CHAPTEzR 151.-SLAVES.
An Act to Punish  Offences against Slave Property.
1. Persons raising insurrection punishable with death.
w..t
2. Ailier lmunOi<l:l)le witll death.                                       u
8.a ci~ttotnstit~l'~  felony.
4. Poiiishliiiel! for  c(ying away slaves.
5;!'anishmiieli  for a siksti   slaves.
6. Wlal leNieied grandl larceny.
7. What deemied felony.
~ 81. Ptnishmen  t for concearling slaves.
9. Punlishlmiient for rescuing slaves from ofioer.
10. Penalty on officer who refuses to assist in Ca
slaves.
11. Prinlting of incendiary documents.
12. Whtat Ieemedl a felony.
18. Who are qualified as jurors.
Be it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Kansas, asj4lw:
SECTIoN  1. That ev,er,vy person, bond or firee, whlo shall be convicted of actually raising  a
re)elliion or insurrection  of slaves, fi'ee negroes, or  mulattoes, in this Territory,  shall suffer
deatIi.
SEc. 2. Every firee person wlho slaill aid or assist inii any rebellion or insurrection of slaves
free l,elrets, or m' iiattoes or  sl ill fi,nisi arms, or dlo any overt act in  furtherance of  such
trebelliol )l  I isii,r,ectitn, sl,all stlu'er deat}i.
SzC. 3. If a,iy free  )pei.son sl)a11, by  speaking, writing, or printing,  advise, persuade, or induce,,lv slaves to r ebel, c,T,s.pire  ngainst  or nlmurder lny cjitizenl of this  Territory,  or shall
brilig ilnto, lriint;'-rite, pulilil     or circil.ite, or  cause  to' be broitgit ilIto, p-rinted, written.
pul)liqied or cii cuilatte(l, o- sl.:dll knowvirgly ai(1 or assist in thile briging into, I)rinting, writing,
pll)li,i,,g, or cicliilatils inI tl)is Teilitry,   any  botk. papei, imagazine, pa-ny,llet, oi   circular,
for tlJe pur[lsc of excitig iistlllr-ection, rebelli(-ll, revolt, or colspilacy on  tile pait  of:the
slaves  ftl'e ile,'rles, 01'  llill;tttoes, agatist t        ie Citizens of  tlhe Territory or any part of them,
sCIl Iel'r-i ll slyilll be giilty of fel(,ny, atid( sliill sutter (ldeatll.
Szc. 4. If  nsy  il)erso  slyill enltice, 4ecly, or clIry avay out  of  tlis Territory, any 8slave
bel:..ging, t,:titlieier.  vidti ilIteIt to del-)Irive tlle ownier thereof of the services of such slave,
or w'iiii ititent  to effect ort pio(1rll1e  tte fieedotiin of siuct slave, he shall be  adjudged guilty
-,f grii.t l'ircetiy ani(l, on  c(IlvlCtion  tliereof, shlall  sutffer deathl, or be  imnprisoned at hard
labl,r fi)r not le,- tlanll ten yetr-s.
SEc.  5.   If  tny lCI)el'SIn siai' ll    01o  assist in  eriticing, d(ecoying, or per.suading, or.carrying
awayI  (o1. scldill,r olit,f titis''el'ritory any   slave bellug,itl_ to anotlier, witli iIIdn.to  pirocure
or efiect ttie fiee(lllm )If su~]l stiave, (Ir with  ititelt  to  de lirive tile ownef.tier,it    f of:t services of s11l11 sltave, lie sli,ll be ailjit,ge(, gi,iltv of gl,'an(l lalrceny, and,(       c,,l lictionl        fi:
h11ll suffe,' d(e:litli, (oI be i.lli,l,4 i.,el at  lard lai)or fitr nlt less tihan tert rars.,
Sec. 6).  If a,yv )ersi(o  sittil enritice olecii. or carry awVa  cu o f' ny  State or;oc4fr o         rernS
tory,' tire Ullitell Straes ally slave  l)eltilgitg to  ntotier, witli ilatit to iToc,             r     effect
the lreelllll of sl'l slIve, O)t' t(o deprive tile owlie' tllcre,f of tile s~'ices (elCil'se,   an
shall  bring suchi slave iito  tlhis  Territory, hle  shall be adjudged  gtty of  gran4arcenyeti
)   i
j
I-. 
the sanie manner as if such slave had been enticed, decoyed, or carried away out of this,
Territory, and in such case the larceny may be charged to have been  comlniitted in any
county of tlis Territory, into or tlhrough which such! slave shall have been brought by such
person, and on conviction thereof, the person offending shall suffer death, or be imprisoned
at hard labor for not less tltant ten years.
Szc. 7. If any person shall entice, persuade, or induce any slave to escape from the service
of ihs master or owner, in this Territory, or shall aid or assist  any slave in escaping from the
service of his master or owner, or shall aid, assist, harbor, tar conecal any slave who may
have escaped from the service of his master or owner, he sh-all be deemed guilty of felony, and
punished by itnprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less tl;an five years.
Szc. S. If any person in this Territory shall aid or assist, harbor or conceal any slave who
has escapeli fromn the service of his master or owner, in another State or Territory, such person shall be  )punishled in like manner as if such slave had escaped from the service of his
master or owner in this Ter,itory.
SEo. 9. If any person shall resist any officer while attempting to arrest any slave that may
have escaped frtom tihe service of his master or owner, or shall resc!ie such slave when in the
custody of any officer or other person, or shall entice, persuade, aid or assist such slave to
escape fromn the custody of any officer or other person wh-o may have such slave in custody,
whethler such slave have escaped from the service of his master or owner in this Territory or
in any other State or Territory, the person so offending shall be guilty of felony and punished
by iloprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years.
Szo. 10. It' any marshal, sheriff, or constable, or the deputy of any such officer, sh-lall,
when required by any person, refuse to aid or assist in the arrest and capture of any slave
that may have escaped from the service of his master or owner, whether such slave shall have
escaped from his master or owner in this Territory, or any State or othler Territory, such officer shall be fined in a sum of not less than one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars.
SEo. 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, publish or circulate, or cause to be brought
into, printed, written, published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing
into, printing, publishing, or circulating within this Territory, any book, paper, pamphlet,
magazine, handbill or circular, containing any statements, arguments, opinions, sentiment,
doctrine, advice, or innuendo, calculated to produce a disorderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection among the slaves in this Territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from the service of their masters, or to resist their authority, hlie shall be guilty of felony, and be punished
by imprisonmnent and hard labor for a termn of not less than five years.
Siezo. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or maintain that persons
have not the right to hold slaves in this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print,
publish, write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into this Territory, written, printed, published, or circulated in this Territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circular,
containing any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this Territory, such iperson
shall be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of
not less than two years.
Sie. 13. No person who is conscientiously opposed to holding slaves, or who does not
admit the right to hold slaves in this Territory, shall sit as a juror on the trial of any proseeution for any violation of any of the sections of this act.
Thlis act to take effect and be in force fiorn arind after the fifteenth d(lay of September
A D., 1855.
QUALIFICATIONS OF ELECTORS-TEST OATHS.
An Act to regulate.Elections" contains the following sections, page 282, chap. 6i.
Sie. 11. Every free white male citizen of the United States, and every free male Indias
who is made a citizen by treaty or otherwise, and over  the age of twenty-one years, who
shall be an inhabitant of this Territory, and of the countv or district in which ire offers to
vote, and shall haltve paid a territorial tax, shaill be a qualified elector for all elective officers;
ands ali Indians who are inhabitants of this Territoryv, and who may have adopted the customs
of tlhe white toan, and who are liable to pay taxes, shall be deemed citizens: Provided, That
no soldier, seatnan or mariner, in the regular arIny or navy of the United States, shall be
entitled to vote, by reason of being on service therein: And provided further,  Tlhat  no
person whlo shall have been convicted of any violation of any provision of an act of  oDn-gres.%- entitled( "An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from  the
service of-their masters," approved Februiary 12, 1793; or of an act to amend and supplementary to said act, approved 18th September, 1850; whether such conviction  were  by
119 
3
criminal proceeding or by civil action for the recovery of any penalty prescribed by either of
said acts, in any courts of the United States, or of illy State or Territory, or of any offenee
deemed infamous, shall be entitled to vote at any election, or to hold any office  in this
Territory: AndI provided further. Tl.at itf any person offering to vote sliall be  llallengel and
required to take aii oatli o  affirnilationr, to be adlinistered by one  of the ju(lge, of the
election, that hle will sustain the!nrovisions of the above recited acts of Congress  tlldl of the
act entitled "An act to organize tilJe Territories of Nebraska and anas," al'poved Ma  80,
1854, and shall refuse to take such  oath or affirliation, the vote of such  person shall be
rejected.
Sso. 12. Every person possessing the qualification of a voter, as hereinabove prescribed,
and who shall have residedl in this Territory thirty days prior to the  election, at which be
may offer himself as a candidate, shall be eligible as a d(lelegate to the'louse of PRepresenrtatives of the United States, to either branch of' tile le,gislative asselibly, and to- all othler offices
in this Territory, not otherwise especially ptrovided( for: Provided, however, Th-at each mnember of the legislative assemnbly,  ald evely officer elected ol appoitnted to o(ffice under the laws
of this Territory, shall, in addition to the oath  or affirmation specially l)rovid(led to be taken
by such (fficer, take an oath or affirmation to support the Oonstitution of the United States,
the provisions of an act entitled "An act respecti(ng filgitives fi omt justice and persons escaping
from the service of their nmasters," approved Februayv 12, 1793; and of an act to amend and
supplementary to said last mentioned act, approved September  18, 1850; and of an act
entitled "An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas," approved M',y 80,
1854.
Szc. 19. Whenever any person shall offer to vote, he shall be presumed to be entitled to
vote.
SEo. 20. Whenever any person offers to vote, his vote may be challenged by one of the
judges or by any voter, and the judges of the election may examnine him touching his right to
vote; and if so examined, no evidence to contradict shall be received. Or the judges ]nay,
in the first instance, receive other evidence; in which event, the applicant,nay if hlie desire
it, demand to be sworn, but his testimony shall not then be conclusive.
Again, on page 488, in Chap. 117, "An Act regulating oaths, and prescribing the form oj
oats of effice," the following enactments may be found:
SEoTioi 1. All officers elected or appointed under any existing or subsequently-enacted
laws of this Territory, shall take and subscribe the following oath of office: " I,    -, d
solemnly swear upon the holy evangelists of Almnighty God, that I will support the Constitution of the United States, and that I will support and sustain the provisions of an act entitled
' An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas,' and the provisions of the law
of the United States, commnonly known as the'Fugitive Slave Law,' and faithfully and
impartially, and to the best of my ability demean myself in the discharge of my duties in the
-office of; so help me God."
SEc. 2. Which oath of office shall be endorsed on every commission or certificate of
appointment, and may be administered by any person in this Territory authorized to administer oaths.
Szo. 6. All oaths and affirmations alike subject the party who shall falsify them to thai
pains and penalties of perjury.
ATTORNEYS AT LAW-MORE TEST OATHS.
"As ast concerning attorneys at law," Chapter 11, page 118, provides as follows:
SEo. 1. No person shall practice as an attorney or counsellor at law, or solihci,  in chancery, in any court of record, unless he be a free white male, and obtain a license from the
supreme court, or district court, or some one of the judges thereof, in vacation.
Sm. 3. Every person obtaining a license shall take an oath or affirmation to support the
Constitution of the United States, and to support and sustain the provisions of an act entitled
"An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas," and the provisions of an aet
ommonly known as "The Fugitive Slave Law," and faithfully to demnean himself in his pramice to the best of his kuowledge  and ability.  A certificate of such oath shall be endorsed on
te lieets e.
SE.c 5. If any person shall  )ractise law in any court of record, without being licensed,
saworn, and enrolled, he shall be deemed guilty of a contempt of court, and punished as in
thler  eas  of contempt. 
4
CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS.
"An act concerning crines alnd the punishment of offences against the persons  of indit
duals," Chapter 48, page 205 provides:
Sso. 5. Homicide shlall be deemed excusable when committed by accident or misfortune,
in either of tlhe following cases: F'irst, in lawfully correcting a child, appl'entice, servant, or
slave, or in doing any other lawful act  )y lawful means, with usual and ordinaly caulltion,
and without unlawful intent; or, Second, in the lheat of passion, upon any sudden or sufficient
provocation, or upon sudden conmbat witlhout any n)due advantage being taken, and without
any dangerous weapon being used,.aed not done in a cruel and unusual )manner.
-~     SEc. 31. If any negro or miulaltto sl,all takle away any white  femnale under  the age of
eighteen years, from her father, motlher, guar,di.n, or otler' person having the legal cliarge of
her person, without their consent, fi)or tlhe )ur)ose of prostitution, concubinage, or iiarriage
withl liiiii, or any other nelrio or iutlatto lie slhll, on conviction, be sentence(l to castration,
to be performed under tlhe dire(tion of the sheiiftf by some skillful person, and the expense
shlall be adjusted, taxed, an(d plaidl s otliei costs.
SEa. 43. Every person lwho siall maliciously, fbrcibly ol  fraudulently lead, take or carrj
away, or decoy, or enritice away, anv clil(l under thle age of twelve  years, withl intent to
detain or conceal siuchi clild fr(iiom  its parent  guarIianii, ()r otloer person  liaviig  the lawful
oliar e of s.ucl  cild, shall, upon conviction, be l)niiislied( bv coilifinemient and liard labor, not
exceodii)g five years, or iimpirisoninLeiit in t,lie county jail not less than six miontls, or by fine
not less than five lhundred dollars.  [See thle penalty foir enticing away a Tblack slave child, on
page 1 of tihis pamphilet, sec. 4, and coiipare the two cases.- Coa)iler.]
"Ain act in relation to the general p2rovisions regutlating crimes and punishmnents," provide,
(pages 252 & 253), as follows:
Soa. 27. If any slave slhall comm-it petit larcency, or shall steal any neat cattle, shieep or
hog, or be guilty of anv mlis(deile.ino, or other ofibuce puinishable under the )rovisio)ns of thi,
ael only by fine or imlprisonmient iti a couinty jail, or by botll sucli fine and  imiprisonmient, he
ahall, instead of sutil punisihmnent, be I)nislie(, if a m-ale. by stripes onl his bare back  not
exceeding tliirty-nine, or if a teinale, by iiiil)risoninent iii a county jail nriot exceeding twenty.
one days, or by stripes not exceediii twenty-one, at the discretion of the justice.
SEc. 28. Everyv slave charged witlh tle   a,,mnission of any of thle offences, specified in tlih
last section, sliall be tried in a s   -    t.ry i-i.aner before a jtstice of the peace in the county it
which the offence is conmitted; and such justice (if t jury is not required, as p)rovided for in
lthe next section) s-iall hear the evidence, determine the cause, and, on convictionl, pronouno
sentence. in(d cause the same to be executed.
SFc. 29. If any slave ol his imaster, in  any  case cognizable before a justice of the peace
siall require a july, the justice sliall cause such jury to be summrnnoned, swoirn, anil emparnelled
who stiall determnine the fitots, and( assess the punishment in case of conviction,  and  tht
Jus.tice seall enter jadginen-t and eause t sle sate to be executed.
SEo.  34. \Wlten any slave shIall be convicted of a  feloivny puinisliable by  confinement
and lhard labor, the court beftore whlom  suIc(h  conviction sltall be had shlall sentence  th
otiender to receive on }iis bare back any niumiber (of stripes not exceeding thlirty-iine
WHlO MXAY AND WIIO MAY NOT BE JURORS.
The quality of justice which a Free-State inan mighlt reasonably expect at the lhands of a
Kansas co irt, may be surmised from (Jlp. 92, Sees. 1 and 13, of'Ain Act concerning jurors,'
pages 377 and 378, from wliceh- it will be seen that instead of drawing jurors by lot, the
eour t imay siutmmion a sufficient number, (for summonoi read " pack,") and that all whlo question
the divinit, v;.,lavery are absolutely excluded from all juries wleich tmay be required t-) cortsider directly or remotely the questi(on of Slavery.
Sao. 1. All coiurts befiore wlhomi jurorts are required, aimy  order the marshal, sherifi, or
otlher offlcer to sutnamon a sufficient ntinil)er of jurors.
Sac. 13. No person whlo is citnsr.ientiously olilosed to the holding slaves, or wli(i does not
adlnit tlhe riglit to l]old slaves in tliis Teirritorny, slall11 be a juror in  any caiuse in which the
riglt to!I),t]l any person in Slivery is involved, nor- in any cause in wliicel any initiry done to
or cotnimittedl by,tany slaive is in is-ie, nor inii any criiitinalI irocedig foir tle violation of any
lakw elicted fi  tlie li)rotection of sltive I)roperty and for the puniisltient of crimies committed
against the righlt to such property. 
5
HABEAS CORPUS.
"A   A,ct regulatiing proceedings on writs of habeas corpus."  Ohapter 79,  tticle 8, page
845, &ontains the following:
Seo. 8. No negro or mulatto, held as a slave within this Territory, or lawfully arrested as a
fugitive from service froin another State or Territory, shlall be discharged, nor shlall his right of
freedom be had under the provisions of this act.
The foregoing provision, suspending thte writ of habeas corpus, is not only a violation of the
Constitution of the United States, but of the Kansas-Nebraska Act itself, which provides a
follows:
"'Except also that a writ of error or appeal shall also be allowed to the Supreme Court aI
the United States, from the decision of the said suflrelie court created by this act, or of any
judge thereof, or of the district courts created by this act, or of any judge thereof, upon any
writ of habeas corpus, involving the question of p)ersonal freedom."
THE CHAIN AND  BALL.
The following shows the treatment to which citizens are liable to be subjected for questionig
the right of Border Ruffians to merchandlise in human flesh and blood in the Territory of
Kansas.  Read and make your own comments.  We copy from  "An Act providing a sy8tem
of confinement and hard labor," Clhapter 22, )i.ge 146.
Sso. 1. Every keeper of a jail, or othe. public prison, within this Territory, is hereby
required to cause all convicts who m.ay be confilied in the prisoln,f which lie is tle keeper,
under sentence of confinemrrent and hard labor, either oil thie streets, roads, lublic buildings,
or otlher public works of the Territoi'y, or on somie jtl)hlic works of thle couinty iii wlhich such
convicts may be imprisoned, or on private woirks waetever  nmay be iiereilafter specified; or
if there be no public works of the Telrritory on which to ermp)loy such  c)nvicts, or if the
county wherein such convicts mnay be confined lhave no public works on wvii;h to emp)loy
such convicts, then suchl convicts may be elnII,loIyed oil the public works of:iiI (ttller county
in the Territory where there iiay be work to eiiil)lovy such  c)uvicts; or silcIl coInvicts  may
be employed on tile public works of any incorI,,r'ate to)wn or city, witllin tlis Territo:.y
either in the county in whilch such convicts may be cotfiled, or in some other county in the
Territory.
SEo. 2. Every person who may be sentenced by any court of competent jurisdiction, under
any law in fIrce within tlhis Territ)i v, to p)illiisliiiieiit by conlfillellent and( hard llabor, shall
be deemed a convict, anrid shlall iimmediately, undler th-e charge of tile kee)er i)f such  jail or
public prison, or under the clharge of such l)ersorti as thle keel)er of such jail or public prison
may select, be put to hard labor, as in the first section of this act s)ecified; and such
keeper or other person, having clia!:'e of suclh collnvict, sliall cause such convict, wlhile
engaged at such labor, to be securely confined by a cliaii  six feet itl lengtlh, of not less than
four-sixteentlis nor more tlan three-eig!:tls of all iicli links, witht a round ball of iron, of not
less than foir nor illore than,ix inches in dliatilete-, attaclihel, which cliain shall be securely
fastened to the ankle of suchl convict with a stroi)g lock and key; anld  suchl keeper or otlher
person, having cha:rge of suchl convict,  may, if  necesary, confiie such convict, while so
engaged at hard l.abor, by othler chains or otler' iieatis iln lhis (liscretioni, so as to keep suebh
convict secure and prevent his escape; and wheni tl!ere sia;ll be two ()I miore ciuvicts under
the charge of such keeller, or other l)erson. such coivicts. Sltill lie tfstetied together by strong
chains, with strong locks and keys, during, the tiiiie such convicts  slhall be engaged in hard
labor without the walls of any jatil or prison.
STOCKING THiE LOCAL OFFICES.
All county and town officers whlo are to execute the outraigeouts acts of this Border Ruffian
Legislature, are ap)pointed either by tlhe legislature or by officers or B(,ards receiving their
appoili)tminent firom the legislature, thus removing all power from t Je people. We quote from
page 601 as follows: 
6
OHAPTErR 150.-SrERImF.
An Act providing for the office of sheriff, and prescribing his duty.
SEoTIos 1.  There shall be elected, by joint vote of the legislative assembly, at the present
sesion, for each county, a sheriff, who  shall hold his office until the general election for
members of the legislative assembly, in the year eighteen hundred and fifty-seven; and such
isheriff, when elected, shall be commissioned by the governor, and shall take the oath of office
prescribed by law, &c.
On page 117 we find the following:
CHAPTER 10.-ATToRNoYS.
An act to establish the office of district attorney, and to define his duties.
8,iroN 1. There shall be and is hereby established in each judicial district of this Territory, the office of district attorney, and the present session of the legislative assembly shall
elt for each judicial district, by joint ballot, a district attorney, who shall hold his office for
four years; and such district attorney shall be commissioned by the governor, and take the
oath of office prescribed by law, which commission, with the oath of office  endorsed thereon,
shall be recorded in thle records of the district court of each county in his district.
On page 149 the following may be found:
CHAPTEm  23.-CONSTABLeS.
An act providing for the a2ppointment of constables, and prescribing their duties.
SEzorTIONi 1. There shall be in each township, in each county in this Territory, one constable, who shall be appointed by the tribunal transacting county business, and shall hold hi
oice until the second general election.
On page 196 is the following:
CHAPTER 44.-PROBATE COURT.
An  act to e8tablish a probate court, with the powers and duties of a board of commiswione
and to define its jurisdiction.
SE.TION 1. That there be and is hereby established in each county of the Territory a probate court; and there shall be elected by joint ballot of'the legislative asseiiibly, at the
present session, a probate judge for each county in the Territory, who shall hold Ois office
until the general election for miembers of the legislative asseitibly, in the year eighteen hlundred and fiftv-seven, and until their successors are duly elected, coimniissioned and qualitied.
SEc. 28. There shall be and is hereby established in each county of this Territory, a tribunal transacting county business, to be called the board of conmmissioners for thle county, and
the probate judge of each county slhall be the president of the. board of commissioners.
Sc. 29. The present session of the legislative assemlbly shall elect, by joint ballot, two
oommissioners, who shall be associated with the probate judge, and constitute the board of
commissioners, and shall be the tribunal transacting county business.
SEo. 31. The board of comtnmissioners, in their respective counties, shall have power and
authority to levy and cause to be collected a tax upon all property and effects in tite county,
either real, personal, or mixed, sulject to taxation by law, for the necessary expenditures of
the counties, not to exceed the amount of taxation levied for Territorial purposes in such
county, except in cases provided for by law.
SEc. 32. They shall have power to bitilil(l bridges, and open and keep in repair  roads and
highways, within their respective counties, and they shall l1rovide ways and means for the
erection of all public buildings necess:try fir the transacting (-of county business; they shall
cause to be erected, or otherwise pro(cure fir tile several counties, suitable court-houses, jails,
clerks' offices, and other public buildings deemed necessary.
SEo. 33. The probate judge and county cototiissioners shall appoint in each county a clerk
of the board of countty coltmissioners, aind shlall granit to litii   a certificate of liis alqfointment, and he shall be commissioned by the governor, and take the oath of office prescribed
by law.
SEC. 34. The board of county commissioners  shall Appoint a county treasurer, coroner,
justices of the peace, constables, and all other officers l)irovide(l for by law, which several
officers shall be commissioned by the govern(ir, arnd the said( tribun:al shlall have  the power
and authority to appoint all coimmissioners or agenits provided for by law. 
We have examined the foregoing, and compared the same with the "Laws ct the Territory of Kansas," as publih
,k Uw  nsl States yate, and we find the same to be true copies of the Sections quoted.   A
J. COLLAMIER, of Corn. on Tsrritories, U. S.
G. A. GROW, Clairrnan of Corn. on Territories, IL v
SAML. GALLOWAY, of Corn. on Judiciary, H. R.
MASON  W. TAPPEN,               do.         do.
SCHUYLER COLFAX, of Corn. on Elections,  do.
A. H. CRAGIN, of Corn. on Printisg, H1. R.
NOM-The pages referred to, are numbered in accordance with the Official Reprint of the Laws by Oongre             d
Sthe pages of the edition printed in Kansas.  As the Sections, however, are quoted In full and the No. of te
,v   alh, they can easily be traced by any person having the latter edition.
TOOMBS' KANSAS BILL DISSECTED.
ETR FROM W. Y. ROBERTS, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF KANSA&
18).  It also enacts a new elective law-asrm
ing  the power of Congress to legislate for the
territory on the most important subject of legislation, that of the elective franchise. whilst it
has, in the opinion of the Senate, in full vitality,
a local legislature of its own; thus utterly abandoning the whole theory of the democratic creed
in relation to the government of the territories;
and, as a democrat, I must be allowed to enter
my  protest  against this abandonment  of the
faith, particularly in an instance when that abandoninment is made necessary by assuming a former
false hypothesis.
III. The bill  further provides  for the election
and organization of a convention "to form a constitution and state government,"  and,  without
submitting the constitution thus formed to a vote
of the people or future action of Congress, admits
the state into the Union "on an equal footing
with the original states," and makes the action of
that convention a finality, and denies to  the
people the invaluable privilege of acting in their
primary and individual capacity upon the organic
law of the land, " a right invaluable to thenm and
formidable only to tyrants."'
IV. To give a board of Commissioners, appointed by the President, the power to determine
who shall vote for delegates to the conlvention,
and to be the sole judges of the election and
qualifications of said delegates, and to make  the
action of that convention final, in a matter so
important as the formation of a constitution and
state government, is to erect a power dangerous
to popular rights, a power irresponsible to the
people —a despotism; and is assuming the power
of Congress to do that for which there is no warrant in   the  constitution, and which is subversive
of the great principles of popular government.
V. One effect of refusing to submit the costitution to the vote of the people, would be to
cWAsienTop, D. Ci., ru    / 1th, 1856.
wo  the Editors o         f the Jp. Y. Evening Post.
YOURi note, asking my  opinion,  as                    a democrat
and as a citizen   a nd f riend      of K ansas,  in r elation
to the Senate bill, entitled " a bill to authorize
t          he p eople  of  the territory             of Ka nsas to form a
constitution a     nd s  tate gov ernment," &c., whi ch
passed the Senate on the 2d inst., is to hand.
In reply, I Would say that my objections to the
bill are not confined to the details only-they
-may be amended-but attach also to the principles upon which it rests.
L The bill proposes to repeal and amend certain territorial laws, and to leave others in force,
and hence assumes the position that the legislative
assembly was a valid authority, and affixes the
seal of congressional sanction and approbation
upon a body elected by a rule utterly subversive
of that government; and in so doing, the Senate
has sanctioned and legalized, as far as it can, the
work of an armed mob,- in open violation of the
laws and constitution of the United States, in
violating the great fundamental principle upon
which rests our whole political fabric, popular
govdereignty, or self-government.
It is not necessary to weary your readers by interting  here the proof of this proposition, and I shall
only refer them to the testimony taken by the
Kansas Investigating, Committee, reported to the
House of Representatives on the lst inst. In this
report the above allegation is proven bv testimoniy the most positive and incontrovertible.
~ II. But my objections to the bill do not stop
here; after thus acknowledging the validity of
the territorial legislature, the bill proceeds to
repeal sundry laws and parts of laws enacted
by that body, by the very singular process of
reenacting certain important provisions of the
:4onstitution of the United States (see bill, sec.
7 
8
better judges of when  this shall  be done, than
Congress can be. and that to judge of and to do
this, is one of the rights expressly reserved to
the people  by the constitution of  the United
States, and therefore we have not asked of Congress an authority that expressly belongs to us
under  the constitution; but what we do ask is,
that Congress should fulfill all the requirements
of the constitution, and extend over  us the protecting hand of the national government.
We  ask of Congress  no impossibilities-nor
unconstitutional intermeddling with our domes
tic affairs.  Congress cannot " give  us back our
dead;" but it can wipe out a legislative government established  by  fraud  andl violence,  and
institute another that shall reflect  the will of
the people.  It can refund to our people all the
losses that they  have  eustained  by reason of
this frau.i, and restore and secure to them what
is more  valuable than gold,  and sweeter than
life, the free e.njoynment of all their political
rights as Atmerican citizens.  We ask a nation's
disapprobation of a fraud unparalleled in the
history of our country;  let the  nation wash
her hands of the disgraceful act,  and let  the
history of it go down to posterity with a nation't
condemnation indelibly engraved upon its forehead.
Let Congress, in the place of repealing  certain laws  of territorial  legislature, li)ectause of
their inherent defects, set them all aside because
of the inherent defects in the power that made
them.  Let this be done. and  the whole  subject
is open to Congress, the wrongs of the people
may  be  redressed,  their  constitutional rights
restored, and  peace restored to the Union-to
the country, and to the territory.  the constitution itself vindicated, the theory of non-interference saved.  The great principles of popular
sovereignty and  self-govertimelit re-established,
an unmitigated fraud upon the ballot box branded with marked disapprobation, the character of
our free institutions preserved untarnished, the
confidence of the people in the perpetuity and
strengthl of free governments stimulated and confirmed, and the bonds of the Union strengthened
and established upon the rock of eternal justice;
tbut, refuse to do this, and all these propositions
are reversed.
If the bill was designed to effect these objects,
it will most certainly fail of its purpose; but on
the other hand tend most directly to the reverse
of all these desirable results, and therefore,
finally, as a democratl, t citizen, and friend of
Kvansa.s, one who loves the Union, and the harmony and peace of all sections of the country, I
must now  most earnestly protest against its pa.
sage ointo a law.
obtiate the necessity of retaining in the territory
a large body of men during the winter, in order
to v         ote onestiutn    n                                      the constitution in the spring, as it
would be impossible to frame a constitution, publish it and give te  people time to discuss its provis         ions in ord er      to give an intelligent vote upon
its                     ra tification, before, probably,  the 1st of March.
I am  aware  that    it would  be exceedingly ifconvenient       to these people to stay in our                       territory
during  th      e wi nt e     r without houses,               and  that houses
and provisions ar     e        very expe nsive things; neverthele&,, as a citizen of Kansas I cannot consent
that they should be allowed to finish their works
by             the 4th of November and  return  to t heir
homes, leavinsh                  th e  people to enjoy (?) a government established against their will and wishes:
and hence, as a citizen and a friend of Kansas,
must solemnly protest against this feature of the
bill
VI. The bill further provides that the ratio of
representation and the apportionment of delegates
shall be determined by the number (,f voters,
and not the number of inhabitants in the territory
and the respective districts; thus giving to the
mere adventurer, the mere " soldier of fortune "
upon the border, the same representative strengthb
with the regular citizen, permanently located
with his wife and family of five or ten minor
children.  The injustice of this provision is too
glaring to need comment, and its object too plain,
to be misunderstood.
VII. The enumeration of voters is fixed at a
time when many of our citizens have been driven
from their homes and from the territory, and when
an armed mob, unrebuked by government, has
blockaded all the avenues to the country, not
only preventing the return of the few who might
be able, and who might feel an inclination to return, from doing so, but robbing and driving
back all new emigrants from the free states who
are seeking homes in the territory. Thus forcing
upon the people a finality at a most inauspicious
time, and proposing to establish the institutions
of a state when the country is tinder the government of an armed and irresponsible mot. What
a mockery of popular rights I And what a fraud
upon a people who were induced to emirgrate to
the territory under the pledge from the government, that they should be left "perfectly free to
estabalvh their own institutionts."
VII. In addition to this, the bill, as far as it
is intended -to "1 authorize the people of the territory of Kansas to form a constitution and state
government," is gratuitous. We have asked for
no such authority.  We contend, as dem,ocrats,
that we have authority, whenever a majority of
the people may so determine, to call a convention,
form a constitution and state government, and to
apply for admission into the Union as a fiee and
sovereign state. We hold that the people are
Very truly, &c.,
W. Y. ROBBUT,& 
9
PRESIDENTIAL PLATFORMS FOR 1856.
Wz herewith present the Platformns of the three Parties now soliciting the suffrage of
the People; also the Letters of Acceptance written by the Presidential Candidates representing these parties, that the intelligent voter may examine and compare them, and thl
deliberately form his judgment as to their relative iiierits. The Republicans invite the
inost rigid scrutiny and investigation into the principles and measures on which they
make their appeal to the American People, with  an undoubting confidence in the correotness and justice of the final verdict. What intelligent elector can fail to see that
of the three the Republican Platformn is the most truly Democratic and American, in the
best and most significant sense of those much abused termns?
9th. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all
not heretofore provided for, an indispensable requisite of citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers and persons convicted of crime from  landingupon our shores; but no interference with the vested
rights of foreigners.
10th. Opposition to any union between Church and
State: no interference with religious faith or worship, and no test oaths for office, except those indicated in the 5th section of this platform.
11th. Free and thorough investigation into any and
all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict
economy in public expenditures.
12th. The maintenance and  enforcement of all
laws until said laws shall be repealed or shlall be declared null and void by competent judicial authority
13th. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy
of the present administration in the general manlagement of our national affairs, and more especially as
shown in removing "Americans" (by designation)
and conservatives in priniciple, from office, and placinig foreigners and ultraists in their places, as shown
in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an
insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker
powers; as shown in re-openiig sectional agitation,
by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise;  as shown
in granting to unnaturalized foreigners the right to
suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska; as shown in its
vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska ques tion;, as shown in the removal of Judge Bito,so.
fi om the Collectorship of New York upon false and
untenable grounds;  as shown in the corruptions
which perva:e some of the departments of the (ov ernment; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval
officers through prejudice or caprice; and as Kiowi
in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign re lations.
14th. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and pre vent the disastrous consequences otherwise resulting
thereft'ore, we would build up the "1 American party "
upon the principles herein before stated, echewing
all sectional questions and uniting upon thIse purely
national, and admitting into said party all American
citizens (referred to in the 3d, 4th. and 5th sections),
who openly avow the principles and opinions hereto fore expressed, and wiho will subscribe their names
to this platform.  Provided, nevertheless, that a ma.
joritv of these members present at any meeting of a
local Conncil where an applicant applies for menm
bership in the American party may, for any reason
by them deemed sufficient, deny admission to such
applicant.
16th. A free and open discnssion of all political
principles embraced in our platform.
1st An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme
Being who rules the Universe, for His protecting
care, vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful
Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to
as,             their  de      scendants,  in the preservation of the liberties, the ind ependence  and             the uni  on of these
States.
2d. The perpetua tion of the Federal          Union,   as the
palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the
only sure bulwark of American Independence.
3d.  Americans must rule Am           erica,  and,   to             th    i     s
end, ncrtive-born citizens should be selected for all
State,s Feder al, and municipal offices, or go vernme     nt
employmento in                       preference to naturalized citizems;
nevertheless,
4th. Persons born of American parents residing
temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the
rights of native-born citizens; but,
5th. No person should be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description
to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who
refuses to re cognize the Federal and State Constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all
other laws as rules of political action.
6th. The unqualified recognition and maintenance
of the reserved rights of the several States, and the
cultivation of harmony and fraternal good-will, between the citizens of the several States, and to this
end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual States, and nonintervention by each State with the affairs of any
other State.
7th. The recognition of the right of the native-born
and naturalized citiz,ns of the United States, perma nently residing in any Territory thereof, to frame
their constitution and laws, and to regulate their do mestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject
only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution,
with the right of admission into the Union whenever
they have their requisite population for one Repre sentative in Congress. Provided always, That none
but those who are,citizens thereof, and State, under
the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a
fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to par ticipate in the formation of the Constitution, or in
the enactment of laws for said Territory or State.
8th. An enforcement of the principle that no State
or Territory can admit others than native-born citi zens to the right of suffrage, or of holding political
office, unless such person shall have been naturalized
according to the laws of the United States.
BOU7U A=RICAN PLATFORM PUT FORTH AT PE[IL,&DFL               I'HIA, FEB. 22, 1856. 
10
the safety of the funds of the Government  and the
rights of the people.
9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from
the President the qualified Veto power, by which he
is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities
amply sufficient to guard the public interests, to sus pend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure
the   approval of two-thirds of t he Se n ate  and  House
of Itepresentatives, until the  judgment of the  pe o ple  ca n  be  obtained  the reon, an d which  has   saved
the American people from  the corrupt and ty rannical
dominion of the  Bank of the  United States an d from
a corrupting system of general internal improve ments.
10. That the  liberal   principles embodied  by  Jeffer son in the  Declaration  of Independence, and    sanc tioned in the  Constit u ti on, which ma kes ours the land
of liberty and the asylum of the  oppressed of  everyl
nation, have ever    been cardinal principles  in t hea
Democra tic faith;   and eve ry atte mpt to abri dge th e
privilege  of  becomin  citizens and the owners  of s oil
among us ought to be resisted wit  h the same  spir it
which swept the al ien and sedi tion  laws from o ur sta -
tute books.
.And whereas, Since the  foregoing declaration  wa s
uniformly f.dopted by our predecessors in National
Conventions, an adverse  polit ical   and relig iou s test
has been secretly organi zed by  a pa rt y  claiming t o
be  exclusively  American s,   and it is proper ththat the
Ameri c an   Democ ra cy  shoul d clearly define its rela tions  ther eto; and  declar es i s  de termined opposition
to all secret political societies, by whatever name
they  may b e  called.
Reolved, That the fou ndat ion  of th is Union  of
States having been laid  in, an d its  prosperity, ex pansion, and pre-eminent example in free govern ment, built upon entire  freedom of matters of reliC ious concernment, and no   re  spect  o f person s  min
regard to ra nk, or place of birth, no party can justly
be deemed national, c          iosltit utional, or  in a ccord ance
with  Amer i can pri      ncipl es, w hich b ases its exclusive
organ ization  upon  religious opinions an! accident al
birt h-place.  And hence    a   poli tical crusade in the
nine teent h    century, an d in  the United  States  of
Ame rica, against Catholics and f    ore ign-bo rn is
neither justified  b thehe pas t  history or future  prospects of the country,   nor i n unison  with  thle spirit
of toleration, and enlightened freedom which peculiarly distinguishes the  Ameri can system of popular
government.
Resolved,  That  we reiterate with renewed energy
of purpose the well considered   declarations   of former
conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic
slavery and concerning the reserved rights of the
States   1. That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that all such
States are the sole and proper iudges of everything
appertaining to their own affaiis not prohibited by
the Constitution; that all efforts of the Abolitionists
or others made to induce Congress to interfere with
questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most
alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all
such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish
the happiness of the people and.,ndanger the stability and permanency of the Union and ought not to
be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.
2. That the foregoing proposition covers and was
intended to embrace the whole  subject of Slavery
agitation in Congress, and therefore the Democratic
party of the Unionl, standing on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithfi,.1 execution
of tho acts known as the compromise measures, se~ttied by the Congress of 1850: " the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included;" which
-rl0 PL&TFORM PUT FORTH AT CINOINNATI,
MAY 22, 1856.
R.ked, That the American Democracy place their
rust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the dis wiminating justice of the American people.
Replo, That we regard this as a distinctive fea ture of our political creed, which we are proud to
maintain before the world as a great moral element
in a form of government springing from and upheld
by the popular will; and we contrast it with the
ereed and practice of Federalism, under whatever
name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the
oconstituent, and which conceives no imposture too
monstrous for the popular credulity.
Resoved, therefore, That entertaining    these views
the D emoc    r atic party of  this Union, through their del egater,   psembled in genera       l Con ven               tion, coming to gether in a spirit of concord, o f devotion   to th e  doc rines and faith of a free representative government,
and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude
of their intentions, renew and reassert before the
American people, the declarations of principles avow ed by them, when, on former occasions, in general
Convention, they have presented their candidates for
thie popular suffrage.   1. T      hat  the F  ed       eral Government is one of limited
power, derived solely from th e Constitution, and the
grants of power made therein ought to be strictly
construed by all   the d epartments and agents   of pthe
gov      ern      ment, and   that                   it is inexpedient and dan ger ous t o exercise doubtful constitutional powers.
2. That  the C on          st      itution does not confer upon the
General Government    the  power to c       omm    ence and
carry on a general system of internal improvements.
3. That the Constitution does not                    confer authority
upon  the Federal Government, directly or indirectly,
to                     hum e   the debts of the several States, contracted
for local      and in ternal improvements, or other State
p        urp oses, n or would     such  assumption be just or  ex pedient.
4. That   justice and sound   policy forbid t he Federal
Government to foster one branch of                    industry      to the
detriment of   anothe r, o r to cherish  the intere sts of
one portion of our common country; that every
citizen and every section of                        the country has a right
to demn     and a nd insis t up on an  equality of  rights  and
privileges, and a complete and ample protection of
persons and property from domestic violence and
foreign aggression.
5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no
more revenue ought to be raised than is required to
defray the necessary expenses of the government,
and gradual but certain extinction of the public debt.
6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to
be sacredly applied to the national objects specified
in the Constitution, and that we are opposed to any
law for the distribution of such proceeds among the
States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant
to the Constitution.
7. That Congress has no power to charter a National Bakuk: that we believe such an institution one
of deadly hostility to the best interests of this
country, dangerous to our republican institutions and
he liberties of the people, and calculated to place
the business of the country within the control of a
eon.ecrated money power and above the laws and
will of the people; and the results of the Democratic legislation in this and all other financial measures
upon which issues have been made between the) two
political parties of the country, have demonstrated
to candid and practical men of all parties their
soundness, safe?y and utility in all business pursuits.  8. That the separation of the moneys of the Government-from banking institutions i8 indispensable to 
11
act being designed to carry out an express provision
of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be
repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its
efficiency.
3. That the Democratic party willU-resist all at,
tempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it, the
agitation of the slavery question, under whatever
shape or color the attempt may be made.
4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide
by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and
in the report of Mr. MADISON to the Virginia Leglislature in 179-that it adopts these principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political
ereed, and is resolved to carry them out in their cbvious meaning and import.
And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on
which a sectional party  subsisting exclusively on
slavery agitation, now reiies to test the fidelity of the
people, North and South, to the Constitution and the
rnnion  1. Resoved,                            That claiming fellowship    with and desiring the co-operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the Constitution as the
paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional parties
and platforms concerning domestic slavery, which
seek to embroil the States and incite to treason and
armed resistance to law in the territories, and whose
avowed purpose if consummated, must end in civil war
and disunion, the American Democracy recognize
and adopt the principles contained in the organic
laws establishing the territories of Nebraska and
Kansas, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery question, upon which the great
national idea of the people of this whole country can
repose in its determined conservation of the Union,
and non-interference of Congress with slavery in the
terr.'ories or in the District of Columbia.
2. That this was the basis of the compromises of
1850, confirmed by both the Democratic and Whig
parties in National Conventions ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to th     e
organization of the territories in 1854.              a
3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic principle to the organization of territories, and
the admission of new States with or without domes tic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights of all
the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the Constitution maintained inviolate, and
he perpetuity and expansion of the Union insured
to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace and
harmony, every future American State that may be
constituted or annexed with a republican form of
government.
Resolved, That we recognize the right of the peo le of all the territories, including Kansas and Ne braska, acting through the legally and fairly express ed will of the majority of the actual residents, and
whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it,
to fornm a Constitution, with or without domestic
slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms
of perfect equality with the other States.
Resolved, finally, That, in view of the condition of
the popular institutions in the old world (and the
dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, combin ed with the attempt to enforce civil and religious dis abilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying
citizenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty
is involved with increased responsibility upon the
Democratic party of this country, as the party of the
Union, to uil)i)Id and maintain the rights of every
State-an(d thereby the union of the States-and to
sustain and advance among us constitutional  liberty,
by continiling to resist all monopolies and exclusive
legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense
of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adle-her
ence to those principles and compromises of the
Cons'tiition-which are broad enough and strong
enough to embrace and uphold the Union as i was,
the  Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be-in t
full expression of the energies and capacity of this
great and progressive people.
1. Resolved, That there are questions connected
with the  foreign policy of th is co u ntry which are in
ferior to no domestic  question  whatever.  The timen
has com e  f or the people of the United States   to do
clare themselves in favor  of  free  seas,  and pr ogres
sive free trade throughout the-world, and, by stern
manifestations to place their moral influence at the
side of their successful example.
2. Resolved. That our geographical and polisal
position with reference to the other States of this
continent, no less than the interest of our commerce
and the development of our growing power, requires
that we should hold sacred the principles involved in
the MONROE doctrine. Their bearing and import admit of no misconstruction, and should be applied
unbending rigidity.
3. Resolved, That the great highway, which naon
as well as the assent of States most immediately thw
terested in its maintainance has marked out for fi-ee
communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific
Oceans, constitutes one of the most importat
achievements realized by the spirit of modern time,
in the unconquerable energy of our people; andShat
result would be secured by a timely and efficient
exertion of the control which we have the right to
claim over it, and no power on earth should ie Ktfered to impede or clog its progress by any interference with relations that it may suit our policy to
establish between our government and the gotear
ments of the States within whose dominions it ties;
we can under no circumstances, surrender our preponderence in the adjustment of all questions arig
out of it.
4. Resolved, That in view of ~o commanding an
interest, the people of the United States cannot but
sympathise with the efforts which are being made by
the people of Central America to regenerate that
portion of the continent which covers the page
across the inter-oceanic isthmus.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expem
of the next Administration that every proper effort
be made to ensure our ascendency in the Gulf of
Mexico, and to maintain permanent protection to the
great outlets through which are emptied into its wat ers the products raised out of the soil and the con modities created by the industry of the people d ow
western valleys and of the Union at large.
REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM PUT  FORTHi AT PrHILADL
jUrEv 18th, 1856.
This Convention of Delegates, assembled in purw
ance of a call addressed to the people of the. United
States, without regard to past political differences or
divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise: to  the policy of  the present
Administration; to the extension of Slavery into
Free Territory; in favor of admitting Kansas as a
free State; of restoring the action of the  Fe-deral
Government to the principles of WASHINGTO.- and
JEFFER:SON;, and who purpose to unite in presenting
candidates for the offi(ces of President and Vice PreaZ
dent, do resolve as follows:
Resolhted, That the maintenance of the principles
promulgated in the Declaration of independence and
embodied in the Federal Constitution, are essential
to the preservation of our republican institntions,
and that the Federal Constitution,  the rights of the
States, and the union of the States shall be preserved.
Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold
it to be a self-evident truth, that all glen are enelowed
with the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the p ut
i
I 
12
t happiness, and that the primary object and ulte rior designs of our federal government were, to secure
these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdic tion; that as our republican fathers, when they had
abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordain ed that no person should be deprived of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law, it becomes
our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution
against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any territory of the United States,
by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or
extension therein.  That we deny the authority of
Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individ ual or association of individuals, to give legal exist ence to slavery in any territory of the United States,
while the present Constitution shall be maintained.
Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congrss  sovereign power over the territories of the
United States for their government, and that in the
exercise of this power it is both the right and the
duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those
twin relics of barbarism-polygamy and slavey.
Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United
States was ordained and established by the people in
order to form a more perfect Union, establis justice,
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common
defence, and secure the blessings of liberty, and contains ample provisions for the protection of the life,
liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest
Constitutional rights of the people of Kansas, have
been fraudulently and violently taken from themtheir territory has been invaded by an armed forcespurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive officers have been set over them, by whose
usurped authority, sustained by the military power
of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional
laws have been enacted and enforced-the rights of
the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed
-test oatlis of an extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed, as a condition of exercising
the right of suffrage and holding office-the right of
an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an
impartial jury has been denied-the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and
effects against unreasonable searches and seizures has
been violated-they have been deprived of life, liberty, and property, without due process of law-that the
ireledom of speech and of the press has been abridged-the right to choose their representatives has been
mada  of no effect-mmurders, robberies, and arsons
hare been instigated and encouraged, and the offendders have been allowed to go unpunished-that all
these things have been done with the knowledge,
sanction and procurement of the present admiinistration. arid that for this high crime against the Constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the administration. the President, his advisers, agents, supporters apologists and accessories, either before or
after the facts, before the country and before the
world. and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the
actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages and
their accomplices to a sure and condign punishment
herealteIr.
PRs.lved, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State of the Union, with her present free
constitution, as at once the most effectual way of
securing to her citizens the enjoyments of the rights
and privileges to which they are entitled. and of endIng the civil striife now raging in her terri   tory.
Resolved, That the hii ghwayman's plea, that " might
makes right," embodied in the Ostend'circular, was
in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy,
and would bring shame and dishonor upon any governright or people that gave it their san( tion.
Resohi ed. TIIhat a Railrond to the Pacific Ocean, by
the most cenitral and practi a! route  is imperatively
demandied by the interests of the whole counetry, and
tha Mhe F'ederal Government ought to render imme
diate and efficient aii in its constructi on; a nd an an
auxiliary thereto, the immediate construction of an
emigrant route on the line of the railroad.
Resolved, That appropriations by Congreps for the
improvement of rivers and harbors, of a national
character, required for the accommodation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by the
Constitution, and justified by the obligation of government to protect the lives   and property of its citizens.
Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-op.
eration of the men of all parties, however different
from us in other respects, in support of the principles
herein declared; and belheving that the spirit of our
institutions, as well as the Constitution of our country, guarantees liberty of conscience and equality of
rights among citizens, we oppose all legislation impairing their security.
NEw YORK, July 8, 1IS
GENTLEMEN:  YOU call me to a high responsibility
by placing me in the  van  o f a gre at mofve ment of the
people  of th e  United States, who, with out regard  to
past differences, are  u niting in a, common effor t t o
bring back the action of the Federal Government to
the principles of WASHINGTON and JEFFERSON. Comprehending the magnitude of the trust which their
have declared themselves willing to place in my
hands, and deeply sensible to the honor which they
unreserved confidence in this threatening position of
the public affairs implies, I feel that I cannot better
respond than by a sincere declaration that, in the
event of my election to the Presidency, I should
enter upon the execution of its duties with a singlehearted determination to promote the good of the
whole country, and to direct solely to this end all
the power of the Government, irrespective of party
issues, and regardless of sectional  strifes.  The
declaration of principles embodied in the resolves of
your Convention expresses the sentiments in which
I have been educated, and which have been ripened
into convictions by personal observation and experience. With this declaration and avowal,  I think
it necessary to revert to only two of the sub)jects
embraced in the resolutions, and to those only because events have surrounded them with grave and
critical circumstances, and given to them especial
importance.
I concur in the views of the Convention deprecating the foreign policy to which it adverts. The assumption that Mwe have  the right to take from
another nation its domains because we want them,
is an aband(ionment of the honest character which
our country has acquired.  To provoke  hostilities
by unjust assumptions would be to sacrifice the
peace and character of the country, when all its
interests might be more certainly secured, and its
objects attained by just and healing counsels, involving no loss of reputation.
International embarrassments  are mainly the results of a secret diplomacy, which ainms to keep iron}
the knowledge of the people the operations  cf the
Government. This system is inconsistent with the
character of our institutions, and is itself yielding
gradually to a more enlightened public opinion, and
to the power of a free Press, which, by its broad
dissemination of political  intelligen'e, secures in
advance to the side of justice the  judgment of the
civilized world. An honest, firm and open policy
in our foreign relations would comtma-,nd the united
support of the nation, whose deliberate opinions it
would necessarily reflect.
Nothing is clearer in the history of our institn.
tions than the design of the nation in asserting it&
own independence and freedom, to avoid giving
COLONIML FREMO.N7',13 ACCI;PTAN-CE. 
13
the Union, I accept the nomination of the Convention, in the hope that I may be enabled to serve u
fully its cause, which I consider the cause of conitutional Freedom.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. C.  FREMbN'I.
To Messrs. H. S. LANE, President of the Convention;
JAMES  M. ASHLEY, ANTHONY J. BLEECKER, JOSWET
C. HORNBLOWER, E. R. HOAR, THADDEUS STEVENS,
KINGSLEY  S. BINGHAM, JOHN A.  WILLS, G  P.
CLEVELAND, CYRUS ALDRICH, Committee, &o.
countenance to the extension of Slavery.   The
infiuence of the small but compact  and powerful
class of men interested in Slavery, who command
one section of the country, and wield a vast political control as a consequence in the other, is now
directed to turn this impulse of the Revolution and
reverse its principles. The extension of Slavery
acron the continent is the object of the power which
now rules the Government; and from this spirit has
sprung those kindred wrongs in Kansas so truly portrayed in one of your resolutions, which prove that
the elements of the most arbitrary governments have
not been vanquished by the just theory of our own.
It would be out of place here to pledge myself to any
particular policy that has been suggested to teriuinate the sectional controversy engendered by political animosities, operating on a powerful class banded
together by a common interest. A pr actical remiLedy
is the admission of Kansas into the Union as a Free
State.  The South should, in my judgment, earnestly
desire such consummation.  It would vindicate the
good faith-it would correct the mistake of the
repeal: and the North, having practically the bene fit of the agreement between the two sections,
would be satisfied, and good feeling he restored.
The measure is perfectly consistent w ith the honor
of the South, and vital to its interests.  That fatal
act which gave birth to this purely sectional strife,
originating in the scheme to take from free labor the
country secured to it by a solemn covenant, cannot
be too soon disarmed of its pernicious force. The
only genial region of the middle latitudes left to the
emigrants of the Northern States for homes cannot
be conquered from the free laborers, who have long
considered it as set apart for them in our iniheri tance, without provoking  a desperate  struggle.
Whatever iray be the persistence of the particular
class which seems ready to hazard everything for
the success of the unjust scheme it has partially
effected, I firmly believe that the great heart of the
nation, which throbs with the patriotism of the free
men of bolth sections, will have power to overcome
it.  They ANili ook to the rights secured to themi by
the Constitution of the Union, as their best safeguard
from the (oppression of the class whilicb-.v a mo nopoly of the soil and of slave labor to till i —nigiht
in time reduce them to the extremity of laboring
upon the samne terms with the slaves.  The great
body of non-slaveholding free men, includingr those
of the South, upon whose' welfare Slavery is an
oppression, will dliscover that the power of the Gene  ral Government over the public lands maypy be benefit  cially exerted to advance their interests and secure
their independence.  Knowing this. their suffirages
will niot bce wanting to maintain that authority in
the Union which is absolutely essential to the main  tenance of their own liberties, and which has nmoi re
than once indicated the purpose of disposing of the
public lands in such a way as would make every set  tler upon them a freeholder.
If the people intrust to me the administration of
the Goveinient, the laws of Congrress in relation to
the Territories will be fitlifully executed.  All its
authority will be exerted in aid of the national will
to re-establish the peace of the country on the just
principles waich have heretofore received the sa nc  tion of the Federal Government. of the States, and
of the people of both sections.  S'ucli a policy would
leave no aliment to that sectional party which seeks
its aggrandizement by appropriating the new Ter  ritories to capital in the form of SlavIery, but aould
inevitably result in the triumph of free labor-the
natural capital which constitutes the real wealth of
this great country, and creates that intelligent poaser
in the mousses alone to be(1 relied':n as the bulwark of
free institutions.
Trusting thait I havte a. hlea~rt capable of compIre   Lendingr our whole country, with its varied interests,
and confident that patriotism exists in all parts of
WHEATLAND, near LANCASTEr:, June 15, ISM
GEN,rLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your conmmunication of the 13th instant,
iinfor-ming  mle officially of my nomination by the De
mocratic National Convention, recently held at Cincininati. as the democratic candidate for the office of
e rIiesidenit of the Unlitei States.   I shall inot attempt
to express  the grateful feelings which I entertain
towards mv democratic fellow citizens for having
deemied nme  wosorthy of  this-the highest  politic
honor on earth -an honor such as the people of no
othlier country have the power to bestow.   Deeply
sensible of the vast and varied responsibility at
taehe(I to the station, especially at the present crisis
in our affairs. 1 have carefully refrained firom seeking
the  nopolinlatioo   either  by word  or by de ed.  Now
thtiat  it has be e n  offeried by the democratic  party  I
accept it with dititdence in my own abilities, but with
a hulnbl)le trust that ill the event of lly election I may
be enabled to discharge my duty in such a manner
as to allay domestic  striie, preserve  peace  and
fi'iendship withl foreign nations, and promote the best
interests of the Republic.
In accepting  the  nomination, I need scarcely my
that I accept in the same spirit the resolutions constituting the platform of principles erected by the
convention.  To this platform I intend  to confine
myself throughout the canvass, believing that I have
no right, as the candidate of the democratic party,
by ans wering iinterrog,atories, to present  new  and
different issues I:)eflore the people.
It will  not  be expected that in this answer  I
should specially refer to the subject of each of the
resolutions; sold I shall therefore confine  myself to
the two topics now  most prominently before  the
people.
And in the first place, I cordially concur in the
sentiinents expresse(l by the convention on the sub ject of civil and religious liberty. No party founded
on religious olr political intolerance toward one  clas
of Amer i(can citizens, whether born in our own or in
a foreign land, can long continue to exist in this
country.  We are all equal before God and the Con stittition. and the dark spirit of despotism and bigp try whiichIi would create odious distinctions among
our fellow-citizens, will  be speedily rebuked by a
free and(I enlightened       opinion.
The agitation on the question of domestic slavery
has too long (lictate(d annl divided the people of this
Union. and alienated their aifections from each other.
This agitation  has assumed  many foirns since its
commencement, b,ut- it now seems to  be directed
chiefly to the territories; and judging  from its pre
sent character, I thinlk e may  safely anticiate the
it is rap)i(dly apllroaclhing a. "'tindlitv."5   The recent
legisl',tion of Co,ng,ress respecting  domestic slavery,
lde l-iverl, as it haqs been,  fror the original and pure
founjtailni  of legiti.mate political powers, the will of the
majority, promises  ere long  to allay the dangerous
excitement. This le,sl,ation is founded upon prin  ciples as ancient as free government itself. and in
accordance with them, has simply declared that t*et
31R. BUCIRANAN'S ACICEPTANCE. 
14
People of a territory, like those of a State, shall
decide for themselves whether Slavery shall or shall
not exist within their limits.
The Nebraska-Kansas Act does no more than give
the force of law to this elementary principle of self  government, declaring it to be "the true intent and
meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any
territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but
to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions in their owni
way, subject only to the Constitution of the United
States."  This principle will surely not be cont         ro  verted by any individual of any party professing de  votion to popular government.  Besides, how vain
and illusory would any other principle prove in
practice in regard to the territories!  This is appa  rent from the fact admitted by all, that after a terri  tory shall have entered the Union and become a
State, no  constitutional power would then exist
which could prevent it from either abolishing or
establishing slavery, as the case may be, according
to its sovereign will and pleasure.
Most happy would it be for the country if this long
agitation were at an end. During its whole progress
it has produced no practical good to any human
being, while it has been the source of great and dis astrous evils.  It has alienated and estranged one
portion of the Union from the other, and has even
seriously threatened its very existence.  To my own
personal knowledge, it has produced the impression
among foreign nations that our great and glorious
confederacy is in constant danger of dissolution.
This does us serious injury, because acknowledged
power and stability always command respect among
nations, and are among the best securities against
unjust aggression, and in favor of the maintenance
of honorable peace.
May we not hope that it is the mission of the
democratic party, now the only surviving conserva tive party of the country, ere long to overthrow all
sectional parties, and restore the peace, friendship,
and mutual confidence which prevailed in the good
old time among the different members of the confe deracy? Its character is strictly national, and it
therefore asserts no principle for the guidance of the
federal government which is not adopted and sus tained by its members in each and every State.  For
this reason, it is everywhere the same determined
foe of all geographical parties, so much and so justly
dreaded by the father of his country.  From its very
nature it must continue to exist so long as there is a
Constitution and a Union to preserve.  A conviction
of these truths has induced many of the purest, the
ablest and most independent of our former opponents, who have differed from us in time gone by
upon old and extinct party issues, to come into our
ranks and devote themselves with us to the cause of
the Constitution and the Union.  Under these ciroumstances, I most cheerfully pledge myself, should
the nomination of the convention be ratified by the
people, that all the power and influence constitutionally possessed by the executive shall be exerted
in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the single
term I shall remain in office, to restore the same
harmony among the sister States which prevailed
before this apple of discord, in the form of slavery
agitation, had been cast into their midst.  Let the
members of the family abstain from intermeddling
with the exclusive domestic concerns of each other,
md cordially unite, on the basis of perfect equality
,-iong themselves, in promoting the great national
objects of common interest to all, and the good work
H. be instantly accomplished.
hI regard to our foreign policy to which you have
re~red in your communication, it is quite impossit*e /r any human foreknowledge to prescribe positu"'  rui* in ad-ance, to regulate the conduct of a
Ce  a~m'uni.,i-on in all Ae  etdgeueins whic  t                h
, may arise in our various and ever-changing relations
with foreign powers. The federal government must
of necessity exercise a sound discretion in dealing
with international questions as they may occur; but
th is under the strict respon sibility which  the executive  must  always feel to the  people of the  United
States and the judgment of posterity. You will,
therefore, excuse me for not entering into particu lars; while I heartily concur with you in the gene ral sentiment, that our foreign  affairs ought to be
conducted with such wisdom and  firmness as to
assure the prosperity of the people at home, while
the interests and honor of our country are wisely
but inflexibly maintained abroad. Our foreign policy
ought ever to be based upon the principle of doing
justice to all nations, and requiring justice from
them in return; and from this principle I shall never
depart.
Should I be placed in the executive chair, I shall
use my best exertions to cultivate peace and friendship with all nations, believing this to be our highest
policy as well as our most itperative duty; but at
the same, I shall never forget,.flat in case the necessity should arise, which I do not now apprehend,
our national honor must be pi-reserved at all hazards
and at any sacrifice.
Firmly convinced that a special Providence governs the affairs of nations, let us humbly implore his
continued blessing upon our country, and that he
may avert from us the punishment we justly deserve
for being discontented and ungrateful while enjoying
privileges above all nations, under such a Constitution and such a Union as has lever been vouchsared
to any other people.
Yours, very respectfully
JAMES  BU(JCIANAN.
The  Hon. JOHN E.  WA&RD, W.  A.  RICoan,& 
and others.
IMR  FILLMORE' S ACEPTAN-B
Psitis, iMay 21, I.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter, informing me that the Niational
Convention of the American party, which had jast
closed its session at Philadelphia, had unanimously,
presented my name for the Presidency of the United
States, and associated with it that of Andrew Jackson Donelson for the Vice-Presidency. This unexpected communication met me at Venice, on my return from Italy, and the duplicate mails thirteen days
later were received on my arrival in this city last
evening.
This must account for my apparent neglect in giving a more prompt reply.
You will pardon me for saying that, when my Administration closed in 1853, I considered my political
life as a public man at an end, and thenceforth I was
only anxious to discharge my duty as a private citizen. Hence I have taken no active part in politicks
but I have by no means been an indifferent spectator
of passing events, nor have I hesitated to express my
opinion on all political subjects when asked, nor to
give my vote and private influence for'those men and
measures I thought best calculated to promote the
prosperity and glory of our common country. Beyond this I have deemed it improper for me to interfere.
But this unsolicited and unexpected nomination
has imposed upon me a new duty, from which I cannot shrink; and therefore, approving as I do the
general objects of the party which has honorecf- am.
with its confidence, I cheerfully accept iu non-p
tion, without waiting to  inquire its Prospects f s f 
15
ceb or defeat.  It is sufficient for me to know that
by so doing I yield to the wishes of a large portion
of my  fellow-citizens in every part of the Union,
who, like myself, are sincerely anxious to see the
Administration of our Government restored to that
original simplicity and purity which marked the first
part of its existence, and, if possible, to quiet that
alarming sectional agitation which, while it delights
the monarchists of Europe, causes every true friend
of our own country to mourn.
Having the experience of past service in the adrministration of the Government, I may be permitted to
refer to that as the exponent of the future, and to
say that should the choice of the Convention be sanctioned by the people, I shall with the same scrupulous regard for the rights of every section of the
Union which then influenced my conduct, endeavor
to perform every duty confided by the Constitution
and laws to the Executive.
As the proceedings of the Convention have marked
an era in the history of the country, by bringing a
new political organization into the approaching Presidential canvass, I take occasion to reaffirm my full
confidence in the patriotic purposes of that organization, which I regard as springing out of the public
necessity forced upon the country to a large extent
by unfortunate sectional divisions, and the injurious
tendency of these divisions towards disunion.
It alone, in my opinion, of all political agencies
now existing, is possessed of the power to silence
this violent and disastrous agitation, and to restore
harmony by its own example of moderation and for-,
bearance. It has a claim, therefore, in my judgment.
upon every earnest friend of the integrity  of the
Union.
So estimating this party, both in its present po
tion and future destiny, I freely adopt its great lead
ing principles as  announced in the  recent  declarationv
of the National Council in Philadelphia, a copy of
which you were so kind as to enclose to me, holdink>
them to be just and liberal to every true interest oJ
the country, and wisely adapted to the establishment
and support of an enlightened, safe, and effective
American policy, in full accord with the ideas, and
the hopes of the fathers of the t he r      h  Republic.
I expect shortly to sail for America, and with the
blessing of Divine Providence, hope soon to tread
my native soil. My opportunity of comparing my
own country and the condition of the people, wi.
those of Europe, has only served to increase my admiration and love for our blessed land of liberty, and
I shall return to it without even a desire to ever crows
the Atlantic again.
I beg you, gentlemen, to accept my thanks for the
very flattering manner in which you have been
pleased to communicate the result of the action of
that enlightened and patriotic body of men who
composed the late Convention, and be assured that I
am, with profound respect and esteem, your fellowcitizen,
REPUBLICAN DOCUMAIENTS NOW READ)Y.
I   THE REPORT OF THE KANSAS IN AEST4A.
i                   ING COMMITTEE;
tLrbnmittea on Tuesday, the 1st inst., by the Hon. Mes
Howard of Mich. and Sherman of Ohio, with 2,500 pages of
evidence, the fruit of three months' faithful labor in Kann&,
Price per single copy,...        $ 0 04
Price per dozen,.....     0 40
Price per hundred,.... 2         59 
Price per thousand,......   20 O
An original and authentic Biography of the
People's Candidate for President, prepared expressly and with great care for THE  TRrBu,\.
Office, is now ready.   It is condensed into a
pamphlet of 32 large octavo pages, on good type,
with spirited illustrations.
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Price per hundred,.
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GOVERNOR SEWARD'S SPEECH on the Immeeat;
Admission of Kansas, is now ready-16 large octave o
Price per dozen,.....  $ 0 2
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HON. CHARLES  SURER'S  SPEECH in the
enate, en Kansas Affairs-82 pages.
HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX'S SPEECH a    -
Pi  Laws" of Kansas,  16 octavo pages, same  pricm n %",
above.
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Orders  nclosinig the cads  re respectfully wlicited.
GRE,ELEY  &  fcEILRATPI,
-TRirTem: Or pleF.   it,
MILLARD FILTMORP,To lvlessrs. A. H. H. STEWAITT, A,,'DIIF,'W STF.WA.IM
ERASTu,g BROOKS, L. B. BAIITIFTT, WM. J.'C' AURN 
EpiiRAim MAF.'-,-,U.
LIFE OF COLONEL FREMONT.
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