ABSTRACT
OF THE
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON, MASS.
FROM ITS
FIRST SETTLEMEN T
TO THE
CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF
OUR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE,
JULY  4, 1876.
--- -o..o<}~o —.....
BY CHARLES HUDSON.
BOSTON:
PRESS ()F T. R. MARVIN & SON, 49 FEDERAL STREET.
8 76








A B S T R A-C T
OF THE
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON, MASS.
FROM ITS
FIRSI' SETTLEMENT
TO THE
CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF
OUR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE,
JULY  4, 1876.
BY CHARLES HUDSON.
BOSTON:
PRESS ()F T. R. MARVIN & SON, 49 FEDERAL STREET.
I 876.




IN conformity with the recommendation of Congress, the undersigned, in
behalf of the citizens of Lexington, have caused the following Abstract of the
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON to be prepared and published.
WEBSTER SMITH,
OTIS WENTWORTH,
ALBERT W. BRYANT,
Selectmen of Lexizigton.
LEXINGTON, JUNE, I876.




HISTORI(CAL SKETCH.
LEXINGTON is a post town in the' County of Middlesex, State of
Massachusetts, situated in latitude 420 26' 50" North,'and longitude 700 13' 55" West. It is about eleven miles West-northwest
from Boston, and about fifteen miles Southeast-by-south from
Lowell. It has Winchester, Woburn, and Burlington, on the Northeast; Burlington and Bedford, on the North; Lincoln, on the West;
Waltham on the Southwest, and Belmont and Arlington on the
Southeast. The township, like most of those in the neighborhood,
is somewhat irregular in shape, and contains about twenty square
miles, or about I3,ooo acres. It is generally more elevated than
any of the adjoining towns, unless it be Lincoln; and hence the
water from Lexington' runs in every direction, and finds its way to
the ocean through the Shawshine, Mystic, and Charles rivers.
The hills in some parts of the town rise to a considerable height.
These afford a delightful prospect, both near and remote. The soil
is generally productive, and the rich peat meadows which are found
in most parts of the town, add materially to the value of many farms.
Lexington has been somewhat celebrated for its hay and fruit
crops; but at present more particularly for its milk dairies. Some
of our farmers keep from twenty to fifty, and some as high as sixty
or seventy cows, making an aggregate of from 350,000 to 400,000
gallons of milk sent annually to market. Lexington has always
been'distinguished' as a healthy town, and many invalids, on the
advice of their physicians, resort to the place. It has a railroad
passing directly through the centre of the town, furnishing frequent,and easy communication with Boston. There is no town in' the
region, so near and accessible to Boston, which affords more pleas



4
ing and rural scenery than Lexington; and the Revolutionary
associations are more and more attracting visitors to the place.
Lexington was formerly a part of Cambridge, and was known by
the designation of " Cambridge Farms," supplying the main village
with hay and wood.  There was no permanent settlement at the
"farms" till about I640. The early settlers came mostly from Cambridge and Watertown, but they were at first few in number. It
was not till after the close of Philip's war, that there was any considerable increase of the population. In I670 there could not have
been over eighty-five or ninety inhabitants at the "farms," but in
I690o there was probably three times that number. Among the first
wants of every early New England settlement, were those of church
privileges. In I682 the settlers petitioned to be set off as a distinct
precinct. The old parish of Cambridge opposing, it was not till
I691 that the Court granted the "farms" a separate corporate
existence. Their first object after being made a precinct, was to
provide for religious worship. They erected a meeting-house, and
employed a minister before I693. But he unfortunately died in I697,
and after some delay, in I698, they settled John Hancock, a graduate from Harvard, a young man of good promise. He remained
with his people till his death in I752. He was a man of superior
talents, and of great usefulness, and probably exerted more influence
than any clergyman in the county. If a difficulty arose in any of
the churches, and a Council was called, Mr. Hancock must be on
the Council, where he generally became Moderator, and frequently
the Council itself. In those days, when the churches were much
fewer in number than at present, and ministers were usually settled
for life, he gave the solemn charge to tlzenetzy-onze ministers at their
induction into office. He was as influential at home as abroad, and
always managed to keep his own people united and happy. He had
three sons: — First, John, who was settled a minister at Braintree,
and was father of John Hancock of the Revolution; second, Thomas,
a successful merchant of Boston, who adopted and educated his
nephew John, who was left.an orphan at the age of seven, and to
whom he bequeathed his large fortune; third, Ebenezer, who was
settled as a colleague with his father, and died in I740, after a brief
ministry of six years. John Hancock the elder, built a house on
what is now called Hancock Street, in Lexington, soon after his
ordination in I698, and about I735 his son Thomas, built an addition




to the house. Both the original and addition are still standing, each
showing the architectural taste of the age in which it was erected,
and are subjects of interest at the present day.
Mr. Hancock was succeeded in the ministry by Jonas Clarke, who
was inducted into the pastoral office in 1755.  He married Lucy
Bowes, who was a grand-daughter of his predecessor, Rev. John
Hancock. Mr. Clarke purchased and resided in the house erected
by his predecessor; so that the old building, now an object of attention, had been the ministerial mansion for more than a century.
Mr. Clarke was a man of distinguished ability, and has left his mark
upon his country's history. During the later years of the French
and Indian wars, Mr. Clarke encouraged a warm devotion to his
country, but when the English ministry first attempted to impose
taxes upon the colonies, he was among the first to raise his voice
against it. It was customary in those days for towns to instruct
their Representatives to the General Court. When Lexington had
elected their Representative, if there was any particular question
before the people, he was not simply advised how to act, but he was
presented with an able elaborate State paper, entering into the
merits of the question, and teaching the duty of rulers and the
rights and privileges of the ruled.
The Lexington Records contain a number of these valuable papers,
all prepared by Mr. Clarke, which would do honor to any statesman in the country. He had a thorough knowledge of the science
of civil government, and in his masterly documents he met the particular issues of the day, and showed in the clearest manner that, as
English subjects, we were deprived of the rights and privileges of
British freemen, which were granted to us by our charter, and confirmed by the Constitution of Great Britain; and that, during the
whole controversy, we were in the right, and Parliament in the
wrong; that they, in truth, and not we, were the rebels, ignoring,
disregarding, and trampling upon the fundamental principles of their
own organic law. These papers not only instructed his own townsmen, but by their publication they enlightened the public mind and
prepared the people, not simply to resist the encroachments of Great
Britain, but to establish free institutions, and to perform all the
duties of Republican citizens.  Mr. Clarke possessed a clear, vigorous, and well-balanced mind, and was always exercised by high
moral principles, whether acting the divine or the statesman. He




6
was, in fact, religiously political and politically religious, and was
progressive and conservative at the same time. He was the friend,
adviser and compeer of Adams, Hancock, and Warren, who frequently found a home under his roof and wise instruction from his
counsel.
Lexington was peculiarly fortunate in being favored by two such
clergymen as Hancock and Clarke, whose united ministry exceeded
a century, and whose wisdom guided the people in the arts of peace
and in the perils of war. Their lives, their teaching, and their characters, were so blended with the affairs of the town, that they are as
necessarily a part of the history of Lexington, as Washington is of
the American Revolution.
But Lexington has a civil and a military, as well as an ecclesiastic
history. Lexington was made a precinct in I69I, but incorporated
as a town in I7I3. As a municipal corporation they laid out highways, provided for the support of the poor, and established that
indispensable institution of New England, free schools. The town
being exclusively agricultural, and lying near the neighborhood of
manufactures and commerce, their young men, too frequently, have
been induced to leave Lexington, and hence the increase of population has been very gradual.'And this natural growth received a
further check in 1754, when a thousand acres of their territory, with
the inhabitants thereon, were taken from them to help form the
town of Lincoln. 
But Lexington has a military history which reflects no dishonor
upon the place. In the French and Indian war Lexington acted no
insignificant part. From 1755 to I763, taking the number of men
in each year will give a total of one hundred and fifty men, who
were found on every battle-field —at Louisburg, Quebec, Crown
Point, Ticonderoga, Fort William-Henry, and wherever a foe was to
be encountered or a daring deed to be performed. Some of the
Lexington men were attached to the famous corps known as
"Rogers' Rangers," a corps in which Stark served his military
apprenticeship; a corps whose izame was expressive of the life they
led, ranzgizng through the wilderness, seeking their wary savage foe
by day and by night, in silent glens or secret ambush; a corps whose
winter quarters were in tedious marchings amid drifted snows and
ice-clad hills, relying sometimes upon snow-shoes and sometimes
upon skates for locomotion, and carrying their only arsenal and




7
commissariat in their packs. In such a corps were some of the
hardy sons of Lexington trained, they knowing that their lives were
in their own hands, and that their escape from the tomahawk and
scalping knife, the tortures of the fagot or ignominious slavery,
depended entirely upon their own severe trials, perpetual watchings,
and determined courage. The further military history of Lexington
will appear hereafter.
We have already alluded to the controversy of the Colony with
the mother country. This was continuous from the passage of the
Stamip Act in I765 to the opening of the Revolution. This controversy, which excited the attention of every town and village, was in
no place better understood than in Lexington.  The clear and
elaborate instruction of parson Clarke, the frequent visits of' Hancock and Adams, kept these questions constantly before the people;
and the whole subject was discussed, not merely in a declamatory
and passionate way, but on its real merits. So that when our fathers
resorted to arms, they rallied not as an ignorant, infuriated mob,
but as a band of patriots, knowing their rights, and resolved to
resist unjust oppression.
After pouring out their blood and treasure in the cause of Great
Britain, in subduing the enemy in Canada, the people of the Colony
flattered themselves that they should be permitted to rest in peace,
and recover from their exhaustion in the royal cause.  In this
expectation the people of Lexington participated. They had served
faithfully in his Majesty's cause, and, feeling oppressed by impositions already made, and others in prospect, they had united with
their fellow citizens in other towns, in urgent petition for relief, and
earnest but humble remonstrance against these acts of oppression.
But finding all such measures fruitless, they felt called upon by
every patriotic consideration, and even by the sacred obligations of
religion, to assert their manhood, vindicate the rights implanted by
their Creator, and to hand these rights and privileges down to their
posterity. They had, therefore, prepared themselves to meet the
crisis whenever it should come, or whatever form it should'assume.
Whatever others might do, the citizens of Lexington stood firm. In
I773, two years before the breaking out of hostilities, when pretended patriots, even in Boston, faltered, Lexington gave them this
assurance:- "We trust in God that, should the state of affairs
require it, we shall be ready to sacrifice our estates and every thing




8
dear in life, yea, and life itself, in support of the common cause."
Nor was this an empty boast! When their affairs did require it,
they made the first offering in freedom's sacred cause.
But the good people of Lexington did not rely upon declarations
alone. They made all the preparation their limited means would
allow, to supply themselves with the munitions of war. They voted
"To provide a suitable quantity of flints," "to bring two pieces of
cannon from Watertown and mount them," "to provide a pair of
drums for the use of the military company in town," "to provide
bayonets at the town's cost, for one-third of the training soldiers,"
" to have the militia and alarm list meet for a view of their, arms," &c.
And that these votes should not prove a mere dead letter, committees were chosen to carry them into effect; all of which showed that
the people were in earnest, and expected that war would ensue.
It is due to the patriots of Lexington and our fathers generally, to
correct an error which has prevailed extensively, that they took up
arms rather than pay a three-penny tax upon tea. This is a narrow
view of the subject. They did object to taxation, while having no
representation in Parliament. But the claim of Great Britain was
not limited to taxation. They claimed the right of legislating for us
in "all cases whatsoever,"-a right to deprive us of all our civil privileges, such as the right of trial by jury, of suffrage, of taking or holding property, -a doctrine by which they could compel us to serve in
their army or navy, and fight their battles in any part of the world,
-in a word, the right to make us slaves. And in fact, before we
took up arms, their Parliament reduced some of these principles to
practice. Their act changing the Charter of Massachusetts, practically deprived us of trial by jury, and of other domestic rights and
immunities which we all held dear, and was their first bold step of
exercising absolute control over the Colonies. They had passed
such laws, and had sent a Governor, backed by military power, to
enforce them.  The resolution, on their part, was made, —the
purpose was fixed. Their law should be executed, even at the point
of the bayonet.
Nor were the Colonists undecided. Old Middlesex had been in
council, and from a full view of the subject they say: — " Life and
death, or what is more, freedom or slavery are, in a peculiar sense,
now before us; and the choice and success, under God, depend
greatly upon ourselves." And after asserting that the law was




9
unconstitutional and oughtnot to be obeyed, they add, "No danger
shall affright, no difficulties shall intimidate us; and if in support of
our rights, we are called upon to encounter death, we are yet
undaunted, sensible that he can never die too soon who lays down
his life in support of the' laws and liberties of his country."
Such was the resolution and sentiment of the county.  And
Lexington was not a whit behind the foremost ifn this patriotic selfdevotion. In fact its citizens, two years before, had announced to
their fellow sufferers their trust in God that they should be ready to
sacrifice fortune and life in the common cause, whenever the crisis
should require it. The people were also sustained by the policy of
the Provincial Congress, which had ordered the organization of
minute-men, appointed general officers, and practically made the
Chairman of' the Committee of Safety, Commander-in-Chief of all
the military force of the Province. They had also, in a moral sense,
ordered disobedience to the late laws of Parliament; but directed
the people to refrain from direct acts of war, and "not fire unless
fired upon." The issue was practically made up, and nothing was
wanting but an occasion to try the same.  And the few military
stores at Concord furnished an opportunity to test the spirit of the
people.
THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON.
The Spring of 1775 opened with strong indications that some
military demonstration by General Gage was about to be made.
The state of things at that'period was this: Gage was in Boston with
about three thousand men, who were wearied with inaction, and
anxious for an opportunity to display their prowess in the field.
Colonel Leslie had been sent to Salem to destroy some stores, but
tlie expedition was abortive. Two British officers in disguise had
been sent to Worcester and to Concord, where a few military stores
were collected, to spy out the land, ascertain the location of the
stores, and the most feasible approach to the respective towns.
General Gage had been accused at home of inactivity, and he knew
that Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne were soon to join and
probably supersede him. The ministry and Gage had concurred in
the policy of seizing Hancock and Adams, and sending them to
England for trial. All these facts would naturally prompt the royal
Governor to action.
2




IO
On the other hand, the patriots were not inactive or blind to these
indications. Hancock, as President of the Provincial Congress, had
important duties to perform, and great responsibility to incur; and
as Chairman of the Committee of Safety, he was practically the
Chief Magistrate of the Province, and the Commander-in-Chief of
her troops. And Samuel Adams, who exerted more influence in the
Province than any other man, was devising measures to prepare the
people for self-government, and instructing them in the best means
of attaining that rich blessing; while Warren and other vigilant
patriots were watching the actions of Gage, and concerting signals
by which his movements might be heralded to their friends in the
country. It seemed obvious to the whole community that Gage had
his eye upon Hancock and Adams, who were sojourning in Lexington with their friend and compeer, Rev. Jonas Clarke, whose teachings had fully impressed his people with their rights and duties as
citizens.,The patriots were aware that the few stores collected at
Concord had attracted the Governor's attention, and measures were
adopted to ensure their safety. Such was the outward appearance
of things on the morning of the i9th of April, I775.
On the previous day some twelve or fifteen British officers were
detailed to pass over the different roads leading to Concord, to intercept all travellers, and to return late at night, as is believed, and
seize Hancock and Adams, known to be at Lexington. To remove
all suspicion, these officers were to dine at Cambridge, and so be
thus far on their midnight expedition.  Other precautions were
taken by the Governor to avoid suspicion. The troops selected for
the expedition were removed from the main body on the pretence of
being taught some new evolution and drill. Boats from the ships in
the stream were collected, for the ostensible purpose of having them
painted, but really to transport the troops across the river.
Believing that these arrangements had secured perfect secrecy,
about eleven o'clock at night, the command under Colonel Smith
was safely landed on Cambridge shore, near where the present Court
House stands. The evening was propitious, and Gage flattered
himself that he had eluded the vigilance of his watchful enemies,
when, to his surprise, he was informed that the departure and destination of the troops were known. To avoid any spread of this intelligence, he ordered sentinels to be posted forthwith, in all suitable
places, to see that no person be permitted to leave the town that




II
night. But the bird had flown. Warren, ever watchful in freedom's
cause, had sent Paul Revere by way of Charlestown, and William
Dawes by way of the Neck, to convey the intelligence of the'movement to Hancock and Adams at Lexington. Thus, while Smith's
command were marching, or rather wading stealthily through the
marshes in Cambridge, these messengers were spreading the alarm,
and the lantern at the old North (Christ) Church was, with the
velocity of light, conveying the tidings of the march, and, by inference, the destination of the troops, in every direction. Smith had
not moved far before the church bells and the alarm guns taught
him that his movement was known, and that danger was impending.
He consequently sent back for a re-enforcement, and at the same time
ordered Pitcairn, with the light troops, to proceed with the utmost
despatch to Concord, and take possession of the bridges.
Meantime, the people of Lexington had taken the alarm. The
passing of the British officers up the road at a late hour of the day,
created a suspicion that they had a design upon Hancock and
Adams; and a sergeant's guard was stationed at Clarke's house,
where the patriots had their temporary abode. But when Revere
arrived about midnight with~ the intelligence that a large force,
supposed at that time to be an entire brigade, had left Boston, destined, in all probability, for Lexington and Concord, Captain Parker,
commanding the Lexington minute-men, summoned them to meet
forthwith at their usual place of parade. Obeying readily, they were
paraded on the Common between one and two o'clock, when they
were ordered to load their pieces with balls, but "not fire unless they
were fired upon." The night being chilly, and no further intelligence
of the approach of the British troops being received, the company
at about two o'clock were dismissed to reassemble at the ringing of
the bell, beating of the drum, and the firing of the alarm guns.
The first certain intelligence they had of the approach of the troops,
was that they were near by, marching rapidly upon the town. The
bell rang, the alarm guns proclaimed the approach, and the drums
beat to arms. The men, who had been dismissed, were scattered
about the village. Some had gone to their respective homes, others
who lived at a distance, had repaired to Buckman's tavern, hard by,
and upon the alarm they rushed to the parade ground in haste.
But not more than fifty had reached the spot, when the rash and
impetuous Pitcairn, at the head of his troops, rushed upon them




12
with a shout, denouncing them  as rebels, and with an oath'commanding them to throw down their arms and disperse. The little
band, realizing that they were standing  upon their own ground,
where they were wont to assemble, manfully retained their position;
a volley of blank cartridges was fired, but the Provincials stood firm.
Enraged at this, Pitcairn discharged his pistol, and ordered the
whole platoon to fire.  A  fatal volley ensued, which decimated the
patriot line.  Several of the Provincials returned the fire on  the
spot. Captain Parker, seeing the folly of confronting eight hundred
regular troops with fifty undisciplined militia, ordered his men to
disperse, which order they obeyed, several of them returning the fire
as they left the Common. The British pursued the retreating
patriots, and two were shot down as they were leaving or had left
the green. One or more British soldiers were wounded by the
return fire, and Pitcairn's horse was struck in two places.*
Here let us pause for a moment! Fifty undisciplined yeomanry
stood up manfully in the face of eight hundred veteran troops, and
would not disperse at their bidding, and returned the fire when fired
upon! A Spartan steadfastness rarely equalled. This was truly
organized resistance, both morally and legally. The Provincials had
resolved in Congress, in conventions, in town meetings, and in all
private  gatherings, that they would  resist if the British  should
attempt to enforce their oppressive laws by military force, but would
not fire unless they were fired upon. This was morally an organized
principle, well understood  and controlling.   The Lexington men
were also organized legally.   The company of minute-men  were
organized agreeably to the order of the Provincial Congress; Parker
was their lawful commander, who  had  summoned  his company
together in consequence of the approach of the king's troops, and
ordered them to load their pieces with powder and ball; he paraded
them  in the very face of the king's troops, which were rapidly
approaching, bound on a hostile expedition. And all this took place
under the eye and with the approbation of John Hancock, who, as
Though some of our friends, jealous of the honors of Lexington, have pretended to
doubt whether Lexington men returned the fire in the morning, John Munroe, Ebenezer
Munroe, Benjamin Sampson, William Tidd, Nathaniel Munroe, and Solomon Brown, who
were present on the occasion, testify to the fact of their firing. Dr. Warren, John Hancock,
and others, were appointed by the Provincial Congress on the I2th of June, I775, to inquire
into the matter, and they reported that the British fired and killed eight men, and that the
fire was returned by solme of the survivors. Parson Clarke says the same. Gordon, Bancroft, and Frothingham, admit the firing. The British account at the time, admits that one
British soldier was wounded, and Pitcairn's horse hit twice.




13
Chairman of the Committee of Safety, was virtually Commander-inChief of the military, and who would have come upon the Common
and assumed the command, but for the remonstrance of Adams and
Clarke. Surely, here was organized resistance, such as would constitute treason by the British law,-an organization as perfect, nay,
more perfect, than existed at Concord or any place upon the line,
till General Heath took the command. At Lexington the Provincials acted under the eye of the Commander-in-Chief, but no
where else upon the line.
The men on Lexington Common practically acted under orders
which were well understood, when they returned the British fire.
The soldier, when placed on picket or employed as a skirmisher,
expects no superior by his side to tell him when to fire. He acts
on general principles, and knows that the very position in which he
is placed must, in most cases, preclude the idea of a superior to give
him verbal orders. So the members of Capt. Parker's Company
acted on the same principle; and when they were ordered not to
fire until they were fired upon, they kniew when that contingency
occurred, they had full authority to fire. Soon after the British had
left for Concord, a number of their soldiers who had straggled from
the main body were discovered, and six of them were made prisoners,
and sent to Burlington for safe-keeping. This was certainly an act
of military, physical resistance-and these were the first prisoners
made in the Revolution.
The British, after halting on Lexington Common, firing a salute,
and giving three cheers in honor of their supposed victory, marched
direct for Concord, where. the intelligence of their firing upon and
killing six or eight of Lexington men, had preceded them, as appears
by the deposition of Captain Barrett and fifteen others of Concord.
The militia from several towns, who had collected at the village of
Concord, knowing that the British had fired upon the militia at
Lexington and killed several of their members, when they saw them
approaching in martial array, retreated to the highlands north of the
village, west of the river. Smith, on his arrival at Concord, detailed
Captain Parsons with a hundred men to destroy the stores intrusted
to the care of Colonel Barrett. Captain Laurie, with about the same
number of men, was posted at the North bridge, to secure the safe
return of Captain Parsons; while Smith, with the main body of the
troops, remained in the village, to destroy what stores they could
find there.




I4
In his wanton destruction of the few articles he found in the
centre of the town, fire was communicated to the Court House and
several other buildings, which led the Provincials on the hill which
overlooked the centre, to fear that the whole village would be laid in
ashes, and they resolved to march to the scene of danger to stay the
flames. But there was a lion in the way: Laurie, with his one
hundred men, guarded the bridge over which they must pass. The
Americans on the hill had now increased to about four hundred and
fifty, and the passage from the hill to the bridge was by a narrow
causeway over wet and swampy ground, so that the approach to the
bridge would expose the front to the direct fire of those who guarded
the bridge. Who, then, would occupy this dangerous position, this
post of honor? The Americans were paraded in a line upon the
hill. The Concord companies, two in number, ranked the others,
and so occupied the right, which rested on the road which led to the
bridge. Captain Davis, with his Acton minute-men, occupied a
position in a central part,of the line. They were paraded in the
same order they had adopted at a muster a short time before, when
the question of position was decided.
But it would seem that there was a little hesitancy in assuming
the right, and so leading the column to the bridge. The officers
held a consultation. What occurred in that conference, we learn
only by what followed. When the consultation closed, Captain
Davis of the Acton minute-men, advanced to his company in a
central part of the line, and drawing his sword; said, with emotion:
" There is not a man in my company that's afraid to go," and, wheeling them out of their position in the line, marched to the right of
the line to lead the Provincials over the causeway, the real point of
danger, to dislodge the British. That there was some delicacy about
occupying this post of danger is apparent from the further acknowledged fact that Captain Smith of Lincoln, to whom the honor of the
right did not belong, offered to place his company in that position.
When the column was ready to move, Major Buttrick of Concord
assumed the command, and led the column to the bridge. Colonel
Robinson of Westford, an officer, but of another regiment, volunteered to attend him. As they approached the bridge, they were
fired upon by the British. The first guns, only two or three in
number, did no execution, the balls, probably by design, striking the
water. Then followed a few scattering shots, one of which wounded




I5
Luther Blanchard, a fifer;in the Acton company. These were succeeded by a volley, by which Captain Davis and Abner Hosmer,
both of Acton, were killed.  On seeing this, Major Buttrick,
prompted by the sentiment which actuated the whole community,
ordered his men to fire. The order was promptly obeyed, killing
one and wounding six or eight of the enemy. The British immediately retreated in haste and confusion towards the village, and were
soon met by a re-enforcement, when they all fell back upon the main
body near the meeting house. The Americans pursued them over
the bridge, where one of the wounded British soldiers was cruelly
killed by a hatchet, as he was struggling to rise from the ground,
an act unauthorized, and condemned by all in command. A part of
the Americans, after crossing the bridge, turned off to the left'and
ascended the hill east of the main road, while another portion
returned to the highlands whence they came, bearing the remains of
Davis and Hosmer. Military order was now broken up, and the
militia were unwisely permitted to scatter to obtain their breakfast.
In the meantime the detail sent to Colonel Barrett's to destroy
the stores, returned, passed the bridge, and joined the main body
unmolested; though Bancroft and Frothingham both say it might
easily have been cut off.
The British met with but partial success in destroying military
stores. The delay at Lexington and the alarm that preceded them,
enabled Colonel Barrett to conceal most of the stores, so that the
British found only a few gun carriages and articles of but little value.
After the affair at the North bridge, which consisted in exchanging
two or three volleys, and which lasted but a few minutes, everything
remained quiet till the enemy left Concord. The fall of Captain
Davis seems to have extinguished the military ardor of the Provincials. Two hours were suffered to pass without any action being
taken or measures adopted. The British were equally inactive, till
about twelve o'clock, when they commenced their retreat.  The
main body moved on the direct road toward Lexington, while a
strong flank guard marched over the hill which commanded the road.
When the main body of the British passed Merriam's Corner, where
the hill terminates, the flank guard came into the main road, and
seeing the men from Reading, Billerica, and Bedford, coming down
the road which would intersect their line of march they halted, faced
about, and fired upon them. The Provincials at once returned the




'i6
fire, killing two of the British. This was the signal for a general
conflict. Here, in fact, the battle proper commenced — not at the
north bridge,  but near the junction of the Bedford and Lexington
roads, nearly two miles from the North bridge. The affair at the
bridge was a mere skirmish, where the British had but one hundred
men present, and where but two or three volleys were fired; but
here the whole British force was united, and the firing became
general on both sides.
The Provincials rallied; men came in from Reading and other
towns on the the north, the Sudbury men and others from the south,
and with those who had been in the town in the early part of the
day, all joined in the attack. Smith found himself assailed on
every hand. He attempted to arrest their pursuit by presenting his
whole force, but he soon saw that this was only exposing -his men to
shots from trees, and walls and thickets. He threw out his flank
guard, but the Provincials out-flanked the flankers. A large company from Woburn, led by Loammi Baldwin, met the British in Lincoln, and did good service; and Captain Parker had rallied his mutilated company, and appeared in the field to avenge the brutality of
the morning. In passing the woody defiles in Lincoln the British
suffered severely. They attempted to resist, but where was the foe?
They had recourse to the bayonet, but they charged in empty air.
They soon found that their safety was in flight. They did, however, attempt to make one formal stand. Just after they entered
Lexington, near the old Viles Tavern, Smith posted a detail of his
men upon a rocky bluff by the side of the road, to hold the pursuers
in check, while he should rally his fugitives on what is known as
Fiske Hill. Taking advantage of the woods and a narrow defile, he
brought his troops to a stand, and attempted to form a line where
he could, temporarily at least, hold the Provincials in check. But
before his line was fully formed, his rear, stationed on the bluff,
was driven in upon his half-formed column, creating great confusion.
In the mean time a considerable number of the Provincials, avoiding
the troops on the bluff, had passed through the woods and secreted
themselves behind a lot of split rails by the side of the road where
Smith was attempting to form his men; and when his rear was
driven in, and the Americans were gathering around him and picking off his men, the Provincials from their hiding place behind the
rails poured a well-directed, enfilading fire into his ranks, creating




17
perfect confusion and dismay. Here Smith was severely wounded,
and Pitcairn also was wounded and thrown from his horse, which in
his sudden flight bounded from the road, and with all his trappings
became an easy prey to the pursuers. The horse with the accoutrements was sent to Concord, where they were sold at auction. Captain. Nathan Barrett purchased the holsters and the pistols, marked
with Pitcairn's name, and offered them to General Washington, who
declined them. They were afterwards presented to General Putnam, who carried them through the remainder of his active service
in the war. They descended in the family, and became the property
of his grand-son, John P. Putnam, of Cambridge, New York. They
are now the property of his widow.
Another incident occurred at Fiske Hill, worthy of note. We
have already seen that the Acton men were the first to attack, and
we may add, foremost in the pursuit:-James Heywood, one of
Acton's proud sons, a young man of twenty-two years, being one of
the foremost in pressing upon the enemy, at the easterly foot of
Fiske Hill came in contact with a British soldier who had stopped
to slake his thirst at a well. The Briton presented his musket, and
said defiantly, " You are a dead man."  "And so are you," retorted
young Heywood. They both fired and both fell; the Briton dead,
and Heywood mortally wounded.
After the affair on Fiske Hill, where Smith was wounded, he
made no further attempt to check the pursuers. By their own confession "they were driven like sheep," and were so exhausted that,
when they met their re-enforcement, they "threw themselves upon
the ground with their tongues running out of their mouths, like
dogs after a chase."  The same force which passed Lexington
village so proudly in the morning, returned a perfect rabble rout in
the afternoon, seeking safety in their flight.
The re-enforcement for which Smith called the night before, did
not leave Boston till about nine o'clock that morning, and coming
out through Roxbury, did not meet the fugitives till nearly two.'This force, commanded by Lord Percy, consisted of about eleven
hundred men, with two pieces of artillery. He met Smith on the plain
about half a mile below Lexington Common, and planted one of his
field pieces on a mound where the present High School house stands,
and the other on the swell of land in the rear of the house recently
erected by Mr. Levi Prosser. With these he kept the Provincials,
3




at bay, while he gave temporary rest to the flying troops he came to
protect. Wherever he saw a collection or group of men, he opened
upon them with one of his field pieces, and by dispersing them gave
rest to the British troops. Several shots were thrown into the
village, one of which struck the church, and passing out of the pulpit
window, lodged in the northerly part of the Common. This timely
relief saved Smith's detachment from utter ruin. It has been a
credited tradition that, before reaching the re-enforcement, and not
knowing when or where relief would reach them, Smith would have
surrendered, if his pursuers had had any commanding officer to
whom he could have delivered his sword. But Percy gave him temporary relief, and enabled his men to take a little rest and refreshment, privileges which they greatly abused. And to the dishonor
of Percy it may be said, that the lawlessness and vandalism of the
troops, which took place under his eye, and which, as commanding
officer, he could have prevented, he appears to have allowed without'
restraint. They entered the houses on the plain, and not only
demanded food, which was readily given them, but they commenced
a system of pillage, and even a wanton destruction of property, ending in burning the houses they had plundered.
While the British were resting at Lexington, General Heath, who
had been appointed by the Provincial Congress one of the Major
Generals, to command any troops that were called out, came over
from Watertown and assumed the command of the Americans, and
controlled their movements in a measure, the rest of the day. He
was attended by Dr. Warren, who rendered important service during
the retreat; he was seen in the hottest of the battle, encouraging
the men, and had a hair-pin shot from his ear-lock by a British ball.
Percy, as senior officer, took command of the king's troops, and
commenced his retreat. It was nearly three o'clock when he left
Lexington. He undoubtedly felt secure, as there appeared to be no
new gathering of Provincials to annoy his flaiks, and he relied upon
his cannon to protect his rear. But while he was reposing at
Lexington, the militia were collecting at Arlington from Watertown,
Needham, Dedham and other towns on the south, and from Beverly,
Salem and Lynn on the north; and the gallant men of Danvers who
marched sixteen miles in four hours, were on the ground to oppose
his retreat. And when he had passed the defiles and entered upon
the open land in Arlington, he found the Provincials ready to annoy




19
him, and even. to dispute his passage. He found that every tree
was a fortress and every wall a rampart. He threw out his flank
guards, but many of them were picked off by unseen foes, and the
progress'of his march only brought him in contact with increased
numbers of his enemies. And while he was thus annoyed in flank
and opposed in front, the troops which had pursued him from
Lexington hung upon his rear, inflicting severe damage. The
British became desperate, assailing the old and defenceless, murdering non-combatants, abusing women and children, and setting fire
to houses occupied by the sick, who were compelled to crawl from
their dwellings to escape the ravages of the flames. But this
wanton barbarity only increased the boldness and indignation of the
pursuers. Heath and Warren breathed new life and energy into the
Americans, and led them in direct attack. Percy became sensible
of his danger, and had recourse to his artillery, but his cannon had
lost their terror. He found himself pressed on every hand. The
roads before him were guarded; the rocks, trees and fences were
manned on every side; and while he was exposed to this unseen
foe, and his men were falling by shots from hidden marksmen,
others, more bold and desperate, approached him in the open field,
and poured well-directed volleys into his ranks. Percy found himself in the same plight that Smith was, whom he met in Lexington,
and saw that nothing could save him but flight. He therefore made
a desperate effort to seek the protection of the ships. The British
were closely pressed. Heath directed the movements of the militia,
and Warren nerved their hearts; so that, under a galling fire, Percy
spent his energies in speed, being more anxious to gain the protection of friends, than to encounter pursuing foes. When he was
entering upon Charlestown Neck, as the sun was about withdrawing
its light from the revolting scene of blood and carnage, General
Heath, fearing for the safety of Charlestown, if he pursued Percy
any further, called off his men, and suffered the weary fugitives to
seek repose under the cover of their ships.
The suffering of the British soldiers, especially those who went to
Concord, must have been extremely severe. The length of the march,
the rapidity of their movement, the want of refreshment, the burden of
their wounded, the extreme heat of the day, and the vigorous press
of the pursuers, must have taxed their endurance to an excessive
degree, and taught them the danger of invading the rights of freemen.




20
While the events of the day do not present any of those desperate
charges or collisions of arm's which often occur in a pitched battle,
there are displays of cool, collected courage, of self-sacrificing devotion to principle, of individual heroism, which will compare with the
brightest examples in Greek or Roman history. The case of Dr.
Downer, of West Cambridge, in which he encountered a British
regular, and after a desperate struggle, transfixed him on his bayonet, was a deed of noble daring. We can hardly conceive of a more
trying position than that in which the minute-men of Lexington
were placed on the Ig9th of April, I775. To stand unmoved in the
presence of vastly superior numbers rushing upon them in battle
array, requires more than ordinary moral courage. And in this
particular case there were circumstances which heightened this display of cool intrepidity. War had not been declared or hostilities
commenced; and the men on the field knew that they were not
only exposed to British bullets, but to a British halter, if they stood
together with arms in their hands, and refused to disperse at the
order of the king's officers, clothed with royal authority. But still
they were undaunted. Those already upon the field stood firm, and
those who were a Elttle later walked to the field and paraded in the
very face of the British regulars, who were rushing upon the Common with a defiant shout.
The minute-men were ordered to disperse by Pitcairn, but they
heeded not the command. A British volley was fired, and the command to lay down their arms and disperse was, repeated with an
oath and a pistol shot, but they stood undaunted. And it was not
till the fatal volley had decimated their little band, that they left the
field at the command of Captain Parker. Their situation was more
critical, more trying, than that of any mien that day. The men
who led the attack at the North bridge, and those who pursued the
British that day, were truly courageous; but they all had the stimulating fact that the British commenced the slaughter at Lexington,
to fire their bosoms and to urge them upon the foe. Courage, like
other passions or qualities of the mind, is increased or depressed by
outward circumstances; and it requires more true moral courage to
stand fearless and unmoved, as did the minute-men of Lexington in
the morning, than to join in pursuit, or even march to the attack,
after hostilities have commenced and numbers are pressing to your
support.




21
But Lexington furnished individual cases of bravery, which merit
special notice. Jedediah Munroe was wounded in the morning, but
as soon as his wound in the arm could be dressed, he mounted his
horse and rode to an adjoining town, spreading the alarm, and rallying the citizens. He returned, joined the company, and was killed
in the afternoon.  "History, Roman history," says Everett in his
-Lexington address, "does not furnish an example of bravery that
outshines that of Jonas Parker. A truer heart did not bleed, at
Thermopylae. He was next door neighbor to Mr. Clarke, and had
evidently imbibed a double portion of his lofty spirit. Parker was
often heard to say that, be the consequences what they might, and
let others do what they pleased, he would never run from the enemy.
He was as good as his word  better. Having loaded his musket,
he placed his hat containing his amunition, on the ground between
his feet, in readiness for the second charge. At the second fire from
the enemy he was wounded and sunk upon his knees, and in this
condition discharged his gun. While loading it again upon his
knees, and striving in the agonies of death to redeem his pledge, he
was transfixed by a bayonet, and thus died on the spot where he
first stood and fell." We might mention other examples of individual bravery, but our limits will not permit.
The Americans lost on that fatal day forty-nine killed, thirtynine wounded, and five missing. Lexington lost ten killed, and ten
wounded, nearly one-fourth of the whole number. The Lexington
killed were Robert Munroe, who had been standard-bearer in the
king's service in the French war, Jonas Parker, Samuel Hadley,
Jonathan Ha'rrington, Jr., Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Harrington, John
Brown, Jedediah Munroe, John Raymond, Nathaniel Wyman, -- ten.
And the wounded were:-John Robbins, Solomon Peirce, John
Tidd, Joseph Comee, Ebenezer Munroe, Jr., Thomis Winship, Nathaniel Farmer, Prince Estabrook, Francis Brown, Jedediah Munroe,
-ten. The other towns suffered as follows in their killed and
wounded:- Concord, none killed, five wounded; Acton, three killed,
one wounded; Cambridge, including Arlington, six killed, one
wounded; Needaamn, five killed, two wounded; Suzdbuzy, two killed,
one wounded; Bedford, one killed, one wounded; Woburn, two killed,
three wounded; Medford, two killed,; Charlestown, two killed;
Framingranm,   one wounded; Dedham,  one killed, one wounded;
Stow, one wounded; Brookline, one killed; Billerica, two wounded;




22
Chelmsford, two wounded; Salem, one killed; Newton, one wounded;
Danvers, seven killed, two wounded; Beverly, one killed, three
wounded; Lynn, four killed, two wounded.
It will be seen that Lexington suffered most severely, though
some of the towns on the line had three times her population. Next
to Lexington, Danvers was the greatest sufferer, though she was
one of the most remote towns. The British loss was seventy-three
killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and twenty-six missing   mostly taken prisoners.
We stated in the body of the account, that the British officers
sent out by Gage on the i8th, probably had their orders to seize
Hancock and Adams. If such was the design, the alarm that was
given, and the gathering of the minute-men, were amply sufficient
to induce them to abandon that design. Hancock and Adams had
been at Mr. Clarke's several days, and they remained in his house
on the morning of the Ig9th of April, till some three or four o'clock,
when they repaired to the woods on the hill near Mr. Clarke's house,
where they could overlook the Common, and they were in a manner
witnesses of what occurred on the green till the British left for Concord, when they were conducted to safe quarters in Burlington. It
was on the hill here spoken of, that the prophetic spirit of Adams,
when he heard the report of the enemy's volley on the Common,
broke forth with the joyful exclamation, " Whzal a glorious morning
for America is this."
Lexington's patriotic zeal did not subside with the i9th of April.
During the siege of Boston she furnished men, fuel and other supplies for the'army; and in the different campaigns'to New York,
to Ticonderoga, to White Plains, to the Jerseys, to Bennington, to
Providence, and other places, she sent, on the shortest notices, her
full quota of men; and in the Continental army she had over one
hundred men, who enlisted for three years or during the war. This,
for a small town of about seven hundred inhabitants, must be
regarded as a liberal supply. And more recently, when the integrity
of the Union was assailed by those who had enjoyed its protection
and blessings, Lexington furnished, including re-enlistments, two
hundred and forty-four men, who readily volunteered to sustain the
institutions which our fathers established. Lexington sustained her
soldiers liberally, expending $27,000oo in the late war. Nearly $2,000
of this was furnished by the ladies, who provided clothing and hospi



23
tal supplies for the men in the field. But Lexington does not glory
in her military achievements alone. She has joyfully cultivated the
arts of peace, and has made a respectable advance in civilization.
Her population, for reasons already stated, has not advanced rapidly;
but her growth has been gradual and healthy. In I676 the population of the place could not exceed one hundred; in I776 it probably
amounted to seven hundred; and in 1876 to two thousand five
hundred and ten. But by the industry of the inhabitants, the wealth
of the town has increased in a far greater ratio. We cannot present
the taxable value of the property a century ago; but for the last
twenty years the town valuation has risen from  $1,8I5,799 to
$2,979,71I, a gain in twenty years of sixty-four per cent.  The
number of polls in I776 was two hundred and three, in 1876, seven
hundred and thirty-six. To show the present condition of the town
we will state that the number of dwelling houses is 467, the number
of horses 473, and the number of cows I,I 9.
It has justly been observed that the love of country and the love
of learning, are kindred affections and generally go together. As
soon as Lexington was incorporated as a town, she erected a school
house in the centre of the town, and supported what was generally
denominated "a moving school," which was kept in rotation in
different sections of the township. During the Revolution no great
improvement was made in the cause of education; but in I795 three
additional school houses were erected, and $333 appropriated for
the support of schools. This sum was increased from time. to time
-in I8I9 to $900, in I830 to $I,ooo, in I837 to $I,400, in I850 to
$2,400         to  3,4, in i86o t   in 1870 to $6,ooo, in 1875 to $IO,Ioo,
amounting to $21.72 to each scholar in town between the ages of
five and fifteen, and making Lexington No. Io in the list of three
hundred and thirty-eight towns, and No. 6 in the county of fiftyfour towns, -a position highly creditable. She has seven good
school houses, and supports a High School, with a salary for the
teacher of $2,000, being a larger sum than is paid for a High School
teacher by any town in the State of the same population, valuation, and number of scholars.
While Lexington has not all the luxuries of the cities and the
more wealthy towns, yet she is not behind towns of her population,
similarly situated. She has her street lights; and the lamps in her
main village and in the public buildings are supplied with gas by a




24
company in the place, which also supplies many of the private
families.
She is also favored with a Savings Bank, where her laborers and
others, can deposit twice a month, their earnings or any surplus
they may have on hand, and thus secure something in prosperity
which may serve them in adversity, or enable them to leave something for their families. This institution has been in operation only
about five years, and still it has been attended with entire success,
and has acquired a permanent character satisfactory to the people.
Like most other towns in the State, Lexington has a variety of
religious societies of different denominations -One Unitarian, one
Calvinistic, one Baptist, one Union, composed of Unitarians and
Universalists, and one Roman Catholic. They all have good houses
of worship, - the two first named have houses tastefully finished, -
and all are supplied with ministers and have regular preaching.
These societies are well sustained.
Not only the churches and school-houses, but the Town Hall is
highly creditable to the town. It is a brick building, 95 feet by 58,
and 38 feet in height above the basement, with a double Louvre roof,
affording an attic hall I4 feet high. This edifice furnishes a large
audience hall, apartments for the appropriate town officers, a memorial hall, and library hall. The memorial hall is an octagon, with
suitable corridors, containing four niches, filled with four marble lifesize statues,-two of soldiers,-one a minute-man of I775, and the
other a Union soldier of I86I. These are consecrated to the militaiy, to show our just appreciation of the gallant men by whonm our
freedom  was achieved and has been sustained.  The other two
niches are filled with the statues of SAMUEL ADAMS and JOHN
HANCOCK, the patriot sages who guided public sentiment and animated the zeal of the people, and so prepared the Colonists for self
government. The hall also contains tablets with the names of the
martyrs of both wars, and bears upon its entrance this appropriate
inscription:
LEXINGTON
CONSECRATES THIS HALL AND ITS EMBLEMS
TO THE MEMORY OF THE
FOUNDERS AND THE SUSTAINERS OF OUR FREE INSTITUTIONS.
The library hall is a large, commodious room, appropriately fitted
up for the purpose. The library was established in I868, and now




25
contains four thousand six hundred volumes, and is constantly
increasing. As its resources furnish about $550 annually, and public institutions and private individuals are liberal in their gifts, we
trust that our library, which is free to all, will soon be worthy of the
historic town of Lexington. The library hall also contains many
appropriate relics of the Revolution, and of the men who took part
in the events of that day, such as muskets, swords, powder horns,
and other things too numerous to mention.
The people of Lexington have always felt that they were placed
by Providence in a peculiar position. To be the birth-place of
American liberty, -the spot where the opening scene of the Revolution was laid, where the first blood was shed, the first martyrs fell,
and the first organized resistance made to the king's troops, -has
given to Lexington a historic character, which imposes upon its citizens a sacred regard to the free institutions of the land. And, as
on the morning of the i9th of April, I775, she met the oppressor
single handed, and was doomed to " tread the wine-press alone," so
she has been able on her commemorative days, to carry forward her
work without the advice or financial aid of her sister towns. In our
Centennial celebration in I875, we felt constrained to do what we
could to honor the great event which occurred within our borders, a
century ago. While we had no disposition to arrogate to ourselves
any exclusive patriotism, or to impute to others a want of devotion
to their country; while we were not ambitious to interpolate any
new chapter into our country's annals, to throw other towns into
the shade and thus gain temporarily a false reputation; we could not
ignore the event of Providence which had, long since, passed into
history, making Lexington the scene of the first encounter, and her
sons the first to confront an oppressor in arms, and to seal their
devotion to freedom with their life blood.
Lexington felt called upon, under these circumstances, to open
wide her doors and to invite the friends of freedom from every part
of the country to meet on her consecrated soil, that we might join
our hearts and our voices in gratitude to the patriots of days gone
by, whose wisdom devised, and whose gallantry achieved our glorious
independence; and to renew our vows to sustain that independence,
and to make our Republic an example to.the world. Our invitations
were sent to the President and suite, to the Governors of all the
States, officers of the army and navy, members of Congress, judges,
4




26
of the Courts, members of our State government, and gentlemen of
distinction of every profession in all sections of the country. Nor,were our invitations confined to this country.  They were sent
across the Atlantic, and brought cordial responses from our ministers abroad, and from two distinguished members of the British
Parliament.
The responses to our invitations were of the most cordial character.  We were sensible that we were destined to lead off in a
series of Centennial celebrations which, though confined to this
country, would exert an influence abroad; and we resolved that the
example we should set should be in harmony with the general
designs of these commemorative rejoicings. Nay, without waiting
for others, or inquiring into their design or their policy, we, as our
fathers did of old, acted on our own judgment; and knowing that
we had a country to harmonize, we extended our invitations to those
who had been estranged from us, to show them that we, like the
father in the parable, would " meet a great way off," those who had
come to themselves and were desirous of returning to the paternal
mansion. We intended that all our proceedings should be strictly
national, and calculated to heaJ any disaffection, to remove all'distrust, and restore harmony and confidence between different sections
of the Union.
Our speakers were selected with reference to this design, and the
tone and temper of their speeches were of a patriotic and conciliatory character; and while we have witnessed with pleasure the tone
of later celebrations and the voice of the press, we can congratulate
ourselves that this fraternal, forgiving spirit was first uttered in
Lexington; that we were permitted to be the harbingers of that
returning harmony so important to the prosperity of the country.
And we flatter ourselves that the report which went forth from
Lexington Common in I875, like the report from the same place in
I775, may have contributed to the production of confidence between
the North and the South.
The attendance at our celebration greatly exceeded our expectation. The President and his Cabinet, and distinguished guests
from every section of the country honored us by their presence, and
the legion - for they were many - flocked to our town, and so
blocked our roads that they were for a great part of the day impassable. It was estimated by the best judges that there were in the town




27
that day, at least, a hundred thousand' people. Such numbers disappointed many of our guests, and greatly mortified us, because we
could not accommodate them as we desired. But on further reflection we, and we believe most of our guests who were incommoded,
rejoice rather than otherwise, that the crowd was so great. This
gathering by thousands showed that the spirit of 1775 was not
extinct.  And we perceived that the mere story of the Ig9th of
April,'75, had produced such a ground-swell of patriotism, such
a feeling of gratitude to our Revolutionary fathers, and such a
sense of the worth of our institutions, as would ensure the perpetuity of the Republic. Thus our disappointment was turned into
rejoicing.
CITIZENS OF LEXINGTON, the approaching Fourth of July is the
anniversary of the declaration of the nation's independence- the
announcement in Philadelphia on the Fourth of July, I776, of a
fact" which practically occurred in Lexington on the Ig9th 6f April,
I775. But the event itself is important, and the Centennial anniversary is a suitable time to recount our past blessings, to review our
history, and form plans for such improvement as may redound to
the honor of the country. But above all things, we must remember that righteousness exalteth a nation, and that our country's
prosperity depends upon justice, temperance, and the great principles of moral rectitude and integrity -principles on which our institutions were founded. If we have departed from them, let us return
to them as to the ark of our safety, and recognize our dependence
upon Him who rules the nations of the earth. This reform is
greatly needed to save our national character, and no time and place
are more suitable to commence this reform than this Centennial,
and the place where our freedom had its birth. The time and the
place being propitious, we should consecrate ourselves to the great
cause of national morality, and trust to the sacred guidance of Him
on whom our fathers placed their reliance. Yes:
"Here upon this sacred sod,
The children of the free,
Who follow where our fathers trod,
Must learn to trust our fathers' God,
The God of Liberty."
At the close of the eighteenth century the fame of Lexington
was so fully appreciated by the State, that the Legislature made an




28
appropriation, " For the purpose of erecting in said town a Monument of Stone, -on which shall be engraved the names of the eight
men, inhabitants of Lexington, who were slain on the morning of
the Ig9th of April, I775, by a party of British troops; together with
such other inscription as, in the judgment of the Selectmen and the
approbation of the Governor and Council, shall be calculated to
preserve to posterity a record of the first effort made by the people of
America for the establishment of their freedom and independence."
The inscription upon the Monument was furnished by the patriotic Mr. Clarke, and met the approbation of the Governor and
Council. It is so replete with devotion to the cause of America,
and the love of freedom and the rights of mankind, and so true to
history and the spirit of the day, that we will give it entire:
SACRED TO LIBERTY AND THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND!!!
THE FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE OF AMERICA,
SEALED AND DEFENDED WITH THE BLOOD OF HER SONS.
This Monument is erected
By the inhabitants of Lexington,
Under the patronage and at the expense of
The Commonwealth of'Massachusetts,
To the memory of their fellow Citizens,
Ensign Robert 3Munroe, and Messrs. Jonas Parker,
Samuel Hadley, jonathan Harrington, jun.,
Isaac Msuzzy, Caleb Harrington, and Yohn Brown,
Of Lexington, and A4sahel Porter of Woburn,
Who fell on the Field the First Victims to the
Sword of British Tyranny and oppression,
On the Morning of the ever memorable
Nineteenth of April An. Dom. 1775.
The Die was cast!!!
The Blood of these Martyrs
In the cause of God and their country
Was the Cement of the Union of these States, then
Colonies, and gave the Spring to the Spirit, Firmness
And Resolution of their Fellow Citizens.
They rose as one Man to revenge their Brethren's
Blood, and at the point of the sword to assert and
Defend their native Rights.
They nobly dared to be free!!
The contest was long, bloody and affecting,
Righteous Heaven approved the solemn appeal,
Victory crowned their arms; and
The Peace, Liberty and Independence of the United
States of America was their Glorious Reward.








I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~RC,
Ilm
m~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.......




ol'T
N
16
idiom
FE
01110
M-P
Im'g'
4-1.












j:                                B rlB~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~110
Sol~~:
mom.%'2
N~~~~~~~~~~~
~:~~~~OFiD: Oi




!~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~',l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i                               i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~;:'::~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Dsrtfcto
~~~~~~~~~~~~9~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~s~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~'  I i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~!!abt)
I~~~~~~~~cl
jii'~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~'4 HII1100011)101-01*