favored a general war against the Spaniards. Two or three battles and several skirmishes were fought before all the pueblos were again brought to submission, in the late fall of 1694. The friars once more took up their mission posts. The Indians, however, were yet to make one last concerted attempt to drive out the Spaniards. This came in the summer of 1696. A few pueblos did not join this uprising: Pecos, San Felipe, Santa Ana, and Zia. The winter of I695-96 had been a hard one with a shortage of food for both Indians and settlers. The Santa Fe incident had not been entirely forgotten. In the spring of I695 Vargas ordered the Galisteo-Tano Indians, who had settled in the lower Santa Cruz valley after the i680 uprising, to move to Chimayo Canyon further up the valley to make room for the new villa of Santa Cruz in which he established one of the groups of Spanish settlers that had been living temporarily in Santa Fe. This dispossessing of the Tano Indians of their lands in the Santa Cruz valley set off the I696 uprising. It was over a year before this revolt could be put down. Five friars and some two dozen Spaniards were killed. The friars who lost their lives were: Antonio Carbonel at Taos; Francisco Corvera at San Ildefonso; Francisco de Jesus Casanas at Jemez; Antonio Moreno at Nambe, and Jose Arbisu at San Cristobal. These brought the number of Franciscan martyrs of New Mexico to about forty. With the turn of the century, life in New Mexico settled down to a hundred years of raw frontier struggle, during which Pueblos and Spaniards alike lived in constant fear of Comanche raids. The old profit motive of the seventeenth century was still dominant in the eighteenth century governors. The public good meant little to them; they were in New Mexico for only a few years. The conditions they left would not affect them much after they returned to Mexico or L iI I (^.-C i J t ~( ~~~~~~~~~~~~'I I I _ w T - I - ~- I f z Ups ~~~~. I ll _w -;; REREDOS OF THE SANTA CRUZ CHURCH A fine example of early "Santero" art. Note especially the two Archangels, at the base, one on either side of the altar, and the "Santa Cruz" of the upper central panel. A number of early canvases, probably imported, have been placed in the other panels. There are many other excellent old canvases preserved in the Santa Cruz Church. Io8 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Spain. Some came deeply in debt and with the idea that here was their chance to recoup their fortunes. The most vicious practice was their trade with the nomadic Indians, especially the Comanches. It is incredible but true that guns, knives, powder, horses, and the like should have been traded to the Comanches who thus became a most formidable foe with up-to-date equipment equal to that of the Spanish presidios. These conditions were disturbing to the missions which the Franciscans, immediately upon their return, had begun to rebuild from the ruins of I680. However, by the middle of the century there were twenty residence missions with perhaps twice that many visitas. The RECONSTRUCTION OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY CHURCH OF SAN MIGUEL Santa F6 Founded during the first half of the seventeenth century, San Miguel is one of the earliest churches in Santa F6. The church was damaged during the Rebellion, repaired after the Re-conquest, and remodeled toward the end of the nineteenth century to its present condition. Painting by Regina Tatum Cooke, W.P.A. Museum Extension Project SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED o09 Hopi, despite many attempts, were never won back to the Church after the great rebellion. To this day, all missionary work among the Hopi Indians has been quite unsuccessful-Catholic and Protestant alike. In addition to the Indian missions, there were the churches at the three villas-Santa Fe, Santa Cruz, and Albuquerque. The latter was established under Governor Francisco Cuervo y Valdez in 1706. The following census of the missions is taken from Custodian Andres Varo's report of 1750: Churches t Santa Fe Pecos Galisteo Tesuque Nambe San Ildefonso Santa Cruz Santa Clara San Juan Picuris Taos Cochiti Santo Domingo San Felipe Santa Ana Zia Jemez Laguna Acoma Zuii Sandia Albuquerque Isleta V'hites Indians 965 570...,I 000.. 350 171 I00 350 68 354 1,205 580 21 272 300 500 90 400 125 540 35 521 300 70 400 I00 6oo I00 6oo 574 528 960. 2,000.... 400 900 200 I00 500 4,170 12,670 Resident Franciscans Manuel Zambrano, Juan Lezaun, Lay-Brother Martinez 3 Joseph Urquijo I Juan de Lavora I Antonio Zamora I Juan de Ercisa I Antonio Gabaldon I Manuel Zopena I Juan Mirabal I Fernando de Estrada I Juan Oronzoro I Agustin de Yniesta I Juan del Pino I Angel Garcia I Miguel Calluela I Pedro Montano I Juan Toledo I Juan Padilla I Ignacio Pino I Juan Hernandez I Juan Fernandez I Joseph Irigoyen Andres Zeballos Carlos Delgado I 25 IiO MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEWI MEXICO At this time the Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul included, in addition to the Upper Rio Grande, the Junta de los Rios District at the mouth of the Conchas River where there were six missions and the El Paso district in which there were five missions. In the latter group was the Church of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe established in I659. It is this Church of Guadalupe that one sees today in Juarez, Mexico, across the Rio Grande from El Paso. In the whole custody at that time there were thirty-five friars of whom two were laybrothers. Twenty-five of them were working in the Upper Rio Grande district. The population in 1750, according to the census of Custodian Andres Varo, was 12,670 Indians and 4,170 whites. The sources concerning eighteenth century New Mexico, as far as the writer has been able to find, do not specifically mention a triennial mission supply service after the I680 uprising. However, something comparable to that of the seventeenth century must have operated during the eighteenth century. Throughout the Spanish period CHURCH OF LAS TRAMPAS SANTO TOM AS AP6STOL (AT FIRST) SAN JOSE DE GRACIA (IN I88r) SAN JOSE Y SANTA MARIA (NOW) A lay-church of an eighteenth century Spanish frontier village. Built around 176I. SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED III the royal sinodos (annual stipends provided to each missionary by the Crown) for the support of the missions were continued. When the Spanish regime came to an end in 1821 with the Mexican Independence the missions fell into desperately hard times because the Crown's supplies no longer came. In 1750 the sinodos amounted to 330 pesos a year for each friar-priest and 230 pesos a year for each lay-brother. These amounts were the same as provided in the seventeenth century. In his report of I749, Custodian Varo says that without the royal sinodos the missionaries could not survive "on account of the extreme poverty and misery of the land." Since money itself meant little in early New Mexico where all exchange was done by barter, the sinodos were paid in supplies from Mexico. Articles of many kinds were included: chocolate, sugar, spices, vestments, tools, wax, wine, oil, ornaments, rosaries, and other needs. Shipments of these goods arrived INTERIOR OF LAS TRAMPAS CHURCH This suggests something of the interior furnishings and decorations of the seventeenth and eighteenth century New Mexico missions. I 12 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO with regularity. It would seem, therefore, that a supply service must have been maintained to the end of the Spanish period. In addition to the annual stipend from the Crown, the missions derived a small revenue from the Spaniards who lived on ranches and who paid the standard obventions charged in that day for marriages, baptisms, burials, masses, etc. These were, of course, paid in kind. The Spaniards bore the same relation to their missions as parishioners to a parish church in ordinary dioceses. (The principal difference between a parish church and a mission church is that the former is supported by its parishioners and the latter is supported by funds provided from outside its membership.) Even though the Indians were not required to pay obventions, they did contribute toward the support of their missions in several ways. It was the custom for them to set aside a field for the support of their missionary, where enough corn, wheat, beans, and squash were planted to supply his needs. Then in weekly shifts the pueblo furnished a number of workers, men and women, to look after the needs of the minister and church. These semnaneros (weekly workers), as they were called, kept the church clean and in repair, assisted in the religious services, prepared food, and kept house for the missionary. One of the documents from the period in question gives an account of the support provided by Nambe pueblo for its missionary. This is perhaps a typical illustration (see Kelly, Franciscan Missions of New Mexico, 1740-I760, p. 2 I): On its spacious fields the Indians sow for the father, their poor minister, three fanegas (about 4 2/3 bushels) [seed] wheat and one almud (perhaps 25 pounds) of [seed] corn, since they pay no obventions at all. By means of these crops the father passes the year in reasonable comfort. They give the minister one boy for the cell, a porter, a bell ringer, two sacristans, three women servants and three men servants each week with wood enough for the ovens. SECULAR INTERLUDE The Franciscan monopoly in New Mexico was threatened at various times during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Even in Oiate's time it will be recalled that efforts were made to permit the I cr. -~ *-alr:T U~ ~,*r i^ ~ ---~~ -? -:~ ----.-. ~: - " — I~` ~I~ -- " ri*.; ce 1-.::I ialr~j SANCTUARIO DE CHIMAYO A chapel of the "Secular Interlude." Built during the early part of the nineteenth century. II4 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Jesuits and the Carmelites to enter New Mexico. About forty years after Onate, Governor Luis de Rosas (1637-1641) sent a protest against having the Church in New Mexico controlled by a single order. He recommended that other orders be allowed an equal place with the Franciscans in the missions. Nothing came of his proposal either. For a time during the middle years of the eighteenth century it looked as if the Jesuits might become established in the province. The great Jesuit missionary, Father Eusebio Kino, did bring Jesuit missions into Sonora, Lower California, and southern Arizona. For a few years (1741-45) the Hopi pueblos were assigned to Jesuits. The protests from the Franciscans were so great that the Hopi were finally returned to them. In 1767 the Jesuits were expelled from Spain and all her colonies. This again left the Franciscans without competition from other orders. During the eighteenth century, Franciscan control was continuously threatened by the Bishop of Durango who wished to extend his jurisdiction over New Mexico. The first inroads from Durango came in 1725. The Franciscans strenuously opposed the bishop; they dreaded the thought of being subordinated to a strange authority after having been autonomous for so long. The secularization of the missions, that is to say, the replacing of Franciscans with secular priests, was a part of the bishop's plan. The object of secularization was to make self-supporting parishes out of the missions. The episcopal pressure from Durango became increasingly stronger during the eighteenth century. Finally, in 1797, the Spanish villas of Santa Cruz, Santa Fe, Albuquerque and El Paso were made into parishes. The Indian missions remained under Franciscan control. At last, however, with the coming of Mexican independence and the consequent loss of royal support, even the Indian missions passed from Franciscan to episcopal control. In 1834 the Mexican congress passed an act requiring the missions to be secularized within four months. By 1840 there were no longer any friars working in the New Mexican Church. From 1540 to I840 more than seven hundred Franciscans had labored in the Pueblo Land. But the secularization of the missions by no means spelled the end of the Franciscans in New Mexico. The second half of the eighteenth century stands as an interlude of unguided lay-Franciscanism between the Spanish and American periods. Long before I680 a I ^ IT v i I I j i I I M; ~~~~~1 ta I I.1 lb 'l -l1, "I I s A a I II I I I AI.u I I H. I JI j i j.I 1d^1. I. t _ w * -C sC id SANCTUARIO DE CHIMAYO Interior Here are seen some of the finest examples of the iconographic art of the "Secular Interlude." II6 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO confraternity of tertiary Franciscans had been established in Santa Fe. The founding of the Third Order of St. Francis was described in Chapter II. In general, Third Orders signify lay members. Almost all the great religious orders had tertiary memberships. The Franciscan Third Order confraternitv of Santa Fe was reestablished upon the reconquest after the uprising of I68o. Another seems to have been established at Santa Cruz. An account of them is said to be given in a report by Custodian Jose Bernal made in I794. (See "Third Order Secular of St. Francis," Catholic Encyclopedia, I909 Edition, Vol. 14, p. 648.) To understand thoroughly what happened in New Mexico during "the secular interlude," a fanatical movement which began in thirteenth century Europe and spread like an epidemic throughout Western Christendom would have to be brought into the picture. This would lead us beyond the scope of this work.* Franciscanism survived the period of secularization. The church in New Mexico passed through a period of deep depression, but the Franciscan spirit lived, and the great order founded by St. Francis was destined to a brilliant restoration. While Bishop Lamy, who came to New Mexico in I 85, was struggling with the reform of the New Mexican Church, a number of Austrian Franciscans, recent immigrants to the United States, were founding the Franciscan Convent and College of St. Francis at Cincinnati. Soon ten convents had been established and had united into the custody of St. John the Baptist with headquarters in Cincinnati. In I885 the custody was raised to provincial status. At the same time four other Franciscan jurisdictions were developing in the United States-the Sacred Heart Province of German Franciscan immigrants with headquarters at St. Louis, Mo.; the Holy Name Province of Prussian and Italian Franciscans with headquarters at Patterson, N. J.; the Immaculate Conception Custody of Italian Franciscan immigrants with headquarters at Buffalo, N. Y.; and a Commissariat of Polish Franciscan immigrants in Wisconsin. *For a further brief discussion of what happened during this "secular interlude" the reader is referred to a short paper by the writer, "Notes on the Relation of the Franciscans to the Penitentes," El Palacio, December, 1941. k I r I ':,' Li THE FRANCISCAN EMBLEM The arm of Christ crossed with arm of St. Francis, portrayed in the "Santero" art of the "Secular Interlude," from the upper central panel of the main reredos in the Sanctuario of Chimay6. II8 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO AMERICAN FRIARS In October, I897, at the request of the Most Rev. Peter Bourgade, Vicar Apostolic, the Cincinnati province accepted a number of missions in New Mexico. Thus the Friars Minor were reestablished after a half-century interlude-but these new friars were American. By I909 Franciscan missionaries were working among the Navajo and at the pueblos of Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe and Jemez. In addition to these missions, Franciscan priests had charge of the parishes of Pefia Blanca, Carlsbad, and Roswell. At present, Franciscan priests have charge of fifteen parishes, two residence missions and eighty-nine visita missions in New Mexico. All told there are now nine Franciscan lay-brothers, forty-three Franciscan friar-priests and one Franciscan bishop working in New Mexico. Their present residence missions and parishes are as follows: Cerrillos (San Jose)-I friar-priest Clovis (Sacred Heart)-2 friar-priests Cuba (Immaculate Conception)-2 friar-priests Farmington (Sacred Heart)-3 friar-priests Gallup (Sacred Heart Cathedral)-i bishop, 7 friar-priests, I lay-brother Jemez Pueblo (San Diego) —3 friar-priests, I lay-brother Laguna Pueblo (San Jose)-2 friar-priests Parkview (San Jose)-2 friar-priests Pena Blanca (Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe)-4 friarpriests, 2 lay-brothers Roswell (St. John Baptist)-i friar-priest San Fidel (San Jose)-2 friar-priests Santa Fe (St. Francis Cathedral)-6 friar-priests, 2 laybrothers Shiprock (Christ the King Mission)-i friar-priest Tohatchi Navajo Mission (Immaculate Conception)-i friar-priest Zufii Pueblo (San Antonio)-i friar-priest, 2 lay-brothers There are now three Third Order Confraternities in New Mexico -one in Las Vegas which is Spanish-speaking with about one hundred members, and two in Santa Fe, one Spanish-speaking with about two hundred members and the other English speaking with about fifty UI Ii 1 tIs ( Ii I f( II I 31!1 ST. FRANCIS As portrayed in "Santero" iconography "Santero" art, a laity expression of religious fervor, reached its apogee during the "Secular Interlude." This example is found in the upper left hand panel of the reredos in the ecclesiastical exhibit of the Museum of New Mexico. I20 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO members. (These figures were supplied by Father Theodosius Meyer, O.F.M., Santa Fe.) The Most Rev. A. T. Daeger, Archbishop of Santa Fe, predecessor of the present Archbishop, was a Franciscan. The strength of the Order in New Mexico today is greater than it was at its peak of the seventeenth century. In Appendix IV will be found a list of all the Franciscans working here at the present time. The great upheaval of I68o, the Pueblo Rebellion, might well have extinguished the Christian faith in New Mexico. On the contrary, it fertilized the soil for the future. The fall of the Old Missions was promptly followed by the planting of new ones, less impressive in size and architecture, but in far greater numbers. Very few communities were left for long without places of worship; poor, unpretending, but serving the spiritual needs of a devout people. One can imagine the emotions of St. Francis if he could come back to earth and look over the thousands of churches that have been built in his name throughout the world-cathedrals made magnificent with the gold of the Americas; diminutive chapels enriched only with the devotion of simple souls to whom Life and the Faith are one. It is a safe guess that on no others in this wide world would his gaze rest with such deep affection as upon the poor sanctuaries of New Mexico, most of them built of the very earth on which they stand by the labor of unpaid worshippers; embellished only with such decorations as could be carved with crude hand-made tools and earthen colors from the native soil. These little plazas display the poverty that was to him the first essential of holiness. These simple people are like the peasant folk of his beloved Assisi-like the "common people" who listened gladly to the "Wayfarer in Galilee." St. Francis cared little for rich cathedrals, such as the one raised above his tomb in the village of his birth. His heart went out to "the poor in spirit." Abraham Lincoln said: "God must'have liked poor people; He made so many of them." Francis of Assisi placed himself upon the level of this vast majority. The adobe chapels of New Mexico are testimonials to the poverty which he preached and practicedpoor in material things but rich in the life of the spirit. He would see here his self-realization. It is not within the scope of this volume to present a catalog of SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED 121 the Franciscan churches and chapels in New Mexico. The group here illustrated will serve to preserve the priceless architectural heritage of the Southwest, and, we hope, serve as a guide for future study. Some of these have disappeared or have been remodeled beyond recognition. All are reproduced from authentic old photographs or from the actual surviving structures. At the ancient Palace of the Governors, in Santa Fe, the paintings by Carlos Vierra, from which these illustrations are taken, may be seen. SANCTUARIES OF TODAY About fifty miles southwest of Albuquerque by airline and fourteen miles south of federal highway sixty-six stands the "Rock of CHURCH OF SAN ESTIVAN Acoma Pueblo Monument to Friar Juan Ramirez who built the church and labored at Acoma for many years, and to Friars Lucas Maldonado and Crist6bal Figueroa who were martyred there in I68o. I22 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Acoma." On the summit of its stone-mesa fortress lies Acoma pueblo and the ancient mission of San Estevan. Acoma was still unconverted at the close of Custodian Perea's first term in I62I, but between I623 and 1626 the first productive missionary work was done and probably during the I630's the church of San Estevan was built. It withstood the Rebellion with only slight damage and survives almost in its original form. In I924 considerable repairs were done to the facade, towers and roof by the Committee for the Preservation and Reconstruction of New Mexico Mission Churches. These repairs were done, however, with care to preserve the original character of the church. CHURCH OF SAN JUAN BAUTISTA San Juan Pueblo We name this a monument to the martyrs of the Great Rebellion, especially Friar Juan de Morales who met death there in i68o. SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVE I23 The identical church shown here may be seen at Acoma today. On September 2, the Fiesta of San Estevan is celebrated with Mass and church procession and a Corn Dance. The Vierra picture of the San Estevan Mission (St. Stephen, king of Hungary) will be found on page 121. The pueblo of San Juan is situated about thirty miles northwest of Santa Fe, one-half mile west from federal highway 285. In 1598 the first Spanish town and capital of New Mexico was located near San Juan. The church built there in the seventeenth century was destroyed during the Pueblo Rebellion of August IO, 1680. In the eighteenth century, the church shown here was erected; and this has been replaced since 9goo. The feast of San Juan Bautista, on June 24, * A~- l 5 -< P~~~~~ x~~~~~I 'a CHURCH OF SAN FELIPE San Felipe Pueblo Monument to Friar Crist6bal de Quifiones, Apostle to San Felipe, builder of the first church there, first decade of the seventeenth century, and to Lay-Brother Jer6nimo de Pedraza, physician who ministered in the hospital at San Felipe for more than half a century and died there in I664. 124 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW7 MEXICO is observed with church and Indian ceremonies. The Vierra picture of San Juan Mission (St. John the Baptist) will be found on page 122. A short distance to the west from federal highway eighty-five, about ten miles north of Bernalillo, the pueblo of San Felipe is located. Here one of the best examples of New Mexico mission architecture survives. The present mission was erected during the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The seventeenth century pueblo and mission stood east of the river and were destroyed in the Rebellion of I68o. There is an annual observance of St. Philip's day on May i. The Vierra picture of San Felipe Mission (St. Philip, Apostle) will be found on page I23. CHURCH OF SAN LORENZO Picuris pueblo Monument to Friar Martin de Arvide, Apostle to Picuris, martyred near Zufii in 1632, and to Friar Matias de Rend6n, martyred at Picuris in I68o during the Great Rebellion, SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED 125 Picuris is located about twenty miles south of Taos, on state highway three. Its first mission was built near the middle of the seventeenth century and was destroyed in the Pueblo Rebellion. The present structure was erected after the Reconquest of I692. On August Io, the feast of St. Lawrence is observed with special ceremony. The Vierra picture of San Lorenzo Mission (St. Lawrence, Deacon and Martyr) will be found on page 124. CHURCH OF NUESTRA SENORA DE LA ASUNCION Zia Pueblo Monument to Friar Bernardo de Marta who labored at Zia for many years and died there in x635. I26 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO W\est of Bernalillo about sixteen miles, to the right of state highway forty-four and on the north side of the Jemez River, is Zia pueblo, whose mission was one of the few to escape complete destruction during the Pueblo Rebellion. The church is one of the finest examples of Franciscan architecture in the Southwest. On August 15 the Fiesta of Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion is celebrated with Mass and church procession and a Corn Dance. The Vierra picture of the Mission of Nuestro Senora de la Asuncion (Our Lady of the Assumption) will be found on page I25. San Ildefonso is about five miles west of Pojoaque off the Santa Fe-Taos highway (state highway sixty-four). The mission established there in I598 was destroyed in the Rebellion of I68o; it was rebuilt t. CHURCH OF SAN ILDEFONSO San Ildefonso Pueblo We name this a monument to the martyrs of the Great Rebellion and especially to Friars Luis de Morales, Antonio Sanchez de Pro, and Francisco de Corvera who met death there-the first two in I68o and the third in I696. SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED 127 following the Reconquest. Several martyrdoms occurred at San Ildefonso. The church one sees today is completely changed in external appearance, due to modern repairs. Within, there are still several fine, old paintings dating from colonial times. The feast day of San Ildefonso is observed on January 23. The Vierra picture of San Ildefonso Mission (St. Ildefonso, Archbishop of Toledo, seventh century) will be found on page I26. The Pueblo of Sandia is situated near the western base of the Sandia Mountains, east of the Rio Grande, about twelve miles north of Albuquerque, on federal highway eighty-five. The mission was founded before 1614. The Indians abandoned Sandia pueblo at the Rebellion CHURCH OF SAN ANTONIO Sandia Pueblo Shrine of the great Friar Estevan de Perea, twice custodian, who founded the mission of Sandia about 16io, labored there for many years, and returned from his other labors to die and be buried there, around x639. 128 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO and migrated to Hopi-land, where they spent approximately sixty years. The structure shown in the Vierra painting was erected by Friar Menchero soon after 1748, and stood until about I875, when it was replaced by the present church, which is dedicated to San Antonio de Padua. On June 13 the feast of San Antonio is celebrated with special ceremony. The Vierra picture of San Antonio Mission (St. Anthony of Padua, Franciscan) will be found on page 127. Established during the early years of the seventeenth century, the mission of San Jeronimo was subjected to attack by the Indians within two years. During the Mexican War, in 1847, the church was used as a fortress by the Mexicans and their Indian allies in an encounter with the United States troops. Today, the remaining sections CHURCH OF SAN JER6NIMO Taos Pueblo Monument to Friar Pedro de Miranda, Apostle to Taos, who labored there for a quarter of a century and met martyrdom in 1639, and to Friars Antonio de Mora, Juan de la Pedrosa and Antonio Carbonel martyred there-the first two in 1680 and the latter in 1696. SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED 129 of wall, together with a remnant of the tower, stand peacefully in the sun amidst the life of a now gentle people. The feast of San Jeronimo is celebrated on September 30 with special ceremonies, preceded by a Sunset Dance by the Indians on the eve of San Jeronimo day. The Vierra picture of San Jeronimo Mission (St. Jerome, Doctor of the Church) will be found on page 128. At the pueblo of Cochiti, located about thirty miles southwest of Santa Fe, just across the Rio Grande to the northwest from Pena Blanca, the present church, here shown, was built during the early eighteenth century. Its roof and portico were repaired in 19Io. On CHURCH OF SAN BUENAVENTURA Cochiti Pueblo We name this a monument to the faithful friars who did not join the desertion of the New Mexico colony in I60o. 130 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO July 14, the Feast of San Buenaventura is observed with a church procession and a Corn Dance. The Vierra picture of San Buenaventura Mission (St. Bonaventure, Franciscan, Cardinal of Albano, Doctor of the Church) will be found on page I29. The pueblo of Laguna is located on federal highway sixty-six, nearly fifty miles west of Albuquerque. Its church, which is shown here, was erected in 1699, and is still in use. It is a fine example of,Pueblo mission architecture. On the interior walls are extensive mural CHURCH OF SAN JOSE Laguna Pueblo We name this a monument to the friars who had the faith and courage to return to New Mexico after the Great Rebellion and re-found the New Mexican Church. SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED I3I paintings. Repairs were made by the Committee for the Preservation and Restoration of New Mexico Missions during the I920's. San Jose day is celebrated on September I9, with ceremonies and widespread trading among the Indians. The Vierra picture of San Jose Mission (St. Joseph, Foster Father of the Christ Child) will be found on page 130. Tesuque lies within ten miles of Santa Fe, north on highway 285. The church shown here has been destroyed. With exception of the sacristy, which has been remodeled into a small chapel, little remains of the former church, San Diego de Tesuque. The feast of San Diego is still observed with special ceremony on November 12. The Vierra picture of San Diego Mission (St. Didacus of Alcala, Franciscan) will be found on page 13 I.... omommr -, —3 1 Y ".. r 7 r:~ CHURCH OF SAN DIEGO Tesuque Pueblo We name this a monument to the martyrs of the Great Rebellion, especially Friar Juan Bautista Pio, who met death there in i680. 132 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO The first missionary work at Santa Clara was done in I598, but by whom is uncertain. There probably was a church there before 1617. The present structure dates from 19I8, and follows rather faithfully the architecture of the original. Santa Clara is three miles south of Espaiola. On August 12, the feast of Santa Clara is celebrated with an Indian dance. The Vierra picture of Santa Clara Mission (St. Clare of Assisi) will be found on page 132. CHURCH OF SANTA CLARA Santa Clara Pueblo We name this a monument to the small group of friars-probably not more than six with only four known for sure-who carried on in the New Mexican Church during the days of low ebb from I607-i609 when the future of the colony was in SANCTUARIES THAT SURVIVED I33 About fifty miles northwest of Albuquerque, and approximately five miles north of San Ysidro, on state highway forty-four, is the pueblo of Jemez. After the Pueblo Rebellion, the Jemez Indians moved from place to place, fearing Spanish reprisal, until they finally settled at their present location around 1710. The present mission, illustrated here, was built during the first quarter of the eighteenth century. On November 12 the annual feast day of San Diego is held. The Vierra picture of San Diego Mission (St. Didacus of Alcala, Franciscan) will be found on page I33. CHURCH OF SAN DIEGO Jemez Pueblo We name this a monument to the friars who met martyrdom among the JemezDiego de San Lucas in 1639 or I640, Juan de Jes6s in 16So and Francisco de Jes6s in 1696. T34 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO West of Bernalillo about eleven miles, on the north side of the Jemez River across from state highway forty-four, lies Santa Ana pueblo. It is not certain that the present site of Santa Ana is identical with that of the pre-Rebellion pueblo. A small church with a resident friar is recorded for Santa Ana in 1706. This church was rebuilt in 1734, and in I8oS was said to be in fair condition. In 1927 the Santa Ana church was repaired by the Committee for the Preservation and Restoration of New Mexico Mission Churches. It stands as a fine example of New Mexico mission architecture. On July 26, the Fiesta of Santa Ana is celebrated at the pueblo. The Vierra picture of Santa Ana Mission (St. Anne, Mother of Our Lady) is shown below. pib,:;:5: r *&Cf r..1 CHURCH OF SANTA ANA Santa Ana Puehlo We name this a monument to the several friars who served as Procurators-General of the mission supply caravan service, upon whose faithfulness and efficiency the well-being of the whole New Mexico mission program depended. CHAPTER V RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS N THE PRECEDING chapters, the beginning of the great Franciscan movement has been described and its progress followed from the Umbrian Hills of Italy to the valleys and mesas of the American Southwest. With Francisco Vazquez de Coronado (1540-42) and with every succeeding expedition came the brown-robed friars, dauntless Soldiers of the Cross to whose zeal we X owe the Mission Monuments of New Mexico. For convenience in making known the Franciscan Missions, we have described in Chapter IV, especially \ for the benefit of those who may become more than usually interested in the subject, what we have called V \\"Sanctuaries that Survived." These churches are, for the most part, still in use, and preserve the architectural and religious traditions of the Franciscans. The purpose of this chapter will be to describe at some length the greater outposts which I have called the Archaic Group, consisting of the ruined churches at Pecos, Quarai, Abo, Gran Quivira, Jemez, and Acoma, that has never fallen into complete decay. These Missions were a century and a half old when the California Missions were started. PECOS Best known of all these venerable ruins is Pecos on the easternmost frontier of the Pueblo country. Our first description of this historic place is that of Pedro de Castaneda, historian of the Coronado expedition. One may want to read it in his own words. The following is from Winship's translation (Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, No. 14, p. 523). I35 I36 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Cicuye (Pecos) is a village of nearly five hundred warriors, who are feared throughout that country. It is square, situated with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder. There are corridors going all around it at the first two stories, by which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these. The houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The village is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of water inside, which they are able to divert. The people of this village boast that no one has been able to conquer them, and that they conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are like those of the other villages. The great mission at Pecos dates from around I617. The earliest Anglo description of Pecos is that of Lt. Col. W. H. Emory with the advance guard of the Army of the West, 1846-47. It is especially valuable as an illustration of the myth-making that usually enshrouds historic places. Pecos, once a fortified town, is built on a promontory or rock, somewhat in the shape of a foot. Here burned, until within seven years, the eternal fires of Montezuma, and the remains of the architecture exhibit, in a prominent manner, the engraftment of the Catholic Church upon the ancient religion of the country. At one end of the short spur forming the terminus of the promontory, are the remains of the estufa, with all its parts distinct; at the other are the remains of the Catholic church, both showing the distinctive marks and emblems of the two religions. The fires from the estufa burned and sent their incense through the same altars from which was preached the doctrine of Christ. Two religions so utterly different in theory, were here, as 1 ~ - -- n panfr A^ - Em *i'^, -Ijy, - r-n - -l $ - A, [,.,,-.4 n fi ' * t * | - ' C 1,! H * *r i^^ - r.'^ T' |%? (C ~ ~B ~my~, 51^ * *: -.. '*-. i* i ii',.~ *!v* n '"~~*::*.~ 1 *Ci rllI ~ * 4-: IIl rC::- J ' —, 4, * -'W J,4 < Aec~Y~h,, \,~. s,..,,,__";_aj>,< j RUIN OF PECOS CHURCH AND MONASTERY As it appeared at the middle of the nineteenth century. I38 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO in all Mexico, blended in harmonious practice until about a century since, when the town was sacked by a band of Indians. Amidst the havoc of plunder of the city, the faithful Indian managed to keep his fire burning in the estufa; and it was continued till a few years since-the tribe became almost extinct. Their devotions rapidly diminished their numbers, until they became so few as to be unable to keep their immense estufa (forty feet in diameter) replenished, when they abandoned the place and joined a tribe of the original race over the mountains, about sixty miles south. There, it is said, to this day they keep up their fire, which has never yet been extinguished. The labor, watchfulness, and exposure to heat consequent on this practice of their faith, is fast reducing this remnant of the Montezuma race; and a few years will, in all probability, see the last of this interesting people. The accompanying sketches will give a much more accurate representation of these ruins than any written descriptions. The remains of the modern church, with its crosses, its cells, its dark mysterious corners and niches, differ but little from those of the present day in New Mexico. The architecture of the Indian portion of the ruins presents peculiarities worthy of notice. Both are constructed of the same materials: the walls of sundried brick, the rafters of well-hewn timber, which could never have been hewn by the miserable little axes now used by the Mexicans, which resemble, in shape and size, the wedges used by our farmers for splitting rails. The cornices and drops of the architrave in the modern church, are elaborately carved with a knife. With the advent of Adolf Bandelier to the Southwest in I880, as the representative of the Archaeological Institute of America, the authentic historical study of Pecos begins. It was the first piece of actual field work that this great ethno-historian was privileged to undertake. In his report to the Institute, "A Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins in the Valley of the Rio Pecos," dated at Santa Fe, September 17, I880, we have the following description. About thirty miles to the south-east of the city of Santa Fe, and in the western sections of the district of San Miguel (New Mexico), the upper course of the Rio Pecos traverses a broad valley, extending RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I39 in width from east to west about six or eight miles, and in length from north-west to south-east from twenty to twenty-five. Its boundaries are, -on the north and north-east, the Sierra de Santa Fe, and the Sierra de Santa Barbara, or rather their southern spurs; on the west a high miesa or table land, extending nearly parallel to the river until opposite or south of the peak of Bernal; on the east, the Sierra de Tecolote. The altitude of this valley is on an average not less than six thousand three hundred feet, while the mesa on the right bank of the river rises abruptly to nearly two thousand feet higher; the Tecolote chain is certainly not much lower, if any; and the summits of the high Sierras in the north rise to over ten thousand feet at least. [This is the lowest height of the peaks seen from the valley. Some of the other tops are much higher yet. The altitude of Santa Fe Baldy, for instance, exceeds twelve thousand feet.] The Rio Pecos (which empties into the Rio Grande fully five degrees more to the south, in the State of Texas) hugs, in the upper part of the valley, closely to the mountains of Tecolote, and thence runs almost directly north and south. The high mesa opposite, known as the Mesa de Pecos, sweeps around in huge semicircles, but in a general direction from north-west to south-east. The upper part of the valley, therefore, forms a triangle, whose apex, at the south, would be near San Jose: whereas its base-line at the north might be indicated as... from the Rio Pecos, east of the town, to the foot of the mesa on the west, a length of over six miles. Nearly in the centre of this triangle, two miles west of the river... there rises a narrow, semicircular cliff or mesilla, over the bed of a stream known as the Arroyo de Pecos. The southern end of this tabular cliff (its highest point as well as its most sunny slope) is covered with very extensive ruins, representing, as I shall hereafter explain, three distinct kinds of occupation of the place by man. These ruins are known under the name of the Old Pueblo of Pecos. In another essay on Pecos, Bandelier says: 0 Casteieda describes this pueblo so well and truly that when, after completing the measurement of the ruins in September, I880, I restored the plans and afterward wrote them out, I perceived with astonishment that they exactly repeated the picture which the Spanish 14o MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO soldier had sketched three hundred years before. He was but little wrong even in his estimate of the population of Pecos-Cicuye. Five hundred warriors represent among the Village Indians eighteen hundred inhabitants of all ages and both sexes. In the year 1630 Pecos contained "over a thousand souls," in I689 about two thousand. The latter number might easily, according to the plans, have been accommodated within the village, for it was the largest pueblo that New Mexico contained in the sixteenth century, or afterward. Again in his ".. Ruins in the Valley of the Rio Pecos," he tells of what had been happening to the ruins of the grand old mission church. Mrs. Kozlowski (wife of a Polish gentleman, living two miles south on the arroyo) informed me that in 1858, when she came to her present home with her husband, the roof of the church was still in I. I. I i 10.( 4 _, - d.. I -., -.-W d RUIN OF PECOS CHURCH As it appeared during the early years of the present century. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I41 existence. Her husband tore it down, and used it for building outhouses; he also attempted to dig out the corner-stone, but failed. In general, the vandalism committed in this venerable relic of antiquity defies all description. It is only equalled by the foolishness of those who, having no other means to obtain immortality, have cut out the ornaments from the sculptured beams in order to obtain a surface suitable to carve their euphonious names. All the beams of the old structure are quaintly, but still not tastelessly, carved; there was... much scroll-work terminating them. Most of this was taken away, chipped into uncouth boxes, and sold, to be scattered everywhere. Not content with this, treasure-hunters, inconsiderate amateurs, have recklessly and ruthlessly disturbed the abodes of the dead. 0 I first came under the spell of old Pecos in I897, and have so continued down to the present time. I had the use of the considerable extant literature on the place, and the incalculable advantage of intimate personal acquaintance with the last survivors of that once virile people, and of numerous descendants of the little group that held out at Pecos until 1838, now living at the pueblo of Jemez, so I am able to add to the accepted documentary history a good deal in the way of information from first hand sources of the most useful sort. In Landm-iarks of New Mexico (Hewett and Mauzy, University of New Mexico Press), will be found the following brief statement: The aboriginal Indian town of Pecos was one of the largest in the Southwest. It was visited by Coronado, and from here he started, in May, I541, on his exploration of the Great Plains. Pecos was at the gateway to the "country of the Cows (Buffaloes)." It was the point of departure for the tribal hunting expeditions of the Rio Grande Pueblos. Hunters brought their families this far, and left them for weeks, while they garnered meat from the plains. Pecos became a great Indian trading center. The visitors brought pottery, belts, and cotton fabrics, even made pottery while sojourning there. This was good stuff for barter with the Plains Indians, who offered buffalo hides, bead and feather work. They likewise learned ceremonies from one another. War and hunting dances of the Kiowa, Pawnee, and Co I42 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO manche are still performed in the pueblos. No other pueblo contributed so much to interchange of culture as did Pecos. Pecos church, with its adjacent monastery, dedicated to Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Porciuncula, dates from the year I617, one hundred fifty-two years before the first California mission was founded. It was a large adobe structure, whose walls ranged up to five feet thick. Heavy roof beams and artistically carved corbels gave distinction to the interior. Pecos was abandoned in i838, having been reduced by disease and hostile raids to only seventeen survivors. These joined their kin at the pueblo of Jemez, where they made a good come-back, and now constitute a large section of the pueblo (over 250). The ruins of Pecos were partially excavated by Andover Academy, from 1915 to 1925. The large south wing has been recently excavated and repaired by the School. The wall which inclosed the RUIN OF PECOS CHURCH AND MONASTERY During the recent excavation and repair work. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS 143 pueblo, the only one of its kind that has been found among the pueblos, has been rebuilt on the old foundations. The church has been repaired and the monastery uncovered. The site is now a state monument, owned by the School, Museum, and University. In my Ancient Life il the Amrerican Southwest (Bobbs-Merrill Company, Indianapolis), quoted by permission, I gave a more extended, though very general, account of Pecos. ~* Pecos became known to the Coronado Expedition in 1540-1542. The pueblo then contained from two thousand to two thousand five hundred inhabitants, and was one of the strongest of Pueblo villages then in existence. It consisted of two great dwellings, built on the terraced plan, each four stories high and containing, respectively, 585 and 5 7 rooms. The town figures prominently in the annals of the Coronado expedition. Two priests remained there to introduce Christianity when Coronado began his march back to Mexico. Fray Luis Descalona, or de Escalona, established there the first mission planted in New Mexico, but he was killed probably before the close of I542. There is then a hiatus of forty years in its documentary history. Antonio de Espejo visited Pecos in 1583, Castafo de Sosa in 1590-9I, and Juan de Oniate in I598, the last mentioned naming the pueblo Santiago. At this time Fray Francisco de San Miguel was assigned to administer to the spiritual welfare of the community as well as to that of the Vaquero Apaches of the eastern plains and the pueblo dwellers in the Salinas to the south, but it is not likely that Pecos ever became his residence. Juan de Dios, a lay-brother of Ofiate's colony, was the next missionary to live at Pecos, where he is said to have learned the language, but he probably returned to Mexico in 60 I. The great mission church, the ruins of which have for nearly a century formed such an imposing landmark on the old Santa Fe Trail, was erected about 1617. Pecos held its own up to the end of the eighteenth century. Its decline, once started, was rapid; the Comanche scourge and the "great sickness" worked speedy destruction. In 1840 the town became entirely extinct and Pecos lost its identity. 144 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO I At the village of Jemez, sixty miles in an air-line westward from Pecos, the last survivor of Pecos Pueblo lived well into the present century. This man, known in his native tongue as Se-sa-fwe-yah, and bearing the baptismal name of Agustin Pecos, was, when I knew him, a well-preserved Indian of about eighty years. There are now living at Jemez a number of Indians of Pecos blood, but Agustin Pecos had the distinction of being "the last leaf on the tree" when we speak of the Pecos as a tribal society, the tribe having ceased to exist in fact in 1838. Agustin was born at Pecos and believed himself to have been from twelve to fifteen years of age when the pueblo was abandoned. He returned several times to the home of his ancestors, and his memory seemed perfectly clear. He was a very honest and intelligent Indian and proud of the history of his people. The next to the last survivor of the Pecos died at Jemez in the fall of 1902. This was Zu-wa-ng, baptized Jose Miguel Pecos, uncle RECONSTRUCTION OF PECOS MISSION Nuestra Sefiora de Los Angeles de Porciuincula Monument to Friars Luis de Escalona and Fernando de Velasco who met martyrdom there, the former about 1542, the latter in 168o, and to the unknown friar, its builder, who may have been Diego Ortega. This great church was probably built during Friar Perea's first term as custodian (I617-21). Painting by Regina Tatum Cooke, W.P.A. Museum Extension Project RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I45 of Agustin and probably from ten to fifteen years his senior. Jose Miguel was a young man when Pecos was abandoned; he was an excel. lent traditionist, possessed a keen memory, treasured his tribal history, and was ready to give information to those who gained his confidence. Most of my traditionary material on Pecos was obtained from Jose Miguel and Agustin, and from Pablo Toya, son of the last governor of the pueblo, born at Jemez after the abandonment of Pecos; a man who was a real historian. In the Castaneda narrative Pecos is known as Cicuye. This is probably the name by which it was known to the people of Tiguex, the village on the Rio Grande from which the Spaniards proceeded to Pecos, where lived a people who spoke the Tiwa language. It would be natural for the historian of the expedition to use the name learned at Tiguex, where Coronado's army had been in winter quarters. The people of Isleta, who speak the Tiwa dialect and who doubtless embrace in their community some who are direct descendants from Tiguex, give Sikuye as one of their names for Pecos. The Pecos people call themselves Pe-kush. The area occupied by the Pecos pueblo was small, embraced within the narrow confines of the Pecos Valley, extending from northwest to southeast for a distance of about forty miles, or from about five miles above the ruins of the pueblo, to the present Mexican settlement of Anton Chico. Their territory nowhere exceeded ten miles in width and had an average width of about five miles. Their situation was economically strong; their land was productive, their water supply ample, and their proximity to the buffalo country gave them articles of trade much in demand by the tribes farther west. During a long period of peace they could not fail to prosper. But their geographical position was such as to afford little security from the predatory tribes. These depredations began before the coming of the Spaniards. The traditions of Pecos point to incessant strife with the Comanches, who made their appearance in New Mexico with the dawn of the eighteenth century. The story of the decay of Pecos has been told many timesbest of all by Bandelier. The traditions of the "great sickness" which reduced the tribe to desperate straits early in the nineteenth century 146 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO and finally led to the abandonment of the village, have been fairly well verified. The traditionists at Jemez agreed in stating that on the day of leaving Pecos the tribe consisted of seven men, seven women and three children. They fix the date of abandonment by declaring it to have been the year following the murder of Governor Albino Perez. As that event occurred in August, 1837, the abandonment of Pecos may be definitely fixed at 1838. Thus passed the last of the frontier strongholds. For detailed archaeological studies on the pueblo of Pecos, the works of Dr. A. V. Kidder and his collaborators, published by Yale University Press, are definite and authoritative. All who are interested in the results of these extensive excavations should read these publications, which embody the work done under Dr. Kidder's direction extending over a number of years. THE SALINE COUNTRY The articles on the country and missions of Quarai, Abo, Tabira* and Jemez,t by Paul A. F. Walter, are classic and could hardly be improved upon as a description for the general reader. They are given in abridged form below. Deceptive is the country of the abandoned Saline Pueblos. Viewed from the slopes of the Manzanos on a spring morning or in late summer after the rains, it seems a veritable paradise. In a sand storm dense enough to shroud the alkali lakes or during a blizzard that hides the massive mountains it is a land with cruel fangs, in which man is heavily handicapped in battling against climatic vicissitudes. Human wave upon wave has swept across the valley to the very top of the lofty western ramparts only to be beaten back again and again by * At the time when Mr. Walter wrote his article on the Saline Pueblos, "The Cities That Died of Fear" (School of American Research, Paper No. 35, 19I6), students of New Mexico history followed Bandelier in calling the pueblo now popularly named Gran Quivira (Gran Quivira National Monument) Tabira. Dr. George Kubler believes he has found evidence that the Pueblo of the Gran Quivira Monument was not that called Tabiri but the pueblo of Humanas. See his article, "Gran Quivira-Humanas," New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XIV (1939), pp. 418-42I. t Mr. Walter's article on Jemez was published in El Palacio, Vol. XI, pp. 13-22 (July, 1921). RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS 147 relentless nature. Even now, science and skill are combining to reclaim this magic domain, but the outcome hangs in the balance. Upon nearer acquaintance, one discovers it to be a country of sudden and sullen moods, a land of an infinite variety of expression, a region of contrasts and of weirdness, a mountain-locked basin whose story has never been fully tcld. The Spaniards arrived in the nick of time to flash upon the pages of written history a passing impression of the last Pueblo occupants, the Piros and the Tiguas. Less than a hundred years after the first pale-face invaders had sighted the house pyramids in the Manzanos, these had crumbled and became "The Cities That Were Forgotten," so glowingly pictured by C. F. Lummis in The Land of Poco Tiempo.* Romance with more than customary haste, enveloped them in the haze of mystery until they became a sort of Fata Morgana that lured treasure hunters across the seas from as far as Brazil and France, as well as from regions nearby where people should have known better. It remained for Adolph F. A. Bandelier to separate the truth from the fiction, and with the keen analysis of a born and trained investigator, to bare some of the innermost-secrets of the communities that succumbed because their very preparedness and thrift attracted the less provident rovers of the plains. But even the critical Bandelier and the cynical Lummis have not dispelled all of the mystery nor destroyed all of the romance that clings about the Saline Pueblos. To this day, the ruins of Abo, Quarai and Tabira inspire awe and are counted among the most striking landmarks of the Southwest. No one, as yet, knows how and when they were founded nor much of their story before the coming of the Spaniards. The Estancia Valley, situated just a little north of the geographical center of New Mexico, is included in the land of the Saline Pueblos, for it is there that the salt lakes that gave the name to the mountain towns are located. This region is bounded on the west by the imposing and beautiful Manzano mountains, the main feature of the landscape for many miles. These are connected with the geologically remarkable Sandia range by low, wooded ridges, and on the south with the Gallinas, by a series of tablelands and hills, also densely timbered. But * Each was a self-governing, independent commonwealth, compact and fortified; a republic within walls; and as such they seem more fitly entitled "cities," with due insistence upon the special limitations of the word here.-Lummis. Hewett rejects the term "cities." I48 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO few passes give ingress to the valley from the west, those most traveled being Abo and Tijeras, and next to these, Hell Canyon, which lies between them. Toward the north rise the San Ysidro, San Pedro, and Ortiz ranges, sloping down to the Galisteo Divide, the natural boundary between the Tano pueblos of the Galisteo basin and the domain of the Tigua and Piro of the Salines. The eastern ramparts, the Cerrito del Lobo, and farther south, the Pedernal and Las Animas hills, with Rattlesnake Peak, have to the west of them the curious salt and alkali lagoons, well-nigh impassable moats, as inhospitable a barrier as is to be found in the Southwest. To the south lie the Gallinas hills, with but few springs and with long distances to the brackish underground waters. Viewed from a distance, the western hills and mountains, attaining their greatest elevation in the Sandias and Manzanos, piercing the clouds at an altitude of io,6oo feet, are alluringly blue and well proportioned in outline. The rarity of the atmosphere makes them seem more distant than they are. Approaching their pine and cedar-clad slopes,- they appear still more inviting, the country of the foothills laughing with wild flowers and verdure. But starting from the densely wooded mountain flanks and traveling toward the east, nature assumes a grimmer and grimmer aspect, until finally the heaps of bones of livestock that has perished for lack of water become more frequent and human habitations fewer, as the forbidding shores of the alkaline and salt lakes, with their mirages and bitter waters are approached. South of these, lagoons fill crater-like bowls on the plains, for all the world like cups set there by Titans at play, while others stretch for miles and miles in shallow mazes, to the west. The lakes shimmer delusively in the sun or moonlight, no matter from which direction one approaches. Archaeologically, it is only the foothill region that is of interest. Little consecutive scientific work has been done here. In fact, investigations have not gone beyond desultory reconnaissances. To the north, in the Galisteo basin, however, as well as at Pecos and in the Pajarito, still farther north, archaeologists have excavated extensively, have made a fairly complete and accurate survey of shrines, mounds and community and small houses, and have classified, in part, the evidences of human occupations from earliest times to the present. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I49 But in the Saline region there are still to be found in isolated canyons, ancient ruins, shrines and pictographs that have never been mapped or recorded, and are being reported from time to time by sheepherders, or by the occasional traveler on the remote by-ways of the state. While no epoch-making discoveries are likely to be made in this region, it is probable that intensive archaeological research will be rewarded with interesting material, for it is there that the old Pueblo culture was thrust farthest eastward and was in constant contact with the Plains Indians of the Southwest. Except on the slopes of the Manzanos and Sandias, this entire region is without perennial streams. From a few springs in the mountains, rivulets make a brave attempt to reach the valley but they disappear before they have trickled very far. Dry water courses fill with rushing waters during or after heavy storms which at times sweep with great violence over the Estancia Valley, but the torrents sink into the porous soil within a few hours. After the winter's snows or during the rainy season, water holes fill up and shallow lagoons dot the landscape, but outside of the alkali lakes there are no permanent reservoirs, and in years of drought the alkali and salt lakes, too, disappear, leaving the glistening white lake-beds baking in the sun. Not until recent years was permanent settlement attempted in the Estancia Valley itself. In ancient times, the permanent habitations were along the rim on the slope, while the country in between was tenantless. As far as known, there are no prehistoric mounds in the basin, but only in the canyons and foothills that spread out from it in all directions. Today, two railroads cross the valley and a third skims along its southern edge, while settlements have sprung up along these railroads, especially at Estancia, Willard, and Mountainair, where the subterranean water table comes very near to the surface. At Estancia, as well as at Antelope Springs and at Manzano, springs fed by the underground drainage from the Manzano mountains spout to the surface. Why no settlements were made at the former two points in ancient times, is difficult to explain, except that both sites are much exposed to attacks from any and every direction and the Pueblos preferred to build either in the less accessible canyons or on the more easily defended hilltops. I5o MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO QUARAI Just beyond the settlement called Punta de Agua around the bend of the road eight miles north of Mountainair, is Quarai with its fine mission church ruins, visible for miles as one approaches the mountains from the east or the south. Considering their vicissitudes and the ruthlessness of treasure hunters, the walls are well preserved. No matter from which side one looks upon the ruin, it is one of striking beauty. The most impressive view, however, is from the top of the mound under which are the ruins of the ancient pyramid pueblo. From thence one looks through and over the broken walls far beyond to the Pedernal hills, while cottonwoods and timbered crests form a charming frame for the sanctuary. The main walls still stand almost forty feet high and are a dark red and brown color, being constructed altogether of thin fragments of sandstone. The foundations of the convent are almost level with the surface but the outline of this structure, which adjoined the church on the east, is still well defined. Of course, there are heaps of fallen stone and rubbish inside and outside of the walls and abundant evidences of gophering by deluded treasure hunters. Southwest of the main pueblo lies a meadow, partly swamp land, from which gush forth springs watering a cottonwood grove that makes an ideal camp ground and picnic park. On the edge of it, toward the main pueblo, is situated what appears to be the most ancient of the ruins in this locality, which a few years ago was partly excavated and trenched by tie School of American Archaeology. It was a round community building, resembling Tyuonyi in the Rito de los Frijoles Canyon of the Pajarito Park, west of Santa Fe. It yielded a number of fine pottery specimens and artifacts pointing to a long pre-Spanish occupation. From close against the outer wall twenty-two human skeletons were taken. Some additional excavating has been done here in recent years. The springs in the cottonwood grove furnish the water supply for Punta de Agua, which owes its name to them. They are the natural explanation for the occupation of the site in ancient times. Still farther up the hillside, a distance of about three miles, there are more springs, yielding a more abundant supply of water. The panoramic views to be obtained from this higher location are magnificent. Still ~ ii I as 11*. J - O 4h A> ' _-.'...t ' -' l*Bi^(^**;- I rl-..t^^^^ ~o~,~~u;r v*., 77"~~n~;z ~; ~.i~,;.r ~ ili~(( b pF~~*b~~k~ l)~~:~jr~Lld* ~ll~-!I iii 11~0.;~ A e -. 1 RUIN OF QUARAI CHURCH As it appeared during the early years of the present century. Distant view looking at front. L2'm RUIN OF QUARAI CHURCH As it appeared during the early years of the present century. Close-up view looking through the break which was the front door. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I 53 farther beyond, at a considerable elevation, are extensive fields, cultivated in ancient times. For the brief time that Quarai, or Cuara (Curai, Cuaray, Coarac, Cuarac), figures in the Spanish annals, it was an important outpost. It was a Tigua pueblo. The large church was dedicated to the Immaculate Conception, says Bandelier, basing his statement upon Vetancurt. The conversion of Quarai is ascribed to Fray Esteban de Perea, between 1617 and i630, but most probably in 1628. Bandelier had in his possession the original of two short notes written by Fray Juan de Salas to Governor Alonzo Pacheco de Heredia, dated "de este Pueblo de Qoarac," September 24 and 28, I643. Among its missionaries was Fray Geronimo de la Llana, I659.... In I669, Quarai was still inhabited, but in I671 Indians from Quarai were married at El Paso del Norte by Fray Garcia de San Francisco. The road to the Salines was then blocked by Apaches and it is possible that some of the pueblos were already abandoned. It is certain, anyway, that Quarai was abandoned before I680, and that its people found refuge at first at Tajique and then drifted to El Paso. When the people of Isleta del Sur, just below El Paso, are asked whence their forefathers came, many of them pointed to the north in reply, saying "From Quarai"! Bandelier, undoubtedly, was right when he declared that the Apaches were responsible for the abandonment of the Saline pueblos. This was a valid explanation for the concentration order by the Spaniards, but was given probably as much for their own security as that of the Pueblos. There were, no doubt, contributing causes,-the drying up of springs, sickness, epidemics, such as that which in comparatively recent times caused the abandonment of Pecos, or a period of drouth,-which, together with frequent raids by Apaches, combined to facilitate the task of persuading the Indians to take up their residence with their kinsmen in the Rio Grande Valley. Bandelier tells of an alliance between the Quarai and the Apaches, and the Spaniards no doubt felt more at ease to have the several thousand Saline Pueblos gathered in centers where the Spanish civil and ecclesiastical authorities had the support of a fairly adequate military force and had easier access to the base of supplies in Mexico, the direct road from the Salines to El Paso being infested by Apaches. IS4 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Despite the statement of Bandelier that the Saline Pueblos had no defensive works and were not well situated for repelling attacks, the present day visitor is impressed with the natural strength of their location and the fact that Quarai, for instance, was a walled town just as was Pecos. The encircling wall of the former was located and RUIN OF QUARAI CHURCH AND MONASTERY During the recent excavation and repair. mapped by the School of American Archaeology. There are traces of at least partial circumvallation also at Tabira. There is no evidence that the Pueblos were driven out of the Saline villages by Apache attacks, except, perhaps, at Tajique. The abandonment was apparently voluntary and peaceable, inspired by fear of further attacks like those experienced in the past, rather than by any immediate danger. The Pueblos no doubt carried with them the things they treasured and there is no sign of pillage except by RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I 5 5 modern vandals, and no appearance of conflagration or sudden destruction, despite the rather persistent tradition of volcanic and seismic destruction in this region. Bandelier gives us a graphic description of Quarai, saying: "Quarai is among the few picturesque sites in New Mexico that deserve the epithet of lovely. Situated almost on the southwestern edge of the dismal salt lakes, it is separated from them by wooded hills, while to the west and northwest the valley of Manzano and the mountains beyond are in full view. The red sandstone formation of the rocks that crop out in the neighborhood is in pleasant contrast with the sombre green of the trees and shrubbery covering the hills. I saw Quarai several times, always in winter and under the most unfavorable circumstances, and yet carried away with me a vivid impression of its singular beauty." What would he have said had he seen Quarai as it appeared in the early days of July of this year? The site was carpeted with wild flowers in glowing colors. The splendid cottonwood grove cast dense shadows upon the green turf beneath it. From the meadow came the trill of the meadow lark, flocks of birds rose from the rushes, and water fowl ran along the bank of the stream. The kivas which Bandelier could not find were clearly outlined by purple verbena in the court that separated two wings of the community house, occupying a considerable portion of the narrow patio. The mounds rose above one another in tiers to the highest point, where the structure reaches the third or fourth story. Europe may boast of its castle ruins and California of its missions, but one will seek vainly elsewhere in the United States to find ruins more appealing, more redolent of romance and wonder than Quarai on a summer's day. Let the imagination revert to the past! Let it reconstruct the huge pyramid house of red sandstone, the roofs thronged with a people whose culture is rooted in the dim past. Let it reconstruct the beautiful mission and its content as they were reared across the wide natural pass that gave ingress to the little republic, a domain of romantic charm. Watch the procession led by the somberly-clad Franciscan padre, attended by acolytes, followed by dark-skinned warriors and gaily clad women, the latter carrying their children on their backs, all wending their way to the church. Then listen to the chant and 156 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO orisons ascending to the Supreme Master Builder. As the sun crosses the meridian, keep your eyes upon the kivas. Observe how out of the kiva of the summer people and that of the winter people emerge the men in their ceremonial gorgeousness, to fling themselves with abandon into one of those wild, throbbing dances into which they pour their hopes and prayers, a poetic rite that was the heritage of generations of men who had seen visions and found a way to express them in rhythmic motion. Suddenly there is an outcry of terror. Despite the watchfulness of the outposts in the hills, of the guards on the rooftops, the Apaches,-the Red Death-had crept upon the community. There is a brief clash of conflict, the shriek of fury, the moan of the dying. Before resistance is completely organized, the invaders are gone RECONSTRUCTION OF QUARA.I MISSION La Purisima Concepci6n Monument to Friar Estevan de Perea who founded the mission at Quarai and was its resident missionary from i630 to I639 when he initiated and oversaw the building of the church. Before going to Quarai he had already served two terms as custodian of New Mexico. While here he retained the office of commissary of the Holy Office of the Inquisition, to which he had been named as Friar Alonso de Benavides' successor in 1628. At the end, however, he returned to his old mission of Sandia to die and be buried. Painting by Regina Tatum Cooke, W.P.A. Museum Extension Project RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I57 again, carrying with them women and children, leaving a trail of blood, driving off the animals in the fields, tramping down the crops. Then comes sunset, the night and moonlight. More romantic picture human eyes never beheld as the fires blaze up, but above them is heard the mourning of those who have been bereft, the wail of the women for their dead. Is it a wonder that painter and writer are coming to the Southwest where they find intact, historic settings for such episodes? Where every boulder cries out a thrilling story and every hilltop has its shrine? Where there are ruins dimmed by age and hallowed by mystery and beauty? Where the recorded facts of the archives are as colorful as legends and tradition of the Ancients? And all under skies as blue as the bluest of Castile, under a sun as bright as that of Tangiers! Bandelier continues his description: "Above the low mounds of the former pueblo rises the stately ruin of the old church, a massive edifice of stone, the walls of which are still at least fifteen feet high and four feet thick. It measures 50 by I04 feet and had two towers on the eastern facade. All the woodwork of the interior has been burned. The convent is reduced to indistinct foundation lines measuring 49 by 58 feet. The pueblo is built of sandstone slabs, and the walls have the usual thickness of io to 12 inches. The average size of a dozen rooms which I could measure was I I by 14 4 feet. The pueblo formed at least three squares, surrounded by the usual large buildings. I am not sure as to the existence of estufas, and deep snow filled every depression, and covered the mounds with a layer at least a foot deep. But on a second visit, when there was less snow on the ground, I think I noticed traces of a circular estufa. On the same occasion I also had an opportunity of examining the manufactured objects. The prevailing pottery, and potsherds of the ancient black and white and corrugated varieties, were exclusively represented on the top of a hill at the southern extremity of the pueblo ruins. This locality, with pottery so distinct from that on the other mounds, and still not farther than twenty meters from the last of them, looked as if small houses had formerly stood on it. Much flint and small obsidian was scattered over the mounds indiscriminately. "Quarai is credited with having six hundred inhabitants, and I I58 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO should not consider this to be an exaggeration, as the houses were probably two and three stories high. There is an arroyo running past the village, and a spring nearby with permanent water. The soil is fertile, but I think it probable that most of the fields of the pueblo lay higher up towards the Manzano. Possibly the apple grove of Manzano was the orchard of the former mission of Quarai. Gardens, fruit trees, and vineyards in New Mexico in the seventeenth century were mostly connected with missions, except at Santa Fe and perhaps in the Rio Grande Valley, where were the large haciendas of the Spanish colonists. If there was no mission at Manzano, then the old fruit trees must have belonged to the mission of Quarai. There were some Spanish ranchos in the district of the Salines, but cattle and horses, and not fruit raising, occupied the attention of their owners." On sites adjoining the pueblo, both to the north and to the south, in later years, houses were built of stones taken from the church and pueblo ruins, but these newer houses also have been abandoned. Charles F. Lummis, a master of descriptive word painting, gives us an impressionistic view of Quarai mission, when he writes of it as "An edifice in ruins, it is true, but so tall, so solemn, so dominant of that strange, lonely landscape, so out of place in that land of adobe box huts, as to be simply overpowering. On the Rhine it would be a superlative, in the wilderness of the Manzano it is a miracle. Its great shadowy walls are neither so lofty nor so thick as those of Abo, but neither are they so breached. The great rectangle is practically complete, with three walls largely perfect, and part of the fourth. The masonry is quite as fine as at Abo, and the architecture is imposing. Its roof long ago disappeared, but the massive walls stand firm as the mother ledges, and still hold the careful mortises for long forgotten rafters. At the foot of the hillock is a tiny rivulet, sentinelled by a tall and lonely pine, and upon the hillside, a few hundred yards south, is a large, strange, circular enclosure fenced about with upright slabs of stone." RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I59 AB6 Ab6 is the first of the Piro villages, for Quarai is the last pueblo on the borders of the Salines positively known to have been inhabited by the Tiguas. On the southwestern corner of the basin in which Quarai is situated are ruins which Bandelier presumed to be those of a Piro village. However, the Abo church is the first of the Piro missions whose ruins are accessible today. Lummis found the approach to Abo rather sombre and unprepossessing, but at this day it lies through avenues of pinon and cedar, flanked by occasional cultivated fields. As one steps over the mountain 2k;... *" ^ -'-^ -<,1T:.^. 144 S qtAe. tz~ ~~1 - ' g;~Ns 'I —l t:l t - s '" i @ < < *' *>.* ^ -' ^ *'^ '* *''' -' *&,'*"<* *~li: '^'^i " ''**s' [-*^ ^*O, ^;'- ^^ RUIN OF ABO CHURCH As it appeared during the early years of the present century; altar end on left side of the picture. i6o MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO rampart that encloses the Abo valley on all sides, it is difficult to repress exclamations of delight and admiration. A more picturesque setting or a nobler ruin than that of the Abo church is difficult to imagine. While situated in a valley of great beauty, the church and pueblo itself are on a hillock which dominates the immense amphitheatre, mountainlocked all around, for even the Abo river cuts its way through a precipitous canyon. On the mound of the pueblo have been built a number of houses of stones, taken from the church. Some of these houses are roofless ruins now and fit perfectly into the picture. The jagged church walls are of a redder hue even than those of Quarai. In fact, one must go to Granada, Spain, to find anything so exquisite in coloring or form. Time has bitten into Abo more savagely than into the other two Saline mission ruins, but it has left the remaining structure more chaste, more noble. One cannot help but reach the conclusion that those who laid these walls did it lovingly, caressingly, somewhat with the spirit that animates the artist. The beams are said to have been the most beautifully carved and the most massive in the Southwest. The deep recesses in which their ends rested, at this day have the appearance of stone fretwork. The inside of the church had more light than those at Quarai or Tabira. The window toward the west was very large and had a flare that even at this late date gives distinctiveness to the ruin. But let Bandelier tell us of Abo as he found it: "The valley of Abo, west of the Mesa de los Jumano, is a long depression, partially wooded, with a tiny stream, the Arroyo de Abo, running through it for some distance. The village of Abo itself lies twenty miles south of Manzano, in a pleasant valley, which, both higher up and lower down, narrows to a canon of moderate depth. The site is quite romantic. Cliffs of red sandstone rise along the little brook, crowned by clusters of pines, cedars, and junipers. In the northwest, the Manzano chain, like a diadem, silvery white in winter, dark green in summer, crowns the wooded landscape. Nearly in the center of this valley rise the picturesque ruins of the church of San Gregorio de Abo, with the remains of its convent; and adjacent to it are the rubbish mounds of the former pueblo, forming several quadrangles communicating with one another. It was a pueblo similar to Quarai, but larger, and built of stone and mud. Abo lies nearly a thousand feet lower than RUIN OF ABO CHURCH AND MONASTERY During the recent excavation and repair; altar end on left side of picture. i62 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Manzano, and there was consequently less snow on the ground, so that I could make at least an approximate ground plan of the ruins. But I had the misfortune afterward to lose the detailed field-notes upon which this ground plan was based. The church is smaller than that at Quarai, and built mostly of stone, with some pillars of adobe. The stones from the Pueblo ruins have been used for building the houses of the modern hamlet of Abo, so that these ruins show traces of only one story. But the inhabitants informed me that forty years ago there were three stories visible in places. I saw two circular estufas, and judge the pueblo to have contained as many as a thousand souls, provided all the houses were simultaneously occupied. The pottery is of the coarsely glazed kind, and flint and some obsidian was also noticed by me. Old residents of Ab6 informed me that, when they first opened the lower cells of the pueblo, they found in some of them unburied skeletons. "Abo is mentioned as early as 1598; but the foundation of the mission dates between I625 and 1644. Fray Francisco de Acevedo* who is credited with having caused the erection of its church, died at Abo on the first of August, I644,t and his body was buried within the temple. The Apaches compelled the abandonment of the mission and of the pueblo before the insurrection of i680, and many of the inhabitants were already at El Paso del Norte in I671. Today the Piros of Senecu in Chihuahua claim to be the last descendants of the Abo tribe." At Abo is the last flowing stream as one travels southward. From Mountainair south to Tabira, there is not a spring, hardly an arroyo or a water hole. This gives a somber, almost sinister aspect to nature. Not that this part of the country is a desert. It is an anomaly of nature here *Francisco de Acevedo, native of Sevilla, Spain, son of Gonzalo Garcia del Terrero and Isabel de Vargas. Received the habit of his order in the Convento de Mexico, January o1, 1625. Built the churches at Ab6, Tenab6, and Tabira after his assignment to the Piro, by Perea; died and was buried at Ab6 August i, I644.t Vetancurt, Menologio, 26o, ed. I871. See also Bandelier Final Report, p. 11, p. 273-284, 290. tDocuments which have come to light since Bandelier's time show Vetancurt, the seventeenth century chronicler, to be in error concerning the time of Friar Francisco de Acevedo's death. An official list of friars serving in New Mexico in 1665 names Acevedo among them. See France Scholes' paper on the mission supply service in the New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. V, No. 4, p. 403. While it is uncertain where Acevedo died, it is certain that he was still living twenty-one years after the date Vetancurt gives for his death. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I63 that the folds of the hills are studded and spangled with gorgeously colored wild flowers in summer, that the grass is knee high, that the cedar and pinon timber cover hundreds of square miles so that the landscape is green even in winter. Despite the occasional farm houses and the increasing number of acres planted in corn and beans, the region gives the impression of isolation. The darker hues of the mountains and trees, the undulating contour of the land which cuts off the far view, combine to make the land one of austerity, something like Cornwall, or Brittany, or the moors of northwestern Germany. One of the most desolate hills of all is crowned with the blue-gray ruins of Tabira, the Gran Quivira of the latter-day treasure hunters, the mysterious pueblo with the remnant of its two mission churches and huge convent. The walls of the larger of the two churches are visible for miles and dominate a huge amphitheater of far greater extent than that of Abo. RUIN OF AB6 CHURCH Interior looking toward high altar, during the recent excavation and repair. I64 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Approaching from the north, after leaving the main highway, which has become a transcontinental road, the traveler sinks ankledeep into sand. As he climbs higher and higher, he is convinced that the sand known as the Medano is not a river bed, as Bandelier suggests, but more likely the beach of a vast and ancient lake that has gradually subsided. This theory is supported by tradition and it explains some otherwise well nigh inexplicable phenomena of this weird and unusual land. The salt and alkali lakes, "The Accursed Lakes" of the legends told by Lummis, are, perhaps, the remnants of this vast body of water, which may have extended from the Galisteo Divide to the Jumanos Mesa, on which Tabira is located, and from the Manzanos to the Hills of Pedernal, and that within comparatively recent geological times. Perhaps the surplus waters of the lake poured down the Tijeras, Abo and Hell Canyons on the west, wearing a deeper and deeper groove, at the same time seeping away also toward the east and south. RECONSTRUCTION OF ABO MISSION San Gregorio Monument to Friar Francisco de Acevedo who founded the mission at Ab6 about I629 and labored there for many years. He was its resident missionary during the building of the church. Painting by Regina Tatum Cooke, W.P.A. Museum Extension Project RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I65 TABIRA, THE GHOST CITY Tabira is situated on top of a limestone hill that is honeycombed with subterranean clefts and caverns. There are spots on the hillside where the sound of the footfall awakens a resonance below. It is such spots that have been favorite points of operation for treasure seekers. There are shafts on all sides, some of them opening subterranean caverns and tunnels. But none of the shafts and tunnels examined had seriously damaged the ruin and all diggings appeared to have been fruitless as far as lifting any treasure-trove was concerned. In the main sanctuary, the altar recess had been quite extensively excavated and there are prospect holes all over the convent and within the smaller church. There is a local story, no doubt of recent origin, for no trace of it is found in the older literature, that there is a large cavern under the hill to which the last of the Piro retreated with their precious belongings and to which the Franciscans entrusted huge treasures brought from Mexico, and that an earthquake cut them off from the outside world. Bandelier has thoroughly disposed of all traditions, legends, and mystery with which years have enveloped the place. Yet, it is difficult for the visitor to shake off the feeling of awe as he surveys the scene of desolation in this lonely and silent land. The blue-gray limestone from which this outpost of Pueblo culture is built differentiates it from the dark red sandstone pueblos of Abo and Quarai. Tabira is more of the color of the moonlight and its desolation makes it spectral. Not entirely accidental, therefore, is the fact that the Quivira* traditions finally became localized at Tabira. The legend is one that led Coronado on a wild-goose chase as far as eastern Kansas. Unfortunately, there is only the Spanish account of the expedition, with its story of the deception by "The Turk." W. W. H. Davis and other writers have exercised much ingenuity in the effort to identify Tabira with the Gran Quivira sought by Coronado, but historians are pretty * The name Quivira was first employed by the chroniclers of the Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542, to designate the Wichita and their tribal range in the present Kansas. Benavides speaks of the provinces of Quivira and Aixos.-Hodge. Peter Heylyn, in 1636, describes the Southwest under the heading "Quivira." i66 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO well agreed upon the route and goal of the Coronado expedition and utterly repudiate the supposition that Tabira was the Gran Quivira sought by Coronado. Still, local tradition, with the characteristic stubbornness, persists in denying that Tabira was situated so many miles from Quarai and Abo. It locates Tabira much closer to Abo and insists that the ruins so indisputably designated as Tabira are those of the pueblo of the Jumanos. Bandelier concedes that Tabira and the pueblo of the Jumanos may be one and the same. But tradition goes further and insists that the pueblo of Jumanos was the Gran Quivira and that there is to be found the great treasure which has been sought so diligently from the time of Coronado. And how people have sought it! They have spent treasure and effort, have even given their lives to locate it. Armed with copies of ancient charts or maps, purported to have been found in the great Library of Paris or of the Vatican or Seville, they have come from distant countries to gopher into the limestone hill over which brood the ruins of Tabira. Various have been the explanations by archaeologists to account for so large a community house in a district apparently void of all water. Today it is not necessary to explain at all, for settlers in all directions from Tabira are raising crops and are finding sufficient water for stock and domestic use. At the very foot of the height upon which are the ruins, a well has been sunk and furnishes water the year around. In spring, and after the summer rains, the water holes in all directions are filled. The system of reservoirs and ditches among the ruins are evidences of water storage by the early inhabitants. There is also the possibility of the existence in ancient times of a spring like that at Manzano, which may have disappeared by seepage or breaking into a limestone shaft or cavern with which this vicinity abounds, or having been plugged, as was the custom of Indians when they abandon a site permanently. There are instances sufficiently authenticated in this very region, of streams and springs which disappeared as if swallowed by subterranean forces, or were plugged up effectually by the Pueblos, and then reappeared again almost as suddenly as they had vanished. Says Bandelier: "Quivira, as well as all the other pueblos in that region, did not RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I67 require irrigation for the crops which they raised before the Spaniards brought them wheat, barley, and other European plants. The grass on the Jumanos plateau shows, as all those acquainted with the country know, that the precipitation is ample in ordinary summers for raising corn, squashes, and beans. All that was needed, therefore, was water for drinking, cooking, for making adobe mortar, and for the limited amount of washing performed by the Indian. For such purposes the reservoirs sufficed, and they were in such close proximity to the houses that it was not easy for a prowling foe to cut off the water supply. The fact, repeatedly stated to me, that the other ruins on the Medano were all provided with artificial reservoirs, further shows that it was not a device peculiar to Quivira, but one generally adopted by the Pueblo Indians of that region.... "Well may we ask: What could have induced the Indians to settle and to remain in a region where they had to forego the great convenience of a natural water supply? We may conjecture that necessity, the result of being driven back from other points, had something to do with it; still it cannot be denied that, however unprepossessing to the eye, the country offers many advantages to the sedentary native. The soil is far from sterile, wood is everywhere within reasonable distance, and game abundant; and every pueblo on the Medano stands, as far as I could ascertain, so as to be easily defended and to afford excellent lookouts. They are all specimens of that peculiar kind of Indian defensive positions, in which the absence of obstacles to a wide range of view becomes the main element of security. The roving Indian seldom could have taken a pueblo by surprise, still less by direct assault; against both, the villages on the Medano were almost impregnable; against persistent attacks on a small scale, however, the sedentary Indian could not long hold out. "Having shown that the ruins of the famous Quivira not only have nothing mysterious about them, but that they belong to the category of ordinary Indian pueblos, and that the water question can be solved in a very simple manner, it remains to investigate what Quivira was during historical times, and to which stock or tribe of Pueblo Indians it belonged. There is no doubt that it was an historic pueblo, for its churches and their convents are of Spanish origin, but that Quivira was not its true name is also certain, since the Quiviras, as I have elsewhere i68 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO proved, were a nomadic tribe, and no permanent mission was ever established among them, still less churches built and convents erected." How and when Tabira first received the name of Quivira, is told in the Leading Facts of New Mexican History, by Col. Ralph E. Twitchell. But why this name has so tenaciously clung to it, is more difficult to explain, as is also the origin and meaning of the word, although Hodge intimates that it is a Spanish corruption of Kirikurus, RUIN OF THE GRAN QUIVIRA CHURCH AND MONASTERY As it appeared during the early years of the present century. DISTANT VIEW FROM THE NORTHEAST The viqa lintels over the main entrance and the door from the narthex to the baptistry were still in place. the name which the Wichita Indians gave themselves. Another writer declares that it is merely a corruption of the Spanish word "caverna," a cave. Lummis gives us his impression of Tabira so eloquently that it is worth while quoting it in part: "Mid-ocean is not more lonesome than the plains nor night so gloomy as that dumb sunlight. It is barren of sound. The brown grass is knee-deep-and even that trifle gives a shock in this hoof-obliterated land. The bands of antelope that drift, like cloud shadows, across the RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I69 dun landscape suggest less of life than of the supernatural. The spell of the plains is a wondrous thing. At first, it fascinates. Then it bewilders. At last it crushes. It is sure as the grave and worse. It is intangible but resistless; stronger than hope, reason, will-stronger than humanity. When one cannot otherwise escape the plains, one takes refuge in madness. But on a sudden, the tension is relieved. A mile to the south, where a whaleback ridge noses the uncanny valley, stands out a strange ashen hulk that brings us back to earth. Wan and weird as it is, it bespeaks the one-time presence of man, for Nature has RUIN OF GRAN QUIVIRA CHURCH As it appeared during the early years of the present century. Close-up view looking through the break which was the front door. The lintel has here fallen from about the door. I70 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO no such squarenesses. I do not believe that the whole world can show elsewhere, nor that a Dore could dream into canvas a ghostliness so apropos. Stand upon the higher ridges to the east, and it is all spread before you, a wraith in pallid stone-the absolute ghost of a city. Its ashen hues which seem to hover above the dead grass, foiled by the sombre blotches of the junipers; its indeterminate gray hints, outspoken at last in the huge, vague shape that looms in its center; its strange dim outlines rimmed with a flat, round world of silence-but why try to tell that which has no telling? Who shall wreak expression of that spectral city? Come nearer, and the spell dwindles but is never broken. Even as we pass our hands over that forgotten masonry of pale limestone, or clamber over fallen walls with tangible stubbing of material toes, the unearthliness of the haggard scene does not wholly cease to assert itself. Only, we know now that it is not a ghost-city, which the next breeze may waft away. It is a ruined pueblo againbut such a pueblo! Not in size nor in architecture-there are several others as large, and some as imposing-but in color and in setting it is alone.... And in the western terminus of the village, just on the brow of the slope that falls away to the strange valley that looks across to the sombre Mesa de los Jumanos, is another and a gigantic ruin, whose like is not in all our North America. Its walls, thirty feet high and six feet thick, roofless and ragged at the top, 202 feet front and 131 feet in greatest depth, are of the same spectral bluish-gray limestone, broken into irregular but flat-faced prisms and firmly laid in adobe mortar. "Of the three great churches, that of Quaraii is largest, having a floor area of 5,020 square feet. That of Tabira comes next, with 4,978 square feet; and then Ab6, with 4,830. These figures are for the auditoriums alone and do not include the extensive convents, attached to each, of which that at Tabira is most extensive, covering I3,377 square feet. The walls of Ab6 are much the noblest and most massive, and those of Tabira the crudest, though no less solid. The pueblos of Ab6 and Cuarai had each a tiny but sufficient rill; but Tabira is absolutely dry. There is neither spring nor stream in thirty miles. But this is hardly a rare thing among Pueblo ruins; and it is well known that the aborigines were wont to kill their water when forced to abandon a town, lest it give comfort to the enemy. We know, not only by record, RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I7I but by eyesight, of several cases where, with infinite labor, the Pueblos actually obliterated a spring to keep it from their savage neighbors." But to return to Bandelier, who, after all, gives us all that is definitely known or understood about Tabira. He formulates the following conclusions: "I. That the pueblo, although considerable, by no means justifies the extravagant descriptions of tourists and prospectors. The population of Tabira cannot have amounted to more than fifteen hundred souls. "2. That it was a scattered large-house village, a long, narrow pueblo, with many-storied houses, similar in its arrangement to the pueblos of Santo Domingo, Jemez, and Laguna of today. "3. That there were two churches, each with its convent attached.... "I have already said that Quivira was situated near the southern apex of the triangle formed by the Mesa de los Jumanos. From Manzano, the distance is about thirty-five miles, and it is seventeen from the northern rim of the mesa. The space between that rim and the ruins is a gradual slope, covered with grass and without permanent water. At the foot of the ruins, on the west, lies the Medano, a sandy gulch, above which rises a hill of gray limestone, a promontory of the ridges bordering the Medano on the east. On this hill, which is quite narrow and dotted with the usual scrubby conifers, lie the ruins, the larger church occupying its westerly brow and overlooking a vast expanse of singular bleakness. In the west, the summits of the Socorro and Magdalena Mountains peep over the wooded border of the Jumanos plateau; in the south, an undulating level dotted with black shrubs stretches towards the dim mass of the Sierra Blanca; in the east, over dreary ridges and hills, rise the mountains of the Carrizo, the Sierra Capitana, and the Gallina, rugged, dark, forbidding; while the north is occupied by the sloping surface of the plateau. Not a trace of a spring has been discovered near the ruins; not a brook trickles down from the heights in their vicinity. "In this arid solitude the massive edifice of the church, with the mounds of the pueblo, look strangely impressive. From the west the church can be seen miles away, a clumsy parallelopiped of gray stone; 172 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO from the northeast, through vistas of dark cedars and junipers, the ruins shine in pallid light, like some phantom city in the desert.... "Southeast of the smaller of the two churches, I noticed a structure forming approximately a hollow square, and measuring I9.2 meters from north to south and 18.2 meters transversely. It had but one entrance, in its southeastern corner, which was one meter wide. The walls were 0.22 m. wide and only i.6 m. apart. What this construction was intended for I am unable to conjecture. L RuIN OF GRAN QUIVIRA CHURCH AND MONASTERY As it now appears from the southwest. "I have stated that there were two churches at Quivira. The smaller one stands south of the main rows of houses, the larger on the brow of the hill, overlooking the western plain and the Medano. Connected with the former is a yard, some of the circumvallation of which is still visible. The church is much ruined, only the corners standing erect to the height of a few feet. "The larger, and from all appearances newer, church at Quivira is a building of considerable size, since it measures 35.6 meters ( i 634 feet) from east to west, and 7.4 meters (23 feet) from north to south. Adjacent to it, on the south, are the ruins of a convent, containing a number of cells and a refectory, all built around an interior courtyard. This convent is 30 meters (9834 feet) long, from east and west, and 40.8 meters (I3334 feet) from north to south. The temple is there RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I73 fore somewhat smaller than that of Quarai and Abo, while the convent is larger-so large even as to suggest the thought that it was destined for the residence of several missionaries. Both edifices are built of the same material as the pueblo houses, but the work is a little more carefully executed and the walls are much thicker. The east front of the RECONSTRUCTION OF GRAN QUIVIRA MISSION RECONSTRUCTION OF GRAN QUIVIRA MISSION San Buenaventura Monument to Friar Diego de Santander, the young priest who went in 1659 to this pueblo as the first resident missionary since Friar Francisco de Letrado twentyeight years before. The Santander church is the larger of the two now in ruin on the Gran Quivira National Monument. This church was never finished. The pueblo was abandoned about I672. The smaller church was probably built during Letrado's labors there (1628-31). Painting by Regina Tatum Cooke, W.P.A. Museum Extension Project church is nearly two meters (six feet) in thickness, and flanked by two buttresses or towers 4.4 meters (I4./2 feet) square. Huge beams, quaintly carved like those at Pecos, but more massive, fairly hewn, and approximately squared, are still in place across the doorways and in some parts of the interior of the church, but the roof is completely gone. Much rubbish fills the interior, and from appearances I should judge that the roof was never completed over the whole church, and I74 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO that the walls of the convent had not been reared to their full height when work on them was given up. The whole has an unfinished appearance, and the same impression has been made by the ruins upon several other visitors. It looks as if the work had suddenly been interrupted, and was never resumed.... "Tabira was a settlement of Piros, beyond all doubt, and was abandoned, probably before Abo and the Tigua villages of the Salines, in consequence of the Apaches. Its evacuation therefore dates from between the years i664 and I67I. The smaller and older church had been erected during the lifetime of the founder of the mission, Father Acevedo... after 1628. The new church... was probably commenced, but never completed, between I660 and i670." The area occupied by the eastern branch of the Piro extended from the pueblo of Abo to Abo Pass, southeastward to and including the pueblo of Tabira, a distance of about thirty miles. The habitat of the eastern Piro was even more desert in character than that of the eastern Tigua, which bounded it on the north. In addition to the three pueblos named, it is not improbable that the now-ruined villages known by the Spanish names Pueblo Blanco, Pueblo Colorado, and Pueblo de la Parida, were among the eleven inhabited settlements of the Salinas seen by Chamuscado in I58I. Onate, in 1598, visited the Pueblos of the Salinas, and in the same year the first missionary labors were begun in this section by Fray Francisco de San Miguel, a chaplain of Onate's army. The headquarters of this fraile were at Pecos, but he ministered also to the Indians of Tigua pueblo of Quarai and to the inhabitants of the three Piro villages above mentioned. The first actual missions among the Piro of the Salinas were established in 1629 by Francisco de Acevedo, at Abo and Tabira, and probably also at Tenabo, but before the massive-walled churches and monasteries were completed, the village dwellers of both the Salinas and Rio Grande suffered so seriously from the ever-turbulent Apache, that every village of the Salinas was deserted before the Pueblo insurrection of I680. The few Piro who remained in New Mexico were doubtlessly absorbed by the Tigua. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I75 JEMEZ MISSIONS AND PUEBLOS Any visit to New Mexico is incomplete unless it includes a trip to Jemez and Jemez Hot Springs and the ruins of the great mission church that was built at the pueblo of Giusewa in I6I7. The journey can be made from Santa Fe in two hours. The main highway is via Bernalillo, a distance of less than fifty miles, and thence up the picturesque Jemez Valley by way of the pueblos of Santa Ana and Zia to Jemez, which is one of the largest and most interesting of New Mexico pueblos. The region traversed from Bernalillo differs very much from other sections of the southwest. Ascending the hill from the Rio Grande, the road lies over sandy and barren wastes for some distance, but with the majestic Jemez Range in view all along the way. The first village passed is historic Santa Ana. It lies on a slope on the north bank of the Jemez and in coloring resembles the gray sands of the environment so closely that most people would pass it without even seeing it unless their attention was called to it. Thence, ten miles farther, Zia looms in sight. It is built on a commanding hillock, also on the north bank of the Jemez. It too has the color of the environment, but its church looms up distinctively. There was a time when Zia was a pueblo with many times its present population and when its warriors were noted for their prowess, but that was in the days of the Revolution of I68o and of the Reconquest. Since then, the pueblo has dwindled and is but a ghost of its former self. From Zia to San Ysidro, the scenery grows more picturesque with each mile. Just above San Ysidro, there is a bridge across the Jemez and from that point on the road for many miles parallels the river. The panorama becomes more magnificent with the ascent up the canon. Red sandstone mesas contrast with white tufa cliffs. Huge rock masses assume fantastic shapes, hugher and more impressive than those of the Garden of the Gods. As Jemez is approached, the cultivated fields and orchards add another note to the chromatic spectacle presented by the geological formations. The town itself is more picturesque than any of the Rio Grande pueblos. Its main plaza is oblong and on it is the famous RUIN OF JEMEZ CHURCH As it appeared during the early years of the present century. Altar end to the left and entrance end to the right of the picture. .; i^. - E r. 'W-ar.., r Vo,, C! - 11 W I * 1 *4 v ^. - RUsI OF JEMEZ CHURCH As it appeared during the excavation and repair of the 1920's. Entrance end to the left and altar end to the right of the picture. MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO square kiva which has been the scene of many notable gatherings. The house of the cacique has a cage on its roof for the eagle that is kept there as a representative of the guardian divinity of the pueblo. The Jemez people, with whom have been amalgamated the survivors of Pecos, are proud of their traditions and carefully guard the mysteries of their rituals. They are very secretive in their deliberations and their community life. For this reason, a number of their ceremonies still retain much of the ancient and primitive character. Their legends have much of the old time flavor and their traditions throw curious side lights upon the history of the Conquest and the Reconquest as they were recorded by the Spanish chronicles. The Jemez are a vigorous people and the pueblo still has 550 inhabitants.* There is to be observed, however, on every side, the intrusion of pale-face culture and religion. Not only is there a local Catholic school, but also a Protestant mission, to which should be added the influence of the United States farmer, physician, and teacher. It is significant therefore that the Jemez people in accepting many of the modern ways which are being taught them cling tenaciously to the customs of the olden days. From Jemez to Jemez Hot Springs, the site of the mission ruin, is a journey of rapturous delight to anyone sensitive of the glory of magnificent landscape which runs to titanic proportions and vivid coloring. The mesa in back of Jemez is blood-red and in the setting sun glows like molten lava. In the distance, crest rises above crest, the farther peaks being clothed in evergreen. The canon narrows down more and more. The little town of Hot Springs lies sprawling on the steep banks of the north fork of the river which is known as the San Diego while the south fork is the Guadalupe Canon, which is still more precipitous and abounds with water and rapids. The springs which gave the name to the settlement are in private ownership and marvelous tales are told of the efficacy of the water as well as of the mud baths. Little farms that were lush green after the rains that came in June shimmer in the sun like emeralds set with rubies. On a steep wall of the cliff which divides the Guadalupe from the San Diego Canon, is pointed out the figure of San Diego with streaming hair and mantle wrapped close about him, and beneath it the *738 in 194I. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS 179 figure of a burro. The legend has it that San Diego led the Spaniards in their attack on the village built on top of the mesa and to which the Jemez people had retired in I694 when De Vargas marched against them. The position appeared to be impregnable and the Jemez were apparent victors, when the Spaniards dividing their forces into two parties, with one made a frontal attack on the cliff, while the second detachment stealthily followed a trail that led them to the rear of the Indian position. In the furious battle which ensued, 84 Jemez warriors were killed and 361 taken prisoners. The Indians have a different version of the same legend and it is told by R!eagan in his "Don Diego," so rich in descriptions of the ceremonials and traditions of the Jemez people. According to this legend, the Jemez people were apparent victors in a battle with the forces of De Vargas when they saw approaching one of their own people who in uplifted hands carried a cross. They recognized this Indian as one of the young men who had been taken by Otermin in his retreat to the pass of the Rio Grande where El Paso now stands. This young Jemez had become a priest and he implored the Jemez people to make peace with De Vargas and promised them immunity from punishment. The Indians acceded and in commemoration of the event carved the figure of the young priest into the face of the cliff. However, human hands never draw the weathered lines and shadows which form the figure nor the caricature of the burro beneath it. That the Jemez tribe was at one time very powerful is apparent from the old chronicles. Castaneda speaks of seven Jemez pueblos in 154I visited by Captain Barrionuevo, in addition to three others at Hot Springs. Espejo in 1583 tells about seven pueblos and Onate five years later visited eight, gives a list of nine, and refers to several others that he did not visit. The pueblo at Hot Springs was evidently a populous one and occupied considerable area, as is apparent even at this day. It was known as Giusewa, which signifies "water comes up." To this day a small spring sends a little rill through the ancient ruin, but the name undoubtedly refers to the hot springs farther down the canyon. [The real apostle to the Jemez was]... Fray Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, who after his work there reported that he had baptized 6,566 Indians. He prepared a catechism in their language. His "Relaciones de Nuevo Mejico" were published in the "Land of Sunshine" from a manuscript copy in i8o MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO the general archives of Mexico City. It was probably written between I627 and I629 and refers mainly to the early explorations bringing them down to the year 1626. In 1628, Fray Martin de Arvide, one of the Franciscan martyrs, was granted permission to re-settle the Jemez people who had abandoned their villages on account of famine and Navajo depredations....* The vicissitudes of the Jemez people were many. Between 1643 and 1646, the Jemez and the Navajos conspired against the Spaniards, which ended in the hanging of twenty-nine of the Indians. In I65o, they again confederated with the Navajos, together with the Tiwa of. Isleta and Alameda and the Keres of San Felipe and Cochiti, but the attempted uprising was quelled. At the breaking out of the Pueblo Revolution in i680, the Jemez killed Fray Juan de Jesus, one of their missionaries. The other, Fray Francisco Munoz, escaped to Zia, where he was rescued. That the missionaries at Jemez were in constant dread of attacks, if not from their own people, then from the Navajos and other tribes, seems to be indicated by the massiveness of the mission, whose walls were more than six feet thick and the construction of the adjoining convent with its protective walls, of which a portion still stands. Local legends vary as to the manner of death inflicted on Juan de Jesus, but no doubt it was horrible enough. In 1681, only one year after the success of the Pueblos in driving out the Spaniards, the Jemez fled to the mesa upon hearing a report that Otermin was approaching to reconquer New Mexico. They soon returned to their two pueblos, only to abandon them again in 1688, fortifying the pueblo on the mesa summit, where De Vargas found them in I692. It was there occurred the miracle spoken of elsewhere and which is commemorated by the figure on the face of the cliff. In I693, the Jemez made war on the Keres of Zia, Santa Ana and San Felipe, but again De Vargas succeeded in pacifying them for a short time. In I694 De Vargas led the expedition which resulted in the subjugation of the Jemez tribe after terrible slaughter. On June 4, I696, the Jemez again rose in rebellion and killed their missionary, * Two large churches were built among the Jemez pueblos during the i62o's-one dedicated to San Diego and the other to San Jose. Professor Lansing Bloom has identified San Diego as being located at the present Pueblo of Jemez and San Jose as being located at Hot Springs, the one on the Jemez State Monument owned by the School of American Research and University of New Mexico. See Bloom and Mitchell, "The Chapter Election in I672," New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XIII, pp. 85-ii9.-R. F. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS ISI Fray Francisco de Jesuis Casanas. They allied themselves with the Navajos, the Zufii, and the Acoma. Again, crushingly defeated in San Diego canyon, the Jemez deserted their pueblos and fled to the Navajo country where some of them were reported as late as 1705. I RECONSTRUCTION OF JgEMEZ MISSION San Jose (Bloom)-San Diego (Bandelier) Monument to Friar Jer6nimo de Zirate Salmer6n, Apostle to the Jemez, who was resident missionary (I621-c. i623) among the Jemez during the building of the church. Painting by Regina Tatum Cooke, W.P.A. Museum Extension Project By June, 1709, they were in the pueblo they now occupy. In 1714 their former friends, the Navajos, again descended upon them and in 1724, the Utes attacked the pueblo. Four years later a pestilence carried off one hundred eight of the rapidly diminishing tribe, and in I780-8i, when more than five thousand Pueblos died of smallpox, the Jemez people suffered so terribly that their mission was reduced to a visita from Zia. In 1749, the pueblo had only five hundred seventy-four inhabitants, while in 1793 the number had dwindled to 182 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO four hundred eighty-five. In I890 they were four hundred twentyeight, but since then the number has slowly increased.... In Bulletin 32 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, entitled "Antiquities of the Jemez Plateau," printed in 1906, is a concise statement of the archaeology of this region, identifying the various sites. Bandelier in his "Final Report" gives seventeen pages to the Jemez people. Charles F. Lummis, Mr. Hodge, and the School of American Research have done research work in late years both at Jemez Hot Springs and on the surrounding mesas. There are some differences of opinion as to the identity of the various sites and as to the number of ruined pueblos, as well as to the limits of Jemez habitation; but from the brief outline given above, it is certain that the story of this great tribe abounds with thrilling and romantic episodes and incidents. The settlement of Hot Springs, aside from the Indian traditions and ruins, is quaint and interesting. A number of its old timers are characters such as one finds written about in the historical novels relating to the Southwest. A few miles above the village is the great soda dam over which the river leaps in a cascade. Here soda springs have built a great dam that extends from canyon wall to canyon wall and through which the impregnated waters still bubble, extending the dam with new deposits. Thence the road up the canyon to the Sulphurs traverses in part a portion of the Santa Fe Forest. The timber becomes denser and higher with each mile. There is a greater variety of trees and of wild flowers which assume more and more of an Alpine character as the highway climbs to greater altitudes. It is as beautiful mountain scenery as is to be found in the Southwest, and each turn of the road brings into view more inspiring vistas of spruce clad peaks and stupendous canyon walls. Long before the Sulphurs are reached the peculiar odor of the sulphur springs and deposits becomes noticeable. Beyond the Sulphurs there are still more rugged mountain heights, deeper forests, and more magnificent scenery to be found, inviting the lover of nature to camping trips in every direction. Surely a summer spent in this region is bound to prove a continued ecstacy to those who delight in communion with nature in her most attractive moods. RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I83 ACOMA The sixth of the mission churches to which we have given special attention here is Acoma. As already stated it has never fallen into complete ruin, having survived even the Rebellion of I68o. Acoma is far and away the most spectacular of all the pueblo villages. It is a holdover from the ancient cliff dwelling epoch, and is no doubt the oldest continuously occupied settlement in the United States. The first productive missionary work at Acoma was done by Fray Jeronimo de Zarate Salmeron between 1623 and 1626. The builder of the church was Fray Juan Ramirez-around 1629. Acoma was so well described by Charles F. Lummis in his chapter "The City in the Sky" of The Land of Poco Tiempo (Charles Scribner's Sons, I 893 ) that any subsequent attempt would be futile. Accordingly, with the courteous permission of the publishers, Lummis' article is here used almost in full. The City in the Sky There is one Acoma. It is a class by itself. The peer of it is not in the world. I might call it the Queres Gibraltar; but Gibraltar is a pregnable place beside it. It is the Quebec of the Southwest; but Quebec could be stormed in the time an army climbed Acoma unopposed. If as a defensible town there is no standard whereby to measure it, comparison is still more hopeless when we attack its impregnable beauty and picturesqueness. It is the Garden of the Gods multiplied by ten, and with ten equal but other wonders thrown in; plus a human interest, an archaeological value, an atmosphere of romance and mystery. It is a labyrinth of wonders of which no person alive knows all, and of which not six white men have even an adequate conception, though hundreds have seen it in part. The longest visit never wears out its glamour; one feels as in a strange, sweet, unearthly dream-as among scenes and beings more than human, whose very rocks are genii, and whose people swart conjurors. It is spendthrift of beauty. There are half a hundred cattle and sheep corrals, whose surroundings would be the fortune of as many summer-resorts in the East; and scores of untrodden cliff-sentinelled gorges far grander yet. If there is any sight in the world which will cling to one, undimmed I84 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO by later impressions, it is the first view of Acoma and its valley from the mesa as one comes in from the west. After the long, slow slope among the sprawling cedars, one stands suddenly upon a smooth divide, looking out upon such a scene as is nowhere else. A few rods ahead, the mesa breaks down in a swift cliff of six hundred feet to a valley that seems surely enchanted. A grassy trough, five miles wide and ten in visible length, smooth with that ineffable hazy smoothness which is only of the Southwest, crowded upon by noble precipices, patched with exquisite hues of rocks and clays and growing cropsit is such a vista as would be impossible outside the arid lands. And in its midst lies a shadowy world of crags so unearthly beautiful, so weird, so unique, that it is hard for the onlooker to believe himself in America, or upon this dull planet at all. As the evening shadows play hide-and-seek among those towering sandstones it is as if an army of Titans marched across the enchanted plain. To the left beetles the vast cliff of Ka-zi-mo, or the Mesa Encantada, the noblest single ACOMA ON TOP OF ITS MESA RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I 85 rock in America; to the right, the tall portals of two fine canons, themselves treasure-houses of wonders; between, the chaos of the buttes that flank the superb mesa of Acoma. That is one rock-a dizzy airisland above the plain-three hundred and fifty-seven feet high, seventy acres in area upon its irregular but practically level top-a stone table upheld by ineffable precipices which are not merely perpendicular but in great part actually overhanging. The contour of those cliffs is an endless enchantment. They are broken by scores of marvellous bays, scores of terrific columns and pinnacles, crags and towers. There are dozens of "natural bridges," from one of a fathom's span to one so sublime, so crushing in its savage and enormous grandeur, that the heart fairly stops beating at first sight of it. There are strange standing rocks and balanced rocks, vast potreros and fairy minarets, wonderlands of recesses, and mysterious caves. It is the noblest specimen of fantastic erosion on the continent. Everywhere there is insistent suggestion of Assyrian sculpture in its rocks. One might fancy it a giant Babylon, water-worn to dimness. The peculiar cleavage of its beautiful sandstone has hemmed it with strange top-heavy statues that guard grim chasms. The invariable approach of visitors is to the tamest side of the mesa; and that surpasses what one shall find elsewhere. But to out-do one's wildest dreams of the picturesque, one should explore the whole circumference of the mesa, which not a half a dozen Americans have ever done. No one has ever exhausted Acoma; those who know it best are forever stumbling upon new glories. Upon the bare table-top of this strange stone island of the desert, seven thousand feet above the level of the sea, stands a town of matchless interest-the home of half a thousand quaint lives, and of half a thousand years' romance. How old is that mysterious sky city no man may know. In the far gray past Acoma stood atop the Mesa Encantada, three miles north; but a mighty throe of nature toppled down the vast ladder-rock which gave sole adit to that dizzy perch-twice as high as the now Acoma. The people were left homeless in the plain, where they were tending their crops; and three doomed women, left at home, were shut aloft to perish upon the accursed cliff. But when the Spanish world-finders saw this magic valley the present Acoma was already an ancient city, from whose eter 186 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO nal battlements the painted natives looked down upon the mailed invaders by as many hundreds of feet as centuries have since then faded. There stand, so far aloft, the quaint homes of six hundred people-three giant blocks of'stone and adobe, running east and west near a thousand feet, and skyward forty-and their huge church. When one has climbed the mesa to the town and grasped its proportions, wonder grows to amaze. No other town in the world is reached only by such vertiginous trails, or rather by such ladders of the rock; and yet up these awful paths the patient Queres have brought upon their backs every timber, every stone, every bit of adobe mud to build that strange city and its marvellous church. There are timbers fourteen inches square and forty feet long, brought by human muscle alone from the mountains twenty miles away. The church walls are sixty feet high and ten feet through; and the building covers more ground than any modern cathedral in the United States. The graveyard in front, nearly two hundred feet square, took forty years in the building: for first the gentle toilers had to frame a giant box with stone walls, a box forty feet deep at the outer edge, and then to fill it backful by backful with earth from the far plain. In the weird stone "ladders" by which the top of the cliff is reached, the patient moccasined feet of forgotten centuries have sunk their imprint six inches deep in the rock. Antiquity and mystery haunt every nook. The very air is hazy with romance. How have they lived and loved and suffered here in their skyward home, these ancient Hano Oshatch -the Children of the Sun.... Acoma figures in our very first knowledge of the Southwest; and the earliest European eyes that ever saw it marvelled as we marvel yet. In spite of the closet historians, Cabeza de Vaca never saw New Mexico. The heroic Franciscan, Fray Marcos of Nizza, in 1539, was the first civilized man who ever looked upon that strangest landmark of our antiquity, a Pueblo town. But he never got beyond the pueblos of Zuni-the famed "Seven Cities of Cibola"-though he heard of Acoma. In 1540 the most remarkable of all explorers of North America, Francisco Vasquez Coronado, saw Zuni, and a little later came to the more wondrous town of which the Zunis had told himHa-cu-que, Ah-co, Acoma. Of its salient wonders he has left us a very accurate description. We may well imagine that the awestruck sav RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I87 ages were no more astounded at their first sight of fair-faced strangers than were the latter at that thrice-wondrous town. There were grizzled veterans there who had been with the Great Captain, Cortez, in his conquest of the southern wonderland; but they had never found anything like this. The adobe city of Motecuzoma, in the bloody lake of Tezcuco-it was bigger, but what was it to this sky-built citadel? That with its strong walls and narrow dykes was ill enough to storm, and worse to retreat from; but what would be a Noche Triste among these grim cliffs? Fortunately, there was no need to learn. The Acomas received the wondrous strangers kindly, taking them for gods; and Coronado and his heroic little band pressed on unmolested to the Rio Grande and to their unprecedented march of exploration in chase of the gilded myth of the Quivira. It was near half a century after Coronado's gallant but illstarred exploits before the adventurous Spaniards were again tempted to the discouraging deserts of our Southwest. Truly there was little enough to tempt them! Utterly disappointed in the golden hopes which had led them to such rovings as no other nation paralleled anywhere, and, finding almost as little of other attractions as of gold, they long devoted themselves to the more grateful countries to our south. It was not until that pre-eminent figure among the colonizers of North America, the unspoiled millionaire Juan de Onate, came with his five-hundred-thousand-dollar expedition, that permanent work began to be done in New Mexico; though before him, and after Coronado, Chamuscado, Espejo, and de Sosa had made notable successive explorations here. In I58I Espejo visited Acoma, and there saw the astounding snake-dance which now survives alone in remote Moqui-a dance wherein the half-naked performers bear living, mortal rattlesnakes in their hands and mouths. Espejo also was well treated in Acoma, and gave us a good description of its wonders, though his guess at the population was as wild as his guesses at the other pueblos. He was the one glaring exception to the painstaking accuracy of the Spanish explorers in their chronicles of wonders seen. The first real foothold of Europeans in Acoma was achieved in 1598, when the Acomas voluntarily submitted themselves to the authority of Onate and became vassals of the Spanish crown, swearing to the Act of Obedience, whose support was fully explained to them. I 8 8 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO But the submission was not in good faith. The Indians had no idea of real surrender; but-these stranger Men-of-Power might not be openly opposed, and it was best to move by treachery. The war captains had already laid their plans to entrap and slay Onate, believing that his death would materially weaken the Spaniards. But Oiiate's lucky star led him out of the unsuspected danger; and with his wee army he proceeded on that grim desert march to Moqui. Scarcely had he gone when his lieutenant, Juan de Zaldivar, arrived with a dozen men from a vast journey. The Acomas enticed them up into the town, fell upon them by daylight, and bungled them to death with clubs and flint knives. Five bleeding heroes leaped down the ghastly cliff-a leap unparalleled. Wonderful to tell, only one 'was killed by that incredible fall; the remaining four lived, and finally escaped. In the following month-as soon as the weak Spanish resources could be marshalled-Onate sent a little band to punish treacherous Acoma. Never did soldiers march to a forlorner hope; and never in all history was there a greater feat of arms than the storming of that impregnable rock by Vicente de Zaldivar with seventy men-of whom less than three-score were engaged in the assault-on the bloody 22d, 23d, and 24th of January, I599. The forcing of that awful cliff, the three days' death-struggle hand-to-hand, the storming of that fortresstown room by savage room-time records nothing more desperately brilliant. These smooth, gray rocks, whereon I dream to-day, were slippery-red then with the life-blood of five hundred heroes-for here Greek met Greek-and ghastly rivulets ran down the hollows and trickled over the cliff to the thirsty valley. This drowsy air was split with the war-cry of Santiago and the shrill enemy-yell of the Hero Brothers; and where yon naked babes sport dimpled in a dimpling pool, stark warriors wallowed in a grimmer bath, and gasped from dying lips undying hate. Over yon dizzy brink I toss unanswering pebbles to the deep plain, where maddened savages sprang forth to death in spatters. And where yon statuesque maiden walks placidly, a great gay tinaja of water perched upon her shapely head, a gray, tattered, bleeding Spaniard received the surrender of the scant remnant of crushed Acoma. In the precious epic left by Villagran, the soldier poet, who was pars magna of those bitter days, we have still RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS i89 a long and graphic description of a heroism which history could ill afford to lose. Thirty years later there was another capture of Acoma, as remarkable and as heroic as Zaldivar's marvellous assault, but with other weapons. In that year of I629 came the apostle of the Acomas, brave, gentle Fray Juan Ramirez, walking his perilous way alone from distant Santa Fe. His new parishioners received him with a storm of arrows. There is a current legend that they threw him off the cliff, and that his priestly robes upheld him miraculously and saved his life; but this is a myth without foundation of fact. It probably sprang, partly, from confusion with the marvellous and real escape of Onate's four men who leaped over the cliff and lived, and partly from a misunderstanding of the Indian folk-lore. The undaunted Franciscan faced the wrath of the savages, and finally won their hearts. For a score of years he lived alone among them, taught them to read and write, and led them to Christianity. The first church in Acoma, built two centuries and a half ago,* was one of the monuments of this as noble and successful missionary as ever lived. And then came the awful month of Santana, I680, when the Pueblo thunderbolt burst from a clear sky upon the doomed Spaniards. Nowhere else in the history of the United States, save at the Little Bighorn, was there such a massacre of Caucasians by Indians as on that red Ioth of August. More than a score of devoted missionaries, more than four hundred heroic Spanish colonists, were butchered then, in a blow that fell across all New Mexico at once; and the pitiful remnant of the invader was driven from the land. In Acoma was then the good Franciscan, Fray Lucas Maldonado.t How this treacherous flock fell upon the lone martyr; if they thrust him off the wild precipice that girt his parish (as their own legend says), or beat out life from the quivering clay with clubs and stones, or spilt it from gashes with the cruel flint knife, we may never know. All that is left to us is the knowledge that he was slaughtered here, and here fills an unknown grave.... With it went the thumbed churchbooks, that would have been so precious to history and to romance today. * Now, in 1942, more than three centuries. t Friar Crist6bal Figueroa met martyrdom with Friar Lucas Moldonado at Acoma in I680. I90o MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO When Diego de Vargas, the re-conqueror, took back New Mexico in 1692, Acoma surrendered at once to his formidable force of two hundred men. In I696 the high-perched pueblo again rebelled. Vargas marched against it, but could not storm the deadly rock; and the rebellion was never punished. The Acomas, however, seeing all the other pueblos submitting to the humane invader, gradually relented from their defiance and fell into line. The mission was re-established, and the church rebuilt, about the year 1700. Since then the quaint town has dwelt in peace.... [and] the Franciscan Fathers labored undisturbed in their lonely field.... The people of Acoma are quaint as their remarkable city. In their very simplicity breathes an atmosphere of the mysterious. Tangibly they are plain, industrious farmers, strongly Egyptian in their methods, despite the steel plough and the wagon of recent adoption.... the valley wherein the mesa stands, the well-watered valley of the San Jose, twelve miles northwest, wherein is their summer pueblo of Acomita, and some minor areas, are threaded with irrigating ditches, and rustle with corn and wheat, chile, beans, and wee peach orchards and melon patches. Their crops are adequate. They have enough to eat, enough to sell for luxuries. The dark store-rooms in their curious houses are never empty; and in the living-rooms hang queer tasajos (twists) of died muskmelon for dwarf pies, bags of dried peaches for the same end, jerked mutton from their own flocks, jerked venison from the communal hunt, parched chile, and other staples. In a corner is always the row of sloping lava slabs, neatly boxed about, whereon the blue corn is rubbed to meal with a smaller slab. Along the walls hang buckskins and Moqui-woven mantas, cougar-skin bowcases beside the Winchester, coral necklaces and solid silver necklaces, the work of their own clever smiths, and many other aboriginal treasures. The cleanly and comfortable wool mattresses are rolled and laid on benches with handsome and often costly Navajo blankets, for a daytime sofa. By night they are unrolled upon rugs or canvases on the floor. In one corner is the wee but effective adobe fireplace, with chimney generally of unbottomed earthen jars, and in another a row of handsome tinajas, painted in strange patterns, full of fresh water. Outside, the house is even more picturesque. Each building is RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I9I solid for several hundred feet, but cut by cross-walls into separate little homes which never have interior communication with each other. The block is three stories high, with a sheer wall behind but terraced in front, so that it looks like a flight of three gigantic steps. Save in a very few cases of recent innovation, there are no doors to the lower floor; and the only entrance to a house is by ladder to the roof of the first story, well back upon which the second story opens. The only entrance to the first story is through a tiny trap-door in the floor of the second and down a ladder. The third story and the utmost roof are reached by queer little steps on the division walls. The doors are nearly all very tiny, and the windows, save of a few spoiled houses, are merely big sheets of translucent gypsum set solidly into the opening. The costumes of the people are strikingly picturesque, and even handsome. That of the women in particular is Oriental, characteristic, and modest. Not only that, but it is costly. These quiet folks, whose facial appearance is generally comely, are far from naked savages. The main mesa of Acoma is an indented oval; but at the south it is half yoked by an impassable hyphen of crags to a similar and equally noble mesa. So the whole rock, at a bird's-eye view, strikingly resembles, in shape, a pair of bowed spectacles. There are no dwellings on the southern mesa; but thither leads-down the side of the craghyphen and up again-a trail, deep worn in the rock, to the great reservoir, chief of the many hollows which serve Acoma for waterworks. This reservoir-a picturesquely beautiful cavity in the solid rock-should be seen at sunrise; when the strange lights and shadows, the clear image of its bluff walls in the mirror of a lakelet make it a vision never to be forgotten. On the main mesa are a great many somewhat similar tanks, large and small; the natural capacity of the larger ones increased by damming. Those nearest the houses are used as the town washtubs for clothing and children-for the Acomas are cleanly-and the farther ones for drinking-water, of which the great tank on the south mesa, however, furnishes the main supply. In the high, dry air of this altitude, these natural stone reservoirs keep the rain-water cool and fresh the whole year around; and the supply almost never fails. When it does, there are fine springs in the plain whereupon to draw. Every drop of water used in the houses is brought by the women in three to five gallon tinajas upon their heads-an 192 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO exercise which may be largely responsible for the superb necks and chests and the confident poise of head notable among all Pueblo women. There is no more picturesque sight than the long file of these comely maids and matrons marching homeward in the sunset glow with their careless head-burdens. Across the far, smooth valley the curling gramma is dotted with broad herds of horses, cattle, burros; and back in the surrounding wilderness of table-lands are great flocks of sheep. Nightly, as the sun falls back upon the huge black pillow of the Mesa Prieta, the hundreds of horses and burros are driven to the mesa's top by a new trail which has been builded with infinite toil since peace came. By the old trails-which sufficed the town for unknown centuries-not even a goat would mount the giant rock. Such, to the casual sight, are the folk of Acoma and such their surroundings; but, as one looks, there grows consciousness of the mystery within. Here and there are windowless rooms, reached only by a trapdoor in the roof and by a tall, rude ladder topped with mystic symbols. No stranger may enter there; but white-headed principales climb in and out, and strange muffled songs float off over the housetops far into thenight, with now and then the dull beat of the tombe; and now and then is the watcher aware of an invisible spiral of smoke curling above the dark hatchway-from the sacred fire that never died nor ever shall. When...the Sun Father shows his ruddy face above the eastern mesas, and again when he sinks into the dark ridges of the west, there are stirless human statues upon the housetops that show for more than careless lookouts. In the houses are mysterious symbols which the stranger dare not touch. In wild cave shrines above and below the cliffs are thousands of unknowable sticks tufted with downy feathers, miniature bows and arrows like those of Mau-sa-we and O-ya-we, and wee imitations of the magic hoop. Quaint, tiny parcels of the sacred corn-meal, wrapped and tied with the precious husk, are stowed everywhere in crannies of the infinite rocks. Everywhere are these hints of solemn mysteries, into which the visitor shall do well not to pry. In a dizzy eyrie of the southern mesa, safe enough from the inquisitive, is perched a perfect cliff-house-startling link back to antiquity. Few strangers have ever seen it; few ever will, for the climbing is a neck's worth; but there it is, gray, impassive relic RUINS OF THE GREATER OUTPOSTS OF THE CROSS I93 of the Forgotten. There are strange, symbolic foot-races and stranger dances, the least of which the world may see on the feast of San Esteban, the patron saint of Acoma, September 2d, and on other holy days; but upon the chief ones no stranger has ever looked. They are more secret than the Inquisition. CHURCH AND MONASTERY OF ACOMA As it appeared before the repairs in 1924. Beside the sun-seared graveyard, where the dead of centuries sleep unmindful that their crowded bones are jostled by each newcomer unto rest, is a'miniature mountain of breakage. If you watch when the still form, swathed in its costliest blanket, has been lowered into its narrow bed; when upon the earthen coverlet has been broken the symbolic jar of water; when from the tottering belfry has pealed the last silver clang of the high bell with its legend, "San Pedro, aio I710"; when the wailing mourners have filed away to the desolate house where the Shamans are blinding the eyes of the ghosts, that they may not find the trail of the vanished soul on its four-days' journey to 194 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Shi-p'a-pu —then you shall see borne forth jars and hand-mills and weapons and ornaments and clothing, to be broken and rent upon the killing-place, that they may go on with their departed owner. When old men meet and part you may see that each takes the other's hand to his mouth and breathes from it; and that when they smoke they blow the first six puffs to different directions. Every man wears a little pouch which money will not unlock. Each knows words which he may not utter aloud in any finite presence. Each has goings out and comings in which none must spy upon. And so at every turn there are hints and flashes of the unknown and the unknowable, the pettiest of which you shall try in vain to fathom. Their marvellous mythology, their infinitely complicated social, religious, and political economies, their exhaustless and beautiful folk-lore-of all you shall everywhere find clues, but nowhere knowledge.... 0 CHAPTER VI RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION ITH THE EXCEPTION of the Palace of the Governors in La Villa Real de Santa Fe the major Hispanic monuments of New Mexico are all of ecclesiastical origin. Of this exception I shall speak first. It was erected probably in the year I6io, therefore cannot be ascribed to Governor Juan de Onate as it was until recently. That much-persecuted, though greatly deserving, CaptainGeneral and Adelantado has been deprived of that ia." honor by the historians of the last decade and his less known successor, Peralta, is now recognized as the founder of Santa Fe and builder and first occupant of the Palacio Real. The home of not less than a hundred successive Governors and Captains-General, under the flags of three ruling powers, this battered caravanserai of the southwestern desert endured as a government house for almost exactly three hundred years. Then, by a wise legislature it was handed to the School of American Research of the Archaeological Institute of America, dedicated to historical and archaeological studies, and to perpetual service of the commonwealth of New Mexico as a state museum. The narrowest escapes of the Palace from destruction were, first, when the Indians burned a considerable part of it after the evacuation by Governor Otermin at the climax of the Pueblo Rebellion of I680. During that siege it had sheltered within its compounds the entire surviving white population of upper New Mexico. It was repossessed and reoccupied immediately after the reconquest by General Diego de Vargas in 1692-93, and though undergoing many vicissitudes during the next two hundred years, was never seriously threatened again until the turn of the last century when the march of time had brought to the American Southwest a new population, aggressive for development and indifferent to tradition. The Palace fell into decay, was devoted 195 EL PALACIO REAL The Old Palace in is territorial embellishment The Old Palace restored to its original style RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION I97 in part to purposes unworthy of its noble history and was undesired by both Federal and Territorial governments. It was during this period that its demolition was seriously considered to make way for a manystoried office building. Had this proposal prevailed, it seems probable that the venerable capital of the province of New Mexico would have sunk to the level of the hundreds of commonplace villages of the western frontier of America. Fortunately, the plan for its preservation for archaeological and historical purposes triumphed. The Palace enshrines the Hispanic tradition of the Southwest. Its restoration to worthy purposes meant far more than the reclamation of a building. It meant the restoration of a tradition that is the most priceless possession of any American commonwealth. It restored the sentiment for antiquity that has changed the American Southwest from passive toleration of the commonplace to eager appreciation of historic origins. Since 1909, Santa Fe, in its residential aspects,.has evolved almost completely in the architectural and artistic tradition of the Palace, and this renaissance has extended far beyond the limits of the City of the Holy Faith, even beyond the boundaries of New Mexico. The entire Southwest is responding to the spirit of tradition and is building in what has come to be called "the Santa Fe style." The movement that resulted in the reclamation of the Palace of the Governors embraced as an inevitable consequence the ecclesiastical monuments of New Mexico. These are the Franciscan mission churches that were established at strategic places among the Indian communities from 1598 on. We consider in this chapter the six that constitute the archaic group;* namely, Pecos, Quarai, Abo, Gran * In a dissertation on "The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and since the American Occupation," presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Yale University, published by The Taylor Museum, Colorado Springs, Dr. George Kubler elucidates the impropriety of my use of the term "archaic" as applied to this group of missions. I quote his statement in full: "In a paper delivered before the International Congress of Americanists in 1935, Dr. E. L. Hewett referred to themonuments of this period as constituting an 'archaic' mission style, of which the background was as yet untraced. But from the first formulation of the style to the recent decades of architectural activity, New Mexico has maintained the status of a provincial area, isolated from the currents of change which were effective in metropolitan centers of the Spanish world. The phenomena of regional survivals of an older artistic tradition, altered only by progressive simplification and reduction, characterize the arts of New Mexico, and there never occurred a period in which the original formulas were elaborated to a greater complexity and refinement of style. Now the term I98 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Quivira, Jemez, and Acoma. All these were built within a quarter of a century after the founding of Santa Fe and all have been in ruins for two and a half centuries, with the exception of Pecos, which, rebuilt, probably functioned as a mission to nearly one hundred years ago, and Acoma, the only one of the great missions to live through the Pueblo Rebellion of I680 and never completely abandoned. It is to be noted that the Franciscans entered New Mexico and built this group of churches a full century and a half before they established their missions in California. With the exception of Jemez, which was built west of the Rio Grande del Norte, they chose for the location of these missions the chain of frontier towns: Pecos, Quarai, Gran Quivira, and Abo-all east of the Rio Grande and, with the exception of the last named, at the eastern base of the mountains. This constituted the eastern frontier of the sedentary communities that came to be called the "Pueblo Indians." Exposed as they were to the raids of such predatory tribes as Apache and Comanche, they were the first of the villages of the recent Pueblo period to succumb. All, with the exception of Pecos, which survived well into the nineteenth century, were extinguished shortly before the Pueblo Rebellion of i680. The period of the archaic missions of New Mexico was, therefore, only half a'century. Why these exposed towns were chosen by the padres for the location of these missions is difficult to understand, 'archaic' when precisely used, does not signify mere chronological priority. As a term in the history of art, 'archaic' has no significance whatever unless it describes phenomena that are both unprecedented and genetic, in the sense of inaugurating a life cycle of stylistic events. Thus, the term is legitimately used only when both of two conditions are present in the situation it describes: (i) The works in question incorporate for the first time a satisfactory solution to some major problem in the synthesis of form and matter. (2) Not only must this solution be unprecedented, but it shall be followed by kindred and dependent solutions of an increasing complexity of formal relationships. These are generally termed, classic, mannerist, academic, and baroque, in chronological order, and the life cycle of style described by these terms must be clearly evident, uncontaminated by major interferences, before the terms themselves may properly be used. For if mere chronological priority is taken as the basis for archaic style, then anything becomes archaic with relation to its predecessors: Bernini is archaic with relation to Houdon; and conversely, a true archaic style will not be recognized as such in a mechanical system of priority, where the term loses shape and becomes a synonym for 'older.' In stylistic method, then, the term 'archaic' is improperly applied to the seventeenth century mission buildings of New Mexico, although the first of the essential conditions-an original solution to the problem of the synthesis of form and matter-is present in the resolution effected between baroque form and the materials of an aboriginal culture. The missing factor is the subsequent stylistic elaboration of the primary solution." RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION I99 unless it was simply that the frontier afforded opportunities for reaching the savage, nomadic people as well as the peaceful Pueblos, and true to their character, they never sought the easy way. These six churches, one (Pecos) built of adobe and the other five of stone, constitute a noble group of ruins. Crude, massive, elemental, as compared with the later missions of California, Arizona and Texas, they, with the solid, monolithic Palace of the Governors, are in an architectural tradition that has not yet been traced back to its ancient sources. Austere, vital beyond any other that Europe contributed to the New World, this form has survived to give a character to the Southwest that is now its chief cultural asset; a style not dependent upon ornamentation for its distinction but resting its claim to merit solely upon a sound, formal tradition that perfectly meets the requirements of a unique, elemental environment. The reclamation of the Palace of the Governors in I909 was followed by the acquisition of the archaic mission ruins and their c I!***A "- ' - - - a I I 6 EL PALACIO REAL The Old Palace of the Governors as it now appears. 200 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO utilization in the establishment of an architectural style. The repair of the Palace was followed by the building of the State Art Museum in which the vital elements of the New Mexico missions were incorporated, illustrating the possibilities of the ecclesiastical form and its adaptation to public buildings. The Palace with its monolithic aspect, its massive, colonnaded portal with characteristic corbels, its patio or placita, has dominated the architecture of countless residences, large and small, in the Southwest. It is doubtful if any other building in America has such numerous offspring. Elements from it, integrated with the mission form as illustrated in the Art Museum, have found their way into countless public buildings, business houses, hotels, garages and filling stations, constituting a style that cannot be ignored by future builders of the Southwest. PRESERVATION ASSURED The six archaic missions are all in an advanced state of decay with the exception of Acoma. Roofs are gone; few timbers remain and THE ART MUSEUM IN SANTA FE RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 201 walls are sadly wrecked. Settlers in the vicinity have helped themselves to stone from the outer facings of the walls and to timbers from the roofs and ceilings with which to build corrals, fences, barns and houses. Nevertheless, the main architectural features survive and in every case there remains an impressive ruin, noble in aspect, eloquent of a heroic age, every one a fitting monument to valiant soldiers of the cross. Nave and transept and chancel and high altar and baptistry and flagstone floor, and the adjacent convent with its austere cells, fireplaces, corridors, and patio as they come to light, testify that it is not simply a building in ruin that is being reclaimed, but also a priceless tradition that belongs not only to the American Southwest but to the Hispanic world. It required a third of a century to bring to fruition the reclamation of the ruined missions of New Mexico. To secure possession of them was the first essential step. This was made possible by the fact that public interest in them had sunk to zero. No one cared what became of them. The School of American Archaeology acquired an incomplete title to the Pecos Mission tract by patent from the United States Government, conveying the interest of the government and of the Pecos Indians. The Gross-Kelly Company had previously acquired title to the entire Pecos Pueblo Grant. Then this always public-spirited company, through its president, Mr. Harry Kelly, caused the ruined mission and pueblo, with an ample tract surrounding them, to be transferred to the School of American Archaeology and Museum of New Mexico (I921). To satisfy a possible equity of the church, the title was passed first to Archbishop Daeger and by him to the School and Museum. This made secure one of the venerable landmarks-the one best known and most exposed to vandalism. Jemez Mission was found to be in conflicting ownership. This was settled through the generosity of the two claimants. Mr. A. B. McMillan of Albuquerque, and the heirs of Mr. James W. Miller of Jemez Hot Springs (Mrs. James W. Miller and Mr. Hugh Miller), relinquished their interests to the School and Museum (I921). This brought the second of the great group under control of the institution working on the reclamation plan. The mission and pueblo of Gran Quivira were found to be under dual ownership, the church being situated on government land, 202 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO the pueblo on a privately claimed section. In 908 the President of the United States was requested to assume control of the mission ruin by declaring the same a national monument, under the recently enacted (1906) Lacy Act for the Preservation of American Antiquities. This was done. The proclamation was issued in 1909. The School of American Research followed up investigation of the title to the pueblo, commenced privately by the writer of this chapter, some years before. After protracted litigation, the Secretary of the Interior validated the homestead claim of Mrs. Clara Corbin, a soldier's widow. There the title rested until some time after the decease of the owner, when the quarter section including the pueblo ruins was put up for tax sale by the authorities of Torrance County. It was bought in by the School of American Research (1914) and title duly perfected in 1922. The third of the great Mission ruins thus came into dual ownership of the federal government and the New Mexico institution. Quarai Mission and pueblo ruins came into the possession of Messrs. Corbett, McCoy, and Dunlavy of Mountainair. These gentlemen at their own motion deeded the tract to the School and Museum (19I3). Their title was contested and after a few years of assumed ownership the institution was dispossessed in favor of the private claimant. However, Hon. Bernard S. Rodey, attorney for the successful claimant, always desired that the ruins should be acquired and held in public ownership. His enthusiasm for the preservation of the ruins was handed on to his son, Mr. Pearce Rodey, who, in 1928, negotiated the purchase of the site for the University of New Mexico. Four of the great establishments were now secure. The mission and pueblo of Abo remained in private hands. Mr. Pearce Rodey, after prolonged negotiations with his clients, the Cisneros family, obtained a favorable price on the property and, with subscriptions from members of the alumni, made the purchase for the University of New Mexico ( 937). To the tract included, Mr. Fred Cisneros generously gave without remuneration an additional strip on which a portion of the church is situated. It was a happy consummation when the last of the five great mission ruins came into the hands of the New Mexico institutions. The School and Museum that had worked for a quarter of a century on the enterprise and the State University which came into it with its prestige RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 203 and financial aid now own the five sites jointly. All of them have been declared state monuments by the Science Commission of the State. By agreement, administration is vested in the School and Museum until February, 1943, when future arrangements may be considered. The writer has been in charge of, and is mainly responsible for, the rehabilitation program. Acquisition of the mission ruins of Pecos, Jemez, Quarai, and Gran Quivira had been quite a job. What to do with them was the next question and a more difficult one. Every one was in a precarious condition, requiring immediate attention if anything were to be saved. Vandalism was at its height. There were no funds available for custodianship and very little for essential repairs. No large scale plan for permanent treatment could be undertaken. All that could be thought of was to hold deterioration in check. The School of American Research undertook it with such meager financial resources as it could muster, aided by the State Museum which could always furnish the services of its staff. At that time only one inflexible rule of procedure was made. These monuments must be maintained as ruins; no rebuilding; repair for preservation only. The School inaugurated summer sessions at Quarai, Jemez, and Gran Quivira. The director and staff members, some lecturers from other institutions, and classes of students camped at the ruins for a few weeks at a time, working on the archaeology, ethnology and history of the Southwest; excavating, trying out field methods and accumulating archaeological material for the State Museum. This gave opportunity every year to do some work on the mission ruins. Repair work to prevent further collapse of massive walls, to hold loosened stones in place, to stabilize what remained, was the work of Sam Hudelson, for twenty-five years in charge of buildings and grounds at the State Museum. What this capable workman (artist as well as master mechanic) accomplished, assisted by a few unskilled laborers, was beyond praise. So artistically were his repairs made that his handiwork could hardly be discovered, and so substantial that a quarter of a century of New Mexico weather has left it unimpaired. Note: Hudelson carried out the repair of ruined walls to a far greater extent in our work at Chaco Canyon, especially on the great ruin of Chetro Ketl. Government work of the same and earlier periods on similar 204 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO ruins has had to be torn out and done over at enormous cost. Not so the work of Sam Hudelson. Not a cubic yard of his work has had to be replaced. His methods have influenced the work of nearly all of us who have been associated with the preservation of ruins during this generation. In his line he has been the teacher of many Ph.D.'s. Hats off to this master craftsman, now on the retired list. Pecos Mission presented a different problem. What remained of its massive adobe walls was so undercut by weathering that final and irremediable collapse was imminent. The only thing that could be done with the resources at our command was the shoring up of walls with concrete footings capable of supporting the full weight of the overhanging masses. This was successfully done by Mr. J. L. Nusbaum (I915), then on the Museum staff. It was executed simultaneously with the opening up of a large excavation on the pueblo ruin, concession for which was granted to Andover Academy; Dr. Charles Peabody, Head of the Department of Archaeology, Dr. A. V. Kidder, Field Director. The stabilization of the mission walls by the School was frankly an emergency job, not expected to be permanent. It served its purpose staunchly for twenty-five years. We replaced it in I940. So, in one way or another, we arrested the destruction of those four grand old mission monuments and held deterioration in check fairly well from 1915 to I934. Then came the period of federal aid to public works. From our point of view, the claims of the old missions stood well toward the top of the list. The government agencies were found to be cordially receptive to the idea of rehabilitating the missions and supported the projects liberally from beginning to end. The School of American Research and the State University contributed my services as director and made cash contributions as well. The State Museum secured a special appropriation from the legislature of New Mexico for mission repair. Altogether the sponsor's contribution required by the government was met. A final long range plan for the reclamation and stabilization of the missions was now possible and no time was lost in getting it under way. " 'Tis an ill wind that blows nobody good" was one of our old copy-book maxims. The nation-wide depression of the "thirties," among many other benefits, resulted in the saving of the priceless old mission ruins for future generations, RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 205 who, more and more, will appreciate the teachings of history. The total cost of the work to the state and its institutions and the federal government can not, under the extraordinary circumstances, be determined. It would have been prohibitive under normal conditions. Naturally, we have been confronted with the problem of restoration. There are those who urge the rebuilding, even reoccupation of these venerable structures. On that subject we have an unshakable policy which I have set forth in a recent annual report from which I take the liberty of quoting: The search for projects on which to expend federal funds has brought to an acute stage the problem of our historic and prehistoric monuments and their preservation. We who have been keeping this subject before the public more or less for a third of a century have become apprehensive that our well meant efforts, while arousing the interest that we hoped for, have set in motion trends of action more destructive than the ignorant vandalism that we sought to curb. The Southwest is rich in monuments of past ages; its cliff dwellings and ancient pueblos constitute a priceless heritage. They are the gift to us of America's unadulterated culture. Do not think for a moment that those are relics of a barbarous people; they are bearers unto us of the serene life that our America produced in the years of its youth. To know that world may be worth while in times to come. The clamorous age that we have substituted may compel some change of attitude between man and his world that may induce a better time than any that has gone before. Our archaic missions-Pecos, Quarai, Abo, Gran Quivira, Jemez, and Acoma-are monuments of religious fervor that recognized no limits of time and distance and hardship. They were hoary with age when California's well-advertised missions were being founded; they were ancient when our Declaration of Independence was signed. They are period-markers in the history of our great Southwest, and if a commonwealth that owes its characteristic charm to that crusading spirit will enable us to do it, we will preserve not only the stones of these venerable monuments, but the atmosphere of sanctity which should be their best protection. We will allow no vandal hands to destroy or restore them, but let their noble, broken 206 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO walls testify to the spirit that built them. In short, the preservation of these monuments means the establishment of sanctuaries where a spirit of reverence may abide. We will not put back a single block of stone more than is necessary to arrest destruction, and we will let no work of our hands deface the work of their builders nor belie the spirit that wrought them; for that spirit lives in every chapel in our southwestern land and blesses simple native homes with a peace more precious than worldly wealth. When it is important for the information of the public, make a model of a building or a restoration on paper, clearly indicating where it is conjectural, and let it go at that. 0 Such is the spirit in which we regard our obligation to preserve and protect our ancient monuments. In this spirit we have laid the foundation of a policy in Chaco Canyon, Pecos, Jemez, Abo, Quarai, Gran Quivira. If, in our preservation of the old Palace of the Governors in Santa Fe, we seem to have departed in a measure from this policy, it is to be remembered that we are acting under a mandate to take this most historic monument on American soil and re-dedicate it to a purpose worthy of its history-that of a museum in which to enshrine the memorials of New Mexico's past. In support of this contention I have quoted at some length the views of John Ruskin as put down in his Seven Lamps of Architecture: 0.... Neither by the public, nor by those who have the care of public monuments, is the true meaning of the word restoration understood. It means the most total destruction which a building can suffer; a destruction out of which no remnants can be gathered; a destruction accompanied with false description of the thing destroyed. Do not let us deceive ourselves in this important matter; it is impossible, as impossible as to raise the dead, to restore anything that has ever been great or beautiful in architecture. That which I have above insisted upon as the life of the whole, that spirit which is given only by the hand and eye of the workman, never can be recalled. Another spirit may be given by another time, and it is then a new building; but the spirit of the dead workman cannot be summoned up, and commanded to direct other hands, and other thoughts.... Of more wanton or ignorant ravage it is vain to speak; my words will not reach those who commit them, and yet, be it heard or not, I must not leave the truth unstated, that it is again no question of RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 207 expediency or feeling whether we shall preserve the buildings of past times. We have no right whatever to touch them. They are not ours. They belong partly to those who built them, and partly to all the generations of mankind who are to follow us. The dead have still their right in them; that which they laboured for, the praise of achievement, or the expression of religious feeling, or whatsoever else it might be which in those buildings they intended to be permanent, we have no right to obliterate. What we have ourselves built, we are at liberty to throw down; but what other men gave their strength and wealth and life to accomplish, their right over does not pass away with their death.. It belongs to all their successors.... The foregoing presents the plan and spirit in which the problem of reclamation of the ruined missions was approached. The execution of these ideas has been a formidable undertaking. The endless details of construction and supervision fell largely to Dr. Fisher, co-author of this handbook. To his engineering knowledge and capable business management are due the results now ready for inspection. But in any campaign the men on the firing line are indispensable factors. To Albert Ely, Joseph Toulouse, Wesley Hurt, and William Witkind are due the praise for carrying out the reclamation plans for Quarai, Abo, and Pecos missions in the spirit above outlined. These young men literally lived on the job at the post assigned, each for more than a year of devoted study and direction. Many students labored intelligently in various phases and stages of the work —too many to enumerate and at tasks too intimately related to permit of separate, individual recognition. Furthermore, it should not be overlooked that several hundred young men of the Civilian Conservation Corps, of National Youth Administration, and of the Works Projects Administration worked with commendable industry and intelligent interest to put these venerable ruins in condition for future understanding and preservation. For description of the work of excavation and repair it seems fitting to use the reports written by the men in charge. The first will be an abridgment of Mr. Albert Ely's report. * 208 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO EXCAVATION AND REPAIR OF QUARAI MISSION Previous to 1934, no scientific work had been done on the Quarai mission. Since May of that year work has been proceeding rapidly, both on the mission and monastery. Through the cooperation of the Department of Agriculture and the United States Forest Service, the excavation and repair of Quarai Mission was made possible. The Civilian Conservation Corps provided a crew of twenty men for the labor. Repair work was done for the preservation of the ruin. In some cases lintels were reset to prevent the collapse of walls overhanging the doorways and windows. In no instance were repairs carried beyond the evidences existing for reconstruction. Had the repair been delayed for many more years, the walls of the church would have collapsed. Excavation was begun at the south entrance of the church, and proceeded north through the nave, transept, and apse. The earth was removed by wheel-barrows. The fill here averaged six feet in depth on the floor. In the fill were several distinct levels. On the flagstone floor a half-inch of broken gypsum plastering was found. On top of this were three feet of fallen earth and stone. At intervals in this level, charred rafters, fallen from the roof, were removed; they were in a poor state of preservation. The top three feet consisted of wind-blown sand, and stone from the walls. Forty-one burials were removed from this fill. These burials had been made since the abandonment of the mission. Vandals searching for buried treasure had sunk pits through the floor of the church. In the north wall of the apse, a tunnel, five feet wide and four feet high, had been dug. The high altar had been completely destroyed, and also the greater portion of the three steps which lead from the transept to the apse. Due to the fact that nothing remained of the altar, it was not reconstructed. The steps to it remain in the condition in which they were revealed by excavation. On the interior, not a great deal of repair work had to be done. The loose rock was removed and the facing stone relaid. The floor, on the whole, was found to be in an excellent state of preservation. It was constructed of dressed sandstone flags averaging 24 x I8 inches in size. The top surfaces of the flagstones were smoothed. The stones were fitted together and covered the entire interior of the church. The RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 209 central portion of the nave had sagged and warped. These sections were raised or lowered wherever necessary. On the exterior, a great amount of repair;work was necessary. The facing stone that had been removed by natives was replaced. The loose stone and dirt of the core was first removed, and this was followed by replacing the red sandstone, set in mud. The facing was carried out so as to conform to the general appearance of the ancient walls. By this repair work the walls have been given added strength. They have been built no higher than they were in the ruined condition and were capped after the system used by the School of American Research in its masonry wall preservation in the Chaco Canyon. A window in the west nave was repaired. Its construction is typical of the Spanish Colonial architecture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The sides slope inward so that the exterior dimensions are greater than those of the interior. The base of the window has a slope of six inches to permit the drainage of water to the outside. The lintels were of logs. A second window in the east transept has been left in its ruined condition since no repair work was necessary, and since data concerning its original height were lacking. The remnants of three steps leading to the high altar were uncovered on the east and south of the apse. Only three feet one inch of the seventeen-foot-long steps were found. The first step at least had a wooden tread upon it, and there is a possibility that the remaining two steps had similar treads. The wood was too badly decayed to be saved. In the east transept, near the northeast corner, a small altar was found. It was constructed of red sandstone, laid in mud mortar, with the outer surface plastered with gypsum. This altar differed from the one found in the west transept in that it was only ten inches high in the front and seventeen inches at the rear; it was terraced and reminded one of an Indian rain altar. The altar in the west transept is one foot three inches thick, stands one foot six inches above the floor on both the east and west sides, and is two feet high at the center. Its length is seven feet three inches. The following measurements pertain to the inside of the mission. The long axis, extending north-south from the entrance to the apse, is Ioo feet. The east-west axis through the nave is fifty feet, and its 210 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO north-south axis is twenty-five feet. The south end of the apse is sixteen feet seven inches wide; the north ten feet two inches wide; and both the east and west sides measure thirteen feet eleven inches. Adjacent to the east wall of the nave is the confessional. Passing through the east entrance of the transept one enters the sacristy. Entrance to the monastery was through the passage opening at the southeast corner of the church, also through the doorway in east transept, and by means of a second opening to the east, formed by the walls of the rooms numbered 1 and I I. The fill from the church to the eastern end of the east hallway had the following stratigraphy. Gypsum plaster, fallen from the walls and ceiling, directly upon the floor. This plaster averaged one-half inch in thickness. Six to eight inches of wind-blown sand covered it in fine layers from I/I6 to I/8 inch in thickness. The next three feet consisted of stone and dirt mortar fallen from the walls. On top of this was a ten inch layer of sheep and goat dung, interspersed with numerous bones of these animals. Portions of the monastery had apparently been used, at one time as sheep and goat corrals. The upper two to four feet consisted of more debris from fallen walls, and of wind-blown sand. The excavation of the monastery began at the northwest corner. The doorway forming the entrance to room I had been changed twice during the room's occupation. Originally it had been four feet nine inches wide, but was narrowed to an opening two feet eight inches. This was accomplished by building in the north side of the doorway. That this had been done during the occupation of the mission was revealed by the gypsum plastering on the section rebuilt. The smaller entrance was roughly sealed during a much later occupation; this was probably done by sheepherders. This later sealing did not extend to the original floor level. The westernmost portion of this room number I is terraced to a level three feet higher than that of the eastern portion. The terrace is walled up and is flush with the first offset of the church wall. The floor of this higher portion consisted of packed sand. In the northeast corner of room number I, a three inch fill of wood and ash was found. Imbedded in this deposit three celts and a ring, all of iron, were found. Room number 2 probably served as living quarters for the resi RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 211 dent priest. It has a flagstone floor, similar to that in the church. In it was found an altar, built of sandstone and covered over with gypsum plastering. The altar was built against the north wall. Along the north and east walls of the room, sandstone slabs were set on end into the walls to form a base-board. Two distinct floors showed that this room had two occupations. In the sacristy-room number 3-the small pottery wine cup was found. This wine cup, which was of brown color, seems probably to have been of Indian manufacture. A few potsherds of Indian manufacture and of post-Spanish date-of the so-called Glaze VI type-were found on the flagstone floor of the confessional, room number 5. On the plaster of room number 6, a fragment of fresco remained. It consisted merely of a band of orange color between two narrow black lines. Room number 8, a storage room, contained several post-Spanish sherds of Indian manufacture. In the southwest corner of this room, on the floor of the bin was found about two-thirds of a porcelain bowl, the only pottery find of Spanish origin. The bowl is about Ys inch thick and is decorated on the inside with a blue flower with yellow stamens. The reception room, number 7, is located east of the vestibule, and south and west of the patio. Entrance to it is gained from the south hall of the patio. The doorway is directly in the center of the north of the room. The floor of dressed flagstone is in a good state of preservation, and the flags have remained fairly level. A bench, a little more than a foot in height, was built against the east, north, and west walls of this room. The bench was constructed at the time of the original building of the room, and was plastered. At some later date, two pillars were constructed in the west and east corner, at the south side, directly over the bench. Mortises were provided, and in the southwest corner, on the floor against the bench, a portion of the footrest of wood remains intact. It is probable that these logs extended around the four sides, both on the floor and on the bench. This seems to be the only plausible explanation for the mortises. That the pillars were built secondarily is shown by the one-quarter inch of gypsum plaster between the pillars and the west and east walls. A portal with packed sand floor surrounds the patio, and provides entrance to all rooms of the monastery. The average width of 212 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO the portal is seven feet four inches. From the portal on the east side, a doorway leads into a second hallway which extends north-south and gives entrance to the dormitories, kitchen, refectory, and storage room. On the north, the portal opens into room number 9, and into the church through the sacristy. On the west there is an entrance to a vestibule and the confessional and on the south to the reception room. Off a long hallway shown on the ground plan as "east hallway," a passage leads into the kitchen, room number 10. In the northwest corner a fireplace of Spanish type was uncovered. It was in an excellent state of preservation, as were the walls of the room. Scattered in the fill of the room, to a height of six inches above the packed sand floor, were numerous sherds of post-Spanish type. From the ash of the fireplace two small food dishes, one fragmentary and the other complete, were removed. These dishes were of Indian manufacture, and were rectangular in shape. They ranged in color from a reddish-brown to a maroon, and they were undecorated. The bases were blackened and charred from contact with fire. The dishes are about six inches long, three inches wide, and one and one-half inches deep. A curious metal heart was found in the floor of room 14. The heart has the letter "C" on it, in relief; it is made of lead with a brass plating. Three feet south of the heart, a buckle made of the same metal and bearing initials "U. S." was found. These two articles are apparently harness decorations used by the United States Army. The packed sand floor of room number 12 had a covering of gypsum plastering three-quarters of an inch thick, which had fallen from the walls and ceiling. Fragments of mica covered the floor of room number 13. In the southwest corner of this room a small rock bench standing six inches high was found. Its north-south dimensions are one foot ten inches, and east-west, two feet four inches. On this structure several pieces of porcelain were found. Entering from the east hallway is a narrowed doorway into the refectory, which is situated east of the reception room, and which is number I5. The doorway to the east had at one time been a foot wider than its present measurement. It was narrowed during the occupation of the mission. The north side of the doorway slopes toward the interior. This sloping of one side of the doorway was probably to provide a larger opening when the wooden door was swung open. RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 213 In the southeast corner of this room a fireplace was constructed of two slabs of red sandstone set into the floor and rising above it. A hole in the roof probably existed for the smoke. The slabs rose about four inches above the floor. These stones form the north and west sides of the pit, while the other two walls are formed by the walls of the room. The east-west measurement of the firepit is two feet four inches, and the north-south, two feet eleven inches. The average thickness of the slabs is two and one-half inches. Along the west wall of the room there is a bench standing two feet three inches high and having a thickness of seventeen inches. It was constructed on top of the floor and was plastered with gypsum. At Quarai, the baptistry is formed by the two rooms that adjoin the southwest exterior of the church, while at Gran Quivira it is built at the northeast corner of the church and is entered from the nave. Excavation has resulted in complete removal of the fill from the interioroof the church, and in removal of debris from the entire north side of the mission and from the west and south sides of the church. Seventeen rooms of the monastery, its patio, and two hallways, have been completely excavated. Forming the baptistry, two of the rooms adjoin the west portion of the south facade of the church. One of these rooms, with the walls built up and roofed, serves for the time being as living quarters for those in charge of the work. Later repair work on the church consisted of replacing stone facings which were removed by natives; inserting lintels over the west window and south and east doorways to support the overhanging walls; and repairing the walls, the latter including the construction of a crude buttress to prevent the collapse of the east wall of the transept. It is probable that the entire interior of the mission during its occupation was completely covered with gypsum plastering. Portions of it must have had frescoes. No great amount of refacing the walls of the monastery was necessary and, on the whole, the walls were found to be in a good state of preservation. Only the replacement of the weathered out stones was needed in the repair of the walls. Mr. Ely handled the work at Quarai for several months. It was then taken over by Wesley Hurt, Fellow of the School of American 214 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Research, who remained in charge until the job was finished, September I, I940. Following the work above, reported by Mr. Ely, came an additional season of repair and stabilization of Quarai ruins, 1939-40, by Wesley R. Hurt, Jr. Mr. Hurt's abbreviated report follows: In the first week of January, I939, the writer and a crew of twenty-five men furnished by the Works Projects Administration commenced an additional project of stabilization and repair at Quarai. The cottonwood trees on the monument land were pruned and the fallen and dead trees cleared away. As the weather was too cold to attempt any masonry work or repair of the mission and monastery, the project concentrated during the first months on the pueblo ruins to the west of the mission. The plan was to clear the debris away from the outside walls so that the visitor to the monument would gain an impression of the size, shape, and type of masonry of the pueblo ruins. The north wall of the section of the pueblo to the west of the mission was completely outlined. Also both sides of the walls surrounding the east plaza of this section were laid bare. The north wall of the section of the pueblo to the west of the mission was completely outlined. Also both sides of the walls surrounding the east plaza of this section were laid bare. During the time of occupation of the pueblo, the debris was thrown to the outside of the rooms. Consequently, in clearing the walls many layers of archaeological stratigraphy, artifacts, and skeletal material were encountered. The artifacts included the conventional types of Pueblo pottery, arrowheads, awls, etc., and in addition, several specimens of majolica porcelain, clearly of Spanish origin. At the cessation of the work on the pueblo ruins, the repair and excavation of the uncleared section of the monastery was initiated. All the walls were repaired, shored up and capped. Some of the walls were capped by stones laid in a mortar of bitu-adobe. Later this practice was abandoned, for it was'noticed that the bitu-adobe mortar tended to crack and disintegrate much faster than the ordinary mud mortar. The practice of rounding the tops of the walls was found to RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 2I5 he the most effective. This was done by laying the cap stones in a receding terrace fashion with a single row at the top. A large section of the monastery to the south of the terraced patio was excavated and repaired. This work laid bare an interesting series of superimposed walls. Approximately four distinct building levels were found. An unusual structure found was circular in shape. As it lacked all of the conventional kiva features, other than the circular shape, and also formed an integral part of the monastery, it is possible that it was a torreon, or watchtower. A series of grinding bins and stone troughs was uncovered in this section of the monastery. Layers of sheep dung and bones gave evidence that many of these rooms were utilized as stock barns. In the farthest south room was an unusual feature, a small, stone, Indian, terraced altar. On the west side of this section of the monastery a large area enclosed by three walls was cleared out. It is possible that this inclosure was a corral for stock. In the southeast section of the monastery a large series of postSpanish artifacts was encountered. Majolica porcelain fragments, iron arrowheads, nails, bolts, picture frame corners, knife blades, a few copper nails, and a small amount of Indian pottery formed the main body of this material. The type of pottery found in the Quarai monastery is of the same class as that found on the Spanish hacienda ruins near Albuquerque. It is a thick ware with a cream, buff, or red slip. On rare examples there is an encircling reddish-brown band near the rim of the exterior. Another type of pottery is thin and always possesses the red encircling band on the interior and sometimes on the exterior. After the work in the southeast section of the monastery was concluded, the repair of the previously excavated sections of the monastery commenced. The benches in the reception rooms and the refectory were restored, as were the walls of the square kiva. It was necessary to construct a masonry lining in the ventilator of the square kiva. The retaining walls in the east patio were rebuilt and the land filled in behind them, forming two terraces. An underground water conduit was constructed which connected the circular kiva with a plaza drainage canal. To empty the water from the canal, a galvanized culvert was laid under the monument fence. These drainage canals will facilitate the preservation of the monastery ruins. 216 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO At the termination of this work, the repair of the mission proper commenced. A large movable scaffold some fifty feet high and thirty feet long was constructed. The facing of the walls above the viga slots had to be removed and refaced, as it overhung the lower portions of the walls. This feature can be explained by the fact that in constructing the mission the upper walls were built after the roof was laid and consequently built partially on the roof itself. The viga slots were repaired as they were gradually enlarging and weakening the walls above. Several large timbers were replaced in the indentations that lay directly under the viga slots. From one to ten feet of new wall was added to the tops of the old walls in several places where the old walls had fallen down. The tops of the walls were capped in the same manner as those of the monastery, that is, in a receding terraced shape. The window over the door in front of the mission was restored. Evidence for this window was found in the viga slots which were present. RUIN OF QUARAI CHURCH Front, as it now appears after repair. Photograph-Courtesy Neqw Mexico Tourist Bureau. RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 217 A considerable portion of the east wall was rebuilt and the door which led from the outside into the choir loft was restored. The large crack which had formed in the north wall was filled in with masonry and a new wall was built over the top to prevent further erosion by water. It was necessary to replace a large number of flagstones in the floor and to level the position of the old stones. In front of the mission a stone terrace was reconstructed, as were the walls of the campo santo. A considerable amount of time was expended on improving the landscape of the monument. A large graveled parking area was constructed on the west side, and a road brought along the west fence to connect with the parking lot. A small stone building was erected to form an entrance-way between the parking area and the ruins. The structure, approximately sixteen feet wide by twenty feet long, has a flagged floor and a herring-bone type of roof. In it was placed a map of the ruins, a registration desk, and several explanatory charts. A graveled path connects this building with the church ruins and the cottonwood grove. In the latter area many plum and wild cherry trees, grapevines, and rose bushes were planted. A large number of cottonwood saplings were transplanted on the land in front of the mission, while pine and spruce were planted at the back of it. The arroyo north of the pueblo ruins was filled in, and a diversion dike constructed to protect the north wall of the mission. Two flood gates to carry off excessive water were placed in the irrigation canal that runs through the monument. A dike was built along the south fence to prevent entrance of water from an adjacent wash. On August 6, 1940, the project terminated. EXCAVATION AND REPAIR OF ABO MISSION The following is from Mr. Joseph Toulouse's account of his work at Abo. The origin of the architectural style of the Abo mission is difficult to determine, though certain aspects of plan lead definitely back to the so-called basilicas of early Christian times. These were used as churches by the early Christians and gave rise to the conventions of church architecture of later times. The general style of the church is 2I8 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO unlike anything to be seen in the Old World. Only upon extended examination of the times and people can one surmise how it came into being. When the various friars were assigned to their several posts, they had but freshly come into this land and were as yet unfamiliar with the languages and customs of their missions. The architecture of the mission churches was much influenced by the Indian builders. The Indians lacked knowledge of the arch, dome, pier, etc. The Franciscans introduced carved beams, lime plaster, stairs, fireplaces of the corner type, etc. The Indians furnished the labor. The mission building may be divided into the church proper and the convento or monastery. Within the former, religious rites and ceremonies were performed; the latter was mainly for living quarters. The church contained nave, transept, apse, sacristy, and baptistry. The nave opens from a narthex on the terrace raised a few feet above the natural ground level on the south end of the church. Within the nave the worshippers knelt during the services. In the baptistry, which opens into the southwestern corner of the nave, the sacrarium is in the center of the floor, and was used to dispose of certain articles used in ritual (baptismal water, ashes, etc.). The small baptismal font is against the north wall, and on a level with its top is a niche in the wall. The ground plan of the church is that of the Latin cross, the apse and nave constituting the long axis and the transept the short arms. At each end of the transept, upon a raised platform, is an altar of adobe, separated from the long arm by balustrades. In the apse stood the high altar, one of three in the sanctuary. The two side altars of the sanctuary abut against the north wall. These show indications of having had additions which give them a slightly greater width than the central one. The sacristy opens off the east wall of the sanctuary, and has evidence of a raised bench along the north side, consisting of two squared beams five feet apart at floor level. From the southeast corner a door opens into two storage rooms. The convento comprises two courtyards. The easternmost is lower than the level of the convent floor, having been built on the ground level. This court was devoted to the corrals in which were kept sheep, RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 219 goats, and pigs. A ramp leads up into the interior of the convent in the northwestern corner, and is the only exit from this area. The western court is surrounded by corridors into which open living quarters, kitchen, storage rooms, and a room set aside for bird pens. The corridor along the south side of this court extends the full east-west length of the convento. In the southeast corner of this corridor is a corner fireplace, just inside the entrance from the terrace already mentioned. A porch forms the entrance-way into the interior of this section, and was separated from the terrace by a low wooden ballustrade. The west court has a promenade along the east and south sides, and slightly off center the remains of an Indian kiva into which refuse from the nearby kitchen was thrown. The kitchen was just opposite the southeast corner of the latter court, and across the north end had an open hearth, which is typically Indian. The floor of the convento is on a level with that of the front terrace, except for three rooms at the east end of the south corridor which are on ground level and apparently were entered from the roof as indicated by the steps at the end of the corridor. The entrance to the choir loft over the south end of the nave is from the west corridor. Living quarters were along the south side of the building, and within one of the rooms, in the northwest corner, is a small fireplace. The room used for the care of birds lies just off the east side of one of the sacristy storerooms. In its floor is a roofed pit which yielded fragments of eggshells of an unidentified species of hawk. The campo santo (burial ground) is enclosed by a stone wall in front of the church. Off its northeast corner is a small structure opening into one of the convent rooms by a series of steps with two low lying platforms on each side of the central one. The room had no exterior exit, though from indications the front or south wall was not higher than fifteen inches. In all probability this was an outside shrine. The refuse from the kitchen was thrown into the east court along the west wall and into the kiva inside of the west court. Sweepings of the mission were thrown into the former area, and partly used to fill the room into which the ramp from the east court led. Apparently toward the end of the mission period at Abo, further disposal of refuse was made in front of the building along the south 220 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO side. A refuse heap of ash was encountered above wind-blown material in the small exterior room thought to be a shrine. Burned roofing timbers were encountered almost everywherepossible evidence of Apache raiding. The artifacts of stone excavated from the debris of the mission were mainly metates and manos, many of which were uncovered amongst the stones of fallen walls. The metate is the typical Pueblo slab type with corresponding style of mano. Stone pot lids of several sizes were found, as were also several crude choppers made from river stones. These last were probably used for hacking meat or similar food. A few projectile points were found in the excavation, principally in the mortar from fallen walls. They are side-notched. Sandstone slabs used in cooking were uncovered, lying on the open hearth of the kitchen. Two mortars were found, one of which on the reverse side was also a metate. One side scraper was found. A large number of cut mica pieces were uncovered in the southeast corner of one of the storage rooms adjacent to the sacristy. These appear to have been mounted on a slab of gypsum. A few worked sherds, several animal figures, and an inciseddecorated pipe are numbered in the catalog. The worked sherds, for the most part, had ground edges. One specimen was circular, and perforated. The small clay animal figurines are indeterminate, except one which might be a representation of a horse. One of these figures came from the ashes of the firepit in the kiva, another from the fill in the sacristy. A pipe was of the tubular type, having incised geometric decoration in two panels. Stepped figures and pendant triangles are two principal units of decoration. Bone tubes, scrapers, a noisemaker, and awls were found. The tubes vary in length from two to three inches. One specimen has an incision at one end, in the side, made by parallel cuts. A scraper specimen, very fragmentary, is similar to the form called "flesher." The noisemaker is a portion of a rib with a serrated edge, probably drawn across lines incised on another bone. The awls are pointed bone splinters. Two pieces of vigas showing the carvings were recovered from the nave of the church. The design in each case consisted of concentric RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 22I circles surrounding a geometrically formed floral design. In the northeastern corner of the storage room off the sacristy several pieces of molding were discovered. These were elaborately carved, gilded in gold and painted white. In a room in the northwestern corner of the garden a slender, hard-wood spindle shaft was found on the floor. With these specimens may also be included the low-relief carving of several boards from the floor of the transept having a scroll-like design. Hewn wood canales or drains were used to carry off the water from the roofs. One was found in the upper part of the west wall of the nave at roof level. The objects of metal found are all of European origin. The most striking were two hinges uncovered at either side of the main entrance into the church. These swung the doors on pivots having bases of iron blocks. Hand-wrought iron nails were used to hold together the wooden lining of the niche in the baptistry. Several such specimens were found in the refuse heaps. One of these was approximately six inches long. The length of the smallest nails found is two inches. An ornately stamped button with a cross-shaped center was recovered in the refuse along the south wall. What appears to be a pair of fire tongs was uncovered in the transept alongside one of the altars. Finally, the excavations yielded an ancient round shot.50 caliber in size. The specimens under the heading of ceramics fall into two groups: the wares of local manufacture, that is, pottery made by the Indians, and Mexican majolica and Chinese porcelain. Several types are found in the first group of wares, some showing the influence of the Spaniards on local forms. The one which bulks the largest amongst the several thousand sherds recovered is a plain red ware, unslipped and apparently influenced by the Franciscans. It appears to be derived from the glaze-painted pottery of the Indians. It is identical except for the lack of glaze-paint decoration. It may be assumed that it was made for use in the mission rather than by the Indians. An Indian midden on the west side of the mission gave indications of large percentages of glaze-painted ware. Shapes of this pottery include a number of non-typical Indian forms. They do not appear to be pre-Spanish. They are the so-called "soup-plate" form, flaring-sided vessels, and cups with bases in imitation of Mexican 222 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO majolica and Chinese porcelain forms. Typically Indian forms are: bowls, sloping-necked ollas with the shoulder approximately twothirds of the distance below the rim, and globular cooking pots with constricted neck. The mission redware is the only undecorated ware found of local manufacture. Several decorated styles were recovered in small quantities. Two restorable pieces of the glaze-painted ware were found: one a slopingnecked olla and the other a large bowl. Both pieces were unslipped, as were the bulk of the sherds, and decorated in glaze-paint only. No other pigments were used to fill out the simple designs. The decoration on the bowl is confined to the section between the rim and the shoulder on the exterior and is composed of parallel bands of fretwork with a tri-lobed spacefiller. The interior of the bowl has parallel 'A — rt RUIN OF ABO CHURCH East side, as it now appears after repair. Photograph-Courtesy New Mexico Tourist Bureau. RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 223 bands below the rim and in the bottom. These are broken giving a "ceremonial break." The olla has similar decoration, having a glazed band around the neck just below the rim with pendant, concentric semicircles spaced at intervals. An additional band just above the shoulder of the vessel has vertical parallel lines in threes, the central one being the longest. As on the bowl the olla has the so-called "ceremonial break" in the circles. Specimens of the porcelain and majolica wares were sent to the Los Angeles Museum where Mr. Arthur Woodward identified them. His determinations brought forth interesting facts concerning the material. Several types were found, of which two were Chinese. A number of sherds of King-te-chen ware which has been in vogue from the Sung Dynasty to the present time were associated with the typical Mission period Indian wares as was also one sherd of a large Chinese jar from Shantung Province, the period of which is doubtful. Two types of Mexican majolica ware in imitation of Old World Talavera are the most plentiful. Of these, three "soup-plate" forms, a bowl, an entire cup and fragments of two other cups were found. The two types of the latter ware are distinct. One is a duochrome and the other a polychrome. The duochrome shows a bluish decoration on a cream slip, whereas the polychrome contains yellow, red, blue, black and green floral sprays which have animal forms on a creamish slip as the central decoration. Of the animal bones recovered the following were identified by Gerrit S. Miller, Jr., United States National Museum. These are: Wood rat (Neotomna mexicana fallax) Domestic Pig (Sus scrofa) Lynx (Lynx rufus) Sheep (Ovis) Ground Squirrel (Citellus) Cottontail Rabbit (Sylvilagus) Mule Deer (Eucervus hemionus) Western Red-tailed Hawk (Buteo Jamaicensis calurus) Bison (Bison bison) Goat, domestic Of the last two the bison was identified by the Colorado Museum of Natural History and the goat specimens by the writer. 224 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Identifications of other materials were made by Volney H. Jones, University of Michigan, who reports that from the dung of the bird pen some of the egg shells were those of the hawk which, interestingly enough, ties in with the bone identification given above. No bones of turkey were found. Other items in the dung of the bird pens were seeds of grape, wild plum (?), peach, watermelon, cantaloupe, and datura. REPAIR AND STABILIZATION OF PECOS MISSION From Mr. William Witkind's account of the repair and stabilization of Pecos mission from February, 1939, to December, 1940, the following is abridged: The plan of Pecos church and monastery is much like that of other missions in the state. Divided into three sections, yet forming one unit, the ruined buildings comprise: (I) The church on the south end of the mesilla of Pecos pueblo. (2) Joining the church on the south are the quarters of the resident friars and lay brothers, refectory, chapel, and living quarters. (3) Next come the quarters of the neophytes, Indian servants, storage rooms, etc. Detached to the south, are the lines of fallen stone and adobe walls of the old corrals and pens for stock. The plan of the monastery is that of a hollow square of rooms and passages built around a patio in the west end of the quadrangle with the main gate to the east facing the river. The church is laid out in cruciform shape-the nave and apse comprising the long arm of the cross running east and west-the short arms forming the transept running north and south; the facade to the west, two sacristies on the north and south sides of the apse and the baptistry on the southwest corner of the nave. I took compass shots of the walls while mapping the ground plan and found that the church lies almost true east-west. There are three entrances to the church, the main one on the RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 225 west, one in the southwestern corner of the nave leading into the monastery, the third in the center of the south arm of the transept, leading into the monastery. The arched doorways in the north and south walls of the apse leading to the two sacristies are features found in only one other mission (Acoma) in the Southwest. They are true keystone arches built of adobe brick. In general, the walls are straight, inside and out, up to within approximately four feet of the top. From there on they are battered in toward the center, probably for greater strength. However, they are not wedge-shaped as in some other examples of mission structure, for example, San Estevan de Acoma. The church was of the clearstory type, the ceiling of the nave being several feet lower than that of the transept, but approximately the same height as that of the apse. The original height of the monastery is problematical. There are five tiers of corbels and ruined beams on the south side of the mission at a height which would indicate a second story. The mission walls average five feet thick; those of the monastery, thirty-four inches. Very large sized adobe bricks were used, 22" long by II" wide by 42" thick. The Spanish tie seems to be used throughout: that is, one course of brick is laid lengthwise with the wall; the next course, or layer on top, is laid crosswise thus forming an effective bond. The cross walls of the monastery are thinner, averaging about 24" to 28". Some of the bricks are of the same size and color as are those found in east-west walls. Some appear to be of later date. The older brick are in excellent condition. The later are more crumbly and more friable. In the monastery two kinds of wall are found, adobe brick and rock. The foundations of all the adobe walls are rock and mud, generally from 6" to 30" in the ground. The first thing that was done at Pecos in February, 1939, was the scale mapping of the church proper, with the assistance of Mr. George Carr, U. S. Forest Service. Levels and heights, thickness of walls and grades were taken and put down on a working-map of the mission. Early in March excavation commenced and was carried on intensively for four months, during which time the blown sand and dirt was cleaned to the floor level of the church inside and out. Nine traceable 226 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO rooms, that is rooms having four walls and a floor, were excavated. Besides these several corridors, passages, and indeterminate areas were cleared. Excavation was systematic and slow. First the ruin was staked out in a quadrangle and divided into 6 ft. sections. Next with trowel and small pick the walls were traced and staked. Finally, the actual digging began. A room area was divided into four sections and taken down in from one foot to six inch levels. All dirt was either carefully examined while being removed or later screened. There was no stratification of the rooms till about the last foot above floor level when layers of charcoal, ash, and animal droppings were found. In room number 4, the chapel, and in the baptistry white plaster was found still in good condition adhering to the walls. In the chapel the old wooden steps leading up to the small altar were cut off and sent to the Museum for tree ring analysis. Several sacks of potsherds were collected, about 98 per cent being of Indian manufacture, about I per cent Spanish or Mexican Glaze Porcelain, probably imported from Old Mexico during the Spanish regime. The other I per cent may or may not be Mexican Glaze. No metal was found, not even nails. Several sacks of animal bones were recovered, studied and reburied. Two skulls found in lowest levels of the chapel proved to be buffalo. Animal droppings in broad deep layers in the rooms point to the fact that at any one time they were used for corrals. There was complete absence of heavy roof beams and timbers. Smaller poles and branches were exceedingly rare. There are two floor levels in the mission, the one found by J. L. Nusbaum while repairing the ruin for the School of American Research in I915, and a lower one 3 ft. 2" below. In the monastery there was no general floor level. Some rooms have as many as four floors. As they were made of adobe they would in the course of years and use become pitted and hollowed out. It was easier to put in a new floor than to patch and fill the worn places. The walls were given a fresh coat of burnt gypsum plaster on the inside and a new coat of mud on the outside, probably once a year. Only two fireplaces have been found, one in the northwest corner of room number i-the other in the northeast corner of room number 2. Both are of the hooded, Pueblo type. Probably others will be found on further excavation. It seems rather odd that out of nine rooms exca RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 227 vated only two fireplaces have been found. The summers at Pecos are warm but the winters are cold with the wind blowing almost constantly. Quantities of charcoal and ash were found in the lower levels of the rooms. The work went very slowly, digging at 6" levels, sifting and screening every wheelbarrow of earth. Little of interest was recovered. Pecos mission and pueblo were deserted by the last inhabitants in 1838. Prior to that time there had not been a resident priest at Pecos for many years. When the Indians left they probably took most of their utensils with them. Bandelier mentions a carved relief of Santa Maria which was taken to Jemez. Sheep herders with their flocks made the ruins their headquarters. This would account for the six to twelve layers of goat and sheep manure found in some of the rooms. Pecos was long a landmark on the old Santa Fe Trail. It was one of the last camping places of the wagon trains. This was responsible for more vandalism. Adolph Bandelier describes the systematic destruction of the pueblo and mission by the surrounding ranchers and townsmen of nearby Pecos town in search of building material. This was probably the period of greatest destruction. Last but not least came the influx of tourists and pot hunters. Taking everything in sequence, first the deserting padres and Indians, next shepherds and local inhabitants, then tourists and professional vandals, plus the natural decay of specimens through burial and the action of the weather, it is small wonder that little has been recovered in the excavation of the mission. Beginning on the first of June, I939, stabilization and repair of the mission began. A Civilian Conservation Corps crew of twelve men made adobe bricks until the ISt of August when the job was transferred to the National Youth Administration. In that time the C.C.C. boys made 8,500 bricks of the large size, I8"x92"x;t". The walls of the nave were cut down to a point where bricks could be laid and scaffolding built. The south transept nave corner was undercut so badly and was cracked and leaning so dangerously, that it was necessary to pull out about one-third of the corner and build it in anew. A half-round buttress io ft. in circumference at the base and inclined upward was built to support this wall. The bricks were tipped in to throw the weight of the buttress against the wall. On the inside of the 228 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO church the bricks were tipped out slightly to throw the weight in the other direction and the new wall was tied into the old with threaded channel rods and plates, scrap iron bars and wire. The outlines were stepped up at an uneven angle and roughly plastered to give an eroded appearance along with the rest of the church. The height at this corner is 32 /2 ft., which is the mean height of the rest of the high transept walls. Fourteen feet off the floor of the mission two new corbels were set in. All corbels, beams and wall plates were hand-hewn by C.C.C. boys on the spot. The beams averaged from I2 2 to 28 feet long and were from 9"x6" to o"x ii" in thickness hewn out of western yellow pine cut on the Glorieta Mesa to the southwest of the mission. The top corbel was left long enough to tie in with another corbel from the north side, to serve as a steady rest for scaffolds. Later the main beam, a io"xI i" piece, 22 ft. long, was lifted and spiked into place. The northeast transept-nave corner was treated in the same manner, with two exceptions: (I) no buttress; (2) all bricks leaning to the north. The north transept wall was leaning 5 per cent off center inwards, and plugs, 6 to 8 courses to the plug, were set in to form wedges and halt the tipping. The corner was tied in the same as the other, with steel bars and wire. The east side of the apse back of the high altar has been treated in the same fashion. There was no leaning or wedging of brick at this point-straight laying and tying in to the north and south apse walls. The east side of the south sacristy was built up again to a mean height of 9 ft., tied in with the south apse wall and the north wall of room no. 2 in the monastery. The door was rebuilt and new door plates put in. The wall was built as roughly as possible, tipped and curved to give the appearance of being on the verge of caving inward. This wall was plastered inside and out. The above four places comprise the restoration and stabilization that has been done. Work went slowly and carefully. Beams and corbels were never put in except when there was adequate proof of their former presence, mainly by vestiges of rotten wood still in place, or by old photographs. Lately the work consisted of breaking out the cement cap or sill at the base of the mission walls and re-stabilizing them. It took two months of hard labor with rock-chisel and jack-hammer. The work RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 229 was done when it was too cold to dig and lay brick and the boys' fingers were most of the time stiff with cold. No accidents were met with. From June on through November 25th there was always a crew making brick. Altogether the C.C.C. boys made 9,500 and the N.Y.A. boys in the neighborhood of I2,000. These have all been laid. On November 28th the Forest Service warehouse in Santa Fe started RUIN OF PECOS CHURCH Altar end and south side as it now appears after repair. Photograph-Courtesy New MTtexico Tourist Bureau. sending brick and kept on doing so until they had sent some 7,500. Therefore, from July ISt, I939, to February I5th, 1940, some 27,000 brick were used. It is estimated that 60,000 more will be needed to repair the mission and first quadrangle of the monastery. Along with the regular work of excavation, repair, and stabilization, went hauling of timbers to be squared, and dirt and sand for brick, mortar, and plaster; hauling water from the ranger station in Pecos; making new scaffolds; tearing old ones down; cutting firewood; mending and maintaining the new five-wire fence put in by the Forest Service, and countless minor jobs too numerous to mention. 230 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO The theory that the best way to preserve adobe is to put more adobe on top has been put into practice throughout the work at Pecos. Excepting for the north and south sacristies, the northernmost monastery wall, about half of the east end of the apse and portions of the nave transept corners, there has been no rebuilding to speak of. The reason for this is that the School's policy is never to do any rebuilding at all unless there is absolute certainty. References in the archives are scanty as to architectural details. The Army reconnaissance reports from the late i840's are somewhat better, but are also scanty. The best photographs obtainable (Ben Wittick's) were studied. These are good from certain angles and have been very helpful, but do not show convincing details. RECLAMATION OF JEMEZ MISSION In I92I and 1922, Professor Lansing Bloom, then on the staff of the School and Museum, now associate professor of History at the University of New Mexico, did the initial work of reclamation on Jemez Mission with the assistance of a class of graduate students. Professor Bloom's report is here presented in part as published in El Palacio, January, 1923: The San Diego de Jemez* church was constructed entirely of stone except for a few sections of adobe brick, evidently survivals of earlier construction which remain curiously embedded in different parts of the walls. The walls of San Diego (San Jose) de Jemez, as already said, are of stone, the walls varying in thickness from six feet on the west to approximately eight feet on the east, on which side the church as it now stands may have been so built as to incorporate the wall of an older construction either of an earlier church or of a part of the con* At the time when Professor Bloom wrote this report on the Jemez missions, students of New Mexico history followed Bandelier in calling the mission at Giusewa (Jemez Hot Springs, where the Jemez State Monument is now located) San Diego de J6mez. As his study of J6mez history progressed, Professor Bloom has become convinced that the mission at Giusewa was not San Diego. Now (see Bloom and Mitchell, "The Chapter Elections in I672, New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XIII [I938], pages 85-109), Professor Bloom identifies the mission at Giusewa as San Jos6 de Jemez and that at the present pueblo as San Diego de Jemez. In reading this extract from Professor Bloom's I923 report, his present conclusions as to the identity of the Jemez mission sites should be kept in mind by the reader. RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 23 vent which was built before the church itself. One evidence of this is a doorway or window which was blocked up but which can be clearly traced by the curving edges of the old plastering. The main entrance of the church is approximately eleven feet wide, and the adjacent corners of the main auditorium each measure the same distance from the sides of the doorway. This fact was pointed out by Father Julius Hartman of Albuquerque, who stated that the width of the main doorway in early church construction was the unit of measurement, and this statement seemed to be substantiated by other measurements with which it was compared. Along each side of the auditorium were found low piers or pilasters eighteen inches tall and twelve inches square, which may have been used first as pedestals for statuary. At a later period the plastering shows that these pillars were extended up the walls in reduced size to a total height of eight or nine feet. In this later form they were very possibly used to support sconces or candelabra. Near the foot of one pier was found a broken sconce, crudely made of pottery. A similar broken candle-socket was found in one of the two kivas excavated by the expedition. Between these low piers were doubtless the stations of the cross, and their spacing from each other is approximately a multiplication of the above unit of measurement. Only traces of the altar rail were found, but Father Hartman was of the opinion that it shut off the seventh space, which was the place reserved for the use of the clergy. The high altar stands above the main floor, half the unit of measure, and the line of the ceiling is two times that unit above the floor level. Two floor levels were found in the church, the space between which measured about 3/4/ inches, being filled with charred wood and other debris. Corresponding with the older floor, traces of an interesting wall decoration were found, and corresponding with the present floor considerable sections of wall decoration were found and recorded. There is no evidence whatever in the walls of any places to insert the ends of beams or corbels under such beams, nor is there any evidence whatever of supporting pillars from the floors. Traces of the woven matting which was placed above the roof timbers and which was covered with pine needles and earth to form the roof were found at several places and clearly established the level of the roof, and viga holes in the transepts with canales at two points further establish 232 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO the roof level at those points. It is difficult to believe that a row of central pillars would be employed, and yet one clue suggests this feature as used in the earliest form of the building. Down the center of the church and in line with the six low piers along each wall were found embedded in the lower floor level, flat stones which may have been footings for a row of heavy timbers, pillars to support the roof. These stones were covered over by the later floor. Above the level of the roof the walls were extended some five or six feet, possibly to afford bulwarks for defense, and north of the chancel an octagonal tower of somewhat irregular measurements still rises nearly fifty feet above the floor level. At the east side of the high altar are two doorways and passages separated by a solid stone wall which runs east and west. The doorway just south of this wall led into the convent. The doorway to the north of it led into a small room which was probably used as the sacristy, and from there passage was afforded by a stairway and trapdoor up to the roof over this room and from there by additional steps to the roof over the chancel and up into the tower; then by a spiral staircase of hewn timber up to the top of the tower. A doorway in the tower overlooks what was formerly the roof of the church and is at a level slightly above the bulwarks or battlements on the sides of the church. Early settlers insist that the tower originally stood some feet higher than it does at present, but even at its present height it gives a commanding view of the old pueblo of Giusewa and the surrounding valley. In the main entrance and under the openings along each side of the church were found quantities of sheet gypsum which the early Franciscans used in the place of glass. The edges of some pieces were embedded in a white substance looking like plaster of Paris which was doubtless ground gypsum and which had been used to putty in the sheet gypsum. Outside the front of the church, and also at the steps leading up to the high altar, were found numbers of thin burned adobe brick, some of them square and others oblong, which had evidently been used to veneer the steps. A short flight of steps outside and to the right of the main entrance led to the convent, and outside of these steps and extending across both sides of the front was found plastered adobe flooring. RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 233 In addition to the clearing of the main church of the accumulated debris of some 240 years, the debris outside the east wall of the church was also cleared away, uncovering part of what were the residence quarters of the Franciscans. Instead of several rooms along this side, as had been expected, one room was found eighteen feet in width and extending north for eighty feet before any cross wall was found. Nothing was found in this room to indicate the use to which it had been put. A doorway opens north from this room into one RUIN OF JEMEZ CHURCH Front and west side as it now appears after repair. somewhat wider and extending to the division wall already spoken of as separating the two passages from the east side of the chancel. This room has not been completely cleared, but the floor level is several feet below that of the passage way which connects it with the chancel. Excavation showed that the walls were in much better shape than had been anticipated. Some repair work was done, however, at the sides of the main entrance and other places, which will prevent the further breaking away and undermining of the walls at these points. What little restoration was done was in keeping with the original type of architecture. Especial care was required as work progressed on the church, 234 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO as the unexpected was met with at almost every point. That the architectural details were so carefully traced out by the excavating force was due in large measure to the efficiency of Mr. Sam Hudelson, carpenter and superintendent of buildings with the Museum, who had direct charge of the workmen. With the average working force of eight men in the church during the seven weeks a total of approximately 1,200 cubic yards of dirt and stone was dug out, carried to the edge of the arroyo, and dumped. Taking part in the expedition were six graduate students: Miss Marguerite Tew and Miss Margaret Bard from California; Messrs. Thos. K. Laird and John H. D. Blanke from Iowa, and Gaylord Huston and J. C. Dinwiddie, architectural students from the University of Michigan. The last two were assigned the special task of taking measurements and drafting plans, elevations and sections. The other men were given direct charge of excavation work which was done in parts of the old pueblo, Giusewa, which forms part of this little state park. Mr. Blanke also served as photographer. Miss Tew, Miss Bard and Mrs. Bloom did special work in the study of pottery design, keeping the record of the expedition, and in copying in colors the decorative details found in the church. Continuing the work of the preceding season eighteen additional rooms and two kivas were excavated in the ruins near the road. Twenty-five skeletons were removed and eighty-two numbered artifacts, including bone awls, cloud blowers, shell pendants and beads, pottery and stone implements. Among evidences of early Spanish influence were three pottery dishes of Spanish shape and charred wheat from the floor of kiva number 2. The beautiful mural decorations, found by Professor Bloom in excavating the main auditorium, were copied by the three women named. The originals could not be saved, but the copies, exact size and color, are to be seen in the State Museum. The recent Jemez Mission projects, carried out mainly with C.C.C. labor, were handled by Wesley Bliss, Joseph Toulouse, Ele Baker, and other students. They were extended over a period of two years. The work consisted of final excavation of the main audi RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 235 torium of the church; stabilization of the walls of nave, transept, and tower, both inside and out; replacing the massive lintel over the front entrance; excavating the portion of the pueblo adjacent to the church; and the excavation and repair of the monastery. The latter lacks the regularity of plan of the conventos at Quarai and Abo, due to the configuration of the ground on which it was built. It, however, embraces features of unusual interest, one of these being the small chapel detached from the church proper, some fifty feet to the southwest. THE WORK AT GRAN QUIVIRA As the church at this site is on government land included in the Gran Quivira National Monument, its repair and preservation have been left to the National Park Service since the School of American Research finished its work there in 1925. In the excavation of the mission church (1923-25 ), I was assisted. 4>tP t.77 ~b ~:wt ___ C RUIN OF GRAN QUIVIRA CHURCH Interior from altar end as it now appears. Photograph-Courtesy Newv Mexico Tourist Bureau. 236 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO by the late Mr. Frank Pinkley of the Park Service. The nave, chancel, baptistry, and sacristy were cleared. The major part of the monastery was uncovered, disclosing the usual plan of patio, cloisters, refectory, living quarters, and corrals. The stone pavement in front of the auditorium was discovered in 1924. The repairs were made by Sam Hudelson of the State Museum in his usual capable way. The walls were put in condition to resist further deterioration, and the work has stood the test of fifteen years of weathering surprisingly well. I wish here to quote some statements from the notes of Messrs. D. D. Loree and J. C. Harrington, graduate students of the University of Michigan, who studied the mission with us in 1923: The mission at Gran Quivira is of the cruciform plan, as are those at its sister pueblos, Abo and Quarai. Were it not for the transept in this church it would bear a very great resemblance, both in size and in general arrangement, to the church of Acoma. Another difference is that the monastery at Acoma is on the right as one faces the church while at Gran Quivira it is on the left. The Gran Quivira church is built of a bluish limestone with the customary adobe mortar, both of which are to be found in abundance in the immediate vicinity. Dressed stone was not used in this church nor was it in any of the churches of the Indians which the writers have studied. Due to the fact that this stone cracks, when quarried, along the bedding plane with a very smooth surface, need of tooling was for their purposes eliminated. This church, as do so many of the Spanish churches, faces east. (To be exact, it stands longitudinally West 15 degrees South). The front doorway measures o1 feet 9 inches on the outside and I6 feet IO inches on the inside. The practice of making the outside dimension the smaller of the two is not limited to this case, as good examples of the same treatment are to be found at Quarai, Acoma, and Ranchos de Taos. The lighting of the interior is also interesting in that the windows, which often have the same characteristics as those mentioned above for the doorways, are in the majority of cases placed in the RECLAMATION AND RE-DEDICATION 237 nave wall which is on the left as you enter the church. In some of the churches that have been remodeled, windows may be seen in either nave wall. There are no examples of a nave being lighted from the right side alone. Often a clearstory is used in order that more light may be thrown on the altar. When this is done the altar ceiling is raised a few feet above that of the nave, and windows are placed in the vertical wall which connects the two roof surfaces. At Gran Quivira, it is doubtful that a clearstory was intended as this system is more prevalent in churches without transept. It conforms to the rule, however, in that the windows are in the left nave wall. The marked stone shelf in the walls at the entrance end of the nave, together with the two opposing holes in the nave walls (which were at one time the resting place of a large beam), shows that Gran Quivira had a choir loft in the end of the nave opposite that of the altar. This was reached by means of a ladder stairway from the nave. EPILOGUE The reclamation of the five great ruined missions is now an accomplished fact. Their preservation as eloquent, readable documents that will help keep alive the memory of a heroic age is assured, for the state will never fail to provide for their custodianship and essential repairs. Consecrated from their foundations to the single idea of human betterment through the advancement of the spiritual frontiers of the world, it is fitting that they be rededicated now to the ideals of the gentle saint of Assisi who did more than any other to bring humanity out of the most serious depressions in the world's history. He did it by re-energizing the teachings of his Divine Master; by exalting spiritual over material forces; by placing himself on the level of the lowliest, making all men and even the birds and beasts his brothers, conceiving all creatures to be worthy of decent treatment. "Poverty, chastity and obedience," was a formula not to the liking of those in high places in his time. Wealth and profligacy and power were in high favor. The demonstration made by St; Francis has been pretty well seasoned in seven centuries. Dynasties and dictators of 238 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO putrid memory have come and gone into their deserved oblivion-the inexorable destiny of all their kind. St. Francis sought no "new order" in the world. He simply put into practice an old principle, the very essence of the philosophy that came out of Galilee, thirteen centuries before his time, twenty centuries before ours. "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them," is not simply a mandate of religion or morality. It is sound business principleplain common sense. When leaders in nations, in public affairs, busi/ X ',.E vN APOTHEOSIS OF SAINT FRANCIS Mural in Saint Francis Auditorium, Art Museum, Santa Fe Here the artist depicts St. Francis at the Spring of Spiritual Gladness" the waters of which "lift up the hearts of men"; from the spring he ministers to "Religion," wiho is guarded by "Theology" in somber garb Farthe nis right is "Art," a beautiful girl in red. To his left stands "Poetry," gazing heavenward. The aged sage sitting calmly on the rock in the foreground is "Philosophy." The woman holding up the child who is reaching for the fruit of "Life" is "Society," as it embraces all humanity. The spirit of St. Francis has gone out to all of these. RECLAMATION AND REDEDICATION 239 ness, labor, society generally, get the fact halfway through their heads that any treaty, compact, contract or bargain that is bad for one of the parties cannot be good for the other, peace on earth will be on the way. It is an essential principle in all dealings among men. One would think that those who have been leaders in human affairs would have learned from history, as well as from current procedure, this eternal fact. If they have not, it is time that they were about it, for this convulsive period through which we are passing will come to its end, and statesmen, economists, social scientists, and teachers have some momentous adjustments to make: settlements that will really settle something. A majority of human beings everywhere are ready and anxious for a more orderly world, and intelligent enough to know that it can be attained. Such an adjustment can be reached and maintained on the basis of one single principle as unshakable as Gibraltar, that of the Golden Rule. It is devoutly hoped that these great ruins will be held in veneration by all who visit them. They are holy places, more sacred today than in their original state. Ruins are not records of failure. They are milestones on a road of triumph. The testimony of the ancient monuments is the surest index of the greatness of men who built them. 9 APPENDICES APPENDIX I ROLL CALL OF THE MARTYRS Juan de Padilla Luls de Escalona Juan de Santa Maria Francisco Lopez Agustin Rodriguez Francisco de Letrado Martin de Arvide Francisco Porras Pedro de Miranda Diego de San Lucas Pedro de Avila y Ayala Alonso Gil de Avila Juan Bernal Juan Domingo de Vera Manuel Tinoco Fernando de Velasco Antonio de Mora Juan de la Pedrosa Matias de Rendon Luis de Morales Antonio Sanchez de Pro Tomas de Torres Juan Bautista Pio Francisco Antonio de Lorenzana Juan de Talaban Jose Montes de Oca Juan de Jesus Lucas Maldonado Juan de Val Jose de Figueroa Jose de Espeleta Agustin de Santa Maria Jose de Trujillo Manuel Beltran Quivira (Great Plains) c. I542 Pecos c. 5 42 San Pedro I581 Puaray 1582 near Puaray I582 Zufii 1632 near Zuini 1632 Awatobi, Hopi 1633 Taos i639 Jemez I639 or 1640 Hawikuih I672 Senecui r675 Galisteo I680 Galisteo i680 San Marcos I680 Pecos I68o Taos i68o Taos I68o Picuris I680 San Ildefonso 1680 San Ildefonso i680 Nambe t680 Tesuque i68o Santo Domingo 1680 Santo Domingo i680 Santo Domingo i680 Jemez 1680 Acoma i680 Zufi 1680 Awatobi, Hopi i680 Oraibi, Hopi i680 Oraibi, Hopi 1680 Shongopovi, Hopi i680 El Paso District 1684 243 244 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Francisco de Corvera Antonio Moreno Jose de Arvisu Antonio Carbonel Francisco de Jesus Casafas Juan Minguez Domingo de Saraoz San Ildefonso Nambe San Cristobal San Cristobal Jemez Platte River Santa Ana I696 I696 I696 1696 1696 1720 1731 APPENDIX II CUSTODIANS 1617 to 1680 Estevan de Perea, 1617-162I Miguel de Chavarria, I621-1622 Asencio de Zarate (Vice-Custodian-in-charge), 1622-I625 Alonso de Benavides, I625-1629 Estevan de Perea, 1629-I630 Juan de Salas, 1630-1632 Juan de Gongora, 1632-1635 Cristobal de Quiros, I635-1638 Juan de Salas, 163 8- 641 Hernando Covarrubias, 164 - 644 Tomas Manso, 1644-1647 (?) Antonio de Aranda Antonio de Ybargaray Francisco de Salazar ] These friars served as custodian be| tween I647 and I659 but the exact } dates of their terms are not given in | the sources which the writer had at J hand. Juan Ramirez, 1659-1661 Garcia de San Francisco (Vice-Custodian-in-charge), 1659-166 Alonso de Posada, 166I-1665 Juan de Paz, 1665-1667 Juan Talaban, 1667-1670 Nicolas L6pez Francisco de Ayeta Jose de Espeleta ] These friars served as custodian be| tween I670 and 1679 but the exact [ 'dates of their terms are not given in I the sources which the writer had at J hand. Juan Bernal, 1679-1680 245 APPENDIX III A LIST OF FRANCISCANS WHO LABORED IN THE FOUNDING OF THE NEW MEXICAN CHURCH Over a hundred Franciscans worked in New Mexico between I598 and I630, and over seven hundred from I598 to the time of Bishop Lamy. Professor Lansing Bloom of the University of New Mexico and Historical Society of New Mexico is working on a list of all the Franciscans who have served in New Mexico. When his forthcoming book on this subject is published, many of the friars whose names have been lost will be known again. Friar Acevedo, Francisco de (Priest) Arteaga, Antonio de (Priest) Arvide, Martin de (Priest) Benavides, Alonso de (Priest) Date of arrival in Ne'w Mexico With Perea in April, I629 With Perea in April, I629 Possibly summer, i612 December, 1625 Where he worked What became of him Founded Ab6 about 1629; built the churches of Ab6 and. Tabira Co-founder with Friar San Francisco y Zufiiga of the Mission at Senect in 1629; later went to the El Paso district, to work among the Manso Indians Picuris until i628; Jemez I628-32 Custodian and Commissary of the Inquisition, 1625-1629; worked individually among the Apache of Southwestern New Mexico 246 Originally thought to have died at Ab6 in 1644 but new data show him to have been living in I665. Exactly where or when he died is uncertain. His death must certainly have occurred in New Mexico. Not mentioned in I658 list. Returned to Mexico of Zuii by Zuii Indians. Returned to Mexico in 1629. APPENDIX 247 Friar Chavarria, Miguel de (Priest) Dios, Juan de (Donado) Escalona, Juan de (Priest) Escobar, Francisco (Priest) Figueredo, Roque de (Priest) Gutierrez, Andres (Priest) Letrado, Francisco de (Priest) Marta, Bernardo de (Priest) Martinez, Alonso (Priest) Manso, Tomas (Priest and -Bishop) Date of arrival in New Mexico October, T621 Summer, 1598 December, 160o Probably late in 1603 With Perea in April, 1629 With Perea in April, 1629 With Perea in April, 1629 Spring, 1605 Summer, 1598 With Perea in April, 1629 Custodian, 1621-22; his term should have run to 1624, but was served out by Asencio de Zarate, as Vice-Custodian Pecos; learned Pecos language Commissary, i6ooI605; San Gabriel Commissary i 6o 5 -I609; w a s with Ofiate on trip to California October, 1604 to January, 1605 Established the Mission of Hawikih, Zuni; went to work there 1629 Established the Mission of San Francisco at Oraibi, Hopi, in 1629 Jumanas, southwest of the Manzano mountains, 6 2 8 - 1631; may have built the smaller church at Gran Quivira between i628 and 1631; Hawikuh of Zuni, i631 -1632 Zia Commissary, I598 -1599, San Juan, San Gabriel Procu rator-General for New Mexico, I631-55; Custodian, 1644-47 (?) Appointed Asencio de Zarate Vice-Custodian and returned to Mexico in 1622. Uncertain. Died and buried at Santo Domingo Church June 22, 16o7. Died in New Mexico. Not mentioned in the 1658 list. Not mentioned in I658 list. Martyred at Zuiii on February 22, 1632. Died at Zia, September 18, 1635. Returned to Mexico in March, 1599. Left New Mexico I655 to become the Father Provincial of the Province of the Holy Gospel; eight months later he became Bishop of Nicaragua. Where he worked What became of him 248 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Friar Date of arrival in New Mexico Where he worked What became of him Miranda, Pedro de (Priest) Ord6iiez, Isidro (Priest) Pedraza, Jer6nimo de (Lay-Brother, Physician) Peinado, Alonso (Priest) Perea, Estevan de (Priest) Perez-Guerta, Francisco (Priest) Perguer, Andres (Priest) Porras, Francisco de (Priest) Quifiones, Crist6bal de (Priest) Quiros, Crist6bal de (Priest) Either in winter of Taos 1609-16I0 with Peinado, or in summer of x612 with Ord6fiez Possibly spring, I6o5 Either in winter of 1609 - 60 w i t h Peinado or in summer of I612 with Ord6niez "Winter, I609-I6I0 Winter, i609-i6I0 Summer, I612 Winter, I609-16I0 With Perea in April, 1629 Probably May, I603 Either in winter of 1609-x6Io with Peinado or in summer of I6x2 with Ord6 -nez Trip back to Mexico winter of 1607; returned to New Mexico, probably with Commissary Peinado in the winter of I609-16I0; trip to Mexico, return I6II612; Commissary 1612-i617 Santa F6 and San Felipe Commissary, I609 -Ix62; Chilili, 61i2 to death Custodian 1617-1621 and I629-30; Commissary of the Inquisition from 1628 to I638-I639; Sandia, 1610-1617 and x62x1-626; Quarai, I630-1639 (?) Galisteo, 1613 Killed at Taos, December 28, 1639. Summoned to Mexico to answer Peralta's charge in autumn of 1617. Did not return to New Mexico. Died at San Felipe May 5, I664. Died at Chilili sometime after 1617; buried there. Death and burial at Sandia, probably in I639. Returned to Mexico in autumn of 1617. San Lazaro, I6io. Established the Mission of San Bernardino de Awatobi, Hopi; worked there I629-1633 San Felipe Custodian 1635-i638; was guardian at Zia in spring of i6I6; was at Sandia in winter of I617-I618 Martyred at Awatobi, Hopi, June 28, I633. Died at San Felipe April 27, I609.. Still in New Mexico in 1643. Doubtless died in New Mexico. APPENDIX 249 Friar Ramirez, Juan (Priest) Romero, Bartholome (Priest) Salas, Juan de (Priest) San Buenaventura, Juan de (Lay-Brother) San Francisco y Zufiiga, Garcia de (Priest) San Miguel, Francisco de (Priest) Velasco, Francisco de (Priest) Vergara, Pedro de (Lay-Brother) Date of arrival in New Mexico With Perea in April, 1629 With Perea in April, i629 Where he worked What became of him W'ent to Acoma in I629; was still in New Mexico in I658 Oraibi, 1629-1639 Summer of I612, with Ord6fiez Summer, 1598 With Perea in April, 1629 Summer, 1598 December, I6oo Summer, 1598 Custodian i630-I632 and I638-x641; Isleta 1613; at Quarai in I643 San Juan; on the expedition to California in 1604-I605 Founded the Mission of Nuestra Seflora del Socorro in I629; one of the friars associated in the building of the Church of Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe of El Paso (Juarez); Vice-Custodian in charge, I659-I66I; Senecu Pueblo (New Mexico) 1671 (?)-I673 Pecos a short time in 1598; at San IIdefonso in 1599(?); was Vice-Commissary in charge 1599 -i6oo Commissary or ViceCommissary sometime between 600o and I608 San Juan; with Ofnate on expedition to Quivira in I60o; was in New Mexico in I62I Died in Mexico City July 24, i664. Was still in New Mexico in I640. Not mentioned in 165S list. Was still in New Mexico in I643. Doubtless died in New Mexico. Uncertain; was still living in New Mexico in I614. Died and buried at Senecf Pueblo, New Mexico, January 22, x673. Returned to Mexico in autumn of I6ox-one of the deserters from the Ofnate colony. Seems to have returned to Mexico sometime betwee n i6o8-i612; later, became provincial of Holy Gospel Province. Was with Ofiate's expedition to the Great Plains in I60o. Returned to New Mexico sometime later. Died in Mexico in I646. 250 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Friar Zarate, Asencio de (Priest) Zarate Salmer6n, Jer6nimo de (Priest) Date of arrival in New Mexico Probably with Chavarria in October, I621 With Chavarria in October, i621 Picuris, 1628-1632; Vice-Custodian in charge, 1622-1625 Jemez Pueblos for two or three years beginning in x621; Acoma for a period after his Jemez work and before I626 Died and buried at Picuris in I632. Remains removed to the Parroquia (now the Cathedral of St. Francis) in Santa Fe in I759. Returned to Mexico in 1626. Where he worked What became of him OTHER FRANCISCANS WHO SERVED IN NEW MEXICO BETWEEN 1598 AND 1630 Aguirre, Bernardo de Bautista, Andres-priest Burgos, Agustin de-priest Carrescal, Pedro Castro, Juan de la Torre y Claros, Juan-priest Concepcion, Cristobal de la-lay-brother Concepcion, Francisco de la-priest Cueba, Pedro de Haro de la-priest Cuellas, Agustin de-priest Dios, Juan de-donado Escudero, Damian-lay-brother Francisco-doniado Fuente, Diego de la-priest Izquierdo, Lopez-priest Lugo, Alonso de-priest Madre de Dios, Francisco de la-lay-brother Mairones, Luis-priest Martin-donado Munoz, Francisco-priest Oliva, Alonso de-priest Ortega, Diego-priest Rosas, Juan de-priest APPENDIX 251 San Buenaventura, Francisco de-lay-brother San Diego, Tomas de-priest San Juan, Alonso de San Lucas, Diego de-lay-brother Tirado, Luis-priest Zambrano, Pedro de-priest Zamora, Francisco de-priest APPENDIX IV FRANCISCANS IN NEW MEXICO, JANUARY, 1942 Franciscans Church Angelus Anderson Nuestra Seiiora de Guadalupe (Lay-Brother of the Third Order) Remigius Austing San Jose (Priest) Rayner Bartos Sacred Heart Cathedral (Priest) Donald Birkenheuer San Jose (Priest) Thomas Blomstron Christ the King Mission (Priest) Lambert Brockman St. John Baptist (Priest) Pancratius Candelaria St. Peter (St. Mary's Hospital) (Lay-Brother) Edgar Casey Nuestra Sefora de Guadalupe (Priest) Angelico Chavez Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe (Priest) Kevin Coe Sacred Heart Cathedral (Priest) Lambert Dannenfelser San Diego (Priest) Julian Elpers St. Francis Cathedral (Lay-Brother) Bernard Espelage Sacred Heart Cathedral (Bishop, Diocese of Gallup) John Evangelist San Diego (Priest) Camillus Fangman Sacred Heart Cathedral (Priest) Simeon Fiedler Sacred Heart (Priest, Pastor) Burcard Fisher Christ the King Mission (Priest) Titus Gehring San Jose (Priest) Gerardus Geier St. Francis (Priest, Pastor) Cyril Hammond San Antonio (Lay-Brother of the Third Order) Frederick Hartung St. Peter (Priest, Chaplain of St. Mary's Hospital) 252 Place Pefia Blanca San Fidel Gallup San Fidel Shiprock Roswell Roswell Pefa Blanca Pefia Blanca Gallup Jemez Pueblo Santa F6 Gallup Jemez Pueblo Gallup Clovis Tohatchi Cerrillos Lumberton Zufii Pueblo Roswell APPENDIX 253 Franciscans Church Roger Hengehold Sacred Heart (Priest, Pastor) Jerome Hesse St. Francis Cathedral (Priest) Leonard Holtkamp Immaculate Conception (Priest, Pastor) Rupert Hueninghake Sacred Heart Cathedral (Lay-Brother) Robert Kalt Nuestra Sefora de Guadalupe (Priest) Cletus Kistner St. Francis Cathdral (Priest) Reinhold Koester Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe (Lay-Brother) Anthony Kroger St. Francis Cathedral (Priest) Oliver Krseminski San Jose (Priest) Agnellus Lammert San Jos6 (Priest, Pastor) Barnabas Meyer Sacred Heart Cathedal (Priest, Rector) Theodosius Meyer St. Francis Cathedral (Priest, Rector) Theophil Meyer San Francisco (Priest) Florentine Meyers Sacred Heart Cathedal (Priest) Raphael Orbit St. Francis Cathedral (Lay-Brother) Leo L. Pfeiffer Immaculate Conception (Priest) Valerian Renier Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe (Priest) Canicsius Robertson San Jos6 (Priest) Julian Rousseau San Jose (Priest) Pax Schicker Sacred Heart Cathedral (Priest, Chancellor and Secretary) Eusebuis Schweitzer St. Francis Cathedral (Priest) Raymond Soper Sacred Heart (Priest) Eugene Spoerl San Antonio (Priest) Conradin Stark St. Francis Cathedral (Priest) Place Farmington Santa F6 Cuba Gallup Peiia Blanca Santa F6 Pefia Blanca Santa F6 Parkview Laguna Pueblo Santa Fe Gallup Lumberton Gallup Santa Fe Cuba Pefia Blanca Laguna Pueblo Parkview Gallup Santa Fe Clovis Zufii Pueblo Santa Fe 254 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Church Franciscans Place Eugene Stendbach (Lay-Brother) Christian Studener (Priest, Pastor) Gervasius Thuemmel (Lay-Brother) Slanislaus Tomczak (Priest) Raphael Weisenbach (Priest, Pastor) Clemetine Wottle (Priest, Superior) Michael Ziegler (Priest) Fintan Zumbahlen (Priest) San Diego Jemez Pueblo St. Peter Roswell San Antonio Zufii Pueblo Sacred Heart Cathedral Gallup San Diego Jemez Pueblo Christ the King Mission Sacred Heart Sacred Heart Shiprock Farmington Farmington While this book was in press several changes in assignments were made among the Franciscans in New Mexico; some ten friars were transferred from the district and fourteen new ones sent in to replace them, making a gain of four in the total; two new residences were established-Smith's Lake and Grants. APPENDIX V SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Baldwin, Percy M. (Translator and Editor) 1926 "Discovery of the Seven Cities of Cibola," Historical Society of New Mexico Publications in History, Vol. I, Nov., I926. Bandelier, Adolf F. A. 1890 and i892 "Final report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States," Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series III and IV, x890 and 1892. Benavides, Alonso de 1916 Memorial on New Mexico, r630; translated by Mrs. E. E. Ayer, annotated by F. W. Hodge and C. F. Lummis, Chicago; privately printed, I9I6. Bloom, Lansing B. 1940 "Who Discovered New Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XV, No. 2 (April, I940), pp. 101-132. Bloom, Lansing B. and Donnelly, Thomas C. I933 New Mexico History and Civics, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, '933. Bloom, Lansing B. and Mitchell, L. B. I938 "The Chapter Elections in I672," New Mexco Historical Review, Vol. XIII (I938), pp. 85-119. Butler, Alban I866 The Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs and Other Principal Saints (in four volumes), Baltimore, Md.: John Murphey and Co., I866. Coan, Charles F. 1928 A Shorter History of New Mexico, Ann Arbor, Mich.: Edwards Brothers (American Historical Society, Inc., Copyright, 1928). Engelhardt, Zephyrin (O.F.M.) I909 "Friars Minor" (article on), Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. VI, pp. 281-302. (New York: Robert Appleton Company, x909.) Fisher, Reginald 1941 "Notes on the Relation of the Franciscans to the Penitentes," El Palacio, Vol. XLVIII, No. Iz (Dec., 1941), pp. 263-271. Hammond, George P. 1927 "Don Juan de Ofiate and the Founding of New Mexico," Historical Society of New Mexico, Publications in History, Vol. II, October, 1927. Hewett, Edgar L. 1930 Ancient Life in the American Southwest, Indianapolis, Indiana: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1930. Hewett, Edgar L. and Mauzy, Wayne L. 1940 Landmarks of New Mexico, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940. Jarrett, Bede; Zimmerman, Benedict; Hickman, Ferdinand; Oliger, Livarius; Joune, Odoric M.; Father Cuthbert x9o9 "Third Orders" (articles on), Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. XIV, pp. 637-648. (New York: Robert Appleton Company, I909.) 255 256 MISSION MONUMENTS OF NEW MEXICO Kelly, Henry W. I941 "Franciscan Missions of New Mexico, 1740-1760," Historical Society of New Mexico, Publications in History, Vol. X, April, 1941. Kubler, George I939 "Gran Quivira-Humanas," New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XIV (i939), pp. 418-421. I939 "The Rebuilding of San Miguel at Santa Fe in 17I0," Contributions of the Taylor Museum, Colorado Springs, 1939. 1940 "The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and since the American Occupation," Contributions of the Taylor Museum, Colorado Springs, 1940. Lummis, C. F. 1913 The Land of Poco Tiempo, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1913. Meyer, Theodosius (O.F.M.) 1926 St. Francis and Franciscans in New Mexico, Santa F6: Historical Society of New Mexico, 1926. Raymond, Ernest 1939 In the Steps of St. Francis, New York: H. C. Kinsley, 1939. Rhoades, James (Rendered into English verse by) 1934 The Little Flowers of St. Franics of Assisi and the Life of Brother Giles, London: Oxford University Press, 1934. Robinson, Paschal 1909 "Francis of Assisi"' (article on), Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. VI, pp. 221-230. (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1909.) 1909 "Franciscan Order" (article on), Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. VI, pp. 217-18. (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 19o9.) I909 "Clare of Assisi" (article on), Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. IV, pp. 4-6. (New York: Robert Appleton Company, I909.) Scholes, France V. 1930 "The Supply Service of the New Mexico Missions in the Seventeenth Century,; New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. V (1930), pp. 93-115, 186-210, 386-404. I932 "Problems in the Early Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. VII (1932), pp. 32-74. I935 "The First Decade of the Inquisition in New Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. X (1935), pp. 195-241. 1935 "Civil Government and Society in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. X (April, 1935), pp. 71-I1I. 1937 "Church and State in New Mexico, I6Io-I65o," Historical Society of New Mexico Publications in History, Vol. VII, June, 1937. 1938 "Notes on the Jemez Missions in the Seventeenth Century," El Palacio, Vol. XLIV (1938), pp. 61-71 and 93-102. 1942 "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-I670," Historical Society of New Mexico Publications in History, Vol. XI, Jan., 1942. Walter, Paul A. F. 1916 "The Cities That Died of Fear," School of American Research Papers, No. 35, 1916. I92i "A Trip to J6mez," El Palacio, Vol. XI (July, 192I), pp. I4-22. Winship, George Parker 1896 "The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542," Bureau of American Ethnology, Annual Report, No. 14, 1896. INDEX Ab6, San Gregorio de, mission founded by Friar Acevedo, 87; church built during Friar Perea's second term as custodian, 87; listed for I639, 91; abandoned, Ioo; references to, 146-I49 et passim; Walter article on, I59-I64; a Piro pueblo, 159; situation of, 159, i6o and I64; Bandelier description of, i6o and I62; historical summary of, I62; Cooke painting of, 164; comparison with Quarai and Gran Quivira, I70; one of the "Archaic" group, I97; preservation assured, 202; policy for preservation of, 206 and 207; Toulouse report on excavation and repair of, 217-224 et seq.; origin of architectural style, 217 and 218; the parts of the mission building named and described, 218 and 219; the refuse heap at, 2I9 and 220; artifacts from, 220 and 221; pottery specimens from, 221 and 222; bone material from, 223; other materials from, 224. Acevedo, Friar Francisco de, arrival in 1629, 87; founds mission and builds church at Ab6 pueblo, 87; on 1658-6I list, 89; his relation to Ab6, I62; monument to, 164; mentioned, 174; listed, 246; see frontispiece Acoma, visited by Rodriguez expedition, 63; first mission work at, 69; first productive work there, 84; residence mission established, 87; listed for I639, 91; listed, o09; Vierra painting of, 21i; sanctuary of today, 121-122; Friar Maldonado martyred there, 121; Lummis article on, 183-I94; situation of, I83 -i86; historical summary of, 186-190; Acoma today, 190-193 Agnes of Assisi, first member of Second Order, 45; Franciscan saint, 51 and 52 Aguado, Friar Antonio, on I658-61 list, go Agustin Pecos (see Pecos, Agustin) Aiton II, King of Armenia, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48 Alameda, first mission work-at, 69; listed for 1639, 9I Alamillo Pueblo, mission there listed, 91 Alfaro, Pedro de, Friar to Philippines, 54 Albuquerque, Villa of, established, Io9; listed, Io9; made into secular parish, I14 Alvarado, Friar Tomis de, on I658-6I list, 89 Andover Academy, excavation at Pecos, 142 and 204 Angellus of Pisa, leads Franciscans to England, 53 Angelo, one of the first Franciscan brothers, 41 Anthony of Padua, a Franciscan saint, 52 Apache Indians, seized as slaves, Ioo; raid Pueblos, 1oo; in Rebellion alliance, 102; Friar San Miguel to administer to them, 143; responsible for abandonment of Salinas Pueblos, I53; Bandelier description of raid on Quarai by, I56 and 157; compelled abandonment of Ab6, I62; Gran Quivira suffered at hands of, 174 Arbis6, Friar Jos6, martyred at San Crist6bal, Io6 Archaeological Institute of America, 138, 195 Archaic Group of Missions, missions of, I35.; definition of, 197; location of, I98; period of, I98 and 199; architecture of, I99; preservation of, 200-204; federal work relief projects at, 204 and 205; monuments to religious fervor, 205 and 206; policy for preservation of, 206 and 207 Architecture, "Santa Fe Style," 197 Artega, Friar Antonio de, arrival in I629, 86; brings reinforcements to New Mexico, IO1; listed, 246 Arvide, Friar Martin de, in i6I6 at Picuris 81; transferred from Picuris to Jemez, 88; martyred, 88; monument to, 124; re-settled J6mez Indians, i80 Ascenci6n, Friar Juan de la, on I658-61 list, 89 Assisi, birthplace of Francis, 15; 29 Avila, Friar Alonso Gil de, martyred at Senec6, ioI; listed, 243 Awftobi (Hopi), Friar Porras assigned there and martyred, 83; mission of San Bernardino listed for I639, 91; listed (see Porras), 248 Ayeta, Friar Francisco de, becomes procurator general, Ioo; brings refreshments, xoi; listed, 245 Aztecs, legend of New Mexico, 24-26; place of divine ancestors, 26 257 258 INDEX Bacon, Sir Roger, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48 Baker, Ely, works at Jemez, 234 Baltasar, Friar, to go with Ofate colony, 67 Bandelier, Adolf, description of Pecos, 138; Mrs. Kozlowski mentioned by, 140; mentioned, 146; quoted, 147; quoted, 153 et seq.; quoted, x66 et seq. Bard, Margaret, 234 Bathillio, Diego, one of three first martyrs of New World, 57 Bautista, Friar Andr6s, arrival in New Mexico, 77; listed, 250 Beltran, Friar Bernardino, on 1582 expedition to New Mexico, 64 Benaventi, Toribio de (Motolinio) Franciscan writer, 60 Benavides, Alonso de, 33; succeeds Friar Chavarria as custodian, 84; first commissary of Inquisition in New Mexico, 85; Memorial of, 85; returns to Mexico, I629, 86; becomes archbishop, 86; listed, 245-246; see frontispiece Benedict of San Philadelphio, a Franciscan Saint, 51 Bernardine of Siena, a Franciscan Saint, 52 Bernardon, Peter, father of Francis, 29, 30, 31, 33, 41, 47 Bernardo of Cabio, a Franciscan saint, 51 Bernard of Quintaval, Francis' first follower, 34-35; one of the first Franciscan brothers, 36 Bishoprics, earliest in New World, 59 Blanke, John H. D., 234 Bliss, Wesley, works at Jemez, 234 Bloom, Lansing B., 9, 103, i8o, 230 Bonaventura of Baguorea, a Franciscan saint, 52 Bourgade, The Most Rev. Peter, re-establishes Franciscans in New Mexico Missions Ix8 Bureau of American Ethnology, 135, i82 Burgos, Friar Augustin de, arrival in New Mexico, 77; stationed at Sandia, 78; in i6x6 list, 8i; listed, 250 Butler, Allan, Lives of the Saints, 30, 37 Cabeza de Vaca, journey from Florida to Mexico City, 27; survivor of Narvaez expedition, 6x; never saw New Mexico, I86 Carbonel, Friar Antonio, martyred at Taos, io6 and 128 Calluela, Friar Miguel, listed, I09 Campos, Margaret, 9 Canticle of the Sun, 38-40 Capuchins (See Order of Friars Minor) Carmelites, request that they be allowed to enter New Mexico, 71; mentioned, 114. Casafias, Friar Francisco de Jesus, martyred at Jemez, io6 and I8I; listed, 244 Castafieda, Pedro de, historian of Coronado expedition, 135; mentioned by Bandelier, 139; concerning Jemez, 179 Castaiio de Sosa, Gaspar, unlicensed expedition to New Mexico, 65 Catherine of Bologna, a Franciscan saint, 52 Cerrillos (San Jose), a Franciscan parish, I 8 Cervantes, Miguel de, a Tertiary Franciscan, 49 Charles V, first of Hapsburgs in Spain, 56 Chavarria, Friar Miguel de, succeeds Friar Perea as custodian, 83; returns to Mexico in 1622, 83; term as custodian ends in 1623, 84; listed 245 and 247 Chica, Friar Juan de la, on I658-6I list, 89 Chilili, mission founded there, 78; resident missionary at, in Ix66, 81; listed for I639, 91; abandoned, Ioo; listed (see Peinado), 348 Chimay6, Indians moved there, io6; Sanctuario, xx3 and 115 Cibola, discovery, 27; Friar Marcos de Niza reports on, 6i Cicuye (See Pecos) Civilian Conservation Corps, 207, 208, 227 et passim, 234 Clare of Assisi, founds second order of St. Francis, 45; renunciation of, 46; a Franciscan saint, 51 Claros, Friar Juan, with 1598 missionaries, 68; assigned to Tigua district, 69; listed, 250 Clovis (Sacred Heart), a Franciscan parish, 118 Cochiti, first mission work at, 69; resident missionary at, 81; listed, o09; Vierra painting of, 129; sanctuary of today, 129 Colombia, missions established in, 57 Columbus, Christopher, mention, 26; a Tertiary Franciscan, 48; at La Ribida, 55; to New World, 56; mention, 66 Comanche Indians, raids by, xo6; trade with, 1o8; scourge of Pecos, 143 to 145 INDEX 259 Committee for the Preservation and Reconstruction of New Mexico Mission Churches, I22, 131, 134 Concepci6n, Friar Crist6bal de la, arrival in 1629, 87; listed, 250 Concepci6n, Friar Francisco de la, arrival in I629, 86; listed, 250 Conventuals (See Order of Friars Minor) Conversion of St. Paul, custody of (see Custody of New Mexico) Cooke, Regina Tatum, paintings by, io8, I44, 156, 164, I8i Corbin, Clara, 202 Corchado, Friar Andres, with I598 missionaries, 68; assigned to Zia, 69 Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, e~xpedition to New Mexico, 27 and 6i, piloted by Friar Marcos, 27-61; Franciscans with, 28-6i; mention, 65; 66; 135; Castafieda, the expedition historian, I35; learns of Pecos, 143; mentioned, x65; at Acoma, i86 and 187 Cortez, in Mexico City, 59; mention, 66 Corvera, Friar Francisco de, martyred at San Ildefonso, io6; monuments to, x26; listed, 243 Cruz, Friar Felipe de la, on the I658-6I list, 89 Cuarac (see Quarii) Cuba, first convent on, 57 Cuba, New Mexico (Immaculate Conception), a Franciscan parish, 118 Cueba, Friar Pedro de Hara de la, arrival with 1612 group, 77; in 16x6 list, 8i; listed, 245 Cuellar, Friar Agustin de, arrival in I629, 87; listed, 250 Cuervo y Valdez, Gov. Francisco, mentioned, 109 Custodies, Franciscan, of New World, 59 Custody (of New Mexico), New Mexico elevated to, 8i; named Conversion of St. Paul, 8; mentioned, o02; in 1750, 110 Daeger, The Most Rev. A. T., O.F.M., Archbishop of Santa Fe, I6, 120, 20o Daniel of Ceuta, a Franciscan saint, 52 Dante, a Tertiary Franciscan, 47, 48 Delgado, Friar Carlos, listed 1og DeVargas, Don Diego (see Vargas) Didicus of Alcala, a Franciscan saint, 52 Dinwiddie, J. C., 234 Dios, Donado Juna de, with 1598 missionaries, 68; assigned to Pecos, 69; learns Pecos language, 70; may have remained after I6oi desertion, 70; whereabouts after I60o not known, 76; listed, 82; mentioned, 143; listed, 247; see frontispiece Divine Office (see Hours of Prayer) Dorantes, Andres, survivor of Narvaez expedition, 61 Durin, Friar Rodrigo, appointed first commissary to New Mexico, 67; withdraws, 68 Durango, Bishop of, first inroad in 1725, I14; missions pass to his control, 114 Ecuador, Friar Marcos de Niza in, 59 Elias, Brother, named minister general, 50 Elizabeth of Hungary, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48; a Franciscan saint, 52 El Paso, work among Manso and Suma Indians near, 89; Spaniards retire to, 103; Indians of Salinas Pueblos move to, 153 Ely, Albert G., in charge of field work, 207; report on work at Quarai, 208-213 Emory, Lt. Col. W. H., describes Pecos, I36 Encomienda, Ofiate granted right of, 66; definition of, 79 and 8o; source of conflict in New Mexico, 8o and 81; cause deep-seated conflict of interests, 99 Ercisa, Friar Juan de, listed, o09 Escalona, Friar Juan de, appointed commissary in i60o, 70; remains at i6oI desertion, 71; death of, 74; monument to, 77; listed, 247 Escalona, Friar Luis de, one of two first martyrs of New Mexico, 62; establishes first Mission in New Mexico, 143; monuments to, I44 Escobar, Friar Francisco de, with I603 group of Missionaries, 72; replaces Friar Escalona as commissary, 72; in i6I6 list, 81; listed, 247 Escudero, Lay-brother Damian, one of i6o0 group, 70; listed, 250 Espejo, Antonio de, relief expedition for Friar Rodriguez, 64 and 65; visited Pecos, 143 Espeleta, Friar Joseph, on the 1658-6I list, 89 Estancia Valley, description of, 147 and 149 Estevan, negro survivor of Narviez expedition, 6; goes with Friar Marcos de Niza to Cibola, 6i Estrada, Friar Fernando de, listed, o09 Estrada, Juan de, killed at Taos, 89 260 INDEX Eulate, Juan de, governor, 83; Inquisition investigates administration of, 85 Farmington (Sacred Heart), a Franciscan parish, II8 Fasting, observed by Francis, 37 Ferdinand III, King of Castille, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48; a Franciscan saint, 52 Fernandez, Friar Juan, listed, 1og Figueredo, Friar Roque de, arrival in 1629, 87; listed, 247 Figueroa, Friar Crist6bal, martyred at Acoma in I68o, 122 and I89 (through an error is not listed on page 243) Flores, Friar Francisco, on I658-6I list, 90 Florida, Cabeza de Vaca in 26-27; missions established in, 59; ill-fated Narviez expedition, 60 Franciscan Order (see Order of Friars Minor, Sisters of Clare, and Third Order) Francisco, Donado, with 1598 missionaries, 68; possibly assigned to Taos, 69; may have remained after I6oI desertion, 71; whereabouts after I6oi not known, 76; listed, 82 and 250 Francis of Solano, a Franciscan saint, 52; Apostle of South America, 59 Freitas, Friar Nicholfs de, on I658-6I list, go Friar Marcos de Niza (see Marcos de Niza, Friar) Friars Minor (see Order of Friars Minor) Fuente, Friar Diego de la, arrival in I629, 87; listed, 250 Gabaldon, Friar Antonio, listed, o09 Galisteo District (see Tano Pueblos) Galisteo Pueblo (Santa Cruz Mission), first mission work at, 69; Friar Perez Guerta missionary to, 78; resident missionary at in I6I6, 81; listed for I639, 9i; listed, o09 Galisteo Pueblos (see Tano Pueblos) Galvani, Luigi, a Tertiary Franciscan, 49 Gallup (Sacred Heart), a Franciscan parish, II8 Garcia, Friar Angel, listed, o09 Giles, one of the first Franciscan brothers, 36; 41 Giovanni da Vellita, Lord of Greccio, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48 Giusewa, mission built at, I74; at Hot Springs, 179; one of the "archaic" group of missions, 198; a state park, 234 Gonzales, Friar Juan, on I658-6i list, 89 Gonzalez, Friar Martin, died on trip to New Mexico in x629, 87; mentioned, 93 Gran Quivira (Jumanos, Tabira), first missionary assigned to Jumanos, 69; Friar Letrado assigned to work there, 88; two churches built there, 88; San Buenaventura church listed for I639; 9I; new church started by Friar Santander not finished, 1oo; abandoned, Ioo; identified as the Pueblo of the Humanos by Kubler, 146; references to, 146-149 et passim; Walter article on, I65-174; situation of, I65; place of mythical treasure, I66; Bandelier description of, x66-I68, 171-174; Lummis description of, 168-I71; comparison with Ab6 and Quarai, x7o; measurements of mission, 172; Cooke painting of, 173; a Piro Pueblo, I74; historical summary of, 174; suffered at hands of Apaches, 174; one of the "archaic" group, 198; preservation assured, 201 and 202; policy for preservation of, 2o6 and 207; excavation of mission at, 235 and 236; students, Loree and Harrington, work at, 236; architectural features of mission, 236 and 237 Gross-Kelly Company, gives Pecos site, 201 Gregory IX, Pope, canonizes Francis, 42; nephew and successor of Pope Innocent III, 49 Guatemala, missions established in, 57; bishopric established, 59 Guerra, Friar Salvador, on I658 list, 90 Guerta, Francisco Perez (see Perez Guerta) Guevara, Friar Miguel de, on i658-6I list, 90 Gutierrez, Friar Andres, arrival in I629, 87; listed, 247 Haiti (see Santo Domingo) Halona (Zufii), mission there listed for i639, 91; see list, o09 Hammond, G. P., 65, 70 Handbooks of Archaeological History, I9; 23 Hara de la Cueba, Pedro de (see Cueba) Harrington, J. C., 236 Hartmann, Father Julius, 231 Hawikuh (Zufii), discovery, 27; Friar Letrado killed by Indians of, 88; listed for i639, 9I; church there burned dur INDEX 26 ing Navajo raid, ioo; Friar Ayala killed during Navajo raid, Ioo; listed (see Figuerdo and Latreda), 247 Haymo of Faversham, English Friar and minister general, 53 Hernandez, Friar Juan, listed, o09 Herrera, Friar Bias de, on the I658-6i list, go Hesse, Father Jerome, 9 Hobbs, Hulda, 9 Hodge, F. W., r68, I82 Holy Gospel Custody and Province, established, 57; becomes Province, 6o; New Mexico under, 6o; Velasco as provincial of, 74; of Friars Minor Observant, 82 Holy Orders, Francis remains a deacon, 37 Hours of Prayer, observed by Francis, 38 Hopi Pueblos (see also Awitobi, Oraibi, and Shongopavi) missionary work begun there, 87; missions listed there for i639, 9I; missionary work there unsuccessful, o19; assigned to Jesuits then returned to Franciscans, I14 Hudelson, Sam, 203, 204, 234, 236 Humanos (see Gran Quivira) Hurt, Wesley R., Jr., in charge of field work, 207; Fellow of School of America;; Research, 213; report on work at Quarii, 214-217 Huston, Gaylord, 234 Ibanez, Bonaventura, Friar from Philoppines to China, 54 Inquisition, historical statement of, 84 and 85; Friar Benavides first New Mexico commissary of, 85; Friar Perea appointed second commissary of, 86; Friar Perea retained office of commissary of Inquisition until end of his life 8S Irigoyen, Friar Joseph, listed, o09 Isabella, Queen of Castille, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48 and 56; Fr. Juan P6rez confessor to, 55; Francisco Ximenez confessor to, 56 Isleta, first mission work at, 69; Friar Salas assigned as resident missionary to, 78; first church at, 78; named a monument to Friar Salas, 79; church at in i6i6, 8i; listed for I639, 91; listed, IO9 Isleta del Sur, founded by Indians of Quarfi, 153 Italy, thirteenth century, 21-23 Jemez, District of, first missionary assigned, 69; first church built, 70; Friar Zarate Salmer6n works there, 83; trouble in, 84; Friar Zarate Salmer6n withdraws from, 84; Friar Arvide assigned to, 84; Friar San Lucas martyred there, 89; two churches listed for I639, 91; listed, io9; a Franciscan parish, IiS; sanctuary of today, 133; Friars Jes6s Casafias and San Lucas martyred there, I33; Pecos survivors and descendents at, I44; Walter article on, 175-I82; situation of, 175; cultural intrusions in, 178; historical summary of, 178-182; Jemez mission one of the "archaic" group, I98; preservation assured, zoi; policy for preservation of, 206 and 207; Bloom report on reclamation of, 230-235 et seq.; Bloom identification of San Diego and San Jose missions, 230; construction materials and walls, 230; main entrance, 231; floor levels, 231; beams and corbels, 231; roof, 232; the tower, 232; high altar, 232; graduate students work at, 234; mural decorations found, 234; students, Bliss, Toulouse, Baker, work at, 234 Jemez, San Diego de, "Pueblo of the Congregation, 83; listed for i639, 91; see list, 109; sanctuary of today, 133; Vierra painting of; I33; identified by Bloom, 80o and 230 Jemez, San Jose de, built by Friar Zirate Salmer6n, 83; listed for I639, 91; identified by Bloom, 80o and 230 Jesuits, request that they be allowed to enter New Mexico, 71; expelled from Spanish colonies, 114 Jes6s, Friar Juan de, martyred at Jemez, 133 and i8o; listed, 243 John Capistran, a Franciscan saint, 52 John, King of Jerusalem, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48 John of Montecorvino, Friar to China, 54 John of Piano Carpins, Friar to Mongolia, 54 Jose Miguel Pecos (see Pecos, Jose Miguel) Juirez, Friar Andres, arrival in New Mexico, 77; in I616 list, 8S Judrez, Guadalupe Church established there, IIO Jumanos (see also Gran Quivira) first missionary assigned, 69; Friar Letrado 262 INDEX assigned to work among, 88; listed for 1639, 91; listed (see Letrado), 247 Kelly, Harry, 201 Kelly, Henry W., II2 Kidder, A. V., Archaeological work at Pecos by, 146 Kino, Father Eusebio, Jesuit missionary, 114 Kozlowski, Mrs., mentioned by Bandelier, I40 Kubler, George, 17; identifies Gran Quivira as Humanas, 146; quoted concerning the term "archaic," 167 and i98 Lady Giacoma, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48 Laguna, listed, o09; a Franciscan parish, xx8; Vierra painting of, I30; sanctuary of today, 130 Laird, Thomas K., 234 Lamy, The Most Rev. John B., Archbishop of Santa F6, xx6, 246 La Verne Mountain, Francis receive stigmata on, 41 Lavora, Friar Juan de, listed, o09 Leo, one of the first Franciscan brothers, 41 Leonard of Port Maurice, a Franciscan saint, 52 Lent, observed by Francis, 37 Letrado, Friar Francisco de, arrival in I629, 86; assigned first to Jumanas, 86; transferred to Zufni and martyred, 88; mentioned, 173; listed, 243 and 247 Leyva and Humaia, expedition to New Mexico, 65 Lezaun, Friar Juan, listed, Iog Lobato, Friar Juan, on the I658-6I list, 90 Lomas, Juan Bautista de, 65 L6pez, Friar Francisco, martyred in New Mexico, 63-64 Loree, D. D., 236 Louis IX, King of France, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48; a Franciscan sfint, 52 Lugo, Friar Alonso de, with 1598 missionaries, 68; assigned to Jemez district, 69; builds church at Jemez, 70; mentioned, 83; listed, 250 Lummis, C. F., mentioned, 147; description of Quarai quoted, I58; mentioned concerning Ab6, I59; worked at J6mez, 182; article on Acoma, 183-194 Madre de Dios, Friar Francisco de la, arrival in 1629, 87; listed, 250 Maldonado, Friar Lucas, Acoma a monument to, xI2; listed, 243 martyred at Acoma, I89 Magnificat, 38 Mairones, Friar Luis, one of 600o group, 70; listed, 250 Ma Pe Wi, Zia artist, 25 Manso, Friar Tomas, arrival in 1629, 87; appointed procurator general of mission supply service, 87; his service as procurator general, 93-94; a great man of New Mexican Church, 97; becomes provincial then bishop, 97; succeeded as procurator general by Friar Ramirez, 98; listed, 245 and 247; see fontispiece Manso Indians, Friar Benavides recommends missions among, 86; work among, 89; Rebellion alliance, 102 Marcos de Niza, Friar, mentioned, I6; wanderer of New World, 27; chosen to investigate north country (New Mexico), 6i; guides Coronado expedition, 61; first white man to see Acoma, i86; see frontispiece Marquez, Friar Diego, to go with Oiiate colony, 67; withdrawn, 68 Marta, Friar Bernardo de, in New Mexico in 1609, 76; missionary to Zia, 78 and 247; in I6x6 list, 81; monument to, 125; listed, 247 Martin, Donado, with 1598 missionaries, 68; possibly assigned to Taos, 69; may have remained after I60o desertion, 71; whereabouts after x6ox not known, 76; listed, 81 and 250 Martinez, Friar (lay-brother), listed, 1og Martinez, Friar Alonso, appointed commissary, 68; headquarters at San Juan, 69; returns to Mexico in 1599, 69-70; listed, 247 Martinez, Friar Luis, on the x658-6I list, 90 Martyrs, first of New World, 57; first of New Mexico, 61-62; of 158x in New Mexico, 63-64; five of New Mexico before i6oo, 65; five friars meet martyrdom during I630's, 88; two names added to list of, Ioo; of the Rebellion, o12; five friars meet martyrdom in I696, xo6; list of, 243 and 244 Mary of Burgundy, 56 Masseo, one of the first Franciscan brothers, 41 Matts, Chapter of, 44 Mauzy, Wayne L., 141 Maximilian I, of Austria, 56 INDEX 263 Melgarejo, Pedro, first Franciscan in Mexico City, 59 Mendieta, Ger6nimo de, Franciscan writer, 60 Mendoza, Antonio de, first viceroy of New Spain, 6i Mexico, missions established in, 57; bishopric established, 58 Meyer, Father Theodosius, 9, 62, 63, I2o Michoacan, missions established in, 59 Miller, Hugh, 201 Miller, Mr. and Mrs. James W., 201 Mirabal, Friar Juan, listed, o09 Mission Monuments, spirit of, I620; Mission to Mission Highway, 16-17; "Archaic" Group, 17; purpose of study of, 27-28; to appreciate, 29 Miranda, Friar Pedro de, arrival in New Mexico, 77; working at Taos in 1613, 78; in 6Ix6 list, 8i; martyred at Taos, 89; monument to, 128; listed, 243 and 248 Molina, Friar Pedro de, on the I658-6I list, go Molino, Alonzo de, Franciscan writer, 60 Monpean, Friar Jacinto, on the I658-6I list, 89 Monrroy, Friar Fernando de, on I658-6I list, 90 Montafio, Friar Pedro, listed, o09 Mora, Friar Antonio de, martyred at Taos, I28; listed, 243 Morales, Friar Luis de, martyred at San Ildefonso, 126; listed, 243 Moreno, Friar Antonio, martyred at Nambe, Io6 Moreno, Friar Pedro, on I658-6I list, go Motolinia (Toribio de Benaventi), Franciscan writer, 60 Mozarabic Rite, 56 Munoz, Friar Francisco, arrival in I629, 87; on the i658-6I list, 9o; escapes to Zia in Rebellion, i8o; listed 250 Museum of New Mexico, 17, 143, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 234, 236. McMillan, A. B., 201 Nambe, Friar Moreno martyred at, xo6; listed, o09 Narvaez, Panfilo, ill-fated colony to Florida, 60; survivers of expedition, 6I. National Park Service, 235, 236 National Youth Administration, 207, 227 Natividad, Friar Benito de la, on i658-6i list, 89 Navajo Indians, raid Pueblos, ioo; raid Hawikuh and kill Friar Ayala, zoo; conspire with Jemez, I8o; Jemez takes refuge in country of, I81; attack Jemez Pueblo, 181 Nicaragua, 59 Nicholas Pick, a Franciscan saint, 52 Nunc Dimittis, 38 Nfiiez, Friar Francisco, mentioned, 99 Nusbaum, J. L., 204, 226 Observants (see Order of Friars Minor) Oh'-ke, christened San Juan Bautista, 68 Oliva, Friar Alonso de la, one of the I6oo group, 70; work at Santo Domingo, 70 Oraibi (Hopi), mission established at (see Gutierrez), 247; listed under Bartholome, 249 Ofiate, Juan de, contract to colonize New Mexico, 65-67; discontent with his administration, 71; trip to Mexico City, 72; resignation of, 72 and 73; replaced by Peralta, 74; mentioned, I12; visited Pecos, 143; visited Pueblos of the Salinas, 174; his relations with Acoma, I87 and x88 Order of Friars Minor, founding of, 35 -37; Francis' conception of, 4o; approved, 44; begin spread throughout world, 45; division of, 49-51; Observants, Capuchins and Conventuals, 5i; government of, 52-53; established in England, 53; English Friar Haymo third Minister General, 53; develop mission fields throughout the world, 54; to Spain in 1219, 54 Ord6fiez, Friar Isidro, arrival in x6o5, 72; makes trip to Mexico, 74; return to New Mexico for reinforcements, 77; returns to New Mexico as commissary, 78; his term as commissary comes to close, 81; in i6I6 list, 8I; returned to Mexico in 1617, 82; listed, 245 and 248 Orlando, Lord of Chinsi, a Tertiary Franciscan, 48 Oronzoro, Friar Juan, listed, o09 Ortega, Friar Diego, arrival in New Mexico, 77;stationed at Pecos, 78; in 61i6 list, 81; mentioned, I44; listed, 250 Otermin, Antonio de, appointed governor, Ioi; warned of the Rebellion, 102; mentioned, 179 Paako, Santa Maria, martyred at, 63 Pacheco, Luis, killed at Taos, 89 Padilla, Friar Juan, listed, 1og 264 INDEX Padilla, Friar Garcia de, first bishop of Santo Domingo, 59 Padilla, Friar Juan de, one of two first martyrs of New Mexico, 62 Palace of the Governors, built, 76; history and preservation of, 195-197; set Santa Fe architectural style, 197; reclamation of, 199 and 200 Paredes, Friar Joseph, on the I658-6i list, 90 Parkview (San Jose), a Franciscan parish, I 8 Parroquia of Santa Fe, listed for 1639, go; see list, 109. Paschal of Baylon, a Franciscan Saint, 52 Pecos, Escalona there, 62; Friar San Miguel and Donado Juan de Dios assigned to, 69; Juan de Dios learns language of, 70; Friar Ortega stationed there, 78; resident missionary in 1616, 8i; church built during Friar Perea's first term as Custodian, 87; listed for 1639, 91; listed, o09; described by Castafieda, 136; described by Emory, 136 -138; picture of ruin, 137; described by Bandelier, 138-14I; a great trading center, 141; abandoned in 1838, 142; Andover Academy excavaiton at, I42; historical summary of, 143; Pecos descendants at Jemez, 144 and 145; Cooke painting of, 144; decay of, 145 -146; archaeological studies by Kidder, 146; one of the ''archaic".group, 197; preservation assured, 20; policy for preservation of, 206 and 207; Witkind report on repair and stabilization of, 224 to 230 et seq.; architectural features, 224 and 225; artifacts found, 226; help by federal work relief agencies, 227 Pecos, Agustin, last survivor of Pecos Pueblo, 144 Pecos, Jose Miguel, next to last survivor of Pecos, 144 Pedraza, Friar Jer6nimo de, arrival in New Mexico, 77; working at San Felipe in 6r13, 78; in i6i6 list, 82; on 1658-6I list, go; monument to, 123; listed, 248; see frontispiece Pedrosa, Friar Juan de la, martyred at Taos, 128; listed, 243 Peinado, Friar Alonso de, appointed commissary to replace Escobar, 74 and 76; makes Santo Domingo prelate's church, 76; disagreement with Ord6fiez, 78; found mission at Chilili, 78; in 1616 list, 8I; listed, 248 Peter Baptist, a Franciscan saint, 5I; missionary and martyred in Japan, 54 Pefia Blanca (Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe), a Franciscan parish, II8 Penance, observed by Francis, 38 Peralta, Don Pedro de, named governor, 74; mentioned, 99 Perea, Friar Est6van de, arrival in New Mexico, 76; founds mission at Sandia, 76; in I616 list, 8i; appointed first custodian, 82; probably returns to Sandia after term as custodian, 83; opposes movement to abandon missions, 83; makes trip to Mexico in 1626, 84; reelected custodian and returns to New Mexico, 86; a number of churches built during his first and second terms as custodian, 87; establishes mission and builds church at Quarai pueblo, 87; dies at Sandia, 89; mentioned, 93; shrine of, 127; mentioned, 144, 153; monument to, 156; listed, 245 and 248; see frontispiece Perez, Governor Albino, murder of, 146 Perez Guerta, Friar Francisco, arrival with i612 group, 77; sent as missionary to Galisteo pueblo, 78; in 1616 list, 81; returned to Mexico in 1617, 82; listed, 248 Perez, Friar Juan, of La Rabida, 55; celebrates first mass in America, 56 Perguer, Friar Andres, arrival in New Mexico, 76; founds mission at San Lazaro, 76; in 1616 list, 81; listed, 248 Per6, missions established in, 57; Friar Marcos de Niza in, 59 Peter of Alcfntara, a Franciscan saint, 52 Peter of Catana, one of the two first followers, 35, 41, 47; elected Vicar general, 50 Petrarch, 40 Philip IV, King of Spain, 85 Philip Lungo, one of the first Franciscan brothers, 36 Philip of Jesus, a Franciscan saint, 51; martyred in Japan, 54 Picuris, first missionary assigned, 69; notable success by I6oo, 70; resident missionary Friar Arvide there in 16I6, 81; Friar Zarate worked at, 83; listed for 1639, 9o; listed, I09; Vierra painting of, 124; Friar Rend6n martyred there, 124; sanctuary of today, 125 IND Pila, Friar, Commissary general of New Spain, 67 Pio, Friar Bautista, martyred at Tesuque, listed, 243 Pinkley, Frank, 236 Pino, Friar Ignacio, listed, o09 Pino, Friar Juan del, listed, I09 Piro Pueblos, visited by Rodriguez expedition, 63 Pizarro, Francisco, in Per6, 59; mention, 66 Plasencia, Friar Juan de, on the x658-6I list, 89 Pliego, Friar Antonio de, on the I658-6I list, 90 Ponce de Le6n, Pedro, 65 Poor Clares (see Sisters of Clare) Pop6, organizer of the Rebellion, 102 Porraga, Friar Diego de, on the i658-6I list, 89 Porras, Friar Francisco de, arrival in I629, 87; assigned to Awdtobi and martyred, 88; listed, 243 and 248 Porti6ncula, becomes Francis church in Assisi, 33; Franciscans given tenure, 37; Chapter of Matts held at, 44; second Franciscan order founded at, 45 Pro, Friar Antonio Sanchez de, martyred at San Ildefonso, I26; listed, 243 Provinces, Franciscan, of New World, 59 Puaray, Rodriguez and L6pez remain at, 63; ielief expedition to, 65; Friar Claros missionary to, 69; listed for I639, 90 Puerta, Friar Juan de la, first bishop of Yucatan, 59 Quarai, mission founded by Friar Perea, 87; Perea builds church, 87; listed for I639, 91; abandoned, Ioo; Walter article on, references to, I46-149 el passim, Walter article on, I5o-158; situation of, 150; historical summary of, 153; defense of, 154; Bandelier description of, I55-I58; an Apache raid on, 156 and 157; Cooke painting of, I56; Lummis description of, 158; Comparison with Ab6 and Gran Quivira, 170; one of the "archaic" group, 197; preservation assured, 201; policy for preservation of, 206 and 207; Ely report on excavation and repair of, 208-213 et seq.; excavation begins, 208; vandalism at, 208; excavation and features described, 208-213 et seq.; Hurt report on excavation and repair of, 214-217 et seq. EX 265 Quifones, Friar Crist6bal de, with I603 group of missionaries, 72; assigned to San Felipe, 72; death at San Felipe, 72 and 76; monument to, 123; listed, 248 Quiros, Friar Crist6bal de, arrival in New Mexico, 77; at Zia in I6I3, 78; in i6I6 list, Si; follows Friars Perea and Salas as custodian, 88; listed, 245 and 248 Quivira, Padilla there, 62 Ramirez, Friar Juan, arrival in I629, 87; on I658-61 list, 89; succeeds Friar Manso as procurator general, 97; monument to, 12I; builder of Acoma church, 183; work at Acoma, I89; listed, 248 and 249 Raymond, Ernest, 30, 32, 39, 40, 42, 43 Rebellion of I6So, causes of, Iox; immediate effects of, 102 and 03; reconquest complete, xo6, might have extinguished Christianity, 120; at Acoma, 122; at San Juan, I23; at San Felipe, I24; at Picuris, 125; at Zia, I26; at San Ildefonso, 126; at Sandia, 127-128; at Jemez, 133; at Santa Ana, 134; Salinas deserted before, I74; at Jemez, i8o; at Acoma, 183 and 189; Palace of Governors escapes destruction during, I95 Rend6n, Friar Matias de, martyred at Picuris, 124; listed, 243 Rodey, Bernard S., 202 Rodey, Pearce, 202 Rodriguez, Friar Agustin, leads expedition to New Mexico, 63; martyi 64; mention, 65 Rodriguez, Friar Diego, on the I658-6I list, 89 Romero, Friar Bartolome, arrival in i629, 87; mentioned, 99; listed, 249 Rosas, Friar Juan de, with 1598 missionaries, 68; assigned to Keres and Galisteo districts, 69; listed, 250 Rosas, Governor Luis de, mentioned, 99, II4 Roswell (St. John Baptist), a Franciscan parish, II8 Ruffino, one of the first Franciscan brothers, 36 and 41 Rule of Francis, given to Friars Minor, 36; Innocent III withholds approval, 47; Honorius III gives approval, 44; given to Sisters of Clare, 45; content of rule for Sisters of Clare, 47; given to Third Order, 47 266 INDEX Ruskin, John, Seven Lamps of Architecture, quoted from, 206 Sacristan, Friar Miguel, on I658-6I list, 89 Sahag6n, Bernardino de, Franciscan writer, 60 Salas, Friar Juan de, arrival with 6I12 group, 77; Isleta named a monument to, 79; in 1616 list, 8i; follows Friar Perea as custodian, 88; serves second term as custodian, 89; mentioned, 153; listed, 245 and 249 Salazar, Friar Crist6bal de, to go with Ofiate colony, 67; with 1598 missionaries, 68; works at San Juan, 69; dies on trip to Mexico, 70 Salazar, Friar Francisco de, on I658-61 list, 89; listed, 245 Saint Damian Church, beginning of Francis religious life there, 30-31; repaired by Francis, 33 Saints, Franciscan, list of, 51-52 Salcedo, Fernando, one of three first martyrs in New World, 57 Salinas, Pueblos of the, first missionary work among, 69; abandonment of, o0o; Walter article on, 146 et seq.; Apaches responsible for abandonment of, 153; Spanish ranchos among, 158; visited by Ofiate and Chamuscado, 174; Friar San Miguel did first missionary work among, 174; deserted before I68o Rebellion, 174; see also Ab6, Quarii, Gran Quivira, Chilili, Tajique. San Buenaventura, Friar Francisco de, arrival in 1629, 87; on I658-6I list, 90; listed, 251 San Buenaventura, Jumanos (see Gran Quivira) San Buenaventura, Lay-Brother Juan de, with 1598 missionaries, 68; works at San Juan, 69; remained after I60o desertion, 71; mentioned in 1604 and 1614, 76; listed, 82 and 249 San Crist6bal, first mission work at, 69; listed for I639, 91; Santa Fe occupied by Indians from, I03; Friar Arbis6 martyred at, Io6 Sandia, Friar Claros first missionary assigned, 69; Friar Perea assigned and builds first church there, 76; Friar Burgos stationed there, 78; church at, in 1616, 8I; Friar Perea becomes custodian of after seven years there, 82; Friar Perea probably returns after term as custodian, 83; listed for I639, 90; listed, I09; Vierra painting of, 127; sanctuary of today, 127 San Diego de Jemez (see Jemez, San Diego de) San Diego, Friar Tomais de, arrival in I629, 86; listed, 251 San Felipe, first mission work at, 69; Quifiones becomes resident missionary at, 72; hospital built at, 72; Friar Quifiones dies at, 72 and 76; Friar Pedraza working there, 78; church at in 1616, 8i; listed for 1639, 90; listed 109; Vierra painting of, 123; sanctuary of today, I24 San Fidel (San Jos6), a Franciscan parish, I8 San Francisco de Sandia (see Sandia Mission) San Francisco, Friar Garcia de, arrival in I629, 87; on I658-6I list, 89; listed, 245 San Gabriel, first capital built, 69; colony becomes discouraged and deserts, 70; desertion of, 71; new missionaries arrive in I603, 72; replaced by Santa Fe, 76 San Ildefonso, first missionary and first church at, 69; church at in i6i6, 8i; listed for i639, 9o; Friar Corvera martyred at, io6; listed, 109; Vierra painting of, 126; Friars Morales, Pro, and Corvera martyred there, I26; Sanctuary of today, 126-I27 San Jose de Jemez (see Jemez, San Jose de) San Juan (Bautista) Pueblo, first church in New Mexico at, 68; several missionaries work there in 1598, 69; a number baptized by I6oo, 70; church at in I616, 8i; listed for 1639, 90; listed, I09; Vierra painting of, 122; Friar Morales martyred there, 122; sanctuary of today, 123 San Lazaro, mission founded, 76; church at in 1616, 8i; listed for 1639, 90; listed (see Perguer), 248; Santa Fe occupied by Indians from, 103 San Lucas, Friar Diego de, arrival in 1629, 87; assigned to J6mez and martyred, 89; martyred at Jemez, 133; monument to, 133; listed, 243 San Marcos, mentioned, I03 San Miguel, Friar Francisco de, to go with Ofiate colony, 67; serves as acting commissary, 68; with I598 mission INDEX 267 aries, 68; assigned to Pecos then San Ildefonso, 69; serves as vice-commissary, 7o; builds church at San Ildefonso, 70; mentioned, I43; did first missionary work among Salinas pueblos, 174; listed, 249 San Miguel of Santa Fe (church) possibly first in Santa Fe, 76; listed for 1639, qo; painting of, oS8; see list, o09 Santa Ana, listed, Io9; Vierra painting of, 134; sanctuary of today, 134 Santa Clara Pueblo, mission there listed for 1639, 9I; listed, 0o9; Vierra painting of, I32; sanctuary of today, 132 Santa Cruz Mission, Galisteo (see Galisteo Pueblo) Santa Cruz, Villa of, founded by Vargas, 105; settlement there causes I696 uprising, xo6; listed, o09; made into secular parish, 114; Third Order confraternity at, II6 Santa Fe, founded, 76; Friar Tirado sent as minister to, 78; church there in x6i6, 81; Parroquia listed in x639, 9o; the Rebellion at, Io2; retaken by Vargas, 103-106; Fiesta Pageant at, 103; Procession of "Our Lady of Victory"' at, 103; listed, o09; made into secular parish, 114; Third Order confraternity at, xI6; St. Francis Cathedral at, II8 Santa Maria, Friar, martyred in New Mexico, 63-64 Santander, Friar Diego de, on z658-6I list, go; started large new church at Gran Quivira, xoo; monument to, 173 Santero art, example of, 107; Franciscan emblem in, 117; St. Francis in, 119 Santo Domingo, first mission work at, 69; Friar Escalona buried at, 74; becomes ecclesiastical capital, 76; chapter meeting at, 78; church at in I616, 81; listed for x639, 90; listed, o09 Santo Domingo (Haiti) bishopric established, 59 Scholes, F. V., 9, 79, 91, 97, i62 School of American Archaeology, 50o, 154, 20I School of American Research, 17, 142, 143, I95, 201, 202, 203, 204, 213, 226, 235 Science Commission of New Mexico, 203 Second Order of St. Francis (see Sisters of Clare) Secular life, governor's function in, 78; encomienda system, 79-8I; described by Scholes, 91-93; conflict between reli gious and secular interests, 99; population discouraged, Iox Secularization of Missions, planned by Bishop of Durango, 114; Franciscans expelled from New Mexico, 114; Franciscanism survives period of, Ix6 Senecu (del Sur), claims to be descended from Ab6, I62 Senect pueblo, mission there listed, 9I; destroyed by Apaches, Izo; listed (see San Francisco y Zuniga), 249 Sevilleta Pueblo, mission there listed, 9I Shiprock (Christ the King), a Franciscan mission, xt8 Shongopavi (Hopi), mission of San Bartholome listed for 1639, 91 Silvester, one of the first Franciscan brothers, 36; 41 Sinodos, description of, iII Sisters of Clare, founding of, 45; rule of, 47; in 1927, 51; brought to New World, 60 Socorro Pueblo, mission there listed, 91; survivors of Senect take refuge there, Io1; listed (see San Francisco y Zuniga), 249 Sosa, Gaspar Castano de, entrada of, 65; visited Pecos, 143 Sotomayor, Friar Antonio de, on x658-6I list, 89 Stigmata, received by Francis, 41 Suarez, Friar Juan, Bishop of Florida with Narviez expedition, 60 Subiaco Monks, give tenure of Portiuncula to Franciscans, 37 Suma Indians, work among, 89 Supply service, Friar Manso appointed procurator general of, 87; description of, 93; list of supplies brought by, 94 -96; difficulties in, 98; Friar Ayeta becomes procurator general of, Ioo; during i8th century, Ixo Tabares, Friar Antonio de, on the x658-6I list, go Tabira (see Gran Quivira) Tajique, mission listed there for x639, 91; abandoned, Ioo; Quarai people take refuge there, 153; driven out by Apaches, 154 Tano Pueblos (Galisteo District) visited by Rodriguez expedition, 63; first mission work at, 69; first resident missionary, 76; San Lizaro Mission, 76; Galisteo Pueblo Mission (Santa Cruz), 78 268 INDEX Taos, first missionary assigned, 69; Friar Miranda working there, 78; resident missionary at in I6x6, S; listed for I639, 90; final plans for the Rebellion made there, 102; Friar Carbonel martyred at, io6; listed, o09; Vierra painting of, 128; sanctuary of today, 128 -I29; Friars Mora, Pedrosa and Carbonel martyred there, i28 Tasso, 40 Te Deum Laudamus, 38 Tenab6, abandoned, ioo; Friar Acevedo established mission there, I74 Tertiary Franciscans (see Third Order) Tesuque, listed, IO9; Vierra painting of, I31; sanctuary of today, 131; Friar Pio martyred there, I31 Tew, Marguerite, 234 Third Order, founding of, 47; rule of, 48; rule modified, 48; famous members of, 48-49; -in 1927, 5I; has first religious community for women in New World, 60; confraternities at Santa Fe and Santa Cruz, II6; confraternities at Las Vegas and Santa F6, IIS Tiguex, headquarters of Coronado's Army, 145 Tirado, Friar Luis, arrival with I612 group, 77; sent as minister to Santa Fe, 78; in i6x6 list, 8I; listed, 251' Tohatchi (Immaculate Conception), "a Franciscan mission, I18 Toledo, Friar Juan, listed, I09 Torquemado, Juan de, Franciscan writer, 60 Toulouse, Joseph H., Jr., in charge of field work, 207; report of work at Ab6, 217-224; work at Jemez, 234 Trampas, Church of, Iio Trevino, Gov. Juan Francisco de, mentioned, ioI Twitchell, Col. Ralph E., x68 Ugolino, Cardinal Protector of the Franciscan Order, 42; disturbing force in Franciscan movement, 49 United States Forest Service, 208; 225 -r University of Michigan, 236 University of New Mexico, I7, 141, I43, 202, 204 Urdifiola, Francisco de, 65 Urquijo, Friar Joseph, listed, Io9 Valencia, Friar Martin de, convened first ecclesiastical council in New World, 59 Vargas, Don Diego de, reconquest of New Mexico by, 103-o06; at Jemez, 179, i8o; at Acoma, I90 Varo, Friar Andres, custodian, o09, x o, I'I I Vasco da Gama, a Tertiary Franciscan, 49 Velasco, Friar Fernando de, on I658-6I list, 90 Velasco, Friar Francisco de, remains after I6oi desertion, 71; returns to Mexico, 74; monument to, 144; listed, 249 Velino Herrera, Zia artist, 25 Venezuela, missions established in, 57 Vergara, Friar Pedro de, with 1598 missionaries, 68; works at San Juan, 69; remained after 160o desertion, 71; whereabouts after I60o not known, 76; listed, 249 Vetancurt, Agustin de, Franciscan writer, 60 Vierra, Carlos, paintings by, 121, I22, 123, 124, I25, 126, 127, i28, 129, I30, 131, 132, 133, 134 Villar, Friar Nicholas de, on the I658-6i list, 89 Volta, Alesandro, a Tertiary Franciscan, 49 Walker, Martha Ann, 9 Walter, Paul A. F., I46; article on Pueblos of the Salinas, I46 et seq.; article on Quarai, 150-158; article on Ab6, 159-I64; article on Gran Quivira, I65-I74; article on Jemez, 175-182 William of Prato, Friar Archbishop of Peking, 54 William of Rubruck, Friar of Karakorum, 54 Winship, George Parker, I35 Witkind, William, in charge of field work, 207; report on work at Pecos, 224-230 Works Projects Administration, 207, 214 Xalisco, 59 Xim6nez de Cisneros, a great Spanish Franciscan, 56-57 Xim6nez, Friar Lazaro, with I603 group of missionaries, 72; makes trips to Mexico City, 73 and 74; makes another trip to Mexico, 76 Ybargaray, Friar Antonio de, on 1658-6I list, 89 Yniesta, Friar Agustin de, listed, Io9 Yucatan, missions established in, 57; bishopric established, 59 INDEX 269 Zacatecas, 59 Zaldivar, Juan de, storms Acoma, I88 Zambrano, Friar Manuel, listed, Io9 Zamora, Friar Antonio, listed, Io9 Zamora, Friar Francisco de, with 1598 missionaries, 68; assigned to Taos, 69; listed, 251 Zarate, Friar Asencio de, arrival in New Mexico, 83; appointed vice-custodian, 83; withdraws from Jemez and goes to Acoma, 84; returns to Mexico in I626, 84; listed, 245 and 250 ~ Zarate Salmer6n, Friar Jer6nimo de, arrival in New Mexico, 83; returned to Mexico in I626, 84; his relation to Jemez, 179; monument to, i8I; at Acoma, 183; listed, 250 Zeballos, Friar Andr6s, listed, o09 Zia, first missionary assigned, 69; Friar Marta missionary to, 78; Friar Quiros at, 78; church at in I6I6, 81; listed for I639, 90; listed, Io9; Vierra painting of, 125; Friar Marta died there, 125; sanctuary of today, 126; mentioned, 175 Zumarraga, Friar Juan de, first bishop of Mexico, 59; brought first printing press to Mexico, 60 Zufii, Friar Marcos sees, 6I; Coronado reaches, 6i; visited by Rodriguez expedition, 63; first mission work at, 69; residence mission established at, 87; Friar Arvide killed by Indians of, 88; Friar Letrado killed at Hawikuh Pueblo of, 88; two missions listed for I639, 91; listed, Io9; San Antonio a Franciscan parish, II8 Zufiiga, Friar Pedro de, first bishop of Guatemala, 59 Zopefia, Friar Manuel, listed, Ioo ERRATA Page I00, line 23, for "sewn" read "sown." Page 116, line 30, for "Patterson" read "Paterson." Page I2I, next to last line-Change "Friars Lucas Maldonado and Cristobal Figueroa who were" to read "Friar Lucas Maldonado, who was." Page I33, last line, for "Francisco de Jesus read "Franscisco de Jesus Casanas." Page I89,-Delete the footnote reading "Friar Cristobal Figueroa met martyrdom with Friar Lucas Maldonado at Acoma in I680." Page 243-Add the name of Juan de Morales, martyred at San Juan, in i680. Page 244-After the name of Antonio Carbonel, for "San Cristobal" read "Taos." I I l I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN GRADUATE LIBRARY DATE DUE v^foe ' 7 * at-.. * f" l '77* ' - oDg:::: ~ ~~~~~~ ~ L. -- I I I ac IC m I RENE