S P EE C H
OF
HON. JOHN BELL, OF TENNESSEE,
ON
NON-INTERVENTION.
DELIVERED
RN THIE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 13, 1852.
WASHINGTON:
PRINTED At TE1E CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE.
1852,








NON-INTERVENTION.
The Non-Intervention Resolutions proposed by  tnents of gentlemen who have preceded me. I am
Mr. CLARKE, being under consideration-         aware that it might, perhaps, be expected of me
Mr. BELL said:                               to take some notice of the strictures of the honorMr. PRESIDENT: I cannot but feel some embar- able Senator from Louisiana, not now present,
rassment in proceeding to address the Senate, after [Mr. SOULE,] upon the course of the Administrawhat has just transpired; and I regret exceedingly  tion in relation to the Cuban invasion, the officious
to find myself in a position which seems to require intermeddling of the British Government in that
that I should speak on this subject at all, when so  affair, and the circumstances under which the
many measures of urgent interest and importance  Spanish consul returned to New Orleans. Sir,
seem to demand the prompt attention of the Senate. while I doubt not that the policy and proceedings
Nevertheless, this day having been assigned for of the Administration in relation to those transacthe consideration of the resolutions just announced  tions are susceptible of a very satisfactory explafrom the Chair, with the indulgence of the Senate nation, yet I shall leave to others-who may be
I beg leave to proceed.                        more familiar with all the circumstances of those
Some question was made with regard to my  transactions than I am, and to whom  it may be
views upon the resolutions offered by the honor- both more convenient and agreeable-the task of
able Senator from Rhode Island, [Mr. CLARK.] I elucidating, and of deducing from them the just
am not so vain, sir, as to suppose it of any public vindication of the Executive.
importance that I should state what those views   I desire, further, to have it understood that I do
are; but still I choose to avail myself of the court- not attach very much importance to the question
esy usually extended to Senators on such occa- so earnestly debated-after all that has transpired
sions; and, moreover, to exercise the common  in relation to this subject —whether theresolutions
privilege of Senators to express their views freely  offered by the honorable Senator from  Rhode
on any question, which they may deem of suffi- Island shall be adopted, if adopted at all, without
cient importance, and which may appear to be per- amendment, or whether we may not incorporate
tinent to the duties and powers of Congress.  with them some expression of the opinions enterI am aware, sir, that this subject has lost much  tained by the country of the intervention of Russia
of its freshness-still more of its attraction-by  in the affairs of Hungary. WVlhile it gives me
the discussion it has already received, and more pleasure to acknowledge that no member of this
particularly by the abatement of the excitement body is more distinguished for his good sense, for
which existed in the country, previously to the his sound,practical, and statesmanlike views upon
introduction of the resolutions by the honorable any question he chooses to investigate than the
Senator from Rhode Island. Still, I an of opinion  Senator from Rhode Island; and while I admit
that the subject has lost none of its intrinsic im- that his resolutions embrace every sentiment which
portance by the lapse of time, or by the consider- I think important for this country to declare in
ation it has already received; nor, in my judgment, connection with the I-ungarian question; neverhas it yet been discussed in all its more interesting theless, I mean to say, that I do not lay the same
connections and bearings; and it is for the pur- stress that others have done upon the question
pose, chiefly, of expressing my views upon sev- whether the resolutions shall pass in the shape in
eral aspects of the general question, which other which they now stand, or whether they shall be
gentlemen do not appear to have thought of suf- so amended as to declare, in fitting and proper
ficient interest to present, that I have risen to-day. terms, the sentiment of the country upon the pracI wish it to be understood in the outset, that I tical question of intervention in the case presented
do not propose to occupy the time allotted to ne, between Russia and Hungary. In my view ofthe
on this occasion, by noticing particularly the argu-:1 subject, if Congress, entertaining the opinion that




4
any important principle of international law has  quire such intervention. It is enough to say that,
been violated by the intervention of Russia in the  whatever may be the rule of international law, the
affairs of Hungary, should deem it expedient to  practice of nations, as shown by all history, isexpress the concern with which the people of this  and, sir, it ever will be-that, whenever any great
country had witnessed that intervention, and even  power considers that either its own safety, interto protest and remonstrate against any future and  est, or the success of its ambitious schemes sugsimilar violation of the law of nations, in tem- gests the policy of intervention in the affairs of
perate yet firm language, 1 do not consider that other nations, it will not hesitate to interfere.. It
such a proceeding would disturb the amiable  may be said with truth of the law of nations, as
relations existing between the two countries. I  it has been said of municipal law, in certain conhold that such a proceeding on the part of the  ditions of society and government, that it is too
United States would be no just cause of offense to  often found to be a dead letter, when great crimiany foreign power, nor any violation of national nals are to be brought to justice. It is a principle
courtesy. Indeed, sir, there may be some danger  of international law that no nation has a right to
that, in our caution to avoid one extreme, we may  wage war against another nation without just
fall into the opposite one; for, while I agree that cause; and yet, more than nine tenths of the wars
neither sound policy, nor a just regard for our own  which have afflicted the world even in modern
character and dignity, nor a due respect for any  times, have had no other foundation, or pretext,
foreign nation with whom we desire to cultivate  than the lust of conquest, the love of glory, or of
relations of amity and commerce, do not war-  spoil.
rant or justify the employment of the language    It will be perceived, sir, from the tenor of these
of invective, of menace, or bravado, in pro- introductory remarks, that I have not risen to
testing or remonstrating against any actual or  continue the discussion upon the subject of the
supposed aggression on their part, upon the rights  policy of intervention or non-intervention by the
of any other nation or people; yet there is a wide  United States in the affairs or quarrels of Europe.
difference between such forbearance in language —  It is not a question of intervention or non-interbetween a firm and yet temperate expression of vention, then, theoretical or practical; it is not
our opinions and sentiments, and the tameness and  the cause of bleeding Hungary, nor of her highlysubmissive acquiescence, which might be implied  gifted, though over-zealous and presumptuous
from absolute silence, when we conceive that there  chief, who no sooner set his foot upon our shores
has been a violation of any great conservative  than he commenced to teach us the true interpreprinciple of that system of international law, the  tation of international law, and to give us lessons
boast of modern civilization,which has,by common  upon the moral duties of our position in the great
consent, been adopted to secure the equal and inde- family of nations; nor is it the cause of liberty in
pendent rights of the weaker and smaller States, Europe, or of human rights in general; nor is it
as well as of the stronger and more powerful, the question as to what is to be the fate of Europe,
among the family of nations.                   or the consequences of recent changes, or the
I have thrown out these suggestions rather to  present condition of affairs on that continent upon
maintain the right of any one nation to take ex-  its future destiny-however interesting such quesception, by protest or remonstrance, to the acts  tions or inquiries may be-that I avail myself of
or conduct of any other power, conceived to be  the privilege of addressing the Senate.
an infraction of the lawv of nations, without being    My purpose is to call the attention of the Sennecessarily committed to any other or forcible in-  ate, and of the country, so far as I may be able
tervention to compel its observance, than with  by my humble voice, to another question-to
any view to the exercise of the right on the pres-  another and far different inquiry, suggested by the
ent occasion.  For myself, I am  quite content resolutions under consideration, and fairly emwith the resolutions as they were presented by  braced within their scope. That inquiry is, how
the Senator from Rhode Island.  If it were im-  are we to be affected-how is this continent to be
portant, or proper, or expedient, to add to the  affected-how is the New World to be affected by
resoIutions, by declaring our sympathy with the  the recent changes and present condition of affairs
fortunes of Hungary, or to protest against any  in the Old World. How are American ideas and
future intervention by Russia in the affairs of that interests of government to be affected by European
gallant people, I am not prepared to say that either ideas and institutions. This I consider the great
the amendment offered by the Senator from Michi-  American question of the times; and one which
gan, [EMr. CASS,] or by the Senator from New  may well occupy the thoughts and attention of the
York, [Mr. SEWARD,1 is in a form which could  Senate and of the country. I could only desire
receive my assent. The language of the amend- that the inquiry had an abler expositor than I may
ment offered by the Senator from New York I  hope to be. And I would that I had an opportuconsider decidedly objectionable.              nity of going into the subject under circumstances
But I do not propose to examine the question  less embarrassing and more propitious and favorwhether there has been any violation of any great able to sahearing. I regret-I deplore-that I have
conservative principle of the law of nations by  neither the ability nor the favorable occasion for
Russia-whether the interference of that power,  doing justice to a subject which appears to me to
upon the invitation of Austria, with the affairs of be one of the hifghest importance to the futureconHungary-a dependent kingdom of the Austrian  dition and fortunes of this country.
empire-was such a violation; nor do I propose    I have said that the great American question of
to go into the discussion of what may be the true  the day is, how is this country to be affected by
interpretation of the law of nations, as to the ques-  the present condition of Europe.
tion, how far one nation may be justified or al-    What, then, is the present position and attilowed to interfere in the internal affairs of another, tude of Europe in relation to the great principles
when its own safety or interest may seem to re-' and questions connected with the organic forms of




government?  Sir, I propose briefly to sketch the  Austria, was proceeding as fast as he durst to
recent changes and, what I consider to be, the pres-  remodel the constitution of his Government upon
ent condition of Europe in these important aspects.  a basis which excluded every vestige of republiYou may remember, sir, that general tranquil-  canism.
lity and confidence in the established order of    What, then, sir, is now the recognized and wellthings had reigned in Europe for a considerable  understood position of the nations of Europe-the
period, when the sudden and unexpected over- I cradle, and still the great nursery of modern civilthrow of Louis Phillippe, followed in rapid suc-  ization —in regard to popular rights and free govcession by popular and insurrectionary movements  ernment? Let facts speak the answer. If what
in Italy and the German States, in Austria and, we hear be true of Prussia, then the four great
Hungary, roused the world from its supineness. iPowers of the Continent are modeling their GovThe simultaneous movement of the liberals in so  ernments upon the basis of absolutism-upon the
many States, and their partial successes, inspired  theory that popular sovereignty, or popular conthe lovers of freedom  everywhere with hopes of trol, to any extent in the affairs of government,
the most beneficent results, andled to the greatest  directly or by representative assemblies, is inexcitement; but the public mind, with the reced- compatible with peace and order, and utterly subing tide of republican successes, regained its com-  versive of the securities and blessings of civil soposure withoutits confidence. The unsettled con-  ciety. Sir, a new order of things has arisen which
dition of affairs, and the power of contending  decrees the abolition of the very symbols of libfactions in one great country still held the public  erty. Every monument of the transient existence
mind in suspense, and all awaited the solution of of former Republics-every inscription, every meFrench politics; perceiving, that upon that would  mento of former freedom, is to be razed to its
depend, in no small degree, the future quiet of the I foundations-effaced and obliterated, so that no
Continent. That solution came like a clap of trace shall remain-no tradition be allowed to go
thunder to unexpecting ears, in the coup d'etat of down to posterity of the time when republican
the 2d of December. The excitement was now  forms had found a foothold in Europe.
intense, and expectation was on tiptoe, until the    Thus, sir, the great and imposing fact stares us
question could be solved, which had no clue in  in the face that the continent of Europe has rethe knowledge or conjectures of this country-  verted to the old ideas of monarchy and absolutwhether the French people appealed to, as they  ism! and liberty lies prostrate, discarded and diswere, with every external show of freedom of honored.
choice, would condemn or approve the daring    And what, I repeat, is still more surprising, the
usurpation of Louis Napoleon. While in this  opinion prevails, founded upon the most reliable
suspense, lo! tidings came that upwards of seven  sources of information-the entire mercantile class,
of the eight millions of adult male population of the stock market, the great capitalists upon the
France had approved and sanctioned the decree  LondonExchangeandtheParisBourse, themoney
which abolished the Republic; and confided to the  kings, who have their Argus eyes fixed upon every
arbitrary will of one man the power of recon-  part of the Continent; and their secret agents in
structing their Government. Thirty-six millions  every cabinet-not only that republicanism  is
of freemen thus voluntarily surrendered their  down, but that there will be no further commoliberty, and gave their powerful sanction to the  tion, no war; and that this state of things is percreed that popular sovereignty was not a safe ele-  manent in Europe!
ment in the organic form of a government!        Can this be true, Mr. President?  Can it be
If the event of the 2d December was startling,  true that the spirit of liberty is extinct in Europe;
these last tidings were absolutely astounding; and  or, if existing at all, so feeble, so exhausted, so
men's minds were set to work to account for the  dead, as to give no signs of future awakening; no
strange and unexpected result-scarcely yet doubt-  promise of an early resurrection; and this, too,
ing that the next arrival of a steamer from abroad  in the middle of the nineteenth century-and among
would bring accounts of a spontaneous and suc-  the most civilized people of the earth! this, too,
cessful uprising of the partisans of freedom  in  in the full and meridian blaze of science, moral
France which had hurled the daring usurper from   and physical-in an age, which has been emphaticpower. But, astonishing as were the events I  ally and universally proclaimed and recognized
have just recounted, the fact-the most amazing  as the age of progress, to distinguish it from all
to me at the time of all that have transpired since  antecedent ages and generations of the world!
the expulsion of Louis Phillippe from his throne  Why, sir, at such a time as this-in such an age
— remains yet to be stated. Contemporaneously  as this-among a people so civilized, to affirm that
with the first report of the event of the 2d of De- a new order and condition of things has arisen
cember which reached this country,came vague-  which rejects and repudiates the idea of popular
and at the time little credited-assurances that the  rights or sovereignty as incompatible with the ends
movement of Louis Napoleon would not only be  of society; and that this state of things is permasuccessful, but that the peace of France, and of nent! to affirm that republicanism is effete-fast
Europe, would be rather consolidated than dis- becoming an obsolete idea-that its merits have
turbed by its success! And now, after four months  been weighed in the balance and found wanting;
-after more than a hundred days have passed, that the handwriting has appeared upon the wall,
fresh assurances reach us from so many reliable  announcing confiscation and banishment to the parsources to the same effect, that it would seem a  tisansof freedom. Why, sir, I wonder that some
species of madness any longer to resist absolute  gentlemen do not start from their seats in this
conviction on that point-assurances the more  Chamber, upon the announcement of so stupenincredible from the first, when we consider that dous a fact upon any creditable authority-and yet
they were accompanied by advices that the King  the authority is the highest known in the range of
of Prussia, following the lead of France and  human testimony!




And this is the advancing spirit of the age!  authority, states that the armies on the Continent
This, the denouement-the final result of sixty  number four millions of bayonets. And they are
years of revolution, of agony, and of blood! in  arrayed on the side of despotism.  It is true,
the cause of liberty in Europe.                   that some of the more ardent friends of libBut can it be true, that the cause of republican-  erty contend that the conclusion does not follow
ism is lost-is irretrievable in Europe   I have  from this fact, that the contest for freedom-is at an
given you the testimony of the stock exchange  end. They allege that it has only yielded, f6r a
and the mercantile classes.  I will now give you,  time, to the overwhelming physical force brought
if possible, a still more reliable authority-the of-  to bear against it. But, on the other hand, it
ficial and public declaration of the late Ministry of  is strongly maintained that one of the results of
Great Britain, reaffirmed by the present.  I- refer  the progress of the age is, that the bayonets of
to the declarations to be found in the late debate in  Europe have been taught to think; that they have
the British Parliament, which arose upon the dis-  come to regard themselves as a part of the people
mission of Lord Palmerston from  the Ministry.  from  among whom  they are recruited, and that
The whole debate is pregnant and significant of I they will no longer be, as in former times, the
European ideas and prospects upon the question  blind instruments of their employers in making
of free institutions.  But I will not detain the  war upon popular rights.  The idea, too, has
Senate by referring to any part of it, except the  been often proclaimed in tones of exulting conficoncluding sentence of Lord John Russell's speech  dence, that public opinion has become stronger
-the public avowal of the facts and sentiments of I than the bayonet.  All this may be true, and is
which,by a Prime Minister of Great Britain, must I certainly very beautiful in theory; but from  the
be regarded, and will ever be regarded, as one of  complexion of recent transactions in Europe, it
the most remarkable circumstances of the present 1 would unfortunately seem, that not only the thinkcentury.  I read from the London Times:           ing bayonets, but that public opinion also, has re"' T have the happiness to say that the relations of peace  jected popular intervention as an unsafe basis of
exist between this country and foreign nations in the high-  government.
est degree. I trust they may continue to do so; and while    Buta few years ago, it must be admitted that
I deplore event which have passed on the continent of
Europe-events which I fear were but the too certain col-  the current of republican ideas and aspirations was
sequences of the Revolution of 1848-I do trust that by  tending rapidly to undermine all the monarchical
peace and civilization, by the intelligence which is daily  institutions of Europe. Now, all is reversed.
p'ouring in on us, by the inventions made to improve the  Men's minds, perplexed and confounded by recent
condition of mankind, liberty shall be at length introduced
and established, and that, with religion, it shall govern the  events, naturally go in search of some fact or thehearts of men, and produce happier days to mankind."  ory which may account for the change.  Some
Thus'has the knell of liberty in Europe been  take the view, that there is no great principle or
tolled; its obsequies publicly celebrated, and its  maxim, in morals or government, so fixed and
fall wept! with what sincerity I do not pretend to  established as to be free from the influence of fashsay.                                              ion, the love of novelty, or beyond the reach of
England-aye, sir, England! the proclaimed  those changes in sentiment and opinion, which
champion of freedom in Europe!-England, that  are observed to occur at intervals and periods of
sympathizes with the diffusion of constitutional  greater or less duration, according  to circumgovernments on the Continent!-England, that  stances, among mankind, even upon subjects the
has been so often depicted as the flaming sword  most interesting to their own happiness and welwhich guards the eastern gate of the Eden of lib- I fare.  Some bold speculators have gone so far as
erty!-England, acquiesces in the new order of  to affirm that all religious forms and creeds wear
things! What a commentary upon the announce-  out by time, and pass away; that weariness and
ments so frequent of late, of English sympathy  lassitude are inheritable qualities-that they dewith America and with freedom  throughout the  scend from generation to generation, and that, in
world!                                            the lapse of ages, the human mind seeks, by a
The English Prime Minister, then, trusts that,  natural impulse, to throw off old ideas and senti*
by the increase of knowledge, by civilization, and  ments upon all subjects of mere faith and specthe inventions of the age, liberty may at length be  ulation.
introduced-may appear upon the Continent, and    The theory is more plausible when applied to
bring happier days to mankind!                   governments than to religion. The passion for
Let us pause here and speculate a moment upon  civil liberty is common to all, except the governthis great fact, which marks the progress of civil-  ing classes, in any stage of civilization. The pasization in the nineteenth century. Let us pause  sion for personal freedom  may be said to be uniand consider the conclusion and the causes which  versal. Yet how  often has it happened, in the
have led to it, of the strange, eventful story, of  history of the world, that these passions have
a contest, which may be said to date further  yielded to other and still stronger and more conback than the first revolution in France-going  trolling influences?  There have been periods in
back even to the middle of the fifteenth century,  the history of Europe, especially in the ages
when the human mind awakened after a slum-  which immediately succeeded the overthrow of the
ber of ages, to some conception of the civil as well  Roman power and civilization, and even in later
of the religious rights of mankind.  It is said that  times, when personal freedom  afforded no secuthe last scene of the fifth and last act of the great i rity to life or property.  It was in such distracted
drama of freedom in Europe is brought to a close.  times that whole villages, and the rural population
But I ask again, can it be true that the contest is  of whole districts and provinces voluntarily beover?  I call to mind another fact in addition to  came the serfs and bondsmen to some powerful
all I have before stated in confirmation of the con-  suzerain, or chief, who had the power to protect
clusion that all is over. A late number of the  them from the general license and plunderings of
United Service Journal, a periodical of approved fl the times. And so, sir, I can readily understand




7
that a state, or condition of things, may arise in  to accomplish the great ends of civil society, the
any country when, by the madness, the turbu-  repression of internal disorders, and the security
lence and violence of factions, the restraint and  of life and property. Whence this great change
sanctions of law and government may become so  in the sentiment and opinions of the populations
relaxed that a whole people, however attached to  of Europe, after so long a period of conflict and
the cause of free institutions, may seek repose and  suffering? There can be but one answer to this
protection in the embraces of despotic power. So  question-but one solution to this problem. It is,
it has been, in times past, in many memorable in- it must be, the ultraisms-the wild and visionary
stances, and so it is likely to be in the future.  schemes and theories of society and government,
The passion for civil liberty, strong and univer- of liberty, of universal equality, which have been
sal as it is, has been known again and again to  avowed and taught by the great popular leadyield to one that appears to be even stronger than  ers of the revolutionary and  republican movethat-the love of national glory. There is still ments on the continent of Europe, and the sananother sentiment, common to the mass of man- guinary excesses of many of their followers.
kind, that has had a powerful influence in human  These are the men, and these the doctrines, which
affairs, and one which, aside from religion, many  have brought obloquy upon the very name of
regard as the strongest in the human heart-I  republicanism  throughout Europe. They have
mean the sentiment or spirit of loyalty to a chief, enveloped a noble cause in a cloud of prejudice.
or the heirs of his name and renown. The servile  They have frightened the timid by the exhibition,
worship of eminent men-of men who, by some  not of the horrid specter of anarchy, but the livsparkling or dazzling qualities, or achievements in ing demon! They have disgusted and alarmed the
military or civil affairs, have fixed the popular stout-hearted and more reflective advocates of free
admiration-is kindred to it. If we would calcu- government; put arms into the hands of the enelate the strength of this sentiment of loyalty we  mies of freedom more formidable than bayonets,
have only to consider the errors, the blunders, and  and sent despair into the hearts of all who were
sometimes even the crimes, which it often overlooks  ablest to maintain its cause.
in a favorite. We, sir, can bear witness to the    Let it not be said that the wild and fanciful
intensity and force with which this passion, or the  theories of a few revolutionary leaders, and the
kindred one, has operated in our own times and  excesses of some of the more reckless of their folin our own country in those party conflicts which  lowers, cannot and ought not to be supposed to
have become so fierce and formidable. Presuming  have had so great an influence upon the great body
upon the strength of this sentiment, a dictatorship  of sincere and republican patriots, in any country,
is sometimes assumed in the direction of affairs,  as to seduce them from their principles, and to
only less offensive and galling to the feelings of abandon a cause to which they had been so long
manly and independent freemen, than the actual attached! No. I agree that the dreams of the
usurpation of all the powers of government. I  delirious disciples of any creed, or the excesses of
need not say-what every one at all read in his-  the desperateandabandoned, who are alwaysready
tory must know-that the publicliberty has often  to avail themselves of any popular commotion to
been a victim to -this passion.                gratify theirappetitesforplunderorrevenge,neither
But neither the love of novelty, nor the influence  ought nor can be supposed to have had any great
of fashion, nor the passion for national glory, nor  influence on the considerate and steady champions
the sentiment of loyalty, nor the servile worship  of a great reform; but, unfortunately, those wild
of eminent men, nor any law of change, nor all and destructive theories of social and political retogether, are sufficient to account for the revolu-  forms which have struck terror into the hearts of
tion that must have taken place in the opinions of the liberals of Europe have not been confined to a
people of Europewithin the last few years, if what few or to a small class of zealots. German phiwehave heard betrue-that the arbitrary authority  losophy, for a series of years, has combined with
assumed by the Continental Powers is founded in  the popular literature of the day to ingraft upon
public opinion. The revulsion in public senti-  the minds of their excitable and imaginative readment-the reactionary feeling, must, indeed, have  ers, all over the Continent, the same mischievous
been strong and overwhelming, as in so short a  theories. New, strange, and bewildering theories
time, not only to have reversed the rapid and fitful I of the destiny of man and of human society, and
current of republican ideas, but the more steady, of the perfection of which both are, by nature,
deep, and broad one which has been setting in so  susceptible, have quite unsettled the faith and conlong in favor of constitutional monarchies.    fidence of tens of thousands in all existing instiThere is-there must be still, some great fact tutions, both social and political. The followers
behind. There must be some solution of this enig-  of the new philosophy, everywhere, seeing that
ma- some latent or patent cause for a change so  their theories of universal happiness and equality
adverse to the hopes and anticipations which  are not likely to be realized in any of the known
cheered the last moments of so many illustrious  or existing forms of society or government, bemartyrs to the cause of freedom, within the last  come the advocates for the abolition of both. Dethree-score years.                             nying all imperfection in the nature of man, and
One great preliminary fact I assume as certain I seeing that the Christian religion stands in the
and unquestionable: It is, that what we, in this  way of their reforms, they are compelled to abancountry, call the bone and sinews of society-the  don their own cherished theories, or to renounce
great and respectable class of industrious and  that also. And hence we observe that the policy
thrifty agriculturists, artisans, tradesmen, shop-  of reconstructing imperial and arbitrary governmen, and the mercantile classes generally, have  ments on the continent of Europe embraces the
come to the conclusion that popular forms of altar as well as the throne.
government cannot be maintained on the conti-   The great curse of Europe of the present day
nent of Europe, in sufficient force and authority, l is,.that the theories and doctrines of the chana.




8
iohs and advocates of liberty and republicanism   natural rights of mankind, alien to liberty, nphave, all along, proceeded upon the same error,  holding social forms and ideas, which admit of no
which rendered all the philosophy of the schools  equality of position or of happiness; that there'is
of antiquity abortive, and, for the most part, ut-  no true fraternity —no freedom such as the spirit
terly useless to mankind. They all proceed upon  of the age and the progress of civilization demand.
abstractions. All their theories of society and    Whence this type of Democracy in this coungovernment-all their ideas of liberty and equal-  try? There can be no mistake as to its paternity.
ity, and the forms they would institute to secure  It is European born. It is the same spirit and
them, are founded upon some preconceived no- type of Democracy which have undone the cause
tion of what they conceive ought to be right and  of liberty in Europe; and its mission in this counproper, without the slightest reference to any  try can never be accomplished butby the ruin oflibpractical test-to anything that has been proved  erty in America. Does not every he know that the
to be sound and practicable in the past history  most popular and leading champions of the cause
of the world. Sir, to get right, and to be able  of Republicanism and Democracy in Europe reto construct true and practical systems of gov- gard with positive contempt, nay, that they turn
ernment, they must first reconstruct their system  away with disgust, at the very mention of Ameriof philosophizing; they must reconstruct their  can Republicanism?  They scorn to receive our
own theories, and adapt them to human nature as  American, home-bred ideas of liberty. Why, say
they have seen it developed in the past-as they  they, You have no philosophy; you have no true
see it displayed at present. They must adapt and lofty conceptions of the destiny of man, and
them to the races of men, as they perceive them   of human society; you are far in the rear of Euto exist, in all their varieties and differences of ropean enlightenment upbn all these subjects!
capacities and propensities, without troubling  Such are the arrogant pretensions of the European
themselves about the question of original unity or  champions of liberty. Some of the more reckless
equality. They must found their theories upon  among them have the hardihood to declare that
experience, and not upon fancy. They must come  our whole system is false; and that if it cannot
to understand that the competency of man for  be reformed they are prepared to destroy it; that
self-government is not a simple or universal truth; it is a model which misleads the friends of freebut that it is a complex and conditional proposi- dom abroad; and that it had better be pulled down
tion-that it may be true of one and the same  than upheld in error!
people at one stage of their progress, and not at   I should like, if I had time, to say a word about
another; and as to races, they must come to learn  this age of progress. That it is an age of inthat every race has a civilization peculiar to itself, creased population, wealth, and power in this
and physical and mental faculties of various grades  country, and of an increased knowledge and sciof capacity for improvement and development, as  ence everywhere, no one doubts. That is all for
all history testifies. In short, they must adopt good. But 1 should like to know in what conthe method of reasoning and theorizing pointed  sists that progress of the age which is announced
out by the great founder of modern progress-  as the basis of reforms in regard to political instiBacon. When they shall have done this, they  tutions. The highest moral institution on earth,
will have taken the first step towards a true pro-  except religion, is that of government. What is
gress in the science of government. Discarding  the progress of the age in the science of governall unmeaning cant and catch terms about liberty  ment? It is an experimental science. New reveand equality, they must come to know that there  lations of facts lay the ground-work for reforms
is a liberty-that there is an equality which is  and improvements in government. What is that
a.greeable to nature-a liberty and an equality rest- progress in America? We have seen what moding on a basis that will stand; and that all else is  ern progress has done in Europe in this departspurious, delusive, and mischievous.           ment of science. But I ask, what progress has
I trust, sir, I may now be allowed, without there been in America?  Have any new and bettaking my final leave of Europe, to pay a short ter forms of government been discovered.?-any
visit to America. Americamerica-always open and  new principles brought out by experience better
exposed to every disease or contagion, moral and  calculated to advance and secure the happiness of
physical, that originates in a foreign atmosphere.  mankind, than the institutions as they were deWe see it proclaimed through the columns of a  vised and digested by the architects of our revoluthousand presses in this country, that the spirit tionary period?  What new theories have been
of Democracy is necessarily progressive. I ask  developed in the lapse of the last half century
pardon; for I intended to divest myself, as far as  which show an advance in the science of govpossible, of every partisan view and feeling in de- ernment? Has our legislation become wiser and
livering lly sentiments on this great subject; but purer-founded in more patriotic ideas, and better
I am unable to proceed in my argument, without calculated to advance the interests and happiness
the use of terms and allusions which may seem to  of the people? Are our public functionaries, exhave a partisan cast. We are told that reform in  ecutive, legislative, or judicial, of a higher order
this free country is a laggard; that it lingers far  of intellect, of enlightenment, of patriotism, and
in the rear of the advancing spirit of the age. of fidelity to their great trusts? Is there less of
Sir,'it is said through the same channels, and pro- corruption, waste, profligacy, and favoritism  in
claimed to the people of this country, that too  the public administration? And, to notice some
much of the old anti-democratic leaven still lurks  of the ordinary tests, has crime diminished? Are
and ferments in our constitutional forms and in  frauds less prevalent in trade?  Are life and
our legislation. By a more circumscribed party, property more secure?  Is the administration of
but still widely diffused over the country, and of justice more pure, able, and impartial? Is the
no insignificant influence, our institutions are de- spirit of personal ambition less pestilent?  Is
nounced as being oppressive and unjust to the  the spirit of faction less turbulent and mischiev



9
ous? And in regard to the great distinguishing  over British valor and British domination. The
characteristic of a people competent to self-govern-  dire and lasting hate engendered by family feuds is
ment, and to uphold a Republic-loyalty to the I proverbial; and the lasting enmity of England is
law-is that more prevalent and abounding? But I  decreed by an inexorable law.
cannot dwell longer upon this subject. I fear,    But may not kindred institutions be a guarantee
sir, that this idea of progress is to be our ruin.  of her alliance and protection? No, sir. The
Ninety-nine hundredths of those who talk of it, throne, the altar, the aristocracy, the whole
(not in this Chamber, of course,) and of those  governing race, including the wealthy middle
who proclaim it to the country, do not discrimi-  classes of England, have as great a horror of renate between change and progress. We are all publicanism, and of the leveling theories of the
progressive.  There is a progress in time —a  fierce democracy of the Continent as the Czar of
change in everything.  We are not what we  Russia himself. Nothing can be more unmeanwere. We cannot remain what we are.  We  ing, hollow, and deceitful, than what we hear so
must go forward. But a true progress in public  often announced, through some of our own jourmorals and in society, which may justify material nals, of the desire of Great Britain to draw more
changes in American institutions, 1 wait the proofs  closely the bonds of amity between the two counof.                                            tries. Neither the cause of liberty, nor anyinterMr. President, I have occupied more time in  est in the diffusion of constitutional monarchies,
these general views than I intended. I must re-  has been the basis of British policy in this age, or
vert now to the main subject of inquiry; that is, in any other, in her relations with the Continent,
How are we to be affected by the changes in the  or with America. These were not the causes of
condition of Europe?' If what I have said and  her involvment in the last general war of Europe.
what I have attempted to prove be true-if the  They were purely and simply the protection of
present state of things in Europe is permanent-  her own interests and her own safety.
then let me say to you, what, in my judgment,   Will her trade-will her rich commercial conwill be the result. In that state of things, and  nections with the United States-bind her to our
under recent circumstances in this country, will cause against the Powers of the Continent?  I
be found the germ of a lasting hostility on the  still answer, unhesitatingly, No! If there is
part of the Powers of that Continent against one great fact in the future history of the world
the Republic of the United States; and, sir, we  that can be foretold with greater certainty than
shall see that the next great war which is to fill any other, it is the great conflict, not now, but
the world with its desolations will be a war be- soon to be, between Great Britain and the
tween the Old Continent and the New-between I United States for the empire of the seas, and
the Old World and the New World-between the  the command of the trade of the world. Instead
ideas, the principles, and the interests, and the  of becoming our ally in a war with the despotic
passions of European or Eastern civilization, and  Powers of the Continent, Great Britain would have
the ideas, the principles, the interests, and the pas- cause to exult; and let me say that she has at this
sions belonging to the new and more vigorous civil- moment cause to exult, and her far-seeing statesization of the continent of America. This is the  men doubtless do exult, in the dawning of a state
natural order of progress in the civilization of the  of things which may place all the Powers of the
world. The jealousy of all Europe has been ef- Continent, even Russia, heretofore in her policy
fectually roused and excited by the late and vast friendly to the United States, in an attitude of lastaccession to our territory; foreshadowing in its ing hostility and resentment to this Republic.
results the profits and resources of the trade of the  Great Britain may see, in recent events on the
gorgeous East. As long as this Republic shall Continent and in this country, causes equally new
continue united and prosperous, it must continue  and unexpected, which may prolong her power
to be a standing rebuke to despotic power. It and her ocean dominion to a date in the future
will haunt the dreams of the enthroned masters of far beyond all former hope or calculation. She
Europe like the ghosts of murdered princes, and  would rejoice to see our commerce cut up, and our
they can never be at heart's ease until they shall youthful energies paralyzed and crushed under
have made one great and united effort to crush  the weight of a European combination. She may
this disturber of their repose. Principles of Gov- stand off, to be sure; but if the Powers on the Conernment so diverse-adverse interests, so deep and  tinent will only pursue a pacific policy towards
imperishable, cannot exist on continents between  her-if they will keep their ports and commercial
which the barrier of an ocean is removed by mod- marts open, on liberal terms, to her trade and manern inventions, without bringing jealousies, rival- ufactures, they will have her free consent to model
ries, hatreds, and collisions, which, sooner or later, their governments upon principles of the purest
must result in war-fierce, protracted war-which  absolutism; they may extinguish every spark of
can only be terminated but by the mutual ex- liberty among their own subjects, and crumble into
haustion of the parties, or the final triumph of one  dust every republic on the globe. True, England
over the other.                                may clamor for some concession to popular rights;
A voice whispers me, Where will England be  she may write strong diplomatic notes; she will
in a contest between the despotic Powers of the  bluster in a thousand ways to delude and conciliContinent and this Republic?  What guarantee  ate the liberals at home; but it will be all mere
have we that she would be disposed to interpose  vapor; and the whole farce will be played off with
her broad shield between America and her assail-  a perfectly good understanding between her and
ants? Will kindred race and language be a guar-  her neighbors.
antee of the friendship of England? Never, sir; as    As I stated upon a former occasion, Great
long as the story of the Revolution shall be handed  Britain, for the present, avails herself, as fully as
down; never, while the brightest pages of our his-  she may, of all the advantages she can derive
tory shall still be those which record our triumphs  from the weak points of her cousins in America.




10
She has discoveredthat a little well-timed flattery  immediate or remote, of the present condition of
goes a great way with them. She is now carry-  the States of Europe, or of any change or events
ing on a courtship with them most satisfactory to  likely to occur in any of the more powerful among
herself. By a profession of the principle, and a  them.  How utterly delusive, not to say worthpractice of the semblance of free trade, together  less, all such speculations, even the most ingewith some relaxation of her navigation laws, she  nious and profound, especiallyin relation to France,
has quite overcome the jealous prudery of Amer-  may prove to be, we have only to reflect that, at
ica. In the mean time, compliments to the inge-  this moment, and while I am speaking on this
nuity and invention of Brother Jonathan in the  subject, by the passing of a single breath of airmanufacture of agricultural implements, and with  the going out of a single spark of life-the snapill-concealed chagrin, to his skill in the construc-  ping of a single chord-the newly-invented mation of sailing vessels, are showered in profusion.  chinery by which a great people are moved and
I hope I appreciate as I ought the liberal and  governed, may be exploded; and the fires ofa convaluable features of British institutions; and  flagration kindled which may envelop allEurope!
above all do I appreciate the well-earned renown  Wonderful and mysterious Providence! that the
of Englishmen in every department of human  destiny of a great nation-it may be ofa wholeconeffort-in the arts and sciences, and especially  tinent-should be so intimately entwined with the
those which contribute most to advance the happi-  fate-the life of one man; and he of no antecedent
ness of mankind exceeding all Grecian, all Roman  position, significance, or renown!  Nothing can
fame. I must ever honor the land, as I ought,  be more strikingly characteristic of the age in
which has given to the world a Shakspeare, a  which we live than this single fact.  It may well
Bacon, a Milton, a Hampden, a Newton, a Watt,  be regarded as ominous; and teach us that rationan Arkwright, with a hundred other names illus-  ally, nothing in society or government can be retrious for their genius and inventions; but, with  garded as so fixed and well established, as to defy
all this, I regard the embrace of Great Britain as  convulsion and overthrow. The complication of
death to American development. Her approaches  causes has recently become so curious and intriare like the serpent's, with honeyed and fair  cate as to make all reasoning from them to effects
speeches on her tongue, but with venom and de-  abortive; because we can neither perceive nor comstruction in her heart. My blood boils within me  prehend the infinite variety.of minute yet operawhen I perceive the signs of her successful en- tive fibres and elements, of which the moraltissue
chantment; every little guileful compliment to  is compounded. The faculties of the greatest inAmerican skill and enterprise carefully and osten-  tellects stand rebuked, mortified, and confounded
tatiously heralded in the columns of the ablest  by rapid, successive, and unexpected developpublic journals of the country, as though we  ments. Yet speculations and conjectures as to the
could not feel assured, that we are entitled to  future, however extravagant or visionary they
respect, until it is yielded by Englishmen-as  may be, will still occupy the thoughts and imaginthough the policy of England, artfully, yet sys-  ations of men.
tematically pursued, now as always, was not to    The more sanguine believers in the increased
undermine, and finally to pull down, the main  knowledge and civilization of the age, as a sure
pillar in the fabric of our power-the Union. No,  guarantee of the advancing spirit of liberty, basing
sir, if it shall ever be our misfortune to be en- their calculations on the fact that the late changes in
gaged in a struggle with the great Powers of con-  Europe are palpably retrogressive, affirm that the
tinental Europe, we can have no reliance upon the  spirit of liberty on the continent of Europe is
friendship and support of Great Britain. In such  not extinguished; that it is only entangled for a
a conflict, we must stand or fall, submit or con-  time in the toils of the hunters, and that it will
quer, contending single-handed-relying  alone  speedily break the vain fetters, and rouse itself to
upon American valor and American resources.    greater energies than it has ever yet displayed in
I have now, Mr. President, closed what I pro-  combating its enemies. It is this class of specuposed to say upon one branch of the important lators on the signs of the times who affirm that,
subject I have undertaken to discuss. I am aware  at this moment, Europe is on the verge of the
that I have pursued a train of thought and argu- great war of opinion so often foretold-a conflict
ment which may not interest Senators greatly; between antagonistic principles of governmentbut other and different aspects of the subject, re- the one supporting free, and the other, despotic
main to be noticed, and which I think of sufficient forms.
importance to claim the further indulgence of the    There is another class who go still further in
Senate.                                       their conjectures, and suggest that Europe is probNotwithstanding the apparently overwhelming  ably upon the verge of a still more terrible and
weight of authority upon which the opinion is  formidable war-a war between classes-a more
founded, that the tranquillity of Europe will not sanguinary, destructive, and wide-wasting var
be disturbed-at least for a long period-such is  than the world has ever seen-a war between the
the singular complexity of affairs on that Conti-  poverty-stricken masses on the one hand, and the
nent-so many facts and circumstances exist lead- proprietors by purchase or inheritance of the soil,
ing to a contrary conclusion, that some doubt and  and the depositaries and holders of all other deapprehension may well be felt upon that point. If scriptions of wealth, the accumulations of indussuch apprehension may be entertained upon plau-  trial pursuits in a period of a thousand years, on
sible grounds, none will deny that they deserve  the other side. There have been wars of ambiour serious consideration.                     tion and conquest, wars between races, wars of
Nothing, I admit, can be more hazardous to him  religious creeds, wars for civil and religious liberty,
who would be thought far-seeing in affairs —which and for anything we can foresee, the blood of
I do not pretend to be-than to predict, with any  many more such wars may yet stain the earth.
certainty of confidence, what will be the result, I Nation will continue to rise up against nation,




11
race against race, and the tide of victory will governments most likely to disturb the peace; but
yet ebb and flow  on many a battle-field, on  I regard professions and diplomatic assurances of
which freedom shall contend against oppression. very little value. I look to more substantial facts
But there are several causes which will prevent I look especially to the political necessities which
or postpone for ages, either this last great, con-  may drive a great nation to war. Notwithstandflict which threatens the civilization of Europe  ing all the assurances we receive from abroad of
foretold by some, or the solution of the problem   permanent tranquillity, that there still exists some
propounded by others, who maintain that civili-  uneasiness in Europe on that subject, we have
zation, whenever it reaches a certain stage in any  only to recur to the fact that all the States of that
of the great divisions of the globe, among any of continent are looking carefully to the condition of
the races of mankind, must finally yield to the  their national defenses; and while they all progreat law of change-to the inevitable destruction  fess a willingness to disarm, they are increasing
and decay, the seeds of which are planted in every  their armaments, both by sea and land. In addiform of society known in the history of the world. tion to this, when we consider that there are now
The civilization of any one race of people, like  four millions of bayonets ready to be put in mothe nations they compose, and like individual man, tion; and that the different maritime powers can
it is said, has it ages, its culminating point, after  put afloat two thousand ships-of-war, who shall
which it must gradually decline, and be lost to  say that there is no ground to apprehend a war
view, or only live in history. But though the  in Europe?
civilization of western Europe may have reached    I am aware that there are many causes existing
its culminating point-though its populations and  in great force in Europe to make peace desirable.
the races of which they are composed may be  The enormous public debt, exceeding in the aggreverging to decline-and though in numbers over- gate $7,000,000,000, under which the States of Eustocking the land, yet, just upon their eastern  rope are weighed down, may restrain the temptaborders, there is still that great store-house of tions to war, as it would undoubtedly cripple their
nations-of fresh and vigorous races, to replenish  military energies; but this is an argument which,
and reinvigorate their decaying energies-to pre-  like a two-edged weapon, cuts both ways. To pay
serve, to perpetuate, and it may be to advance their  the interest on this debt, and sustain public credit,
civilization. The discovery of this New World of takes the bread from the mouth of labor, engenours, and the facilities supplied to immigration by  ders discontent among the thrifty and industrious
modern inventions, will mitigate, if not remove, classes, and desperation among the impoverished.
the great evil of redundant populations. And so  Besides, four millions of armed soldiery,4though
I think there is no reason to apprehend the catas-I their swords are unsheathed, must be fed and paid;
trophe of that war of classes, or of a declining  hence the constant temptation to try the chances
civilization in Europe, which some of the despond-  of war, and by forced contributions to throw upon
ing prophets of the times have suggested as cer- their neighbors the burden of their support. The
tain or probable.                              only remedy for this state of things is a general
While I cannot give myself up to the belief that disarming by;the great Powers, which their mutual
the cause of civil liberty in Europe is irretrievably  jealousies will not permit.
lost; and while I am reluctant to come to the con-   There is a more potent influence still, that may
clusion that there will be no immediate or early  possibly exist, to restain the Governments of Eueffort, by the more rational friends of freedom, rope, and compel them to keep peace. The repubspontaneous or concerted, to resist the arbitrary I lican ideas and fierce democratic spirit which have
principles upon which the great Powers of the  so deeply infected their populations of late, and
Continent are proceeding to model governments —  which has been the key to their policy for the last
to throw off the hateful incubus-to break the  four years, may yet exist in sufficient force to conclains, ere they are riveted, which are forged  trol their councils. The snake that crept into the
to bind fast their liberties; yet I must confess that palaces of kings, may be scotched-not killed.
in the intelligence which reaches us from the other  The popular volcano that burst forth in 1848
side of the Atlantic I see nothing to encourage  with such fury, may not be burnt out; it may
the expectation of such a movement; and so I con-  only slumber; and the vibratory motions of the
dude that there will be no war on that ground.    mountain may impart fears of another irruption
But I come to a different conclusion from those  and outporing of the burning lava. If this should
who are of opinion, that the quiet which now  be so, all causes of discord, all mutual jealousies,
reigns upon the continent of Europe is permanent; all ambitious schemes will be suspended, until this
or that there will be no war within any short common danger to the internal peace of the States
period. There are too many causes of discord; of Europe shall pass away, or cease to be formidtoo many jealousies; too many rival interests; too  able. But I have thrown out these suggestions,
many outcast, yet intriguing and influential dynas-  upon an assumption which I see little reason to
ties; too many great armies ready to take the field, justify. The danger of popular commotions apand,withlall,thenever-dyingambitionandthirstfor  pears already to have passed, and I recur to the
dynastic and national aggrandizement, to allow  opinion already expressed, that the promise of a
any strong faith in the hypothesis of continued  continued peace will not be realized.
peace.                                           France holds in her hands the issue of peace or
In adopting this conclusion, I do not forget the  of war. If she is quiet, all may be quiet. But
opposing testimony borne by the stock market can she-will she be quiet?  She cannot. Louis
and the mercantile classes. Nor am I unmindful Napoleon must disturb the peace of Europe or
of the powerful influence of the purse-holders of fall. It is upon France that the world now fixes
Europe-the great moneyed capitalists-upon the  its gaze; and with whatever seeming composure
questions of pe&ce and war. Nor do I forget the  the result of her present anomalous position, and
plentiful professions of peaceful intentions by the the development of herpolicy may be awaited, itig




12
impossible but that the most callous and fearless  the pleasure-loving Antony; but still he may not
statesman of the times must expect them with  disdain an alliance with the only Power that can
some solicitude. It is true, this second Napoleon curb his ambition in the west of Europe, and he
may be suddenly cut off. It is true there may be may choose to share equally, if he cannotwin unia revulsion of public sentiment so universal as to versal dominion. On the continent of Europe
drive him from power. In either of these events  there are now, in truth, but two great PowersFrance may become once more the prey of faction; France and Russia-or at most three, if Prussia be
and relieve the apprehensions of her neighbors, and  so considered. Austria lies prostrate and paralof all Europe, by exhausting her energies and re- yzed by the variety and implacable antipathies of
sources, in rending her own vitals. But if Louis  the races which occupy her provinces and deNapoleon shall survive the perils which attend him  pendencies. Prussia must be more or less fetin the initiative operations of his government, then, tered by the jealousies of the petty sovereignties
I say, France will become aggressive. If there  in her neighborhood, and the democratic spirit
was nothing in the singular spirit, and, to me, which may still infect her subjects; but the great
mystical genius of that daring man, who has  German nationality, including Prussia, may be
seized into his own hands the construction of a  conciliated by a tripartite partition. The provingovernment for a great people, leading to the con- ces of the lower Danube, and all Turkey, with the
elusion that he would become aggressive, and  prospect of further acquisitions in Asia, may sufplunge his country into war, heis still under a po-  fice Russia. England may be intimidated, or her
litical necessity to make war. It is true that in doing  power broken, by reviving the continental policy
so he may but rush upon his fate. Be it so. He  of the great Napoleon.
cannot pause in his career. He must give employ-    But I have not time to pursue these speculament to his four hundred thousand soldiers, orthey  tions, as to all the various combinations that
will divide and assimilate with the factions, or fra- I may arise out of a state of war, or their conseternizewith the republicans. Atall events, to pre- quences.
vent these dissensions in his army, he must have    If I am asked, why I give such prominence
the control of large means; and they can only be i to France in holding the issues of peace and waracquired by levying contributions upon the re- is she so powerful; is she so formidable; or will
sources of his neighbors, He wants, too, the  she have the audacity, under present circumprestige of military renown to still further concili-  stances, to disturb the peace of Europe?-I an-ate and consolidate the esteem and affections of swer, that France, united under a favorite chief,
Frenchmen.                                     has not only the courage to commencea war, but
This remarkable man has hitherto in his pol- the power to become formidable to her neighbors.
icy, his tact and energy in civil affairs, evinced  She is formidable not only from her thirty-six
many kindred qualities, and trod with striking  millions of inhabitants, and her compact territory,
fidelity in the footsteps of his illustrious rela- but from the gallant, excitable, and glory-loving
ive. Doubtless, like him, he considers himself character of her population; the French being
the child of destiny-born to carry out all that now, as they have always been, the most warlike
was projected by the great Napoleon: Imperial race of Europe-perhaps of the world. Twice
power attained-the boundaries of France enlarged  has France, in the earlier periods of her history,
-to the Rhine-the kingdom of Italy reconstructed  rolled back the tide of conquest which threatened
and restored-the pride of England humbled, or to change the destiny of Europe; twice has she,
her power broken, and a barrier interposed to the  single-handed, protected its religion and its civiliambition of Russia, or a close league with that zation-once on the plains of Chalons, where
great Power for an equal partition of the empire of she met and overthrew Attila, and hjs host of three
the world!                                    hundred thousand warriors collected from  the
The great Julius fell by the daggers of domestic  hordes of Asia; a second time under the lead of
conspirators; and his nephew, Octavius, a strip- the famous Charles Martell, when she checked
ling, unknown to fame, after a sanguinary strug- the victorious career of the Moslem power, in the
gle with the leaders of opposing factions, with the  neighborhood of Tours. Twice has she been upon
aid of the distractions of the times and an adroit the point of subjecting all Europe to her domincoalition with Antony, succeeded to the power of ion-once under Louis the Fourteenth; and, again,
his illustrious uncle. The great Napoleon fell by  at a period so recent that it seems only of yestera combination of all Europe against him; and his  day, under the —auspices of the great Napoleon.
nephew, Louis Napoleon, after a longer interval of Twice, in her career, has she succumbed; and
changing dynasties and contending factions, has  then only when a world rose in arms against her.
succeeded to his power; a man who seems to com- Such is France.
bine all those qualities of a profound dissimulation    If Louis Napoleon has the sagacity and the amand strategy in civil affairs, with the additional bition which I attribute to him, he will neglect no
advantage of personal courage, which enabled his  expedient to still further attach the French people to
jrototype, Octavius, to succeed, in what was, at his fortunes. The French have become essentially
first, regarded a desperate and hopeless enter- democratic in their spirit and feeling; that tenZprise. In all history can there be found so many  ency must be counteracted by counter influences.
striking coincidences in the leading features, inci- That spirit, strong as it is, has yet, again and
dents, and fortunes of two great families-in the  again, yielded to a stronger passion-the love of
circumstances of two great political revolutions; national glory. Under the intoxication of that
one of which changed the condition and destiny of  passion, twice have the French people surrendered
ancient civilization, and the other, it may be, is  their liberties; and there will not be wanting stimdestined to change that of modern Europe. The  ulants or occasions to rouse and keep alive that
parallel fails in the persons of Nicholas and An-  passion. The pride of all true Frenchmen was
tony. Nicholas is a very different personage from   humbled on the field of Waterloo. That wound




13
to her national vanity remains to be soothed or intense, as to restrain even those reckless passions
avenged. Louis Napoleon may bide his time for and emotions. which belong to our nature, to say
that; he may find some more feasible undertaking  nothing of freezing up all generous and noble imin which to flesh his maiden sword. If he does  pulses, tempting us to enlist on the side of free.
not find it among his neighbors, he may look to  dom,in such a strife? No; the time has neverbeen,
another continent. Africa presents too barren a  when, in any one country in Christendom, mind.
field for splendid achievements. He may even be  meets mind in fierce conflict upon principles which
tempted to cast his eyes upon America. The rec- touch nearly the social feelings and interests of
ollection of the haughty and dictatorial menace  men, the mental strife, would not become contayielded to by Louis Philippe, under which the  gious and move the sympathies of every other.
last installment of the French indemnity was paid, But let the clash of arms add to the excitement,
still rankles in the bosoms of Frenchmen; but 1  and the blood will be stirred and fired in its inmost
beg pardon. I know how wild the idea will be  recesses. Let the tidings of such a conflict-such
considered; but I think it is not extravagant to  a war of opinion, but reach our shores, and, my
suppose that, backed by jealousies and resentments  word for it, whatever may be the conclusions of
of the other Continental Powers towards the Uni-  mere policy, Young and Old America alike, will be
ted States, Louis Napoleon, perceiving the de- swayed to and fro by the passions natural to the
fenseless condition of our extended ocean frontier, occasion, like the trees of a forest swept by a strong
and counting on his superior naval force, may  wind. Little time, I ween, would be allowed for
seek to win renown by seizing and laying under  weighing the counsels of the illustrious and imcontributions our rich and flourishing cities upon  mortal sages of fifty years ago. Nor are the feelthe Atlantic coast. Nay, he may be tempted still ings and calculations which sway the twenty mil.
further, and seek to indemnify France for the loss  lions of freemen of this day, the same which conof empire in America, in the cession of Louisiana, trolled the two or three millions of fifty years ago.
by attempting the permanent conquest of the Pa-  All change is not progress; but the law of change,
cific coast. I repeat, that I am aware that this  under changing circumstances and conditions, is
may he regarded as an extravagant and irrational inexorable. We have our destined career to run.
conjecture; but who, at this day, and after all the  Time progresses; sodonations. They cannot stand
wonders of the times, will say that it is incredible?  still, until the time of maturity and manhood is
But I must cease these speculations upon this pro- passed; as yet we go forward; and we will go forlific subject.                                 ward; whether for good, is another question. We
Senators may inquire, to what practical conclu- may not, however, be put to the test of a war of
sion I design to apply all that I have said upon  opinion in Europe, at this juncture.
this branch of the subject? In the first place, if,    But if a war should spring up in Europe of the
upon a review of the whole ground, the position I  old-fashioned kind-a war of aggression on one
have assumed, that at no distant day-in six  side, and defense on the other-a war of ambition
months, in twelve, or at most in twenty-four  and conquest-with the feelings of jealousy and
months —a war will be kindled in Europe upon  of resentment which may exist on the part of
some pretext, or of some character or other, be  the nations of Europe against the United States
well founded, then I undertake to predict that the  at this time —do you suppose that a war can
United States will sooner or later, be drawn within  rage in Europe for one year —especially if any
its vortex; and, if this hypothesis shall seem to be  of the great maritime Powers be parties to it,
supported by plausible reasons, then a further  without compromising the peace of this counpractical inquiry will be, what should we do to be  try? Our commerce and navigation are too exprepared to meet the exigency?                 tensive and widely diffused; the general compeIn some of the views presented in the course  tition for the trade of the world is become too
of my remarks, it will be recollected that I sup- fierce to allow any escape from a collision with
posed a state of things might existin Europe which  the belligerents of Europe. Have you not seen,
would leave the United States no option as to the  sir, in the last few years, how difficult it is, even
question of peace or war-a state of things, which  in times of peace, to digest the insults which the
would lead to a hostile combination of all the des- war-vesselsof Great Britain, presuming upon their
potic Powers of the Continent against the Repub-  superior naval power, occasionally offer to our
lic of America. That may never happen.        flag? But let there once be war, and you will soon
But should that war of opinion, so long pre- perceive the difference in the calculations and feeldicted-that war of principle-that great conflict ings which control the people of this country, and
between the free and the despotic forms of gov- ofthisgeneration,andthosewhich controlled them
ernmen}-should such a war as that arise in Eu- fifty years ago. Since that period, we have grown
rope, do you think, Mr. President, as a sound  six or seven-fold greater in population and repractical statesman, and after your experience  sources; and, true to the characteristic traits of our
and observation of this country, and its present lineage, we have grown in conceit of our puissance
population-do you suppose that if such aconflict still more. Neither our temper, nor our pru.
should arise in Europe-a conflict involving the  dence improves with the changing circumstances
settlement of principles which may have universal of our condition and resources. Let there be a
ascendency for centuries-that we should be so  war in Europe, and the first open violation of
unimpressible, so indifferent, that we could not be  our neutral rights-the first breach of the accusdrawn into it, despite all calculations of policy or tomed courtesies to our flag, will be instantly reof interest?  Do you conceive, sir, with your taliated, and thus the war would be begun; all
knowledge of the heart of this country at this day, unprepared as we may be. And let me say to the
that a cold and sordid calculation of mercantile people of this country that, with the feelings which
p-rofit-that the devotion to Mammon, or any  exist probably at this moment in Europe, any of
mnore laudable service, would be so faithful and  the considerable maritime Powers of that continent




14
would be nothing loth to accept the issue of war  key, and to tender to him a national vessel to bear
thus presented. The weak points in our condi- him and his suite to America. Kossuth and his
tion-our six thousand miles of inadequately pro- companions were accordingly released, and ostentected sea-coast, to say nothing of other causes  tatiously borne, under the national flag, to our
which may paralyze our energies-are as well shores, where he was received with triumphal
understood abroad as at home. And let me say  honors. But this did not suffice. After we had
further, under existing circumstances,thatit will be  thus, and to this extent, interfered in the affairs
rare good fortune if, in any European war m   and quarrels of two of the great Powers of Europe,
which we shall be engaged, we shall not have the  we proceeded still further to provoke them by.a
sympathies of every other Power of that continent  breach of national courtesy-such a breach as is
enlisted against us, except only such as may be  never forgotten or forgiven, however the revenge
strengthened by our interposition.             may be delayed. The man, already so highly
Before I conclude, it may be well to turn for a  honored, was at the time, and is now, regarded by
moment to those evidences of that sober discretion  the Emperor of Austria the prime mover-the
-that steady ad herence to home interests-that living, animating principle of an internal convulreverence for the teachings of our ancestors-that sion which shook his throne to its foundationconciliatory and forbearing spirit towards foreign  brought humiliation upon his House-attached a
Powers, so much relied upon, to shield us from   stain to the proud escutcheon of the Cwesars, that
the wasting and ruinous folly of foreign wars, ex-  can never be effaced; the man who seeks to be to
hibited in the last few years.                 the Czar of Russia what Sir Sidney Smith sought
It is true that in the matter of the Cuban inva- to be to Napoleon, his evil genius-dedicating his
sion, the intervention of England, and the return  life, his genius, and his eloquence, to the disparageof the Spanish consul to New Orleans, our Gov-  ment of his character-preaching a crusade against
ernment has pursued a policy singularly modest, his policy, his power, and the principles of his
as respects any conceit of our own pretensions, government-the man, who at the slime time is
and in the highest degree forbearing and conform- proclaimed to be, at once, the martyr and the
able to a peace policy.                        apostle of liberty in Europe-this man, by a vote
But let us see whether we have manifested equal  of the Senate-their attention being called to him
discretion and forbearance, and an equally concil-  in a message of the President of the United States
iatory spirit in regard to the recent disorders on  himself-was invited to the seat of the National
the continent of Europe.                       Government, entertained at the public. expense,
It was but natural that our sympathies should  and by a formal reception in open session of the
be deeply moved by the gallant struggle of the  Senate, had honors heaped upon him which the
Hungarians in their attempt to maintain their na-  proudest citizen of the ancient Commonwealth of
tionality, and to assert their liberty and independ-  Rome might not have declined. A greater insult
ence. It was but just and natural that when the  to those two great monarchies, Russia and AusAustrian oppressors weredriven out of Hungary,  tria, you could not have inflicted by an open decand trembled on the verge of defeat under the  laration of war. How idle, how ridiculous, after
walls of Vienna, we should have beheld with no  this, to be gravely debating and considering
little indignation the intervention of the Czar of whether we shall proceed to express our sympaRussia in arresting the victorious career of Hun-  thy with the fortunes of Hungary, or to protest
gary. Nor was it possible that we should not be  against the intervention of Russia in her affairs,
deeply moved by the atrocious cruelties alleged  by further resolutions; or as to what shall be their
to have been-and, as we suppose, were-perpe-  forms; unless, indeed, we desire still further to
trated by Austria against the captive Hungarian  provoke and insult Russia and Austria, by a more
chiefs. Nor was it to be supposed that the pop-  formal declaration of our implacable hatred of
ular feeling would not find expression through  them.
public journals, public meetings, and various other    Now, sir, from these proceedings we may form
channels of communication to the world. Nor  some estimate of the true character and extent of
could it have been supposed, under such circum-  that moderation and sober discretion of the Amerstances, that, through the same media, the popular  ican people and of their representatives, of the
ideas and theories of governments and human  present times and generation, so confidently relied
rights in general, should not be manifested in vio-  upon to keep us in the faith and in the counsels of
lent invectives and denunciations against the des-  the fathers of the Republic. Truly, we have bepotic principles and policy of the Austrian and  fore us a most notable and instructive example
Russian Governments. All that might have been i and illustration of the progress of the age.
expected, and could not have been a ground of   But did it never occur to those who have been
complaint.                                      most forward by their proceedings to give to the
But these expressions of popular feelings and  world some memorable expression of their devoprinciples did not stop there. One of the most tion to the cause of the equal rights of mankind,
distinguished and eminent statesmen of the coun-  and of their abhorrence of all such despotic govtry-and 1 refer to this in no personal unkind- I ernments as that of Russia, that it was proper to
ness to the honorable Senator, [Mr. CAss]-  consider whether the system of Russia, in the
brought forward a resolution to suspend all diplo-  present condition of her population, may not be
matic intercourse with one.of those Powers, (Aus- the very best that could be devised to advance
tria.) And afterwards, another Senator, who has  their civilization and prepare them  for ultimate
attained considerable distinction in the country, freedom?  Did it never occur to them  to conmoved a resolution, which was acceded to by the  sider with what caustic severity the Czar of
Senate, calling upon the President to interpose his  Russia might retort their criminations of his Govgood offices for the release of Kossuth, and his  ernment, and their pompous declaration in favor
companions in exile, from their captivity in Tur-  of liberty and equality, by a slight reference to our




own practical construction of the theory of those  grounds; not by proscription and denunciation,
rights?                                        but by cultivating a spirit of mutual forbearance
But, in our proceedings in relation to Hunga-  and conciliation.
rian affairs, we have not only departed from the    Thirdly, to strengthen our national defenses;
wise policy laid down by our forefathers, in giving  to place them  upon a footing which may not
affront to Russia and Austria —we have also com- leave the country exposed, in the event of war,
promised the interests and the safety of the Sultan  to shameful and mortifying disasters; and espeof Turkey. Who knows but that at this moment cially, to add largely to our military marine-a
he may be the doomed victim of the resentment measure demanded by our extended foreign trade
of thdse two great Powers! Have we ever con-  and the manifest inadequacy of the present naval
sidered that, in our officious intermeddling in the  establishment to give to it that protection and secuaffairs of Europe, we have incurred obligations  rity which is necessary even in time of peace.
and responsibilities-obligations of duty, of honor,    From a statement, the most authentic and reliaand of self-respect, which can only be fulfilled and  ble I have been able to procure of the present naval
discharged-exposed ourselves to insults, which  armaments of the States of Europe, it appears that
can only be retaliated by war? I reason not upon  Great Britain can put afloat a fleet of 678 effective
the chances that, in the present condition of Euro-  war-vessels of all classes-150 of which are propean affairs, it may be the policy of the two great pelled by steam-with an aggregate complement
Powers whom we have so deeply aggrieved, to  of 18,000 guns. ThV French navy consists of 328
waive their resentment against Turkey, and to  effective war-vessels, with an aggregate of 8,000
maintain amicable relations with us for the present. guns. Russia has a fleet of 175 effective war-vesI am for acting upon the maxim, which holds good  sels, besides 440 gun-boats, with an aggregate comin private and individual affairs as among nations:  plement of 6,000 guns.  The proportion of warhe who voluntarily incurs a responsibility-who  steamers in the navies of France and Russia, I am
deliberately inflicts an insult, should, if he is wise, not able to state upon any reliable authority; but
lose no time in putting himself in an attitude to  from statements I have seen, and which I attach
meet theconsequences, whether they come or not.  some credit to, the war steamers of the French
The last great practical conclusion to which I  navy may be set down at one hundred. That
have intended to direct all my remarks, is: that, in  was the number authorized by the government of
view of the present posture of European affairs; France in 1845.
in view of the prospect of a war, at no distant   I will not detain the Senate by any notice of the
day, in which the United States may be eventually  naval establishments of the inferior maritime Powinvolved; in view of the obligations and responsi- ers of Europe; but I am sure the Senate will take
bilities we have already incurred; in view of the  an interest in the statement I am able to make of
honor, dignity, and duty which attaches to our  the Navy of the United States, which consists of
position in the family of nations; in view of the  76 effective vessels of all classes, with an aggrewisdom, prudence, and forecast which should  gate complement of 2,250 guns, and of these vesdistinguish a great model Republic in providing  sels, six are propelled by steam!
against the contingencies of the future; in view of   Such is the naval force that we must rely upon
our own safety; in view of the best method of for the protection of the honor of our flag-our
preserving the blessings of peace; in view of the  commerce, which penetrates every sea accessible
policy of reviving and cementing a truly national to American enterprise, and an ocean frontier of
spirit and sentiment throughout the land, we  six thousand miles in extent!
should lose no time in making every essential prep-    Such is the beggarly and miserable preparation
aration to put forth the energies and resources of of the means of maritime warfare, either offensive
the country in any emergency which may arise, or defensive, with which we proceed to provoke
in such manner as to successfully fulfill and dis-  and insult the great Powers of Continental Europe!
charge all our obligations, all our duties; and  Why, sir, one single fact ought to be sufficient to
which, if we omit to do, we may justly incur the  awaken in the minds of the people of this country
reproaches, and, it may be, the curses, of the  a lively apprehension of the perils of the condition
present and of future generations.            in which we may be placed. Our communication
What are those preparations? What 1 propose  at this moment with California and Oregon, for all
is:                                            purposes of effective supply and defence, is by
First, to look well and narrowly into the oper-  sea-requiring an average voyage of four thouations of our financial system; to provide the prop-  sand miles by the Isthmus route, and of sixteen
er securities for an ample revenue against the con-  thousand miles, and not less than six months'ingency of war, and the consequent interruptions  time, if the passage be made around Cape Horn,
-f foreign trade; to give every encouragement  or through the Straits of Magellan. It will thus
vithin the competency of the National Govern-  be seen at a glance, that either of the maritime
nent to t'he improvement and extension bof inter-  Powers of Europe, whose navies I have alluded
tal commerce, and especially to establish a direct to, could in one or two months time so effectually
overland communication, by the construction of a  block up our only reliable communication with'ailway, between the valley of the Mississippi  California and Oregon, as to defy all the resources
nd the Pacific coast.                         of this country short of a year or two's preparaSecondly, to give to the spirit and resources  tion to reopen it.
of the country their full efficiency and develop-    But that is not the most lamentable and mortiment, it becomes our duty to guard with increased  fying aspect of the condition of affairs in this
vigilance against all causes of sectional irritation,  country. At a period of time when all the eastand to eradicate, as far as possible, from  the  ern world may be regarded as trembling upon the
national councils and policy, the seeds of sectional  verge of convulsion and change; when principles
strife as we would the deadly nightshade from our  most vital and momentous to mankind threaten to




16
become the subject of universal conflict; at a | up to its present complexion by the same interperiod when we may be exposed to a hostile cornm- ests, it is indebted for all its present disturbing
bination of all the great Powers of Continental vitality to the necessities and exigencies of these
Europe. At such a period as this-under such cir- factions, or parties-if you please to dignify them
cumstances as these, what are the prevalent ideas, by the name-including, if you choose, the party
and passions, and cares, which occupy American  to which I belong.
politicians and statesmen? The passion for place    I would not do so great an act of discourtesy or
and position-the idea of power! These are the injustice to to the honorable members who grace this
ideas and passions which control every great in- Chamber by their presence and enlighten it by
terest in this country; every branch of public poli- their counsels, nor to the politicians and statesmen
cy, internal and external; foreign and domestic  of the country generally, as to deny that there are
commerce; the extension and improvement of in- many individual exceptions to the general averternal communications; the public defenses,-all, ment I have made as to the passions and influenall are become but secondary considerations, neg-  ces which control public affairs. But, with this
lected or moulded into shapes and forms subservi-  explanation, I repeat that all political calculations
ent to the purposes or adapted to the exigencies' and speculations verge to one end. One idea
of the great, the eternal conflict which goes on as  reigns triumphant throughout the land-the idea
to whose hands, or what clique, or faction, or par-  of power! And this, too, at such a period in the
ty, shall be made the depositaries, from time to  affairs of the world; this, too, in the American
time, of the power and patrodiage of the Govern-  Republic! Well may we invoke the spirit and
ment. Even the slave question could not escape  the counsels of Washington to inspire us with
the predominant and controlling passion of the I wisdom, and kindle once more in our bosoms the
times,originally stimulated into beingand wrought flame of revolutionary patriotism.