MISSISSIPPI IN 1875. REPORT OF THE SELE CT COMMITTEE TO INQUIRE INTO THE MISSISSIPPI ELECTION OF 1875, WITH THE TESTIMONY AND DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1876. THE MISSISSIPPI COMMITTEE. Senator GEORGE S. BOUTWELL, (chairman)....... Massachusetts. Senator ANGUS CAMERON..5......W..... isconsin. Senator SAMUEL J. R. MCMILLAN........i......innesota. Senator THOMAS F. BAYARD..........e....la........ aware. Senator JOSEPH E. MCDONALD............Indiana. EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL. I. RESOLUTION ORDERING THE INQUIRY. By the Senate of the United States of America: IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, March 31, 1876. Resolved, Whereas it is alleged that the late election in Mississippi (in 1875) for members of Congress, State officers, and members of the legislature was characterized by great frauds committed upon and violence exercised toward the colored citizens of that State and the white citizens disposed to support their rights, and especially that the colored voters, on account of their color, race, or previous condition of servitude, were by intimidation and force deterred from voting, or compelled to vote, contrary to their wishes, for candidates and in support of parties to whom they were opposed, and their right to the free exercise of the elective franchise, as secured by the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution, thus practically denied and violated, and that such intimidation has been since continued for the purpose of affecting future elections; and Whereas the people of all the United States have an interest in and a right to insist upon the enforcement of this constitutional amendment, and Congress, having the power to enforce it by appropriate legislation, cannot properly neglect the duty of providing the necessary legislation for this purpose: T'herefore Resolved, That a committee of five Senators be appointed by the Chair to investigate the truth of these allegations, and to inquire how far these constitutional rights have in the said election been violated by force, fraud, or intimidation, and to inquire and report to the Senate before the end of the present session whether any, and, if so, what, legislation is necessary to secure the said colored citizens the free enjoyment of their constitutional rights; and that said committee be empowered to visit said State, to send for persons and papers, to take testimony on oath, and to use all necessary process for these purposes. II. ORDERS APPOINTING THE COMMITTEE. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, April 4, 1876. Ordered, That Mr. Boutwell, Mr. Cameron of Wisconsin, Mr. Oglesby, Mr. Bayard, and Mr. McDonald be the said committee. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, April 25, 1876. The President pro tempore appointed Mr. McMillan a member of the select committee to inquire into certain allegations of fraud in the recent election in Mississippi, in place of Mr. Oglesby, excused. IV MISSISSIPPI ELECTION. III. RESOLUTION AUTHORIZING EMPLOYMENT OF OFFICERS. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, April 11, 1876. Resolved by the Senate, That the special committee appointed by the Senate, under a resolution adopted on the 31st day of March last, to investigate the late election in Mississippi, be authorized to employ a clerk and stenographer, to send for persons and papers, to administer oaths and take testimony; and the expenses of said committee shall be paid upon vouchers approved by the chairman of the committee. IV. RESOLUTION EXTENDING THE INVESTIGATION. [From the Congressional Record of May 19, 1876, page 20, Senate proceedings.]' Mr. MORTON. I offer the following resolution: "Resolved, That the special committee heretofore appointed by the Senate to investigate the late election in Mississippi be instructed to investigate also the late alleged'killing of people and outrages committed near the Mississippi and Louisana line, and on and near Bayou Tunica, and on Red River; and that for this purpose the committee shall have all the power and authority conferred by the original resolution for their appointment. " I should like to read, in connection with this resolution, the following dispatch received by Governor Kellogg, who is now in the city, late last night from H. C. Clarke, his private secretary: "NEW ORLEANS, May 17, 1876. " To Governor KELLOGG, (Willard's Hotel,) Washington, D. C.: "Watson, supervisor registration, Swaizie's son, and other colored fugitives from Feliciana arrived; details horrible. Two young colored girls taken from church at Iven's Place, two miles Mississippi line, Sunday, and ravished to death by young white men from Mississippi. About six white men known to be killed and nearly sixty colored men hanged or shot up to Tuesday night. At Bayou Tunica, four hundred colored men and about the same number whites are under arms, the bayou between them,. colored men resisting passage of bayou by white regulators. " If committee comes, cannot they be instructed to take testimony? "H. C. CLARKE. " The resolution was considered by unanimous consent and agreed to." V. MEETINGS OF THE COMMITTEE. The committee met and took testimony at Washington, D. C., April 27, 28, 29; May 1, 3, 4, 5. 6, 9, 31; June 1. Jackson, Miss.. June 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. Aberdeen, Miss., June 26, 27. Washington, D. C., July 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 20, 27. VI. PROTEST AGAINST RECEIVING TELEGRAPHIC DISPATCHES. At Jackson, Miss., June 12, John Galbraith was called. His summons contained these words: Bring with you all telegraphic dispatches signed by or addressed to General J. Z. George, and dated in the months of September, October, and November, 1875. When Mr. Galbraith appeared this debate took place in committee, and it was ordered to be entered in the journal: EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL. V Senator BAYARD: Mr. Chairman, this morning, just before the committee met, you stated to Mr. McDonald and myself something concerning this subject. Until that time we had no information of the intention of the committee to call for the telegraphic correspondence of General George or anybody else, and all that we desire to do now is to have it appear on the record of the proceedings of this committee that we disapprove of the seizure of the correspondence of any private citizen by this committee, unless it be to contradict a witness who has been summoned before the committee by his own telegrams in a matter within the jurisdiction of the committee to impeach him. I care nothing for this correspondence, but simply want an objection to appear of record. Mr. George is a private citizen of this State, who has not been summoned before this committee, and we consider that he has rights, and those with whom he corresponds have rights, which should be guarded. This is a sweeping order to bring all the dispatches sent by or addressed to General J. Z. George, and I desire to appear on record as opposed to such arbitrary action. Senator MCDONALD. I agree with all that Mr. Bayard has said. I. understand the regulations adopted by the telegraph company in reference to correspondence prohibit their agents from exhibiting correspondence to any person except those who send the dispatches or those to whom they are sent, unless by order of a court of competent jurisdiction-a court or tribunal where the ends of justice require the production of the correspondence as instruments of evidence. I do not understand that the custodian of those papers is subject to a subpoena duces tecum in the present case. There is a violation of the regulations made for the benefit of those who patronize the telegraph companies by intrusting their correspondence to it, and at present I see nothing to warrant me, as a member of this committee, even if I thought such power was vested in it, (and I am not clear about that,) to issue such an order as a court might issue in a proper case. I see nothing that would justify me in voting for such an order in this case. Senator CAMERON. If this was an original question, possibly I might agree with you; but since 1866 congressional committees have in numerous cases required the superintendents of telegraphs to produce telegrams; and, so far as I know, they have always been produced. Every congressional committee, I think, of the present House of Representatives has required the production of telegraphic dispatches before it, and they have been produced. It is now too late to raise the question. VII. RESOLUTION AS TO PUBLIC SESSIONS. At the meeting of the committee at Washington, April 29, Senator Bayard offered this resolution: Resolved, That in taking testimony this committee shall sit with open doors until otherwise ordered. After discussion a vote was taken, and the resolution lost; Senators Bayard and McDonald voting in the affirmative. VIII. APPOINTMENT OF OFFICERS. At the first meeting of the committee, in Washington, April 27, James Redpath, of Massachusetts, was appointed clerk; E. C. Bartlett, of Maine, stenographer. Senate Postmaster Creary, of Michigan, was subsequently deputed by Sergeant-at-Arms French as assistant sergeant-at-arms, and accompanied the committee to Mississippi in that capacity. REPORTS OF THE COMMITTEE. 44TH CONGRESS, SENATE. REPORT 1st Session. J \ No. 527. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. AUGUST 7, 1876.-Ordered to be printed. Mr. BOUTWELL, from the Select Committee to Inquire into Alleged Frauds in the Recent Election in Mississippi, submitted the following REPOR T: The special committee appointed under a resolution of the Senate adopted on the 31st of March last, and instructed to inquire how far the rights of the people of Mississippi, guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and secured especially by the fifteenth amendment, were violated by force, fraud, or intimidation at the election held in that State on the 2d of November, 1875, respectfully submit to the Senate the testimony taken, with-the conclusions of the committee thereon. The testimony will fully support the allegation that force, fraud, and intimidation were used generally and successfully in the political canvass of 1875. But before proceeding to a detailed statement of the facts and conclusions sustained and warranted by the proof, the committee think it proper to refer to the suggestions and excuses offered in justification of the outrages committed. It has been alleged that Governor Ames was an unfit person to hold the office to which he was elected in the year 1873; but, on the contrary, the committee find from the evidence, as well as from general report in Mississippi, that Governor Ames was not only not amenable to any just charge affecting his personal integrity, his character as a public officer, or his ability for the duties of chief magistrate of that State, but that his fitness in all these particulars was sustained by the testimony of those who were not in accord with him politically. The committee refer especially to the testimony of the Hon. J. A. P. Campbell, appointed by the existing government one of the judges of the supreme court of the State of Mississippi. The evidence submitted tends strongly to show, what cannot be denied, that there were many persons in office in the State of Mississippi, especially in elective offices, in the several counties, who were either incapable or dishonest; and there were a few of the same characte connected with the State government. The conduct of these persons, however, was not approved by the governor nor by the masses of the republican party. Complaints and charges against a class of persons called " carpet-baggers " are frequent in the depositions of witnesses opposed to the republican party in the Statue. It is to be admitted that a small number of the immigrants from other States misused the confidence of the black people, secured office, and betrayed the trusts confided to them. But the number of such persons, compared to the whole number of immigrants, was very small; and it is but just to say that the great majority X ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE are intelligent, upright, and brave men from the North who are entirely incorruptible, and who, in peril of their lives, are now struggling against serious odds to maintain their political opinions and to secure a just administration of the Government. It is alleged that during the last six or eight years the expenses of the State have been unnecessarily increased, and that heavy taxes have been imposed for which no adequate return has been received by the people. Comparisons are made between the rate of taxation previous to the war and since the year 1870, and the conclusion is drawn that large sums of money are extorted from the people, and wasted, or, through negligence and extravagance, misapplied. It is undoubtedly true that taxes are higher in the State of Mississippi than they were previous to 1860; but the rate of increase is far less than in some of the Northern States, where no serious complaints are made against the administration of public affairs. It is to be observed, also, that previous to the war taxes were not levied for the support of schools in Mississippi; indeed, there was no system of public instruction; and that since the war school-houses have been erected in all parts of the State for the education of the children of both races, and large sums of money have been expended annually for the maintenance of schools, including schools for training teachers. It is also true that previous to the war the taxes were imposed upon slaves and upon business, while since the war the taxes have been laid chiefly upon personal property and upon land. In 1873 the State expenses were $953,000;'in 1874, $908,000; and in 1875 the expenses were only $618,000. The State debt, not including trust-funds, is only $500,000. A tax of $1.60 upon each person will pay the public debt and meet the current expenses for a year. (Testimony, p. 8.) Attorney-General iHarris makes the following statement in regard to taxation for the period of twenty-six years: He says, Take, for example, 20 years of democratic rule in Mississippi, and see what amount of money their own records show were expended, and they held uninterrupted sway, as we can best ascertain from the reports of the auditor and treasurer, made to biennial sessions of their legislature. Take the 20 years, from 1850 to 1870, and compare it with six years of republican rule, from 1870 to 1875, inclusive, the following is shown: Expenditures: 1850..................... $295,933 48 1860......-......... 663, 536 55 1851................... 226, 407 41 1861............ 1, 4, 161 75 1852..................... 802,579 76 1862.................. 6, 819, 94 54 1853.-..-............. 229, 288 45 1863....... 2,210,794 23 1854..........-......... 584, 296 84 1864.-..... 5,446,732 06 1855.................. 311,578 19 1865........... 1,410,250 13 1856...-....-....... 784,896 79 1866.......... 1,860,809 t89 1857................... i1,067,086 57 1867................ 625,817 29 1858................. 6 5614,659 00 1868.............. 525,678 80 1859................ 707,015 00 1869.................... 463,219 71 5,623,741 49 20,208,894 95 5,623,741 49 Total expenditures for 20 years........................ 25,832, 646 44 Now, take the republican administration for six years. Expenditures for1870............... $, 1,061,249 90 1873...........$........ $953,030 00 1871................... 1,319,626 19 184.................. 908,330 00 1872.... 1, 098,031 69 1875............... 6.. 618,259 00 3, 478, 906 78 2, 479,619 00 3, 478, 906 78 5, 957,525 78 RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XI Total expenditures for six years, $5,957,525.78. The twenty years of democratic administration show an annual average of $1,291,632.32. The six years of republican administration show an annual average of $992,920.96. This may be claimed to be unfair, as it embraces four years of the war; but, for the sake of fairness, let us strike out the four years of the war, or the amount expended during those four years, 1861, 1862, 1863, and 1864, and add in lieu thereof the amount expended in 1860, $663,536.55, and we have al expenditure of $12,184,019.06, or an annual average of $699,200.95, as against $992,920.96. From this it would appear that the republican administration has been more expensive than the democratic administration; but there are several reasons for this: Before the war the taxes were paid in gold and silver, and everything much cheaper than since the war; and in January, 1870, when the republicans came into power, State warrants were worth about sixty or sixty-five cents on the dollar; the capitol and mansion were dilapidated; the penitentiary and lunatic asylum were too small, and had to be extended and repaired, and all the improvements cost nearly two prices, because payments were made in warrants at their reduced value. And the judiciary system was rendered more expensive to the State by dispensing with the probate court, the expenses of which had been formerly paid by the counties; this jurisdiction was given to the chancery court, and the number of citizens.had more than doubled, and all departments of State government rendered necessarily more expensive. And, again, the school system has been carried on at an expense very large, a thing that had never existed before the war. The expenditures for school purposes in the six years has been about $320,000 per annum. Let us add a few items which have been necessary since the war, and for which no expenditures were ever made by the democracy, by way of annual averages, and it will be seen at a glance why it is that the expenditures have been larger than formerly: For school purposes, (as above).......................-. $320, 000 Probate court business by the chancery court, (probates' salaries by the counties,) (Code, 1857, p. 423).............................. 36,700 Average annual improvements on public buildings, about.....-...... 100, 000 County record, &c., furnished, (destroyed during the war, and exhausted, &c.)..... -......................... - -......... — ---... 12, 500 Making an average per annum of..................... 469,200 Take this from the average, $992,920.96, leaves $523,720.96. These were necessary expenses, never incurred by a democratic administration, The only common-school system in the State before the war seemed to be a well-organized system to squander the school-fund of the State as rapidly as the same was donated to the State by the Government, as the history of the fund will show. Take these items from the annual expenditures of the six years of republican administration, and the average is reduced per year to $523,720.96. Thus showing the average annual expense of the republican administration to be, on the old basis of State expenses, actually $75,480 less than the average expenses under the democratic rule of twenty years, with less than one-half of the citizens to be governed, and at a time when expenditures everywhere were largely in advance of former years. Many other items of extraordinary expenses have been incurred since January, 1870, not included in these statements. This, I think, shows a fair statement of the expenditures for the last 26 years, 20 years of democratic rule and 6 years of republican rule. The taxes have been increased and decreased for the various State purposes, for the six years alluded to, as follows: 1870, 5 mills on the dollar; in 1871 it was 4 mills; in 1872, 8+ mills; in 1873 it was 12+ mills; in 1874 it was 14 mills; in 1875 it was 91. In the last three years there was a school-tax as follows: 1873 and 1874 a school-tax of 4 mills, and for 1875,2 mills. This is included in the above estimate, and the counties were restricted in their levies for county purposes as follows: By act of 1872, the counties were prohibited from levying a tax which, with the State and school tax added, shall not exceed 25 mills on the dollar, and in 1875 they were restricted to 20 mills on the dollar. It seems that the real complaint of the people of the State, as to the burden of taxation, grows out of the fact that the taxable property of the State is, in the main, unproductive; and to evade the tax, the tax-payers, in giving their propertyto the assessor, place it far below its actual value, and continue year after year to reduce the taxable values of the property. The statements made by Hon. G. E. Harris, attorney-general, Capt. H. T. Fisher, and Mr. E. Barksdale are referred to as presenting both sides of the case, and furnishing the best means at the command of the committee for a just judgment. The testimony taken tends to show that those who participated in XII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE the means by which the election of 1875 was carried by the democratic party rely, for justification, upon the facts of maladministration, as set torth in the testimony submitted with this report. In the opinion of the committee, those errors and wrongs, if admitted to the extent claimed, furnish no justification whatever for the outrages and crimes established by the testimony. It is also alleged in justification of the acts of intimidation, and of the crimes committed during the canvass and at the election, that Governor Ames had organized, or attempted to organize, a force, termed the negro militia. At the time of the riot at Clinton, on the 4th of September, 1875, which resulted in the death of at least thirty persons, there was no military organization in the State. The sum of $60,000 had been appropriated by the legislature, at its preceding session, for the organization and support of a military force; and the event at Clinton, in connection with the fact of disturbances in other portions of the State, led Governor Ames to attempt its organization. At the same time he issued the following proclamation: PROCLAMATION. STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Jackson, September 7,1875. Whereas persons have formed themselves into military organizations in various parts of the State without sanction of law, and such organizations are moved to the support of each other from point to point in counties, and from one county to another, without the approval or consent of the peace officers of such counties, and without the knowledge or authority of the State Government; and Whereas such organizations have overthrown civil government in Yazoo county, set it at defiance in Hinds County, and created distrust and fear in Warren and other counties, causing the loss of many lives, and compelling many persons to flee from their homes: and Whereas such action has already caused great injury to the interests of the people; and, if persisted in, will result in incalculable evil; Now, therefore, I, Adelbert Ames, governor of the State of Mississippi, do hereby make proclamation, and command all persons belonging to such organizations to disband forthwith; and I hereby require all citizens to render obedience to, and assist the peace officers of the various counties in the preservation of peace and order and the enforcement of the laws of the State. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the great seal of the State of Mississippi to be affixed, this the 7th day of September, A. D. 1875. [L. s.] ADELBERT AMES. By the Governor: JAMES HILL, Secretary of State. Some of the officers selected by him were native-born white citizens who had served in the late war on the side of the confederates, and he solicited and accepted recruits from the white as well as from the black population. (See testimony of General Hurst, p. 87.) This effort on the part of the governor, it is now claimed, was the occasion seized by the democrats for organizing and arming themselves, ostensibly to resist the black militia; but, in fact, such organization had been effected previously, as is shown by the testimony concerning the Clinton riot, and in the end it became the means by which the colored inhabitants and the white republicans of the State were overawed, intimidated, and deprived of their rights as citizens. (See testimony of Hon. H. Swann, pp. 307, 308; W. A. Montgomery, p. 546; and others.) These organizations were the instruments also by which numerous murders were committed upon persons who were then active, or who had been active, in the republican party. By the terms of the peace conference entered into by General J. Z. George, the chairman of the democratic State committee, and Governor RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XIII Ames, on the 13th of October, 1875, the attempt to organize the militia was abandoned, General George on his part agreeing to secure a peaceful election and the full and free enjoyment of the elective franchise by every citizen. The stipulation on the part of the governor was faithfully kept, but the promise made by General George was systematically disregarded by the democrats in the larger portion of the State. The outrages perpetrated by the white people in the canvass and on the day of election find no justification whatever in the acts or the policy of Governor Ames concerning the State militia. The effort on his part to organize the militia for the preservation of the public peace seems to the committee to have been not only lawful but proper, and the course of the democrats in organizing and arming themselves to resist the governor in his efforts to preserve the public peace was unlawful, and the proceedings should have been suppressed by the State authorities if possible; and, in case of failure on their part, by the Government of the United States. The constitution of the State provides that the militia shall consist of the able-bodied male citizens between the age of eighteen years and the age of forty-five years, and the legislature provided for its organization, by an act passed at its first session in the year 1870. It was the duty of the governor to use the militia for the suppression of such riots as those of Vicksburgh and Clinton, and this without regard to the question whether the white or the black race was most responsible therefor. In the opinion of the committee, the riot at Clinton was in harmony with the policy previously adopted by democrats in that vicinity, and designed to intimidate and paralyze the republican party. The testimony shows that the riot was inaugurated by a body of eight or ten young men from Raymond, who acted, apparently, under the advice of the Raymond Gazette, a democratic newspaper, edited by G. W. Harper, an aged and highly-respected man, according to the testimony of Frank Johnston, W. A. Montgomery, (p. 559,) and others. The riot occurred September 4, and the Raymond Gazette, as early as June or July, gave this advice: There are those who think that the leaders of the radical party have carried this system of fraud and falsehood just far enough in Hinds County, and that the time has come when it should be stopped-peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. And to this end it is proposed that whenever a radical pow-wow is to be held, the nearest anti-radical club appoint a committee of ten discreet, intelligent, and reputable citizens, fully identified with the interests of the neighborhood, and well kuown as men of veracity, to attend as representatives of the tax-payers of the neighborhood and county, and true friends of the negroes assembled, and that whenever the radical speakers proceed to mislead the negroes, and open with falsehoods, and deceptions, and misrepresentations, the committee stop them right then and there, and compel them to tell truth or quit the stand. Nor do these outrages find any excuse in the statement made repeatedly by witnesses, that the negroes were organizing or threatened or contemplated organizing themselves into military bands for the destruction of the white race. The evidence showsconclusively that there were not only no such organizations, but that the negroes were not armed generally; that those who had arms were furnished with inferior and second-hand weapons, and that their leaders, both religious and political, had discountenanced a resort to force. Many rumors were current among the whites that the negroes were arming and massing in large bodies, but in all cases these rumors had no basis. In a sentence, it may be asserted that all the statements made that there was any justitiable cause for the recent proceedings in Mississippi are without foundation. XIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE On the other hand, it is to be said, speaking generally, that a controlling part, and, as we think, a majority, of the white democratic voters of the State were engaged in a systematic effort to carry the election, and this with a purpose to resort to all means within their power, including on the part of some of them the murder of prominent persons in the republican party, both black and white. There was a minority, how large the committee are unable to say, who were opposed to the outrages which by this report are proved to have taken place. This minority, however, is for the time overawed and as powerless to resist the course of events as are the members of the republican party. Under more favorable circumstances they may be able to co-operate with the friends of order, and redeem the State from the control of the revolutionary element. (1.) The committee find that the young men of the State, especially those who reached manhood during the war, or who have arrived at that condition since the war, constitute the nucleus and the main force of the dangerous element. As far as the testimony taken by the committee throws any light upon the subject, it tends, however, to establish the fact that the democratic organizations, both in the counties and in the State, encouraged the young men in their course, accepted the political advantages of their conduct, and are in a large degree responsible for the criminal results. (2.) There was a general disposition on the part of white employers to compel the laborers to vote the democratic ticket. This disposition was made manifest by newspaper articles, by the resolutions of conventions, and by the declarations of land-owners, planters, and farmers to the workmen whom they employed, and by the incorporation in contracts of a provision that they should be void in case the negroes voted the republican ticket. (3.) Democratic clubs were organized in all parts of the State, and the able-bodied members were also organized generally into military companies and furnished with the best arms that could be procured in the country. The fact of their existence was no secret, although persons not in sympathy with the movement were excluded from membership. Indeed their object was more fully attained by public declarations of their organization in connection with the intention, everywhere expressed, that it was their purpose to carry the election at all hazards. In many places these organizations possessed one or more pieces of artillery. These pieces of artillery were carried over the counties and discharged upon the roads in the neighborhood of republican meetings, and at meetings held by the democrats. For many weeks before the election members of this military organization traversed the various counties, menacing the voters and discharging their guns by night as well as by day. This statement is sustained by the testimony of Capt. W. A. Montgomery, Capt. E. O. Sykes, J. D. Vertner, leading democrats in their respective counties, aswell as by the testimony of a large number of trustworthy republicans. (4.) It appears from the testimony that, for some time previous to the election, it was impossible, in a large number of the counties, to hold republican meetings. In the republican counties of Warren, Hinds, Lowndes, Monroe, Copiah, and Holmes meetings of the republicans were disturbed or broken up, and all attempts to engage in public discussion were abandoned by the republicans many weeks. before the election. (5.) The riots at Vicksburgh on the 5th of July, and at Clinton on the 4th of September, were the results of a special purpose on the part of the democrats to break up the meetings of the republicans, to destroy RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XV the leaders, and to inaugurate an era of terror, not only in those counties, but throughout the State, which would deter republicairs, and particularly the negroes, from organizing or attending meetings, and especially deter them from the free exercise of the right to vote on the day of the election. The results sought for were in a large degree attained. (6.) Following the riot at Clinton, the country for the next two days was scoured by detachments from these democratic military organizations over a circuit of many miles, and a large number of unoffending persons were killed. The number has never been ascertained correctly, but it may be estimated fairly as between thirty and fifty. Among the innocent victims of those days of horror and crime was Mr. Wim. P. Haffa, a white man, a teacher by profession, a justice of the peace by the choice of his fellow-citizens, and a candidate for reelection upon the republican ticket. He was a resident of Philadelphia with his family until the year 1870, when he emigrated to Mississippi for the purpose of planting. The story of his assassination as related by his wife is here given in full: ASSASSINATION OF MR. HAFFA. WASHINGTON, D. C., July 7, 1876. Mrs. ALZINA F. HAFFA sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By the CIHAIMAN: Question. Have you lived in Mississippi, and if so, how long?-Answer. Yes, sir; it will be seven years next February since I went there. Q. Where did you live before that — A. In Philadelphia, my native place. Q. What was your husband's name?-A. William P. Haffa. Q. Did you go to Mississippi with him?-A. Yes, sir. Q. He is not living now — A. No, sir. Q. Will you state to the committee the time when he died and the circumstances or his death? —A. Do you desire me to state anything previous to that? Q. You can state just what took place in Mississippi that you think important.-A. We were there about two months and a half or three monthsQ. When did you go there? —A. In February. Q. What year?-A. 1870-seven years next February. Mr. Haffa went there for the purpose of raising cotton and corn. Q. Where did you live?-A. In Hinds County, third district. VISITED TO DEFINE HIS POLITICS. Q. Near what town?-A. I cannot tell you how many miles from Vicksburgh, I don't remember; but we lived within a few miles of Auburn, Miss.; I think it was two or three miles. After we had been living there about three months we were waited upon by the owners of the land, and they asked Mr. Haffa whether he was a friend to the white people or to the nigger, using a profane word. They called him outside and I followed him and stood at the door and heard what they said. Q. Do you know who these people were?-A. Frank and William Bush, the owners of the land. William Bush, was not an owner, but Frank was. William Bush was the agent for his wife and did all the business connected with the estate which belonged to his wife. Her name was Mollie Bush. Mr. Hiaffa said he was a friend to any one, be he black or white, that was deserving of his friendship. Then they said to him, "We understand that you are a friend of the nigger," using profane language; and they made some other remarks, I don't remember what; but they went away, and a short time after that they came back and inquired for him. He was not in; he was out in the field. They went out there where he was, and my little boy, who was out there, said that they used some insulting language toward Mr. Haffa, and that they threatened him. He came in very much excited from the field and said to me, " Mamma, I am afraid there will be difficulty here." ELECTED JUSTICE OF THE PEACE. Then the colored people nominated him for squire —magistrate-and he received his appointment from Governor Alcorn, who was then governor of Mississippi. That raised the indignation of the white people. They declared no northern nian should XVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE come down there and rule them. So they sent up a number of petitions to have him removed. Governor Alcorn said there was nothing against him that he could find out, and unless there was something else against him than his birth he could not do anything, as long as it was the desire of the majority of the people, who are colored people. So then he fulfilled his office for two years, and the first election came on and he was renominated for the same position, and he was elected by the people at that time. Then he had occasion to have some business with these people, the Bushes. MR. HAFFA LASHED. Q. Was it private or public business?-A. I have forgotten now; I cannot say. They came to the house one Saturday afternoon; I don't know what time it was, but anyhow they got the colored people all to leave the premises except one, an old colored woman; she could not get away. They came to the house and asked me if Mr. Haffa was in. I said, "Yes." They said they wantedto see him. I went to the door as usual -I always went to the door when there was white people come around, for I was very much afraid of them myself. So they got him out by a tree a short distance off, and they had hitched their horses to that tree. I watched them, and they took a cowhide and commenced to lash him very freely with it. I ran out and grasped him around the waist. They said, " We will show you what southern blood is." Mr. Haffa never said a word. I said, "Mr. Bush, you have a wife in heaven and a child also, here; remember what your fate will be. I am here among strangers." He says, " Well, you have got no business to be down here among such an illiterate class of people." MRS. HAFFA INJURED. And, finally, I kept on, and I presume it lasted over an hour, perhaps two hours; and they kept on until they got up to the house, and then Frank Bush took hold of me and threw me violently against a sill in front of the door, and the effects of it I have never got over yet. I was laid up in consequence of it for about a month. I was taken to Jackson, Miss. Senator Caldwell, of Mississippi, a colored man, paid my expenses there, which cost him $50. I was there for a month to be recuperated; I was not able to be home at all: they had no hopes of me. In the mean time Mr. Haffa had gone to Jackson to make his bond for his position as magistrate for the second term. He was there for a few days and then went back and attended to his business, leaving me there. HER HUSBAND INSULTED-HER BOY FIRED AT. Then I went home, and there was nothing of any moment occurred for several months. Then Robinnett, a brother-in-law of these Bushes, met Mr. Hafta coming from the depot with my little boy, who was on a mule, and Mr. Haffa was on a horse. Robinnett came up to Mr. Haffa and took hold of his whiskers, and told him he wanted him to come down off his horse and he would have it out with him there. Mr. Haffa somehow got. away from him and put spurs to his horse, and the horse ran, and then Robinnett fired at my little boy. ATTEMPT AT ASSASSINATION. Owing to the excitement he could not get out any warrant to have the man arrested, and there was never anything done with him. So, repeatedly after that, the Bushes made attempts at Mr. Haffa, and Mr. Haffa had always somebody with him wherever he went. He had to be guarded by the colored people. Even in going to the stable, which was no farther than from here across the street, he was afraid of his life. One evening after he came home from the depot-he went there generally of a Saturday to get his mail-a son of a member of. the board of supervisors-I think he was a supervisor; he was an officer anyhow; his name was Fatheree. I always answered the door if anybody called at night, and, in fact, in the day-time as well as night, for I thought I might do better than Mr. Haffa. He came to the door and says, " Is Mr. Haffa in?" Says I, "Yes, sir." He says, "I wish to see him on business." I said, "Won't you alight and walk in?" He said, "No." I went in and told Mr. Haffa, and I wept out with a candle, and he says to me,'Mamma, you go in; it is too cold for you here, you will take cold." The young man says to him, "Send your wife in; I want to talk about business and it is not prudent for ladies to be present." There was a colored woman, a school-teacher, there, standing by me. Mr. Haffa then spoke in a more emphatic manner than usual, for lme to go in, ald I went to turn around with the candle to go in when this colored woman just shook her head that way, [indicating,] and I said, " I will not go in;" and I turned, and at that moment saw a pistol aimed at Mr. Haffa. He had it cocked, but Mr. Haffa snatched it from his hand, and made him get down off his horse, and put, him in the cotton-house and locked him up until next morning. In the morning he knocked at the door and prayed to be let out, and asked Mr. Haffa's pardon, and said he did not intend anything. Mr. Haffa thought, probably, on account of the feeling, that it would be better to be; RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XVII lenient than to use harsh means, though he had him in his power; so he let him out; and said he, "Squire, won't you give me my pistol?" It was a small Derringer pistol. Mr. Haffa said, "I don't know that I will." He said, " Will you give it back to me,. please? I will promise you I won't do any such thing as that again, and I am very sorry for it, but I was put up to do it." Mr. Hatfa said, " Who put you up to do it?' and he would not say who it was; and he gave him back his pistol, and he went home. Two or three days after that his mother called on me-Mr. Haffa was absent at the time-and made an apology to me for the conduct of her son. Mr. Haffa says, " We, will think nothing about it; we will let it slide, as long as he made reparation for it, In that way probably I can overcome them by kindness." MRS. HAFFA TEACHES SCHOOL AND ADVISES COLORED VOTERS. Then he came on North here and remained a year. and left me there as teacher. I have been teacher there ever since the public schools have been in vogue. The schoolhouse was only twenty or thirty yards from my house, and we held all our club meetings there, and in the absence of Mr. Haffa I attended to the business of the colored people;. was their secretary part of the time, and I did various other things for them. During the election of McKee the colored people waited on me and asked me if I would persuade them to vote for McKee. They left it all to me whether he was theright kind of a man for them to have to represent them in Congress. I had heard Mr. Haff, speak very happily of Mr. McKee as well as several of his intimate friends at Jackson, one of whom, I think, was Captain Fisher; so I said to them, "Vote for McKee; vote the republican ticket straight through; don't allow anything to influence you against voting that ticket." They had implicit confidence in me from the fact of nay being there so long' and they always consulted me in every respect during Mr. Haffa's absence. I taught day-school and night-school up to the day of Mr. Haifa's murder. He came back, I don't remember exactly what timne, but I think it was in May-April or May, somewhere. MR. HIAFFA TEACHES SCHOOL. Q. How long ago was it?-A. I think it was three years ago last May, if my memory serves me right. The colored people waited on him and asked him if he would take their school to teach, about seven miles from there. He said he did not know whether he would or not. They asked him if he would take an office at the next election. Said they, "We are determined to have you somewhere, because we are afraid we. are going to lose you.. We are very much afraid of that, and you have got to remain here with us." He always consulted me in every question; said he;' Mamma, what would you advise me to do'" Said I, " Do just as you think best. If you think it will be remunerative, perhaps you had better take the school." He said he would give them an answer. So they came again, and he finally determined to take the school, and he taught the school up to the time he was assassinated. WARNED OF IMPENDING DANGER. The school closed on Friday, and the public school was opened the following Monday; and on Monday, the 6th of September-I have forgotten whether it was between two and three or three and four o'clock in the morning-but my affidavit that I made out in Jackson has the precise time, but I have forgotten now. There was a number of colored people waited on Mr. Haffa on the Sunday before. He attended their Sunday-school, and always preached there Sunday fol the colored people; and he came back and they said to him, " Squire, don't you feel afraid of your life? Don't you feel timid "' He said, "No; I am. not timid. They said that the white people said they were going to destroy very many, and that they were not going to escape a limb, and that he was mentioned as one of them. Said he, "0, no; there is so much braggadocio about them, I don't suppose they will harm me now, after we have been living here so many years, and they have attempted it so often." A FEDERAL OFFICER APOLOGIZES FOR HIS NEGLECT OF DUTY. I neglected to say that when we were first struck, how he would take it to court, and a gentleman that has a United States position, he came to him and apologized for not doing his duty to him. I think he is now United States marshal. When we first went there he was sheriff, and the Bushes were wealthy, and he said, " Mr. Haffa, it is no use for you to be butting yourself against the bricks while you have no money and the Bushes are wealthy, and you might as well drop the case right away, for you can't gain anything." But Mr. Haffa laid his damages at $10,000. I heard Mr. Haffa say that himself; and he got defeated out of it. Through Mr. Lake not sending the papers to the proper place at the circuit court our damages were all lost and we never got anything. When the election came around again Lake came to Mr. Haffa and apologized to S. Rep. 527-II XVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE him. He said, "I am very sorry for what has happened; it was my fault that those papers did not reach their destination." Says Mr. -Haffa, "Is it so?" Says he, "Yes." Q. Do you remember Mr. Lake's first name?-A. No, sir. They told me that he had a position there when I was in Jackson. THE ASSASSINATION OF MR. HAFFA DESCRIBED. We were aroused by the barking of our dog furiously, on the morning of the 6th of September. I holloed, " Who is there?" and no answer. I repeated it, and there was no answer. And then Mr. Haifa got up and said, "Who is there? They said, " We will let you know who is there;" or, " You will know who is there," or something to that effect; and I said, "My God! they have the yard full of men." I presume there were from 50 to 75 men barricading the whole of the house. And they had not only armed themselves with one or two weapons, but they had some of them half a dozen, because I could see them. They had them buckled around them, besides the musket that they carried. They tried to unfasten the door to get it, but we had a small crevice where we could insert our foot between the door and the sill, and I inserted my foot between the door and the sill and kept the door closed, and they could not get in. My daughter assisted me also. Finding they could not get in, they finally took one of the fence-rails and broke the door down and part of the furniture; and we were holloing all the time, "Murder! murder!" and no one came to our assistance. They could hear me hollo murder for about two miles, as the neighbors told me afterward. Finally, Mosely, the agent of the Singer sewing-machine, came up to me and choked me, and held a revolver close to my head. Before he choked me I said, " I am not afraid; if you will take me and spare my husband that is all I ask." And Mosely said to me, when I called his name several times, " Sh-! sh-!" I had a nursing-baby then, and it was lying on the bed, screaming After I was choked so I could not hollo any longer, my daughter came, and she left me and went over to her father; and they broke a shutter off the window and fired at Mr. Haffa; and my little boy told me yesterday-I have him at boarding-school, at least at a house out in Germantown-he said that he would take oath any time that it was Jimmy Whitehead who fired one of the shots at Mr. Haffa; and Sid. Whitehead, the owner of the land that we rented our land from, he had threatened Mr. Haffa's life several times, which the children know of. They fired twice, and I went to him, and he asked me to take him to the bed; so my daughter and I assisted him to the bed; and-we had no light; it was utter darkness there-and says he to me, "Mamma, I want water." As soon as I could get a light I gave him water and laid him down, and iran out for assistance, and sent my little boy over to some colored people, and they came rushing over. Finally Sid. Whitehead came along and refused to let me have a physician; he said it was no use, that he would die anyhow. Mr. Haffa spoke as strongly as I am speaking, and he asked for water, and that was all he asked for. He said, " Mamma, I am going to die," and he asked God to have mercy on his soul, and he laid his head on my shoulder and expired. THE WIDOW FORCED TO DENY THAT SHE KNEW ONE OF THE ASSASSINS. So after the colored people had laid him away I said to Mr. Sid. Whitehouse, " Moseley is the one that choked me; and he held a revolver at my head;" and Sid. Whitehouse said, "You know Mr. Moseley was not here." I said, "Yes, sir; he was;" and he spoke out-that is Jimmy Whitehead-to say that I had to recall those words for the sake of my life. They made me recall it, and say it was not him. PROFANE LANGUAGE-ABUSE OF NORTHERN PEOPLE-A COFFIN REFUSED. They came there together and set up the first night —Whitehead and two or three other gentlemen, and they did nothing but use profane language all the time, and abuse the northern people. They said that they would show them that they were fully armed now and ready for war at any time, and that they could not rule over them and do as they pleased with them. They would not allow me to have a coffin for him at all. Colonel Griffin, formerly United States Senator here-so he told me-he came and said, "Mrs. Haffa, I regret this very much." Says he, "I cannot get a coffin for you, for they won't allow any travel through." Do you want to know anything about the other men that were assassinated the same day? ASSASSINATION OF A FATHER AND SON. Q. If you know any others you may specify them. You have not yet given the date of the night when this took place?-A. This was the 6th of September, 1875. Well, after Mr. Haffa was gone, the colored people, who were very friendly toward us, all the colored people, they were there, and they said, "Well, I would like to see any one come to my house and kill me in as brutal a manner as they did the squire. We have lost RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XIX our best friend." The names of the people who said this were Stevens; and his wife said, " I must go home." He says to her, "Yes, you better go home, for I will be the next one." Mr. Whitehead said, "Dolph"-his name was Adolph-" you better be careful how you talk, or the men will be after you." So about 11 o'clock these men came back to see if Mr. Haffa was gone, and they were looking like hungry wolves; the most fiendish-looking men I ever saw. They said, "Any colored people secreted about your premises here?" Says I, "No, sir." There was nobody in the house then but my children and Mr. Haffa. I said, "There is nobody here, but you are privileged to come in and examine the premises, and look up the chimney." Two of them alighted, and came in and looked around, and they said that was all they wanted to know. They went over to these colored people's houses, and took the Stevenses, father and son, out, and stood them on a stump and shot them, and killed them instantly. Q. Did you know these people who came to your house the last time?-A. No, sir; I could not know them. Q. Were they disguised in any way?-A. "No, sir; not the last time, they were not; the first time they were disguised. They did not give them any warning, any more than they did Mr. Haffa, when they came in the house and took them out. They said they had a large day's work on hand, and that they had to commence early; and during that day they perpetrated a number of murders. They were after Senator Caldwell, but I don't know whether they got him at that time or not; I never found out. THE WIDOW ORDERED TO LEAVE. Mr. Whitehead then gave me ten days' notice to leave; and so the colored people harbored me. I could not get away from there, as no one came in and out of the depot, for they were afraid to go there. Mr. Haffa was buried in a rude box, and just the colored people and my son went along. He was just wrapped up in a sheet; they would not allow it in any other way. Mr. Whitehead said that 1 must leave, that we were looked upon as spies here. The colored people harbored me until I got a conveyance to take me to the depot. Finally, there was a man, an intimate friend of Mr. Haffa's, came out with three pistols belted around him, and said he would take us in. THE COLORED PEOPLE DISARMED. They disarmed all the colored people through the country there, took their arms from them, and would not allow them to have any; and before I left for the depot they made the colored people break up their clubs, and every one of them joined the democratic clubs; they compelled them to do so or their life, one or the other. They were given ribbons, and I could see them marching along to the democratic clubs at Auburn and Utica; they went to and fro. CAPTAIN MONTGOMERY GIVES HELP. We went to the depot, and there they sent for Captain Montgomery. I had no money, and I was obliged to leave everything; I had not even a change of clothing; and Captain Montgomrery raised me a purse of between thirty and forty dollars, and I went to Jackson. I had to make some purchases there for the children; and after I got there I was taken into Mr. Wolf's house, the superintendent of education, and his family received me very kindly. He was an intimate friend of Mr. Haifa's, and he said he would do all he could for me; but he could not have me there at his house at all, because his life would be in jeopardy; but said that he would call on the governor, and that he would send his officials around to take my affidavit, and he would secrete me at the hotel and pay my board while I was there. This is the document that he drew up, [exhibiting paper.] And he went around among the republican members of the government, and he was chagrined at the republicans not doing more than they did. Governor Ames donated )5 and gave me a ticket halt-way to Cincinnati; and after I arrived at Cincinnati with my three children I had to beg my way on to Philadelphia. I was only a few hours at Mr. Wolf's house, and then was taken to the hotel there. Q. How many children have you?-A. I have two; I have lost:my baby. Q. What is your age?-A. Thirty-eight. The story of the murder of Square Hodge, a colored man, Sunday morning, September 5, is thus told by his wife: ASSASSINATION OF SQUARE HODGE. JACKSON, MISS., June 19, 1876. ANN HODGE (colored) sworn and examined. By the CHAIRMAN: PERSONAL STATEMENT. Question. How old are you?-Answer. Eighteen years old. Q. Have you been married?-A. Yes, sir. XX ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE Q. What is your husband's name?-A. Square Hodge. Q. Where do you live now?-A. Eight miles below Raymond. Q. Do you know anything about the Clinton riot last September?-A. I was not there. I know my husband came home; he was there. Q. What day of the week was that?-A. On Saturday. The riot was on Saturday. Q. Did your husband come home to your place — A. Yes, sir; he came home Saturday night, in the night. Q. Was he hurt?-A. He was shot in the arm. Q. Could he use his arm?-A. No, sir; he could not use it at all. He had it in a sling. Q. Did he tell you how he got hurt — A. Only that he got shot. That is all he told fme. Q. Did he stay at home that night?-A. Yes, sir. WHITE PEOPLE CAME FOR HIM. Q. On Sunday morning what happened?-A. The white people came there after him in the morning. Q. Who were they?-A. Henry Quick, Willy Locke, Bryan McDonald, John McDonald, George Alien, John McNeir, and Allen Grafton came. Q. Any more? —A. No, sir; I did not know any more. Two or three, I didn't know them. Q. Did they have horses or come on foot?-A. All riding. Q. On horses?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did they have any guns?-A. Yes, sir; guns and pistols. Q. They came to your house?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who was in thehouse besides yourself?-A. Me and my brother there and another brother. Q. Who is he?-A. John Jones. Q. Who else?-A. My other brother, Lewis, and brother William, and my mother and little children. Q. How many children?-A. Five of them. Q. Have you any children yourself?-A. Yes, sir; I have two. Q. Did these men come in the house?-A. Allen Grafton and John McNeir came in. The rest staid around the house. THEY FIND HODGE. Q. What was done?-A. They made my brother come out from under the bed-my brother John-and asked where Square was, and said, " Is he in the room?" and I did not tell, and said I did not know, at first. Then he asked if they had'been at the Clinton riot, and I said that I did not know. Then he said, " If you don't tell, I will shoot your God damned brains out." They made him come out from under the bed, and started to shoot under the house-mother put the children under the house; she was scared and put the children under the house, and they gone around. There is two doors in the house. They had pistols pointed under the house, and I told them that nobody was under but the children. Then they came into the house, but could not find Square, and they went out right where he was, and snatched off the weatherboards, only one in the room, and the other went outside the door and snatched the weather-board and turned back the bed, and made him come out, and called him a damned son of a bitch, and said he must come with them. Mr. Quick says, " I told you this; if you had listened to me you would not have come to this," and they told him to put his shoes on, and I got them and said I will put them on; and I had to put them on and could not tie them very well; and some one said, " Let the God damned shoes be; he don't need any shoes." I put my brother's coat on him, and they carried him before them. Q. On the horse — A. No, sir; he walked before them away toward Raymond. Q. Now what happened?-A. Nothing else. "THEY KILLED HIM.? Q. What became of your husband? —A. They killed him. I never did find him for a week, until the next Saturday. Q. Where did you find him?-A. Near about a mile and a half to the last bridge to Raymond, in the swamp. Q. Who found him?-A. A colored man who was running off, keeping out of the way of the rebs, too, and he come across the body, and went and got a spade, and dug a hole and put a blaze on the trees all the way out, and then we got the news; and Mr. Quick he took and made a box for us, and he loaned us a wagon, and we went after him that Saturday. THE BODY FOUND. Q. You found his body?-A. The buzzards had eat the entrails; but from the body down here [indicating] it was as natural as ever. His shoes were tied just as I had tied them. The skull bone was on the outside of the grave, and this arm was out slightly and the other was off. Some we didn't find. We picked up the rings of the RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXI backbone. We got the pocket-book, and there was the hat hanging up, and this ring was put on the tree and the black one was on the ground; this one. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did you ever take an oath before? —A. No, sir. Q. Do you know the meaning of taking an oath?-A. No, sir. Q. Do you know what the consequences are of swearing falsely — A. No, sir. ASSASSINATION OF SENATOR CALDWELL. An equally horrid crime was the murder of Senator Caldwell and his brother, at Clinton, Christmas night. A history of the events of that evening is given by Mrs. Caldwell, which we here quote in her own words. Mrs. MARGARET ANN CALDWELL (colored) sworn and examined. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. What is your name — Answer. Margaret Ann Caldwell. Q. Where do you live — A. In Clinton, Hinds County. Q. Was Mr. Caldwell, formerly senator, your husband?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What was his first name — A. Charles. Q. When did he die?-A. Thursday night, in the Christmas. Him and his brother was killed. Q. You may state to the committee what you know of his death.-A. I know when he left the house on the Thursday evening, in the Christmas, between dark and sundown. In the beginning of the day he was out on his fox-chase all day. The first commencement was an insult passed on his nephew, and he came out home. STORY OF HIS ASSASSINATION. Q. Who was that — A. David Washington; he is in Washington City now. He is there in business; watchman in the Treasury Department now; has been ever since October, I think. So they picked a fuss; Waddy Rice in George Washington's blacksmith shop in Clinton. They commenced talking this way: I think David said they asked, " How many did he kill on the day of the Moses Hill riot? Who. did he shoot?" David said that he did not know as he shot anybody; said he didn't know that he shot anybody. They told him, he said, " he came there to kill the white people, and if he did, to do his work in the day, and not to be seeking their lives at night." David came immediately back to my house. His uncle was at the fox-chase. I said, "Don't go out any more. Probably they are trying to get up a fuss here." His uncle sent him down for something. He staid in the house until he came. That was about four o'clock in the evening, and some one had told about the fuss picked with his nephew, and he walked down town to see about it, I suppose. He was down town a half hour, and came back and eat his dinner, and just between dark and sundown he goes back down town again. He went down town knocking about down there. I do not khow what he was doing down there, until just nearly dusk, and a man, Madison Bell, a colored man, came and says, " Mrs. Caldwell, you had better go down and see about Mr. Caldwell, I think the white folks will kill him; they are getting their guns and pistols, and you had better go and get your husband away from town." I did not go myself; I did not want to go myself, but went to Professor Bell and said would he go and get him. Mr. Bell went, and he never came back at all until he came back under arrest. I was at my room until just nearly dark. The moon was quite young, and the chapel bell rang. We live right by it. I knew the minute the bell tolled what it all meant. And the young men that lived right across the street, when the bell tolled, they rushed right out; they went through the door and some slid down the window and over they sprang; some went over the fence. They all ran to the chapel and got their guns. There was 150 guns there to my own knowing; had been there since the riot, at the Baptist chapel. They all got their guns. I went down town, and then all got ahead everywhere I went; and some of them wanted to know who I was, but I hid my face as well as I could. I just said woman," and did not tell who I was. As I got to town I went to go into Mr. Chilton's store and every store was closed just that quick, for it was early, about 6 o'clock. All the other stores were closed. Chilton's was lit up by a big chandelier, and as I went over the lumber-yard I saw a dead man. I stumbled over him, and I looked at him, but I did not know who it was, and I went into Chilton's, and as I put my foot up on the store steps, standing as close maybe a few feet, (everything was engaged in it that day,) there was Judge Cabinis, who was a particular friend of my husband; a particular friend to him. He was standing in the center with a gun with a blue strap, in the center of the jam; and as I went to go in they cussed me and threatened to hurt me, and " make it damned hot XXII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE for me," and the judge among the balance; but he said he didn't know me afterward And they all stood; nobody would let me go in; they all stood there with their guns. I know there was two dead men there, but I did not think it was my husband at the time. I stood right there, and as I stood they said to me, "If you don't go away they would make it very damned hot for me;" and I did not say anything, and walked off, and walked right over the dead man. He was right in my path where I found the body. He was lying broadside on the street. I did not know who he was. I then stooped and tried to see who he was, and they were cursing at me to get out of the town, to get out. Then I went up, and there was Mrs. Bates across the street, my next-door neighbor. I seed her little girl come up by us and she said, "Aunt Ann, did you see my uncle here?" I said, "I did not. I saw a dead 1ody on the street; I did not see who he was." She said, " What in the world is going on down town?" Says I, " I don't know, only killing people there." She says, "Aaron Bates's hand is shot all to pieces, and Dr. Bangs is killed." He was not killed, but was shot in the leg; nobody killed but my husband and brother. I went on over to the house, and went up-stairs and back to my room and laid down a widow. After I had been home I reckon three-quarters of an hour, nearly an hour, Parson Nelson came up-Preacher Nelson-and he called me. I was away up-stairs. He called several times, and I heard him call each time. He called three or four times, and says, "Answer; don't be afraid; nobody will hurt you." He says, "Don't be afraid; answer me;" and after I had made up my mind, I answered him what he wanted; and he said, "I have come to tell you the news, and it is sad news to you. Nobody told me to come, but I come up to tell you." I didn't say anything. "Your husband is dead," he said; "he is killed, and your brother, too, Sam." I never said anything for a good while. He told me.nobody would hurt me then; and when I did speak, says I, "Mr. Nelson, why did they kill him?" He says "I don't know anything about it." He said just those words: "I don't know anything about it." He says, after that, "Have you any men folks about the place? " I says, " No." He says, " You shan't be hurt; don't be afraid of us; you shan't be hurt." I never said anything whatever. He went off. Sam's wife was there at the same time with three little children. Of course it raised great excitement. After a length of time, Professor Hillman, of the institute, the young ladies' school or college, he brought the bodies to the house; brought up my husband, him and Frank Martin, Professor Hillman and Mr. Nelson had charge of the dead bodies, and they brought them to the house; and when they brought them, they carried them in the bed-room, both of them, and put them there; they seed to having them laid out, and fixed up, and all that. Mr. Nelson said in my presence, I listened at him, he said, "A braver life never had died than Charley Caldwell. He never saw a man died with a manlier spirit in his life." He told me he had brought him out of the cellar. You see when they had shot Sam, his brother, it was him who was lying there on the street. They shot him right through his betd, off of his horse, when he was coming in from the country, and he fell on the street. He was the man I stumbled over -twice. I did not know who he was. When they shot him, they said that they shot him for fear he would go out of town and bring in other people and raise a fuss. He found out, I suppose, that they had his brother in the cellar, so he just lay there dead; he that was never known to shoot a gun or pistol in his life-never knew how. Mr. Nelson said that Buck Cabell carried him into the cellar; persuaded him to go out and drink; insisted upon his taking a drink with him, and him and Buck Cabell never knowed anything against each other in his life; never had no hard words. My husband told him no, he didn't want any Christmas. He said, "You must take a drink with me," and entreated him, and said, "You must take a drink." He then took him by the arm and told him to drink for a Christmas treat; that he must drink, and carried him into Chilton's cellar, and they jingled the glasses, and at the tap of the glasses, and while each one held the glass, while they were taking the glasses, somebody shot right through the back from the outside of the gate window, and he fell to the ground. As they struck their glasses, that was the signal to shoot. They had him in the cellar, and shot him right there, and he fell on the ground. When he was first shot, he called for Judge Cabinis, and called for Mr. Chilton; I don't know who else. They were all around, and nobody went to his relief; all them men standing around with their guns. Nobody went to the cellar, and he called for Preacher Nelson, called for him, and Preacher Nelson said that when he went to the cellar door he was afraid to go in, and called to him two or three times, " Don't shoot me," and Charles said, " Come in," he wouldn't hurt him, and "take him out of the RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXIII cellar;" that he wanted to die in the open air, and did not want to die like a dog closed up. When they taken him out, he was in a manner dead,just from that one shot; and they brings him out then, and he only asked one question, so Parson Nelson told meto take him home and let him see his wife before he died; that he could not live long. It was only a few steps to my house, and they would not do it, and some said this. Nelson carried him to the middle of the street, and the men all hallooed, " We will save him while we've got him; dead men tell no tales." Preacher Nelson told me so. That is what they all cried, " We'll save him while we got him; dead men tell no tales." Whether he stood right there in the street while they riddled him with thirty or forty of their loads, of course, I do not know, but they shot him all that many timeswhen he was in a manner dead. All those balls went in him. I u nderstood that a young gentleman told that they shot him as he lay on the ground unti 1 they turned him over. He said so. I did not hear him. Mr. Nelson said when he asked them to let him see me they told him no, and he then. said, taking both sides of his coat and bringing them up this way so, he said, " Remember when you kill me you kill a gentleman and a brave man. Never say you killed a coward. I want you to remember it when I am gone." Nelson told me that, and he said that he never begged them, and that he never told them, but to see how a brave man could die. They can find no cause; but some said they killed him because he carried the militia to Edwards', and they meant to kill him for that. The time the guns were sent there he was captain under Governor Ames, and they said they killed him for that; for obeying Governor Ames. After the bodies were brought to my house, Professor Hillman and Martin all staid until one o'clock, and then at one o'clock the train came from Vicksburgh with the "Modocs." They all marched up to my house and went into where the two dead bodies laid, and they oirsed them, those dead bodies, there, and they danced and threw open the melodeon, and sung all their songs, and challenged the dead body to get up and meet them, and they carried on there like a parcel of wild Indians over those dead bodies, these Vicksburgh " Modocs." Just one or two colored folks were sitting up in the room, and they carried on all that in my presence, danced and sung and done anything they could. Some said they even struck them; but I heard them curse and challenge them to get up and fight. The Vicksburgh Modocs done that that night. Then they said they could not stay any longer. Then the day after that Judge Cabinis asked me was there anything he could do, and I told him, I said, "Judge, you have already done too much for me." I told him he had murdered my husband, and I didn't want any of his friendship. Those were the words I told him the next day, and he swore he did not know me that time; but I saw Judge Cabinis with this crowd that killed my husband. I saw him right in the midst, and then he made his excuse. He said he did everything he could for Charles, and that he was crazy. Well, they could not tell anything he had done. They said Aaron Page was shot during the fuss. In the league that was held here in that town, that day my husband was buried, they all said that he did not shoot him. They said that Aaron Page was shot accidentally; that my husband did not kill him. All started up from picking a fuss with his nephew. As for any other cause I never knew; but only they intended to kill him because for carrying the militia to Edwards'; for obeying Governor Ames; and that was all they had against him. THE MODOCS AFTER THE CLINTON RIOT. At the same time, when they had the Moss Hill riot, the day of the dinner in September, when they came over that day, they telegraphed for the Vicksburgh " Modocs" to come out, and they came out at dark, and when they did come, about fifty came out to my house that night; and they were breaking the locks open on doors and trunks; whenever they would find it closed they would break the locks. And they taken from the house what guns they could find, and plundered and robbed the house. The captain of the Vicksburgh " Modocs," his name is Tinney. Q. What day was that?-A. The day of the Moss Hill riot, in September. THREATS AGAINST MR. CALDWELL AlrER THE CLINTON RIOT. Q. When; the Clinton riot?-A. The 4th day of September. They came out, and Tinney staid there, and at daybreak.they commenced to go, and he, among others, told me to tell my husband that the Clinton people sent for, him to kill him, and he named them who they were to kill-all the leaders especially, and he says, "Tell him when I saw him"-he was gone that night; he fled to Jackson that evening with all the rest-" we are going to kill him if it is two years, or one year, or six; no difference; we are going to kill him anyhow. We have orders to kill him, and we are going to do it, because he belongs to this republican party, XXIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE and sticks up for these negroes." Says he, "We are going to have the South back in our own charge, and no man that sticks by the republican party, and any man that sticks by the republican party, and is a leader, he has got to die." He told me that; and that the southern people are going to have the South back to ourselves, and no damned northern people and no republican party; and if your husband don't join us he has got to die. Tell him I said so." I told him what he said. I did not know Tinney at the time; and when I saw my husband enter I told him, and he knew him from what I said, and he saw him afterward and told him what I said. He just said that he said it for devilment. They carried on there until the next morning, one crowd after another. I had two wounded men. I brought them off the Moss Hill battle-field, and these men treated me very cruelly, and threatened to kill them, but they did not happen to kill them. CLINTON RIOT. Next morning, before sun up, they went to a house where there was an old black man, a feeble old man, named Bob Beasley, and they shot him all to pieces. And they went to Mr. Willis's and took out a man, named Gamaliel Brown, and shot him all to pieces. It was early in the morning; and they goes out to Sam. Jackson's, president of the club, and they shot him all to pieces. He hadn't even time to put on his clothes. And they went out to Alfred Hastings; Alfred saw them coming. And this was before sun-up. Q. This morning after the Clinton riot?-A. On the morning of the 5th, and they shot Alfred Hastings all to pieces, another man named Ben. Jackson, and then they goes out and shoots one or two farther up on the Madison road; I don't know exactly; the name of one was Lewis Russell. He was shot, and Moses Hill. They were around that morning killing people before breakfast. I saw a young man from Vicksburgh that I knew, and asked him what it all meant. Q. Who was he?-A. Dr. Hardesty's son; and I asked him what did it mean, their killing black people that day? l He says, " You all had a big dinner yesterday, and paraded around with your drums and flags. That was impudence to the white people. You have no right to do it. You have got to leave these damned negroes; leave them and come on to our side. You have got to join the democratic party. We are going to kill all the negroes. The negro men shall not live." And they don't live; for every man they found they killed that morning, and did not allow any one to escape them, so he said. So he told me all they intended to do about the colored people for having their dhiner and parading there, and having their banners; and intended to kill the white republicans the same. Didn't intend to leave any one alive they could catch, and they did try to get hold of them, and went down on Monday morning to kill the school-teacher down there, Haffa, but he escaped. Jo Stevens and his son, Albert Stevens, I believe, was his name —they just murdered them right on through. These people staid there at the store and plundered it, and talked that they intended to kill them until they got satisfaction for three white people that was killed in that battle here. I can show who was the first white man that started the riot; and I can show you I have got his coat and pants, and I can show you how they shot him. They blamed all on my husband; and I asked what they killed Sam for; asked Dr. Alexander. They said they killed him because they were afraid he would tell about killing his brother. They killed my husband for obeying Governor Ames's orders, and they cannot find anything he did. He didn't do anything to be killed for. Then they have got his pistols there and they won't give them to me. I have asked I don't know how many times. The outrages were generally confined to the republican counties where it was necessary to overcome the republican majority by unlawful means, but in two or three counties, as Wilkinson and Issaquiena, there was comparative peace at the election and during the canvass. Capt. William A. Montgomery, a leading democrat and a commander of five military companies, with the designation in rank of major of battalion, testified that in some of the-counties there was no military organization; that in those counties the democrats did not try to carry the election. This appears to have been true of the two counties named; but since the election, namely, in December and May, 1876, great outrages, attended with violence and murder, have been perpetrated, and evidently with the design of overawing the colored voters and preparing them to submit to a democratic victory in the coming election. The attention of the Senate is directed to the testimony concerning the events in Issaquena County, which took place in the month of December last. A Colonel Ball, an officer in the confederate service during RECENT ELECTION IN MSISSISSIPPI. XXV the war, who at the time of the outrage was officiating as a clergyman, took command of a body of armed and mounted men Sunday morning, December 5, and traversed the country below Rolling Fork during the day; and that night the men of his command took from their homes at least seven unoffending negroes and shot them in cold blood. Within the next two days five other leading negroes were summoned to Rolling Fork, and there compelled to sign a statement by which they became responsible for the good conduct of all the negroes in their vicinity, with the exception of fourteen, who, in fact, by that stipulation, were made outlaws, and, as a consequence, fled from their homes and their families and abandoned their property. (This statement may be found in the testimony of W. D. Brown.) Reference is made to the testimony of W. D. Brown and William S. Farrish, both democrats and participators in the outrages, although they did not admit that they had personal knowledge of the killing of either of the seven men who were massacred on the night of the 5th of December. (7.) The committee find, especially from the testimony of Captain Montgomery, supported by numerous facts stated by other witnesses, that the military organization extended to most of the counties in the State where the republicans were in the majority; that it embraced a proportion not much less than one-half of all the white voters, and that in the respective counties the men could be summoned by signals given by firing cannons or anvils; and that probably in less than a week the entire force of the State could be brought out under arms. (8.) The committee find that in several of the counties the republican leaders were so overawed and intimidated, both white and black, that they were compelled to withdraw from the canvass those who had been nominated, and to substitute others who were named by the democratic leaders, and that finally they were compelled to vote for the ticket so nominated, under threats that their lives would be taken if they did not do it. This was noticeably the case in Warren County, where the democratic nomination of one Flanigan for sheriff was ratified at the republican county convention, held in Vicksburgh, the members actin'g under threats that if it were not done they should not leave the building alive. Similar proceedings occurred in other counties. (9.) The committee find that the candidates, in some instances, were compelled, by persecution or through fear of bodily harm, to withdraw their names from the ticket and even to unite themselves ostensibly with the democratic party. J. W. Caradine, a colored candidate of Clay County, was compelled to withdraw his name from the republican ticket and to make speeches in behalf of the democratic candidates and policy. An extract from his testimony is herewith given, as follows: They told me that I would have to go round and make some speeches for them; that I had risen up a great element or some kind of feeling in the colored men that they never could get out of them for the next ten years to come with the speeches I had made, and that I had to go around and make some speeches in behalf of them in some way, or else I might have some trouble. They told me if I would do that I could demand some respect among them, and have no further trouble with them. Q. What did they say would be the consequence if you did not go with them and make speeches — A. They did not say if I did not do it what would be done, as I remelmber; but they came to my house and fetched a buggy for me, and told me I had to go with them to make speeches for them. And they said, "You know what has been said and what has been done; you have got to go along if you don't want any further trouble." I then got in and went along with them, and they did not really appreciate my speeches at length; but I went along with them and made three speeches; and they had some fault to find with my speeches at last, but I have never had any trouble with them since. (10.) The committee find that on the day of the election, at several vot XXVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE ing-places, armed men assembled, sometimes not organized and in other cases organized; that they controlled the elections, intimidated republican voters, and, in fine, deprived them of the opportunity to vote the republican ticket. The most notable instance of this form of outrage occurred at Aberdeen, the shire town of the county of Monroe. At half past nine o'clock on the day of the election a cannon in charge of four or five cannoneers, and supported by ten or twelve men, a portion of the military company of that town, was trained upon the voting-place and kept in that position during the day, while the street was traversed by a body of mounted, armed men under the command of Capt. E. O. Sykes, of Aberdeen. Captain Sykes testified that he did not know the men under his command, but admitted finally that they were probably from Alabama, and that they had come there upon the suggestion or the request of a Mr. Johnson, who was a member, as was also Captain Sykes, of the democratic committee of the county of Monroe. Captain Sykes had also given orders that the fordways across the Tombigbee River, over which negroes from the east side having a right to vote at Aberdeen must pass, should be guarded by squads from the military company under his command. During the night preceding the election the draw in the bridge crossing the river was turned, so that there was no passing from the east to the west of the Tombigbee River during the early part of the day of election. As a matter of fact, the republican voters who had assembled abandoned the polls between 10 and 11 o'clock in the forenoon, and Capt. J. W. Lee, the sheriff of the county and a leading republican, a man who had served during the war in the confederate army, abandoned the polls and took refuge in the jail, of which he was the custodian. This statement in regard to Monroe County is set forth in detail by Captain Lee, and it is corroborated in all essential parts by Captain Sykes, a democrat,, and the principal actor in the events of the day. Similar outrages were perpetrated in Claiborne, Kemper, Amite, Copiab, and Clay Counties. (11.) The gravity of these revolutionary proceedings is expressed in the single fact that the chairman of the republican State committee, General Warner, owes the preservation of his life on the day of the election to the intervention of General George, chairman of the democratic State committee, as appears from a dispatch sent by General George to Messrs. Campbell and Calhoun, and a reply thereto, both of which are here given: To CAMPBELL and CALHOUN, Canton, Miss.: If Warner goes to Madison, see by all means that he is not hurt. We are nearly through now, and are sure to win. Don't let us have any trouble of that sort on our hands. He will probably be at his store to-night. J. Z. GEORGE. CANTON,, 1875. To General GEORGE: Your telegram of last night saved A. Warner at Calhoun. GART. A. JOHNSON. The circumstances of this affair are given in the testimony of Chase. The testimony of General Warner, to which attention is invited, gives a detailed account of his experience, showing that the fears of General Warner's friends were well founded, and that the intervention of General George was essential to his personal safety. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXYII (12.) The committee find in several cases, where intimidation and force did not result in securing a democratic victory, that fraud was resorted to in conducting the election and in counting the votes. In Amite County, the legally-appointed inspectors of election, to whom in Mississippi the duty is assigned of receiving and counting the ballots, were compelled by intimidation to resign on the morning of election, in order to secure a fraudulent return. The inspector so forced to resign was a democrat, a man of established character for probity at his precinct-Rose Hill. "When the voting began," said General Hurst, an eye-witness, "the democratic club drew up in line and demanded that Straum should not act as one of the inspectors of election. They said,'We don't want you, not because you are dishonest, but because you will not do what we want you to.' He said,' If that is the case, 1 will go,' and they got a man by the name of Wat Haynes and appointed him inspector." General Hurst, who was brigadier general of the State militia in that county, thus explains what resulted: "When it was time to close the polls I asked one of the inspectors if he wanted a guard placed over the ballots, so that they would be unmolested while they were counting the votes. I thought that he was a very honest, high-minded man. He said,'I am afraid to count these votes.' He had been notified by this party of Louisianians, and told what they were going to do with the box. Wat Haynes, when I told him I had concluded to place a guard around there that night, said:' Don't you do it; I want to manipulate that box to-night. We want to carry this thing."' The party of Louisianians referred to were a company of outlaws, notorious in that district, whom the democrats had invited to come into that precinct, and who fired at a crowd of colored citizens when they were in line waiting to deposit their votes. About seventy of them were thus driven into the woods. Nor was this the only precinct at which armed invaders from adjoining States took conspicuous part in the election. It is testified to both by republicans and democrats that they came over from Alabama and helped to swell the democratic vote in the counties adjoining that State. In Amite County the republican sheriff, the superintendent of education, and other officers were driven into exile as soon as the polls were closed. Here the pretext that the officers were obnoxious to the people, or that the negroes and northern men monopolized the offices, is refuted by the facts that both Parker and Redmond, who were expelled, were offered the democratic nomination for sheriff; that the republican candidates for sheriff, circuit clerk, chancery clerk, treasurer, coroner, and three of the five supervisors were white men, leaving only the assessor and two supervisors to be colored, which, as Mr. Parker remarks, " as four-fifths of the republican voters were black, was the best that we could do." There were only three northern men on the republican ticket, and two of them had married southern women: all the others were natives of the State. (13.) The evidence shows that the civil authorities have been unable to prevent the outrages set forth in this report, or to punish the offenders. This is true not only of the courts of the State, but also of the district court of the United States, as appears from the report of the grand jury made at the term held in June last, when the evidence of the offenses committed at the November election and during the canvass was laid before that body. In support of this statement reference is made to the testimony of J. XXVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE W. Tucker, and to the letter written by him to Colonel Frazee, as well as to the report made by the grand jury to the Hon. R. A. Hill, judge of the district court for the northern district of Mississippi. (See document evidence, pp. 150, 151; tes. of H. P.,Hurst, p. 98.) (14.) The committee find that outrages of the nature set forth in this report were perpetrated in the counties of Alcorn, Amite, Chickasaw, Claiborne, Clay, Copiah, De Soto, Grenada, Hinds, Holmes, Kemper, Lee, Lowndes, Madison, Marshall, Monroe, Noxubee, Rankin, Scott, Warren, Washington, and Yazoo, and that the democratic victory in the State was due to the outrages so perpetrated. (15.) The committee find that if in the counties named there had been a free election, republican candidates would have been chosen, and the character of the legislature so changed that there would have been 66 republicans to 50 democrats in the house, and 26 republicans to 11 democrats in the senate; and that consequently the present legislature of Mississippi is not a-legal body, and that its acts are not entitled to recognition by the political department of the Government of the United States, although the President may, in his discretion, recognize it as a government de facto for the preservation of the public peace. (16.) Your committee find that the resignation of Governor Ames was effected by a body of men calling themselves the legislature of the State of Mississippi, by measures unauthorized by law, and. that he is of right the governor of that State. (17.) The evidence shows, further, that the State of Mississippi is at present under the control of political organizations composed largely of armed men whose common purpose is to deprive the negroes of the free exercise of the right of suffrage and to establish and maintain the supremacy of the white-line democracy, in violation alike of the constitution of their own State and of the Constitution of the United States. The events which the committee were called to investigate by the order of the Senate constitute one of the darkest chapters in American history. Mississippi was a leading State in the war of the rebellion, and an early and persistent advocate of those fatal political heresies in which the rebellion had its origin. To her, in as large a degree as to any other State, may be charged justly the direful evils of the war; and when the war was ended the white inhabitants resisted those measures of equality which were essential to local and general peace and prosperity. They refused to accept the negro as their equal politically, and for ten years they have seized every fresh opportunity for a fresh denial of his rights. At last they have regained supremacy in the State by acts of violence, fraud, and murder, fraught with more than all the horrors of open war, without its honor, dignity, generosity, or justice. By them the negro is not regarded as a citizen, and whenever he finds a friend and ally in his efforts to advance himself in political knowledge or intellectual culture, that friend and ally, whether a native of the State or an immigrant from the North, is treated as a public enemy. The evil consequences of this policy touch and paralyze every branch of industry and the movements of business in every channel. Mississippi, with its fertile soil, immense natural resources, and favorable commercial position, is in fact more completely excluded from the influence of the civilization and capital of the more wealthy and advanced States of the Union than are the distant coasts of China and Japan. Men who possess capital are anxious to escape from a State in which freedom of opinion is not tolerated, where active participation in public affairs is punished often with social ostracism, always with business losses, and not infrequently, as the record shows, with exile and the abandonment of property, through fear of death. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXIX Consequently, lands depreciate in value, the rewards of labor become more and more uncertain, taxes more and more burdensome, the evils of general disorder are multiplied and intensified, and by an inevitable rule of social and public life, the evils themselves, reacting, increase the spirit of disorder. Unless this tendency can be arrested, every successive chapter in the annals of that State will be darker and bloodier than the preceding one. This tendency cannot be arrested by the unaided efforts of the peaceful, patriotic, and law-abiding citizens. There is a small body of native white persons, who, with heroic courage, are maintaining the principles of justice and equality. There is also a small body of men from the North, who, with equal courage, are endeavoring to save the State from anarchy and degradation. If left to themselves, the negroes would co-operate with these two classes. But arrayed against them all are a majority of the white people, who possess the larger part of the property; who uniformly command leisure, whether, individually, they possess property or not; who look with contempt upon the black race, and with hatred upon the white men. who are their political allies; who are habituated to the use of arms in war and in peace; who in former times were accustomed to the exclusive enjoyment of political power, and who now consider themselves degraded by the elevation of the negro to the rank of equality in political affairs. They have secured power by fraud and force, and, if left to themselves they will by fraud and force retain it. Indeed, the memory of the bloody events of the campaign of 1875, with the knowledge that their opponents can command, on the instant, the presence of organized bodies of armed men at every voting-place, will deter the republican party -from any general effort to regain the power wrested from them. These disorders exist also in the neighboring States, and the spirit and ideas which give rise to the disorders are even more general. The power of the National Government will be invoked, and honor and duty will alike require its exercise. The nation cannot witness with indifference the dominion of lawlessness and anarchy in a State, with their incident evils and a knowledge of the inevitable consequences. It owes a duty to the citizens of the United States residing in Mississippi, and this duty it must perform. It has guaranteed to the State of Mlississippi a republican form of government, and this guarantee must be made good. The measures necessary and possible in an exigency are three: 1. Laws may be passed by Congress for the protection of the rights of citizens in the respective States. 2. States in anarchy, or wherein the affairs are controlled by bodies of armed men, should be denied representation in Congress. 3. The constitutional guarantee of a republican form of government to every State will require the United States, if these disorders increase or even continue, and all milder measures. shall prove ineffectual, to remand the State to a territorial condition, and through a system of public education and kindred means of improvement change the ideas of the inhabitants and reconstruct the government upon a republican basis. VIEWS OF THE MINORITY OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO INVESTIGATE AFFAIRS IN MISSISSIPPI. On December 15, 1875, the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Morton) submitted the following resolution: Whereas it is alleged that the late election in Mississippi for members of Congress State officers, and members of the legislature was characterized by great frauds, violence, and intimidation, whereby the freedom of the ballot was in a great measure destroyed, a reign of terror established, ballot-boxes stuffed, spurious tickets imposed upon voters, so that a popular majority of more than 25,000 was overcome, and in its place was given an apparent but fraudulent majority of more than 25,000; and whereas the legislature thus chosen will have the election of a Senator to represent that State in this body; and whereas if these allegations are true a great number of the citizens of the United States have had their rights under the Constitution and laws of the United States wickedly violated: Therefore, Resolved, That a committee of five Senators be appointed by the Chair to investigate the truth of the said allegations and the circumstanees attending said election, with power to visit said State to make their investigations, to send for persons and papers, and to use all necessary process in the performance of their duties; and to make report to the Senate before the end of this session of their investigation and findings. He supported its adoption by a series of speeches, the last of which was dated January 19, 1876, the true history and inspiration of which will hereafter be noted in considering the testimony taken before the committee. The resolution slept until the 27th of March, 1876, when an amendment was proposed by the Senator from Michigan (Mr. Christiancy) and accepted by Mr. Morton, as follows: Whereas it is alleged that the late election in Mississippi (in 1875) for members of Congress and State officers and members of the legislature was characterized by great frauds committed upon, and violence exercised toward, colored citizens of that State and the white citizens disposed to support their rights at the election, and especially that the colored voters, on account of their color, race, or previous condition of servitude, were, by intimidation and force, deterred from voting or compelled to vote, contrary to their wishes, for candidates and in support of parties to whom they were opposed, and their right to the free exercise of the elective franchise, as secured by the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution, thus practically denied and violated, and that such intimidation has been since continued for the purpose of affecting future elections; and Whereas the people of all the United States have an interest in, and a right to insist upon, the enforcement of this constitutional amendment, and Congress, having the power to enforce it by appropriate legislation, cannot properly neglect the duty of providing the necessary legislation for this purpose: Therefore, Resolved, That a committee of five Senators be appointed by the Chair to investigate the truth of these allegations, and to inquire how far these constitutional rights have, in the said election, been violated byforce, fraud, or intimidation, and to inquire and report to the Senate, before the end of the present session, whether any, and, if so, what, further legislation is necessary to secure to said colored citizens the free enjoyment of their constitutional rights; and that said committee be empowered to visit said State, to send for persons and papers, to take testimony on oath, and to use all necessary process for these purposes. After debate in the Senate, the resolution was adopted. In the course of this debate, the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Boutwell) made the following declaration: For seventy years the spirit of hypocrisy and misrepresentation dominated over the slaveholding section of this confederacy. They continually presented themselves to the country and to the world as the friends of the Union, and it was a lie from first to last. They were the enemies of the Union; and when the Union did not answer the chief purpose which they had, and the only purpose they had, the preservation of the institution of slavery, they made war upon the Union. The Senator from Delaware was the political supporter and ally and the substantial defender of the men who made XXXII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE war upon the Union, who clung to the Union for seventy years under the falsehood that they were its friends. They were its enemies all the while. Slavery, the spirit of slavery, is and ever has been the enemy of the Union, and it is so to-day. The troubles in the South are due to the spirit of slavery, and the time has come when I am forced to confess to myself and with reluctance to say here that I do not in my heart believe that any man educated under and obedient to the influence of slavery can be the friend of a Union that is designed to establish and preserve equality. The North will do well to take heed and to trust no man who was brought up under the influence of slavery, controlled by its spirit, and dominated by its power, and is not yet extinct. The committee, as finally appointed under the resolution, consists of Messrs. Boutwell, (chairman,) Cameron, of Wisconsin, McMillan, Bayard, and McDonald, thus omitting in the organization of the committee the mover or amender of the original resolution. The first meeting of the committee was held on the 27th of April in the Capitol; and, at the second or third meeting, the clerk of the committee, Mr. Bartlett, was appointed stenographer, and Mr. James Redpath, of Massachusetts, was selected in his place as clerk, and has continued with intelligence and efficiency to fill that position, having been present at all the sessions of the cormmittee. On the 29th of April a resolution was offered in the committee by Mr. Bayard that the testimony should be taken with open doors, which was rejected by the committee, Mr. Bayard and Mr. McDonald voting in the affirmative. But a small portion of the testimony has as yet been printed, nor has any report of the committee been made; but Mr. Redpath, the clerk, having had the fullest opportunity of hearing the testimony of the witnesses, and having had charge of all communications to the committee, has been enabled, in advance of the committee, to submit a public report over his own signature, of which the following extract will convey a distinct idea of his views. Speaking of the Union men of the South, or the original whigs, and the vigorous part they took in the contest, he says: Still they were Union men; but the Union they once cknew was gone forever. They tried to begin where they had left off, ignorant of the fact that, while they fought, a moral revolution had been going on in the North; that it was no longer WIebster or Clay, but the man whom they had hanged at Charlestown as a felon, who was now the ideal leader of a regenerated nation. These references are made to the utterances of the chairman, and of the clerk selected by him to accompany the committee, and make public impression of affairs in Mississippi, and the remedy to be applied, because it indicated fully to the undersigned that from the first it would be naturally impossible for them, with their ideas of constitutional duty, to subscribe to the deductions of those who, however intelligent or conscientious, started out upon the proposed investigation upon such a platform of ideas. While writing this report, the undersigned have read with surprise and regret the message of the President of the United States, dated July 31, 1876, transmitting to Congress certain correspondence relating to the murders lately committed at Hamburgh, in South Carolina,. In this message he has seen fit to use the following language: But recently a committee of the Senate of the United States visited the State of Mississippi to take testimony on the subject of frauds and violence in elections. Their report has not yet been made public, but I await its forthcoming with a feeling of confidence that it will fLilly sust.ain all that I have stated relating to fraud and violence in the State of Mississippi. U. S. GRANT. In his letter of the 26th of July.to Governor Chamberlain he had stated: Mississippi is governed to-day by officials chosen through fraud and violence, such as would scarcely be accredited to savages, much less to a civilized and Christian people. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXXIII This last statement, come it from whom it may, we pronounce in the face of the testimony taken by this committee, and not yet printed, to be untrue and unwarranted by the facts disclosed. The tone of animosity to the white people of the South which breathes throughout the President's message and letter is unmistakable. In his message of July 31, six days subsequent to this letter, the President says: " The report (on Mississippi) has not yet been made public." Why should he anticipate We hold it, and believe it will be so held by right thinking men everywhere, discreditable for the Chief Magistrate thus to have exhibited such evidence of prejudice against any portion of his fellow-citizens. It adds, however, but another proof to the many given heretofore, that the heart and mind of President Grant are closed to all sense of justice, where his political opponents, especially in the Southern States, are concerned. Other attempts to forestall public opinion in relation to the affairs in Mississippi have been made, calculated to grossly mislead. Two attempts to fasten obloquy upon one of the undersigned, (Mr. Bayard,) and at the same time to convey unjust impressions against the people of Mississippi may be noted: [Special dispatch to the Baltimore Sun.] WASHINGTON, July 25. THE REPUBLICAN REPORT IN MISSISSIPPI. Another case illustrative of the general conclusions arrived at by the majority of the committee is that of a native of Philadelphia. He settled near Vicksburgh and was with his family. He had been appointed a justice of the peace by the governor of the State, and his wife opened a school for the instruction of the poor. He was subsequently a candidate for office. On one night fifty armed men dashed upon his premises and shot him down without a word of warning, and in the presence of his wife and family. When the story of this wife was told by her own lips to the committee, Senator Bayard, one of the committee, ejaculated, " I don't believe it." After the murder, according to the report, the assassins hovered about the house and would not permit the wife to enact even the rites of sepulture. They dragged the bleeding corpse from the arms of the distracted woman, pitched it into a pig wallow, and left. Senator Bayard, affected by the narration, repeated, "I won't believe it under oath." The report says that these "banditti," for it states they compare with Italians of the same class, live upon the people. They are dissolute and indolent, generally the'ons of planters impoverished by the war, or the remnant of that class of adventurers who fastened upon the institution of slavery as the camp-follower lives upon an army. TMr. Bayard never even saw the witness referred to, who was examined in his absence, and he never made any statement, even similar in language or character to that so falsely attributed to him. Yet this vicious falsehood has already had wide circulation. In the New York Times of the 27th of July we find the following letter and preceding comments: Senator Boutwell has also received a letter from a colored witness who testified in Misisissippi, from which it will be seen how the democracy of that State propose to treat those who obeyed the summons of the Senate committee: "4DAER SIR: I having been summon before your investigationg to give a sworne testimony in regard to the late election, which I did, and I told nothing but the truth. Yesterday I was met by an armed mob in the streets of -, and compelled me to say that I swore a lie. And told me I had either to say that I swore to a - lie or leave the city or die. The excitement grew so intense that, I was compell to take back what I said before the committee. I was also met b5 another mob at - the same day that I was before the committee and compelled to do the same before I got home. I w'd not be supprised if I were not mob before you receive this letter. If you read this letter where Senator Bayard can hear it he will write down here and let these democrats hnow it, and I will be murdered as S. Rep. 527 —II XXXIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE soon as I appear on the streets. Therefore it will be best fore me fore you to keep this to yourself and other republicans." Of course every one who knows Senator Bayard will smile at this suspicion, but it shows the state of terrorism still maintained by the banditti of Mississippi. For what reason and with what intent this letter was so published may be inferred from the letter itself and the editorial use of it. It will be observed that the committee were instructed by the resolution to inquire into alleged violations of the fifteenth amendnent to the Constitution, and the necessity of new and appropriate legislation for its enforcement; and it would seem that the scope of the investigation was intended to have been confined to that object. But in the investigation conducted by the majority, nearly every right and power of the State of Mississippi, heretofore supposed to be among the reserved powers belonging to the States, and not justly subject to exterior control, has been made the subject of the most wide-spread, unrestrained inquiry. The social habits, domestic institutions, personal and individual dealings and contracts, local police arrangements, and whole classes of subjects heretofore supposed to be under the sole control of the State and county governments, and even family affairs, have been made the subjects of inquisition. The limitations upon the powers of Congress in its relation to the internal affairs of the States have been lately the subject of careful deliberation and adjudication by the Supreme Court of the United States in cases involving the validity of legislation by Congress in pari materia with that now proposed by the resolution. In the recent case of the United States vs. Cruikshank, Mr. ChiefJustice Waite delivered the opinion of the court and said: We have in our political system a Government of the United States aid a government of each of the several States. Each one of these governments is distinct from the other, and each has citizens of its own, who owe it allegiance, and whose rights within its jurisdiction it must protect. The same person may be at the same time a citizen of the United States and a citizen of a State, but his rights of citizenship under one of these governments will be different from those he has under the other, (Slaughter-house cases, 16 Wall., 74.) Citizens are the members of the political community to which they belong. They are the people who compose the community, and who, in their associated capacity, have established or submitted themselves to the. dominion of a government for the promotion of their general welfare and the protection of their individual as well as their collective rights. In the formation of a government the people may confer upon it such powers as they choose. The government when so formed may, and when called upon should, exercise all the powers it has for the protection of the rights of its citizens, and the people within its jurisdiction, but it can exercise no other. The duty of a government to afford protection is limited always by the power it possesses for that purpose. The government thus established and defindd is to some extent a government of tha States in their political capacity. It is also, for certain purposes, a government of the people. Its powers are limited in number, but not in degree. Within the scope of its powers, as enumerated and defined, it is supreme and above the States; but beyond, it has no existence. It was erected for special purposes and endowed with all the powers necessary for its own preservation and the accomplishment of the ends its people had in view. It can neither grant nor secure to its citizens any right or privilege not expressly, or by implication, placed under its jurisdiction. The people of the United States resident within any State are subject to two governments, one State and the other National; but there need be no conflict between the two. The powers which one possesses the other does not. They are established for different purposes and have separatejurisdictions. Together they make one whole and furnish the people of the United States with a complete Government, ample for the protection of all their rights at home and abroad. It is the natural consequence of a citizenship which owes allegiance to two sovereignties and claims protection from both. The citizen cannot complain because he has voluntarily submitted himself to such a form of government. He owes allegiance to the two departments, so to speak, and within their respective spheres must pay the penalties which each exacts for disobedience to its laws. In return, he can demand protection from each witthin its own jurisdiction. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXXV The Government of the United States is one of celegated powers alone; its authority is defi-ned and limited by the Constitution. All powers not granted to it by that instrulment are reserved to the States or the people. No rights can be acquired under the Constitution or laws of the United States except such as the Government of the United States has the authority to grant or secure. All that cannot be so granted or secured are left under the protection of the States. Then again: The third and eleventh counts are even more objectionable. They charge the intent to have been to deprive the citizens named, they being in Louisiana, "of their respective several lives and liberty of person, without due process of law." This is nothing else than alleging a conspiracy to falsely imprison or murder citizens of the United States being within the territorial jurisdiction of the State of Louisiana. The rights of life and personal liberty are natural rights of man. "To secure these rights," says the Declaration of Independence, "governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." The very highest duty of the States when they entered into the Union under the Constitution, was to protect all persons within their boundaries in the enjoyment of these "unalienable rights with which they were endowed by their Creator." Sovereignty for this purpose rests alone with the States. It is no more the duty or within the power of the United States to punish for a conspiracy to falsely imprison or murder within a State than it would be to punish for false imprisonment or murder itself. The fourteenth amendment prohibits a State from depriving any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, bat this adds nothing to the rights of one citizen as against another. It simply furnishes an additional guarantee against any encroachment by the States upon the fundamental rights which belong to every citizen as a member of society. These propositions were unanimously laid down by the court, in considering alleged violations of the fourteenth amendment of the Constitution, bat are equally applicable to the discussion of the relative powers and duties of the Federal and State Governments under any and all provisions of the Constitution. In the case of The United States vs. Reese, decided at the same time, the court says: Rights and immunities created by or dependent upon the Constitution of the United States can be protected by Congress. The form and the manner of the protection may be such as Congress, in the legitimate exercise of its legislative discretion, shall provide. These may be varied to meet the necessities of the particular right to be protected. The fifteenth amendment does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one. It prevents the States, or the United States, however, from giving preference in this particular to one citizen of the United States over another on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Before its adoption this could be done. It was as much within the power of a State to exclude citizens of the United States' from voting on account of race, &c., as it was on account of age, property, or education. Now it is not. If citizens of one race, having certain qualifications, are permitted by law to vote, those of another, having the same qualifications, must be. Previous to this amendment there was no constitutional guarantee against this discrimination. Now, there is. It follows that the amendment has invested citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right, which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is exemption from discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. This, under the express provisions of the second section of the amendment, Congress may enforce by " appropriate legislation." "The power of Congress to legislate at all upon the subject of voting at State elections rests upon this amendment. The effect of article I, section 4, of the Constitution, in respect to elections for Senators and Representatives, is not now under consideration. It has not been contended, nor can it be, that the amendment confers authority to impose penalties for every wrongful refusal to receive the vote of a qualified elector at State elections. It is only when the wrongful refusal at such an election is because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude that Congress can interfere and provide for its punishment. The courts enforce the legislative will when ascertained, if within the constitutional grant of power. Within its legitimate sphere Congress is supreme and beyond the control of the courts, but if it steps outside of its constitutional limitations and attempts that which is beyond its reach, the courts are authorized to, and when called upon in due course of XXXVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE legal proceedings must, annul its encroachments upon the reserved power of the States and the people. We must, therefore, decide that Congress has not, as yet, provided by " appropriate legislation " for the punishment of the offense charged in the indictment, and that the circuit court properly sustained the demurrers and gave judgment for the defendants.', In subordination to the principles thus laid down by the authority of the tribunal of last resort in our country, the undersigned would have been disposed to confine their investigation to subjects plainly within the jurisdiction of Congress, without infringing upon any of the reserved rights of the State of Mississippi, believing it to.be the cardinal feature of our institutions that the equality of the States in the Union must ever be respected, and that any practice which invades so necessary a principle must place in jeopardy not only the rights of a single State, but, in their turn, the rights of all the remaining States; and that a power which is conceded to be applicable to the overthrow of the autonomy of any one State is liable to be used for the destruction of any other State, and that there is no safety for any unless the rights of each are guarded. The condition of the State of Mississippi is to be considered at three periods of time. First. In the spring of 1875, before the commencement of the political canvass, in which the alleged outrages upon the rights of citizens, under the fifteenth amendment, are said to have occurred. Second. Its condition during the election itself, on the 2d of November, 1875; arid, Third. Its condition as discovered by the committee at the time of their visit in June, 1876. For a proper understanding of the entire case we propose to recite, by the light of the testimony, and supported by its facts, what we believe to have been the true condition of Mississippi in the spring of 1875. At the time of preparing this report, however, but a small part of the testimony has been printed; and although we trust to be enabled to insert the proper references before it is submitted, yet the absence of the printed testimony interferes materially with oie of our objects, i. e., to make no assertions, but to let the witnesses speakfor themselves, and to sub-stanticate every fact by reference to its basis. It has been said by high authority that it was difficult to draw an indictment against a whole people. Equally difficult is it to establish any rules of evidence that would sustain so vague an indictment. And in the present inquisition it would become plain to all who shall read the depositions and observe the mode of interrogation employed, that every rule which the experience of mankind has established as essential for the regulation of evidence and the ascertainment of truth has been disregarded in the course of this investigation. So that the, great bulk of the testimony which has been taken is such as would not be received in any court of justice in this country to convict the meanest culprit of the pettiest offense. Every rule of evidence followed by courts in the administration of justice has been entirely disregarded. Every rule which experience has shown to be essential for the elucidation of truth has been thrown aside, and opinion, hearsay, wild rumor, anything and all things which excitement, prejudice, hate, love, or fear can suggest have been poured in without discrimination or check. No individual, no community, can be safe against such an order of things. The usual tests of discrimination between truth and falsehood having been abandoned, the result cannot be satisfactory to any just mind. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXXVII The argument that the charge is vague, and against a whole community, only makes the effect worse. When a false principle is adopted, the wider its application the more, dangerous it becomes. This is observable, in the examination from the first witness to the last. Adelbert Ames, the ex-governor of Mississippi, who was called and examined on the 27th of April, and at page 29, on the third day of his examination, in which he had made the most wholesale and sweeping assertions of facts of violence and intimidation, was asked: Q. You have referred to various acts of violence and intimidation; have you per — sonal knowledge of any of those acts?-A. I never saw an act of violence performed. Q. Did you ever see an act of intimidation performed?-A. No; I never saw an act of violence performed. Q. Then what you have said is derived from the information of other people? —A. Yes, sir. And on page 32Q. I ask you, do you know the fact whether there was any resistance to process,. when issued, in that State?-A. That statement I have made; I would say that I do, not know of any facts of that kind. And againQ. Do you know of a case where process of the courts has been returned with that statement?-A. I do not. In fact, if the testimony touching the subjects within the scope of the resolution of the Senate could be reduced to such as is receivable under the rules of evidence, as recognized by courts of justice and by this Senate while sitting as a court, the testimony taken in Miissiippi by this committee would be confined to a ldozen pages of manuscript. The rest is rumor, hearsay, and opinion. Not only so, but nearly all the witnesses examined for what may be termed the prosecution of the white people of the State of Mississippi, were defeated candidates in the election of 1875 or other interested supporters or persons who had lost office and failed of reappointment. Most of the witnesses, w hen pinned down by cross-examination to give names of persons concerned and dates, were directly and flatly contradicted as to those facts, and many of the occurrences either shown to have been not only untrue, but impossible, or else accompanied by facts which subjected them to a totally different construction. A large body of these witnesses were negroes of the most ignorant and uncivilized description, who did not hesitate to state anything, and whose declarations were frequently of the wildest and most absurd character. Thus at page 865, in the deposition of Greene Foster, Dr. Holland, of Madison County, is represented as giving utterance to profanity in the following style: On the day of the election I was one of the peace-officers of the town; was officer of the day. Lee Dinkins, and Dr. Holland, and Gartner Johnson, and Willie McKee, and Emmitt Savage all came down there with their sixteen-shooters and two pistols apiece buckled around them. Dr. Holland walked up to me and says, "Are you one of the peace-officers to-day " I said I was. He says, " If you don't look sharp we will get you; we are going to rid the country of you damned whelps; you are running the niggers, and we are going to carry the polls to-day." I said, "Doctor, I don't want any fuss, and didn't come prepared for a fuss." TWO IUNDRED BALLS IN HIS POCKET. He said,' By God! we came prepared;" and he put his hand in his pocket and pulled out a handful of balls, and said, "!I have got two hundred balls in my pocket, and I haven't killed two hundred niggers yet to-day." I said, "I hope you won't kill me." XXXVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE Whereas, by the deposition of Judge Campbell, of the supreme court, page 926: Q. Did you know Dr. Holland, of the county?-A. I do; he is the man whose name was connected with that arrest. Q. What manner of man is he?-A. A very highly respectable man; one of the most.amiable, mild-manered, good-natured men I ever knew. Q. What is his age?-A. I suppose him to be about forty years of age. Q. Do you know whether Dr. Holland is a man who is profane in his speech?-A. lie is one of the most pious, devoted Christian men I ever knew; remarkable among men in that respect. Q. Would you believe it possible that Dr. Holland would interlard his conversation with profanity?-A. It is utterly inconsistent with his character, and I should regard it as impossible unless I could hear it, or it was attested by witnesses whose veracity I could not question at all. and Major Powell, page 872, and Captain Key, at page 918, Dr. Holland is testified to be a gentleman of singular purity and piety, a strict and conscientious professor of religion, and a " pillar" of the Baptist church in his community. See also the case of Miles Walker, page 1132, in Aberdeen, in which Mr. E. O. Sykes and his brother, Mr. T. B. Sykes, the mayor of Aberdeen, both of them professors of religion and gentlemen of the most admitted purity of language and conduct, are described as monsters of profanity. The-case of P. C. Powell a negro, page 88, testifying of Mr. Preasley, the judge of election at Calhoun precinct, in Madison County, rudely taking tickets from colored men, tearing them up and throwing them on the ground in the sight of the witness, is denied by Judge Cunningham, the republican judge of election present on the occasion, by Preasley's own statement, and that of several bystanders. [See page 953.] Witnesses thus set free to state anything and everything that malice could suggest, partisan animosity encourage, and ignorance assist, rendered it difficult to confute, by reason of the vagueness and uncertainty of their statements. The value of the testimony of Ann Hodge, colored, can be readily estimated, page 421: By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did you ever take an oath — A. No, sir. Q. Do you know the meaning of taking an oath?-A. No, sir. Q. Do you know the consequences of swearing falsely?-A. No, sir. In short,the proverbial difficulty of proving a negative was imposed upon the white people of Mississippi, who, by the ruling of the majority, were not suffered to be present even by their Representatives while the testimony was being taken. RECONSTRUCTION, The reconstruction policy of Congress had fully and perfectly forced the institutions of the State of Mississippi into the most entire subjection and conformity with its provisions. What Mississippi was at the time of the last election of Governor Ames in 1873, she was "the work of reconstruction by Congress." The will of her people, their tastes, their prejudices, their virtues, and their faults, had been melted and run into a mold fashioned by the will of Congress alone. If her institutions were defective, if they were not conducive to the ends of good government, if they were arranged with an unwise disregard of the condition and wants of her people, that people are no more responsible than the population of France, for they had no voice. Such as she was in 1873 the Congress of the United States had made her. The State constitution was molded in accordance with the will of Congress. The RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XXXIX legislation under it had been enacted by men placed in power by the Federal Government. The ruling principle of that legislation seems to have been to lead as much power as possible directly into the hands of the Executive, in which the reins were placed. The institution of suffrage was of course the proposed basis, and to control this the machinery of elections was placed absolutely in the hands of the governor, who had the sole power to appoint those officers, who in their turn had the power of appointment of the registrars of every county, who in their turn appointed the election officers throughout the State in their respective counties, and supervised the elections and returns, thus gathering the whole control of elections in a single executive hand. This was the state of things when Governor Ames took his seat on the 1st day of January, 1874, elected in the month of November previous. There was not an official of the State who was not a member of the republican party. There was not a county official to be appointed by the governor who was not in close affinity with him. In all the republican counties, and all were republican in which negroes were in a majority, every official was a member of the same party. Thus we see that the entire control of the State was in the hands of Governor Ames and his party associates. At page 30 of his deposition the fact is stated by him as follows: Q. You have stated the violence and intimidation to have existed in the republican counties of the State?-A.. Yes, sir. Q. You have not referred to violence in any but republican counties — A. No, sir. Q. Such is the fact, is it not?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were not then all these justices of the peace, chancellors, the judiciary, and the machinery for choosing juries, in the hands of the dominant party in those counties?A. Yes, sir. Q. I need not ask you if all the United States officers in that State were not members of the republican party; that was so, was it not?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Then the grand juries and the petit juries, and the judges, and the sheriffs, and the supervisors, by whom the jurors were selected, were all controlled by the dominant party in those counties T-A. They were all belonging to the dominant party. Of course every official of the Federal Government, district judges, district attorneys, marshals, deputy marshals, supervisors, postmasters, revenue officers, were all of the same party and necessarily active adherents. It may be truly said that there was no trace whatever of official power in the State of Mississippi in the hands of the democratic party until the 1st day of January, 1876. Now, let us consider into what a condition, social, moral, and financial, Mississippi was brought, in the spring of 1875, under the administration which has just been described. The population of Mississippi, by the census of 1870, had a total of 827,922 souls. Of these 382,896 were white people, 444,201 colored people, and the remainder Indians and persons not classed. The State was divided into seventy-three counties. The negro majority was thus about 60,000, but was distributed chiefly in the rich river counties and on the richer cotton-producing lands of the State, in which they greatly outnumbered the white population, and in these counties their large numerical majority was consolidated. The domestic institutions of the State had been completely revolutionized, and the relations of the white and black races had not been permitted to adjust themselves into that harmony and good feeling which the interests of both made so essential to happiness and good order. The whites, as the result of the war, were impoverished to a most painful extent, which must impress itself upon any person who visits the State, which presents even to a casual eye unmnistakable evi XL ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE dences of widespread and lamentable prostration. This brings with it increased privation to the colored people, who never had property, and who depended, necessarily, upon property-owners for their supportL When their employers were ruined the blow fell severely upon the employed. Theirs was a common lot, and that which stru6k down and crippled the one fell also heavily upon the other. Unfortunately the new and arbitrary political conditions imposed upon both races by the will of Congress were disturbed by the presence of a class of unscrupulous, needy, and rapacious adventurers who came down to fill the political offices to which prejudice against the southern whites on the part of those who held power in the Federal Government, and the absolute ignorance and incompetence of the negroes prevented those whites from being appointed. Theresult was, as the testimony everywhere discloses, that the State and Federal offices to which any considerable emolument was attached fell into the hands of white men newly arrived within the borders of the State, ignorant and unsympathetic of the wishes and feelings of the white population, and bent wholly upon using the political material which they found ready at their hands in the shape of masses of ignorant, superstitious, and suspicious negroes to sustain themselves in office and power. Instead of encouraging the colored population to relations of amity and confidence with the whites who gave them employment and furnished them with the means of subsistence, it has been plainly the object and intent of these political adventurers to. increase the distrust between the races, and to encourage on the part of the blacks and intensify the instinct and feeling of race opposition. In this, by means of low arts, they have been, unhappily, too successful, and the negroes of the State of Mississippi have been banded together in an unthinking mass, under the lead and blind control of a handful of northern strangers, with here and there a native white man. Throughout the testimony it is evident the white people of Mississippi, in the interests of the entire community, made every attempt to peneo trate this alliance against them, and resorted to every means of combination and alliance with their political opponents to procure even a tolerable and decent administration of public affairs. Since 1868 they had given up their party name and candidates, had voted.for Dent, a republican, had voted for Alcorn, a republican, and essayed in every way to appease and mollify the party led by Governor Ames; but all in vain, They witnessed the selection of men either incompetent'or criminal, or both, for important offices in the State. They saw their best men, most virtuous, experienced, and able citizens, passed by in contempt. They saw men notoriously vicious, and justly proscribed, taken into the confidence and friendship of Ames and placed in authority. (See the case of William Gray, negro brigadier-general, and his character described by a republican witness, Putnam, p. 1449; see also Samuel W. Ferguson, p. 1474.) SENATOR WILLIAM GRAY. Q. Do you know William Gray?-A. I do. Q. Who is William Gray?-A. He is a colored man that was elected some years since as senator froin our district. Q. When did his term expire as senator — A. At the last session of the legislature. Q. I@e was senator until 1875 — A. Yes, sir. Q. Was he a. candidate for sheriff at the last election? —A. He was talked of as a candidate at the primary election or caucus. Q. What was Gray's character?-A. It was very bad. Q. What do you mean by that?-A. I mean bad in every sense that you can take it in, I don't care what it iS. Q. Well,, what is it now?- A. It is not any better now. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XLI Q. I want your description of what you mean by very bad man.-A. I will tell you i sir; in the first place, he was unscrupulous; and in the second place, he had no principle, or honor, or truthfulness, or justice, or honesty. Q. Was he a bloodthirsty man?-A. Rather inclined to be cowardly; he was of a disposition to get others into difficulty. Q. Was he a quarrelsome man?- A. Rather quarrelsome. Q. Was he a lascivious man?-A. Yes, sir; reported so. Q. Was he a dishonest man?-A. I know him to be dishonest. Q. Was he an untruthful man?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Was he an illiterate man?-A. He was intelligent for one of his opportunities; he was illiterate. Q. Could he read and write?-A. He could read and write. Q. But he was an illiterate man?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know whether he was commissioned a brigadier-general of militia of this State?-A. I have heard that he was. Q. Do you know that General Ames commissioned Gray a brigadier-general of the militia of this State?-A. I read of his commission in the official journal. Q. Was this character that you describe of him a notorious thing?-A. It was notorious in our county, but I could not say that it was notorious to the world-what I mean by the world I mean our world here. Q. In the county where he lived it was well known that he was the kind of man you describe him to be?-A. Yes, sir. Q. When was he commissioned by Governor Ames as brigadier-general of militia? — A. Perhaps about a year ago. Cardozo, the forging clerk of the circuit court and defrauding State superintendent of public instruction; Davenport, the negro forger and county-clerk; 0. P. Lee, white; the aide-de-camp of Governor Ames, defaulter and red-handed murderer of two black committee-men; Morganx, the sheriff of Yazoo County, witht theindictment for the murder of Billiard2 his republican predecessor and contestant, hanging over him; Davis, colored lieutenant-governor, the vendor of pardons of any crime for money; these are specimens of the men whom he took to his confidence and made his political associates, and to complaints against whom he accorded such treatment as in the case of the application to him by the mayor of the little town of Greenville, in Washington County, soliciting' protection against repeated acts of incendiarism in which BrigadierGeneral Gray was implicated and subsequently indicted for arson. Governor Ames sending no reply to this supplication for protection, placed the letter in the hands of Gray himself, who flaunted it in triumph in the face of the citizens. (See deposition of William A. Ferguson, pp. 1468-1471.) SOMETHING ABOUT SENATOR GRAY. Q. John H. Nelson -A. He is a merchant there, and has been'a lawyer. He left here this morning. I would like to state in this connection that at the very time these outrages were being committed by Ross and Gray, knocking down people and going before the magistrates and being fined nominally, that he was mayor of Greenville. The mayor had no power as magistrate, but wrote a letter to Governor Ames to take some steps to prevent the consequences which would attend if such things were not stopped. Within a week after that letter was mailed Gray had it parading around the streets of Greenville. Governor Ames had referred it back to Gray. Judge Nelson set forth the fact that it was bound to bring about a collision; that Gray was conducting himself in such a way that it was impossible to have any redress; that he was taken before a magistrate and fined a nominal fine, and it never was collected, and he just laughed at it, and there was no peace to be had unless something was done. And that was the way the letter was treated. It was referred to Gray as brigadier-general of militia. Q. Written by the mayor of Greenville to the governor of the State? —A. Yes, sir. Q. And he rrade no reply to it?-A. No, sir; it was referred to Gray. The letter was sent back to Gray, and he exhibited it on the streets of Greenville within a week.: Q. What did he say to it? —A. He just showed it; I don't recollect what he said. It was just to showhow perfectly hopeless it was to take any steps against him. Q. That was the sole reply that Governor Ames made to this representation of the state of affairs by the mayor?-A. Yes, sir; I recollect on one occasion he had knocked some one down on the street, and they came to arrest him, the polico, and he simply called out to the magistrate to fine him $10 and that would be the end of it, and he, walked off and nothing more was done with him. XLII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE Invested with the power of selecting the entire judiciary of the State, the character of his appointments may be learned from the deposition of Judge John A. C. Watson, of Holly Springs, who at page 981 testifies as follows: Q. What class of men did General Ames call around him in his administration — A. He called around him, as a general thing, the very worst class of what we call " ca'petbaggers." Most of them were newcomers into the State, without property, who relied upon politics as a trade and means of livelihood. Q. Had they any knowledge of your people, of their habits and wants?-A. None whatever. They came among us as strangers at the close of the war. Q. With whom did that class of men affiliate?-A. A great many of them affiliated mostly with the negroes. Q. What was the feeling and course of action toward citizens of the Northern States who came here as men of fair character and as good citizens to settle in your midst?A. Upon the part of most of the citizens, especially of the better class, there was no indisposition to receive them, and a great many desired them to come. And when they came among us, as citizens engaging in some business, I believe any such man was received kindly and treated kindly. A great many of them, however, came among us, as I remarked before, and engaged in no business, but just went among negroes, the whole aim and purpose being to gain the confidence of the negroes and alienate them from the whites and their old masters. They carried this to such an extent that some of them would visit the negroes' houses and cabins, and meet them on terms of social equality. Some would not go so far, but would mix up with them in politics. And the general aim of that class was to destroy the confidence of the negroes in the whites and in their old masters. I have heard men of this class on the stump, in addressing crowds of negroes, say everything they could to exasperate the then recently-emancipated negroes against their old masters. I have heard them lay down this rule, "You must never follow your masters in politics; just watch them, and when they take one direction you take the other, and you will certainly be right." Q. Was this the current course of advice to this class of men?-A. So far as it fell under my observation, the general object was to convince them that their old masters were unalterably opposed to them, and that they must look alone to northern men for their protection. Q. Was it from this class that General Ames drew his political associates and advisers?-A. Yes, sir; he very soon threw off what he regarded as the better class of republicans. Q. Threw them off?-A. Yes. Q. Was it thought that that led to the split of the Alcorn wing against the Ames?A. Yes; perhaps I might state a fact or two there. Alcorn came back and ran for governor against Ames. Q. What year -A. In 1873. During that canvass Alcorn on the stump denounced as thieves and swindlers the main supporters of General Ames. The speeches made by Governor Alcorn in that canvass were the most denunciatory I ever heard against the leading men of the Ames party. Q. Were there other leading members of the republican party who took the same tone as did Alcorn in regard to the Ames administration?-A. In 1873, not a great many. Ames had the confidence of the negroes, and Alcorn was not sustained by his own party, to any great extent, in 1873. Q. How was it later, in 1875?-A. Alcorn's strength continued to gain after that, and before 1875 the split was a very marked one. A great many had become followers of Alcorn and opposed to Ames. Q. Was the feeling between the two wings, the Alcorn wing and the Ames wing, as great or greater than between the republicans and democrats — A. The feeling between these two wings of the republicans was just as bitter as could have existed. In my district the opposing candidates for Congress were Wells and Howe, and when the Wells party had a meeting they denounced Howe as a thief and falsifier, and applied to him every epithet they could invent, and when the Howe party came along they would apply the same epithets to the Wells party. Q. Who is Howe?-A. He had been a member of Congress from that district. Q. Who was he?-A. A northern man. Q. Was he on the Ames side or the other? —A. On the Ames side; Wells was for Alcorn. He is our present member of Congress. The collision between the two wings of the party had a great deal to do toward carrying that district against the republicans. Q. It was charged in. the public papers that the character of the officers under Ames's administration was known to him, after which knowledge he continued to keep these men in office and consort with them politically.-A. Well, sir, I cannot say what was the knowledge of Ames upon that subject, but these delinquencies and this misconduct were known to the public generally, and Ames still retained them in office and RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XLIII in his confidence, and the more they were abused and exposed the closer he seemed to adhere to them. It seemed to be rather a recommendation to him. Q. Many of them were placed under indictment?-A. A good many. Q. By the grand juries of their counties?-A. Yes. Q. The grand jury, as a rule, was under the control of the republican party?-A. Yes. Q. After these indictments took place were the confidence and association of Governor Ames withdrawn from these people — A. As a general rule it was not. In Northeastern Mississippi Governor Ames appointed a man as chancellor by the name of Barton, with no intelligence as a lawyer and no standing at the bar. Moreover, he was charged with a flagrant act of forgery. Q. Had he been indicted?-A. He had not; but Governor Ames was informed by gentlemen of high respectability, among others by our present governor, who came from his vicinity, of the character of this man. Governor Ames refused to believe it, but had it been untrue and his moral character ever so good, he was not fit for the office; but Ames was blind to the truth, and did appoint Barton chancellor. When, however, his appointment was before the senate for confirmation, the judiciary committee, to which it was referred, sent out for witnesses, and the proof was conclusive. I had been knowing to it. The gentlemna upon whom the forgery was committed resided in my town and was my intimate personal friend; but Governor Ames did not withdraw his name until he was told by his friends that they could not possibly get him through the senate. That was the only thing that checked him. Q. Did this man ever exercise the functions of chancellor?-A. 0, yes, sir; he held several courts. In all these republican strongholds in which the charges of turbulence and misgovernment are alleged to have existed, it is to be also noted that the entire local power was in Republican hands. Thus the supervisors of the counties, being in fact the county legislature, assessing taxes, contracting for supplies, controlling all public improvements, the schools, public buildings, roads, and having, in short, all local control, were almost without exception composed of negroes, few of whom were able to read or write, and scarcely one of whom was able to compute an ordinary sum in arithmetic. In some cases the highest mark of erudition was the capacity of the chairman mechanically to sign his name to a record which he was unable to read. (See deposition of Mayor Powell, p. 876: Q. How were the grand juries composed?-A. Mostly of colored people; some few white; very few, however. Q. How were the petit juries composed?-A. Largely of colored men, and sometimes as high as eleven colored men to one white man, and sometimes the entire jury were colored people. IGNORANCE OF NEGRO OFFICIALS. Q. All these people who have the summoning of the grand juries and petit juriesthe board of supervisors of the county-are they not ignorant people?-A. Yes, sir; they had a board of supervisors there last year not one of whom could write his name, with one exception, and he could only write it mechanically. Q. Who was that composed of?-A. Negroes. Q. Were they all blacks?-A. Yes, sir. There was only one that could write his name, and he could only write it mechanically. Q. Those were the men that assessed the taxes for the county?-A. Yes, sir; they were the legislature for the county. Q. They selected the jurors?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Had you any justices of the peace who were colored?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know their condition as to illiteracy?-A. This year we have one in the county that can write his name. Last year, however, I don't think there was a colored justice in the county who could write his name. I know several of them personally, HOW JUSTICES OF THE PEACE KEPT THEIR DOCKETS. The way they kept their dockets-they never report but very few fines: I think one of them reported about five dollars-the way they kept their docket was to get some friendly neighbors to write it up just before the grand jury met, to present it to them. Q. When the docket was written were they able to read it?-A. No, sir. Q. And they had the control of the criminal and civil business of the county — A. Yes, sir; there was only one democratic justice of the peace in the county, I think, besides myself; Mr. Garrett. XLIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE Q. Were these justices of whom you have spoken able to fill up the writs they issued,. to sign them, or know what they contained?-A. No, sir. Q. Did they sign these writs by a mark, or get some one to write their names for' them?-A. Signed them by a mark, I believe. Q. Have you seen them so signed?-A. I have; from one Bailis Winlark; he could neither read nor write, and could not even sign his name-perfectly illiterate; he don't know anything. The justices of the peace, generally unable to write, and frequently unable to read the contents of the process against person or property which they issued in the name of the law, delivered it to 6onstables equally unfitted to understand the nature of the precept or to attest their action under it. Negro chancery clerks and clerks of the circuit court and courts of record were utterly unable personally to perform their duties, and intrusted everything to some white deputy. (See deposition of Judge Watson, p. 1013.) Q. Were there members of the convention who were unable to read and write?-A. Quite a number of them were very illiterate. One of them, a negro named Stewart wholly without education, has been in office ever since, and is now -one of our State senators. COUNTY OFFICERS UNABLE TO READ OR WRITE. Q. You spoke here of county clerks who were unable to write. How many do you know of that class?-A. I knew one in De Soto County, and others in two or three other counties. These persons may possibly be able to sign their names, but this is about all. The sherif of De Soto County for four years was au illiterate, ignorant negro. He was re-elected for a second term of two years each, I think. He had no conception of the duties of his office. He did not pretend to discharge them. Q. Not able to read the processes, or writs, or write his own returns upon them?A. No, sir. Q. In regard to justices of the peace?-A. I have known very ignorant and incompetent justices. They generally are able to write their own names, but so illiterate and uncultivated that it was not possible for them intelligently to read any law whatever. They were wholly incapable of discharging properly their duties. Q. After 1869, were these persons appointed or elected justices of the peace?-A. I think the colored men were in some instances appointed,. but probablymore were subsequently elected. Q. As to the board of supervisors, was it frequently composed of persons totally illiterate?-A. Frequently of persons who were wholly illiterate and could not by any possibility have any just conception of their duties. Q. Did the same condition of illiteracy apply to the members of the legislature?-A, In a good many cases. Many uneducated colored persons and white men-of but little character have been in our legislature since reconstruction. The consequence of this local misgovernment is an increase of taxation amounting to confiscation, alnd is well expressed in the language of a petition to the legislature by the tax-payers of the State, in January, 1875, from which we make the following extract: But probably the most flagrant evil of which the tax-payers complain, and the greatest outrages perpetrated on their rights, arise from the action of the boards of supervisors. This court is really the most important of any in the State, and should be composed of the very best men in the several counties. As a general rule, we are sorry to say, the members of this board are wholly unfit to discharge their duties, and are without respectability or accountability. This, however, is not the fault of the legislature of the State, except in so far as it encourages such men to seek for that position. The county levies, in a large majority of the counties, are extravagant and oppressive beyond all endurance. The contracts for public work are made without economy or care,.pd with a reckless indifference to the interest of the public. These boards, in some instances, employ their own members to do the work not authorized by law, merely for the purpose of making them extrava.gant allowances. In many instances these members are wholly ignorant, and are completely under the control of the clerks and sheriffs of these counties, to whom they make extravagant allowances. This is a great evil, and we suggest that remedy which alone seems adequate. Legislation should be immediately enacted fixing the maximum rate of taxation at 50 per cent. on the State, beyond which they shall not go in any instance. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XLV These boards should also be prohibited from making any contracts, or allowances, or appropriations, except when there is money in the treasury to pay them. And every,such order or warrant so made and ordered, when there is not money in the treasury sufficient to pay it, should be declared utterly null and void, and all persons concurring in making or issuing them be declared guilty of a misdemeanor in olfce, and punishable for such, as provided by law. To this urgent and respectful appeal no response whatever was made. (See deposition of E. Barksdale, page 453.) The ruinous effects of such a system of misgovernment upon the real ~estate and property which is subject to it is to be found in the testimony of Shackleford, a republican ex judge, at p. 1528. AVERAGE VALUE OF LANDS. Q. What is the average value of the lands in that county t-A. Well, sir, if you put these lands up for sale at forced sale, they will not bring more-that is, where you include woodland 4nd cleared land-probably than you can rent the cleared land for in a season. That is, you can get from seven to ten dollars an acre for the cleared land alone in produce, and as they charge there. The land there generally will produce from 80 to 120 pounds of lint cotton to an acre. If you make forced sales, you can't get much more for the fee; there is no capital; that is what is the matter. Rents aie high, and prices of land low when sold at auction. Q. Do you know of a disposition to allow lands to be sold for taxes, a year ago, say in Washington, perhaps in Issaquena, to prevent the money from being received by the county treasurer and officials?-A. 1 do not think that had much of anything to do with it, except th;t they did not want to pay their taxes. There was just a general disinclination to pay taxes all over the State; nobody wanted to pay; the taxes were so high. it was cheaper to forfeit and redeem afterward than it was to pay. I have been told so by some, and suppose it true. Q. Explain that, if you please.-A. If you pay your taxes here to-day, you part with your money, which is worth so much to you a month interest, but the State takes the land, and you hold it and occupy it, and at the expiration of one or two years you go back and redeem it, without any damage placed upon it. So that not only is all immigration prevented, but the possibility of obtaining loans of money upon real estate for the purpose of improvenent is destroyed. The system of public schools seems to have been liberally maintained chiefly for the advancement of the blacks, but necessarily at the pecuniary cost of the whites, whose property mainly contributed from its burdens to sustain them. This, however, would not have been a subject of complaint if there had been anything like equality of opportunities for the establishment of white schools, which were necessarily at the cost of white people. An instance of the gross inequality and injustice of the action of these negro boards of supervisors and the insolence and overbearing conduct of the members is to be found in the case in Issequena County. See deposition of William A. Farrish, at p. 639. Q. Who were the persons who had appeared before him as supervisor, and what had his conduct been toward them?' A. I will state that I for one appeared before him myself with a petition, signed by seventy odd citizens of the county, soliciting that a gentleman named Woolfork be allowed to put a gate across the public road at his plantation. The high water prevented his fencing his place at that time. I went before the board and told them that I had a petition of this character, signed by this many men,'and desired to read the petition. He ordered me, in the most peremptory manner, to take my seat. I said I appeared as an attorney before that board, and that I thought I had a right, at least, to be heard, and had a right to read this petition. Hle says, "No, sir; you will not be heard; and, furthermore, if you don't take your seat you will be fined for contempt of this board." He refused to even hear the petition read. Q. Will you state the object of putting that'gate across the road?-A. Simply to protect the plantation and save the man from putting some five or six miles of fence around his place, which could be done by putting a gate across the public road; and later in the season, when the water had gone down, he would be able to get his rails out of the swamp and put up his fence. XLVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE Q. Was it intended as a temporary relief to him only? —A. Temporary only, and to remain only for six months' time. It is customary for the board of supervisors in the river counties to do things of that sort. It is done almost every day. Another instance of his arrogant conduct as president of the board was when Mr. RI M. Smith, a very respected planter in the neighborhood, and a man of considerable wealth, appeared before the board with a petition to have a white school or school-house erected for the accommodation of the white children of the county, there being but one white school in the county, and from ten to fifteen colored schools; and yet the white people pay ninety cents on every dollar of taxes paid for that purpose. He went before the board for the purpose of getting this school established, and was, in the most insolent manner, ordered to take his seat, and not allowed to open his mouth upon the sub ject. Those are the two instances that occur to me now. There were other similar instances. Q. Was any action taken upon that petition?-A. No, sir. Q. Was the petition refused?-A. It was refused and laid over. And the deposition of Mr. Miller, p. 661. The choice of registrars and judges of election was such as made fair elections hopeless, as will be illustrated by the case of Warren County, which we shill consider hereafter in this report. The legislature of the State under Governor Ames contained a large majority of negroes, and was confessedly a venal body of men, in which the defeat of any measure of reform or the passage of any measure of iniquity could cheaply be procured by the use of money among the members. See deposition of Judge Watson, p. 1008. The legislatures have been composed to a large extent of ignorant and corrupt persons; the people lost all confidence in the courts; the juries were not fit to try the cases. I have argued cases before juries, involving matters of account, when three-fourths of the jury could not read, and were wholly ignorant of figures. Ignorant and stupid negroes try important criminal cases, involving the life of men of position and property. This is a great injustice to the State as well as to the accused. They may be wellmeaning, but they have no capacity to do justice between the State anul the individual; no just appreciation of moral obligation; no moral perceptions. This may be their misfortune and not their fault. As to the relation of Governor Ames to the white people of the State of Mississippi, it is best described by his. own language, at pages 16 and 17 of the testimony, in which he says: Q. When did you first go to Mississippi?-A. I went there in 1867. Q. In the Army, I believe?-A. Yes, sir. Q. When were you elected Senator?-A. In 1870. Q. Had you any intention to settle in Mississippi prior to your election?-A. I will say not long previous to that, and permit me to say that I found, when I was military governor there, that there was a black code existing, and that the negroes had no rights whatever; that they were not permitted to exercise any of the rights of citizenship. I had given them the protection they were entitled to under the Government of the United States, and I believed that I could render them great service. I felt that I had a mission to peform in their interest, and I hesitatingly consented to represent them and unite my fortune with theirs. It will seem, therefore, by his own voluntary statement, that the white people of Mississippi were not those whom he proposed to represent or with whom he desired " to unite his fortunes." The next question and the reply of Governor Ames may perhaps be explanatory of his supposed " mission." Q. You speak now in reference to the colored people of the State? —A. Yes, sir; in reference to the colored people of that State-they were in the majority. On page 19, he says: The question of how I can get money to live is the one question with me. Perhaps this was always the case with Governor Ames while he remained in Mississippi. The natural consequences of a government so organized had become RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XLVII apparent prior to the adjournment of the Ames legislature, which met in January, 1875, and adjourned about the end of March following. Incompetence, venalty, and misrule had borne their usual fruits. A government that inspired neither affection nor respect could necessarily rely only upon coercion and intimidation as a last and vain resort. The. dissatisfaction and discontent of the people was not confined to the democratic party, but extended everywhere and among men of all parties. The dissensions within the republican ranks were even more marked than among their silent adversaries who had been totally deprived of official position and control in public affairs. Between one division of the republican party, led and represented by Governor Ames, and another, represented by Senator Alcorn, the breach became deep and widened daily. On either side individuals of that party arrayed themselves with their respective followers, and open and bitter denunciations, unsparing in their terms, were showered by each side upon the other. The split was open, positive, and wojuld seem to have been irreconcilable. In his examination before the committee, Governor Ames classes Senator Alcorn, Governor Powers, McKee, ex-member of Congress, ex-Senator Pease, Morris, the attorney general, State Senator Musgrove, Wells, M. C., and Chancellor Storrs as among the opponents to him and his administration. At page 22 he accuses Morris of having used his-office for corrupt purposes, Musgrove of insincerity and dishonesty, Storrs of being thoroughly corrupt; at page 25 Pease of willful falsehood and of being without ordinary intelligence. At page 26 murders are imputed to Senator Alcorn. On the other hand, George E. Harris, the ex a.ttorney-general of the State, in his letter to the President of the United States, dated the 24th of November, 1875, giving thereason for the democratic success in Mississippi, declares that it was- Due to the imbecility and base corruption of the State administration and a few adherents. (See letter, page -.) He charges AmesWith cold indifference and of contracting his views and narrowing his circle of friends to a few confidential advisers, who were a close corporation of mercenary men who knew but little of the wants of the people of the'State and cared less-men who have no identity of interest or sympathy in common with the people of the State. He charges himWith the desire to control the judiciary as well as the executive department of the State; of resorting to the expediency of making appointments after vacation, and then holding the appointments over them in terrorem until the next session of the legislature, and if they did not please him in decrees, &c., he could withhold their names, (as he did in one case,) thus making the judiciary of the State subservient to the executive, in violation of the Constitution; and he actually removed Chancellor Dreman, as I believe, because in a case of habeas corpus he refused bail to the governor's friend, Morgan, [sheriff of Yazoo County,] on a charge of the murder of one Hilliard. He charged himWith appointing men to judicial position who had never had a case in court, and were totally ignorant of the law and practice, and who do not know a plea in bar from a demurrer. Ex-Senator Revels, colored, in his deposition, at page 1020, states: The great masses of the white people have abandoned their hostility to the General Government and republican principles, and to-day accept as a fact that all men are born free and equal, and I believe are ready to guarantee to my people every right and privilege guaranteed to an American citizen. The bitterness and hate created by the late civil strife has, in my opinion, been obliterated in this State, except, perhaps, in some XLVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN TH'E localities, and would have long since been entirely obliterated, were it not for some unprincipled men who would keep alive the bitterness of the past and inculcate a hatred between the races, in order that they may aggrandize themselves by office and its emoluments to control my people, the effect of which is to degrade them. As an evidence that party-lines in this State have been obliterated, men were supported withbut regard to their party affiliations, their birth, or their color by those who heretofore have acted with the democratic party, by this course giving an evidence of their sincerity that they have abandoned the politicaissuoe of the past, and were only desirous of inaugurating an honest, State government and restoring a mutual confidence between the races. I give you my opinion, that had our State administration adhered to republican principles and stood by the platform upon which it was elected, the State to-day would have been on the highway of prosperity. Peace would have prevailed within her borders, and the republican party would have embraced within its folds thousands of the best and purest citizens of which Mississippi can boast, and the election just passed would have been a republican victory of not less than eighty to a hundred thousand majority; but the dishonest course which has been pursued has forced into silence and retirement nearly all of the leading republicans who organized and have heretofore led the party to victory. A few who have been bold enough to stand by republican principles and condemn dishonesty, corruption, and incompetency, have been supported and elected by overwhelming majorities. If the State administration had adhered to republican principles, advanced patriotic measures, appointed only honest and competent men to office, and sought to restore confidence between the races, bloodshed would have been unknown, peace would have prevailed, Federal interference been unthought of; harmony, friendship, and mutual confidence would have taken the ~place of the bayonet. 1. H. Estell, a republican, states, at page 325: The moderate republicans, and a number of the wing to which I belong, have op-,posed and voted against the nominees of Governor Ames. Q. State your reason for not sustaining Ames.-A. Because we believed his policy, his non-effectiveness, his associations with corrupt men, had brought the republican party into disrepute here. Q. Do you know whether as a fact-as a public fact-whether Governor Ames's course tended to bring about a good feeling among the races, or to array them against each other?-A. I do not know, sir, that the races have actually, with the single exception of these riots, been directly arrayed against each other here, but I do not believe that the actions of Governor Ames, and the men with whom he was most intimate, such as the editor of the Pilot; Warner, French, Sullivan, and others-that his.association with them has not tended to produce concord among the races. On the contrary, I think that their selfish purposes have done a great deal to produce a bad feeling, which the moderate and best republicans have endeavored in vain to counteract. Governor Ames's prostitution of his office and bargaining with appointees is shown by Judge Watson, at page as follows: Senator Alcorn flatly contradicts Governor Ames's account of the Friar's Point riot, in which Mr. Alcorn was one of the chief parties, (see deposition at page 67,) and expresses his want of confidence in Amles7s administration. See also letter of H. C. Carter, page 1083; also speech of G. Wiley W ells, (see his speech, reported by Senator Bevels, at page 101 7,)in which he quotes Ames's remarks that "the blood of twenty-five negroes would be a good thing for the republican party." With such a division of feeling in regard to men and measures in the republican party in Mississippi, with universal discontent among all classes of the people in regard to the condition of the State and its ~administration, they approached the canvass of 1875. Governer Ames was charged by Harris (see same letter before quoted) with using his power as executive of the State for the purpose of securing his election to the United States Senate, and there seems to be no doubt that such was the fact. As he, himself, has stated, he had "united his fortune with the colored people of the State, whom he believed to be in a majority." He was unlearned in law or the spirit of civil rule. Military methods and rigor were his only conception of government. He seemed greedy of political power without comprehending its responsibilities. He did not lessenhisdeficencncies by associating with men more learned 3n civil rule than himself, but, avoiding men of intelligence and character RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XLIX in the State, surrounded himself with obsequious and inferior associates. The characteristics and tastes of the people among whom he had gone as a stranger, and yet to be their ruler, he never studied nor cared to comprehend, nor to have understood the gentle wisdom of Fletcher of Saltoun — That if a man were permitted to make all the ballads, he need not care who should make the laws of a people."' He never gained their respect; but, by his self-seeking, his self-promotion to power and place, and his use of public power for his personal ends, he entirely lost whatever he might have had of their respect. Thus. losing public respect, he lost public confidence, and instead of seeking by conciliation and methods of justice to regain it, he resolved to defy those who withheld it. The end of all his methods was simply force-the bayonet; that last and most cruel test of military fidelity, when the American soldier is called upon to use his arms against the American citizen. When he found the political knot was complicated, he set aside methods of reason and used the sword to cut it, because he was devoid of the skill or patience to untie it. Violence was the necessary end of such a rule as he conceived and sought to put in practice. The just end of government is the happiness of the people to be governed, and measures to promote popular happiness and content are the first and chief duties of a ruler. It would be a farce to term such a government as he conducted in the spring of 1875 a free government, either for the white or forthe black people. The colored population were as thoroughly enslaved to his will and to the handful of politicians whom he set over them, as they ever could have been in the hands of their former private owners. In his testimony at page 15, citing his last message to the legislature, he says he regards the whole affair as a race-issue, in which he avowedly intended to take sides with the black race against the white, and to use all his power, personal, political, and official, in their behalf. Thus, in the first year of his administration, in the fall of 1874, in the case of a contest for the office of sheriff at Vicksburgh, in Warren County, he forced Flanagan, the white occupant, out of his seat by a company of United States troops, which he had demanded to be sent to him for that purpose from New Orleans. PREPARATION BY AMES TO CARRY THE ELECTION BY FORCE. In 1875, when it became apparent that the democratic party was disposed to combine itself with all the elements of opposition to his administration and make a strenuous effort to gain control of the State, Governor Ames made his first preparation in the legislature for its defeat by the passage of a law known as the " Gatling-gun bill." This is described in the testimony of E. Barksdale, page -: Q. You spoke of the "Gatling-gun bill;" what was that?-A. I have, I think, a synopsis of the bill. "Section 3 of the bill empowered the commander-in-chief to organize, from the enrolled militia, two regiments of ten companies each, and to purchase four or more Gatling guns, and organize a corps of select officers and men from the infantry to send with the said guns." That was passed by the legislature which assembled on the 1st January, 1875. The date is not given. Q. It was passed the spring before the election?-A. Yes, sir; it was called the "Gatling-gun bill,"' because the purchase of four Gatling guns was authorized, and they were regarded as weapons of very terrible destructive qualities. The appropriation for carrying out the purpose of the Gatling-gun bill was $60,000. Of this, $5,000 were authorized to be expended for military supplies and munitions of war. The next was his application to the Secretary of War at Washington for the State's quotum of arms. (See testimony, page -, and the acS. Rlep. 527-iv L ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE companying papers and applications of A. G. Packer, adjutant-general, organizing the State militia for active duty.) A. While matters were in a condition of profound peace here, though these causes of discontent existed to which I have referred, and which are stated in the tax-payers' memorial, and in the resolutions of the republican club here in the city of Jackson, Governor Ames, after the passage of the law which was known as the " Gatling-gun bill," as if preparing for war here, addressed a letter to the Secretary of War, inquiring about Mississippi's quota of arms. A copy of that letter I have here: MAY 25, 1875. "Sin: By direction of his excellency A. Ames, governor of Mississippi, I have the honor to apply to you for the statement of arms and other military property issued to this State since 1860, under act of Congress April 23, 1808, and the acts amendatory thereto. " A communication from the Ordnance Office,Washington, D. C., has been received, in which the State of Mississippi is charged, under the provisions of an act approved March 3, 1875, with the sum of $170,167.31, and a balance due the United States is claimed of $1,967.60. "The records of this office do not show the amounts of the apportionment for the different years, and having no data to furnish, I respectfully apply to you to furnish it. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "A. G. PACKER, "Adjutant- General. "The Hon. SECRETARY OF WAR, " 1ashington, D. C." That was a letter written on the 25th of May, 1875. On the 2d of June, before the political canvass, Governor Ames addressed a letter to General Ben6t, chief of the Ordnance Department, as follows: June 2, 1875. "SIR: I have the honor to respectfully apply for a price-list of ordnance and ordnance stores as issued from your office; also a book of forms used in the Department, if any change has been made since the publication of the regulations, 1863. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "A. G. PACKER, "Adjutant-General. "Brig. Gen. S. V. BENET, "Chief of Ordnance, Washington, D. C." Q. What do you know of any military preparation made by Governor Ames early in the canvass, and prior to the occurrence of any of the-e disturbances?-A. As I have stated, and cited the letters showing, he was making military preparations. Then I have an order-book, issued from the headquarters State of Mississippi, adjutant-general's office, Jackson, May 1, 1875, announcing officers of the Mississippi State militia, during the months of February, March, and April, 1875. "STAFF OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. "Brig. Gen. Albert G. Packer, of Holmes County, adjutant-general. February 25, 1875. "Lieut. Col. Omer S. Lee, of Holmes County, aid-de-camp. February 25, 1875." A gentleman who has since proved a defaulter to a very large amount in the county of Holmes, and has fled the State, and his whereabouts are not known. "Lieut. Col. Jas. J. Spellman, of Madison County, aid-de-camp. February 25, 1875. "Fourth division. "Brig. Gen. Wnm. Gray, of Washington County. February 25, 1875. "General Brown, colonel First Regiment Infantry. February 25, 1875. " Major-general State militia, Alexander Warner, of Madison County. February 26, 1815." These gentlemen were all members of the republican party. That General Warner was the chairman of the republican State executive committee. Of these, Spellman, Gray, and Brown were colored men; no democrats among them. After the Clinton riot Governor Ames proceeded to perfect the military organization which had been ordered by law; and in the county of Hinds, under authority known as the " Gatling-gun bill," on the 23d of September, he ordered one thousand Spring RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LI field breech-loading muskets to be purchased, and directed to the adjutant-general of this post. After the receipt of those arms they were issued to companies in this county of Hinds, as follows: On the 2d of October, 80 guns, with accouterments, were issued to Capt. Chas. Caldwell, (colored.) On the 5th October, to the same person, 17 were issued. On the 6th October, 47 issued to Capt. John W. Cleagan, (white.) On the 7th, 80 stand of arms to Green Tapley, (colored,) with ammunition. On the 9th of October, 80 issued to Ed. L. Gillin, (colored,).with ammunition. On the 9th of October, 1865, stand of arms issued to Geo. D. Nixon, (white,) with ammunition. On the 10th, 80 issued to W. C. Mosely, with ammunition. On the 11th, 60 issued to Oliver Cromwell, (colored,) with ammunition. That was in this county; issued with accouterments, ammunition, &c., to five negro companies in the county of Hinds, and two white companies. Almost without exception the appointments were from the republican party. I do not think of an exception in the military appointments, and two-thirds of the companies that were commissioned in the military service were taken from that party. Probably half were commanded by colored officers. The following is a full list of the appointments:. FIRST DIVISION.-Brig. Gen. William F. Simonton, of Lee County, March 4, 1875. SECOND DIVISION.-Brig. Gen. Marion Campbell, of De Soto County, March 4, 1875. THIRD DIVISION.-Brig. Gen. N. B. Bridges, of Oktibbeha County, March 4, 1875; Hinds County: Samuel F. Steele, colonel First Regiment Infantry, March 10, 1875; Jasper County: Newton Knight, colonel First Regiment Infantry, March 17, 1875; Lowndes County: W. A. Monroe, captain Columbia Light Artillery, March 17,.1875; Grendda County: C. P. Lincoln, colonel First Regiment Infantry, April 12, 1875; Monroe County: James W. Lee, colonel First Regiment Infantry, April 12, 1875. By order of the commander-in-chief: A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-General. HEADQUARTERS STATE OF MISSIssIPPI, ADJUTANT-GENERALS OFFICE, Jackson, June 1, 1875. [General Orders No. 3.] The following-named officer has been appointed in the Mississippi State militia during the month of May, 1875. Wilkinson County.-William H. Noble, colonel First Regiment Infantry. By order of the commander-in-chief: A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-General. HEADQUARTERS STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Jackson, June, 1875. [General Orders No. 5.] The following-named officers have been appointed in the Mississippi State militia during the month of June, 1875: Lowvndes County.-M. A. Brownlee, captain Company A, First Regiment Infantry; T. H. Smith, first lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry; D. P. Moody, second lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry. The following resignation in the Mississippi State militia has been accepted during the same period: Grenada County. —June 17, 1875, First Regiment Infantry, C. P. Lincoln, colonel. By order of the commander-in-chief: A. G. PACKER, Adjutant- General. LII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE HEADQUARTERS STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Jackson, October 1, 1875. [General Orders, No. 7.] The following-named officers have been appointed in the Mississippi State militia during the months of Angust and September, 1875: Warren Connty.-Villiam French, colonel Fourth Regiment Infantry, August 12, 1875. FIFTH DIvISION.-Brigadier-General William F. Fitzgerald, of Hinds County, September 15, 1875. FIFTH DIVISION.-Staff of brigadier-general.-John D. Beaird, assistant adjutantgeneral, with rank of m: jor, Warren County, September22, 1875; Wirt Johnson, assistant surgeon-general, with rank of major, Hinds County, September 24, 18715; William R. Davol, assistant quartermaster-general, with rank of captain, Warren County, September 27, 1875; John J. Rohrbacher, aid-de-camp, with rank of captain, Hinds County, September 27, 1875; Marion Smith, aid-de-camp, with rank of captain, Hinds County, September 27, 1875. Warren Coulnty.-R. J. Temple, captain Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, September 27, 1875. Staff of major-general.-M. B. Sullivan, assistant adjutant-general, with rank of colonel, Bolivar County, September 24, 1875; William H. Compton, assistant surgeongeneral, with rank of lieutenant-colonel, Hinds County, September 24, 1875. Hinds County.-John W. Clingan, captain Company A, First Regiment Infantry, September 25,1875; John C. Rietti, first lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry, September 25,1875; Matt F. Ash, second lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry, September 25, 1875; Charles Caldwell, captain Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, September 25,1875; Eugene B. Welborn, first lieutenant Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, September 25, 1875; Porter Kelly, second lieutenant Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, September 25,1875; Green Tapley, captain Company B, Second Regiment Infantry, September 25, 1875; Charles Morgan, first lieutenant Company B, Second Regiment Infantry, September 25, 1875; John F. Duncan, second lieutenant Company B, Second Regiment Infantry, Septem ber 25, 1875; Nathaniel D. Sneed, colonel Second Regiment Infantry, September 27,1875. Lafayette County.-Victor W. Thompson, colonel First Regiment Infantry, September 28, 1875. FIRST DIVISION.-Staff of brigadier-general.-John C. Heidelberg, assistant adjutantgeneral, with rank of major, Lee County, September 30, 1875; Clinton C. Jones, assistant quartermaster-general, with rank of captain, Lee County, September 30, 1875; Joseph M. Bynum, assistant surgeon-general, with rank of major, Alcorn County, September 30, 1875; Henry M. G. Spencer, aid-de-camp, with rank of captain, Lee County, September 30,1875; Green M. Maddox, aid-de-camp, with rank of captain, Tippah County, September 30,1875. By order of the commander-in-chief. A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-General. HEADQUARTERS, STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, Jackson, rovember 1, 1875. [General Orders, No. 8.] The following-named officers have been appointed in the State militia during the month of October, 1875. SIXTH DIVISION.-Brigadier-General Harris P. Hurst, of Pike County, October 2, 1875. SIXTH DIVISION.-Staff of brigadier-general.-James C. Lamkin, assistant adjutantgeneral, with rank of major, Pike County, October 2, 1875; Frank Strong, assistant surgeon-general, with rank of major, Amite County, October 2, 1875; Charles P. Hosmer, aid-de-camp, with rank of captain, Pike County, October 2, 1875; Moses Jackson, assistant quartermaster-general, with rank of captain, Amite County, October 17, 1875. WARREN COUNTY.-Adam Bowie, captain Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, October 5, 1875. HINDS COUNTY.-William C. Mosely, captain Company D, Second Regiment Infantry, October 7, 1875; John W. Chase, first lieutenant Company D, Second Regiment Infantry, October 7, 1875;. William Williams, second lieutenant Company D, Second Regiment Infantry, October 7, 1875; E. L. Gilliam, captain Company E, Second Regiment Infantry, October 7, 1875; Thomas Stevens, first lieutenant Company E, Sec RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LIII ond Regiment Infantry, October 7, 1875; Robert Williams, second lieutenant Company E, Second Regiment Infantry, October 7, 1875; George D. Nixon, captain Company B, First Regiment Infantry, October 9, 1875; E. W. Partin, first lieutenant Company B, First Regiment Infantry, October 9, 1875: C. E. Marshall, second lieutenant Company B, First Regiment Infantry, October 9, 1875; William Iverson, captain Company C, Second Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Edgar Gordon, first lieutenant Company C, Second Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Oliver Cromwell, captain Company F, Second Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Virgil Clark, first lieutenant Company F, Second Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Cornelius D. S. Parker, second lieutenant Company F, Second Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875. De Soto County.-Albert D. Thompson, colonel First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Jefferson J. Evans, lieutenant-colonel First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Thomas A. Leon, major First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; James F. Pratt, adjutant, with rank of first lieutenant, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Horace H. Hillman, captain Company A, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Calvin S. Nesbit, first lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Henry Odom, second lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; John W. Farmer, captain Company B, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Thomas McCain, first lieutenant Company B, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; James McLaughlin, second lieutenant Company B, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Henry Rogers, captain Company C, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Jerry Powell, first lieutenant Company C, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Charles H. Knowlton, second lieutenant Company C, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875. Yazoo County.-Albert T. Morgan, colonel First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; First Regiment Mississippi Cavalry, Colonel Eugene H. McMichael, of Wilkinson County, October 11, 1875; Lieutenant-Colonel John G. Mills, of Holmes County, October 17, 1875. Amite County.-Charles P. Nelson, captain Company A, First Regiment Infantry, October 11, 1875; Henry J. Lilly, first lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry, October 17, 1875; T. N. Lafayette Anderson, second lieutenant Company A, First Regiment Infantry, October 17, 1875. The following appointments have been revoked during the same period: Warren County.-R. J. Temple, captain Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, October 5, 1875. Hinds County.-Charles Caldwell, captain Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, October 21, 1875; Eugene B. Welborn, first lieutenant Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, October 21, 1875; Porter Kelley, second lieutenant Company A, Second Regiment Infantry, October 21, 1875. By order of the commander-in-chief. A. G. PACKER, Adjutant- General. The State militia having been thus organized preparatory for the campaign, and the officials being among the most notorious and unscrupulous partisans, black and white, of the State administration, great alarm was created among the white population. The negro companies, officered by negroes, largely predominated, and threats were freely made by their orators that the slaughter of the whites would be completed from the cradle up, if necessary-for their success. (Speech of Brigadier General Gray, reported in testimony of W. A. Ferguson at page -; also testimony of Mr. Putnam, page -.) As a consequence, rumors flew thick and fast. The preparation of the governor and his arming of the negro militia were on every tongue, and caused the deepest distress and apprehension among all classes who sought to preserve the peace in the State and friendly relations between the two races. That such rumors were exaggerated there can be no doubt, for it was the interest of the Ames party and of the negroes to make proclamation of an organization and power which they knew they did not possess. The effect was to increase the insolence and insubordination of the blacks and intensify the discontent and the apprehensions of the whites. The arms to be furnished by Governor Ames were at the expense of the State, and the whites were left to their private resources to obtain arms necessary, as LIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE they believed, for their self-defense. A feeling of excitement was engendered that grew each day in force. Intimidation was thus openly proposed, and proposed to men not likely to be intimidated and totally misunderstood in their course by the men who were assuming to rule them. Thus it seems that violence, bloodshed, and force, as the only arbiter of the election, were first suggested in a time of profound peace in the State of Mississippi, by Governor Ames and his political associates. (See page 334, deposition of Frank Johnston; page 472, deposition of E. Barksdale.) The practice of carrying arms in Mississippi among all classes is almost universal, and there were many witnesses who appeared before the committee so equipped-one, Mr. Chisholm, a leading republican of Kemper County, promptly producing his weapon for the inspection of the committee, and the justices of the peace and constables declaring that it was a part of their official costume. It was testified by, at page -, that after the war the desire to obtain arms among the negroes was almost universal, and that the sales of weapons to them, especially of shot-guns, was very much in excess of what it was to the whites. Louis HOFFMAN sworn and examined, (p. 1315. See also Mr. Peale, p. 2199, and Mr. Richardson, p. 1274.) By the CHAIRMAN: PERSONAL STATEMENT. Question. Where do you reside — Answer. In Vicksburgh, Miss. Q. How long have you resided there? —A. Since 1853. Q. You are not a native of this country, I suppose?-A. No, sir. Q. Of what place?-A. Prussia. Q. What is your business at Vicksburgh?-A. I carry on a hardware and gun store. Q. We wish to know about your sales of guns of various sorts, and pistols, in the year 1875, in the months of June, July, August, September, and October, as compared with your sales of the same articles in the same months of the year 1874-whether they were larger or smaller — A. Well, there have been some fire-arms sold, but I don't think that the trade was very brisk. Of course there was a demand for arms, but in good times before the war, in 1857 and 1860, we did more business and sold more arms. MOST ARMS SOLD TO NEGROES IN 1864. Q. What year since the war have you sold the most?-A. In 1864, when the freedmen being allowed to carry fire-arms, there was not guns enough to be gotten this side of New York City, just after the ending of the war. Q. Since 1870, what years have your sales been the largest?-A. That I could not tell. There had been a little rush that summer-two years ago there had been a little call for arms, but only in relation to a short period. TRADE IN GUNS AND PISTOLS DULL. Q. How was it last year?-A. The trade had been generally dull for the last four years. The only trade we had in fire-arms was shortly after the war, when all the negroes bought guns. Every negro wanted to have a gun, and there was not guns enough to be gotten to supply them. Those sold last year would be only a few and would not amount to anything. Q. How about pistols?-A. Pistols, about the same amount. We sell pistols constantly. Q. In what year have you sold the largest quantities of pistols in the last four or five years — A. If I had been notified I could have brought my books along and could have made avery correct statement, but it is very hard to state without them as to how business is, especially in December, January, and February, when the people have money. The election to which you no doubt have reference was in the summer months, when persons don't usually have much money and do not buy many arms. It is usually in the winter months that they buy arms mostly. I almost believe I have sold more in January, February, and March than all summer, for the reason that the business season is in December, January, and February. NEGROES HAVE BOUGHT THE MOST GUNS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Since the close of the war have you sold more fire-arms to the negroes than you have to the whites?-A. The negroes have bought decidedly more guns because there is a majority of them. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LV Q. I would like to ask you what effect upon the public mind-the condition of public feeling-had these measures adopted by Governor Ames. I mean what effect had they in suggesting the idea of violence to the public mind? —A. His military operations and preparations, marching and countermarching the troops, most of which were colored-all of them were colored, I may say-bad the effect of inducing the conservatives and democrats, and others, who desired a change of administration for the causes which were enumerated in the petition of the republican club of Jackson, and of the tax-payers' convention to think that it was the determination to carry the election by force or intimidation, and by military violence if necessary. Q. Had not these threatened military expeditio s to Yazoo and other counties the effect of alarming the white people and democratsvery much?-A. They had the effect of inducing them to believe that Governor Ames was endeavoring to carry the election by military violence and force. Notonly were the white people of Mississippi threatened with the organization and use of the armed negro militia in the coming election, but the armed forces of the Government of the United States were held in terror over them for a like purpose. Mr. Warner, chairman of the republican State executive committee, at page 968, states that, immediately upon the holding of the republican State convention atJackson, in September, 1875, a resoution was adopted vesting him with an authority to appoint a committee, with himself as chairman, to visit Washington and call upon the President for armed aid to the republican party in the ensuing canvass, which resolution, and the action of the committee under it, shows the character of the campaign which theyintended should be waged in that State. It may behere mentioned that the prevalent idea among the negroes and the handful of whites who lead them in Mississippi, seems to be that the Federal administration will at all times exert its armed authority for the purpose of retaining them in office; and it was in the hopes of such intervention that the application referred to was made, and which, as we believe, has largely promoted and induced the complaints which led to the constitution of this committee. The experience of prior elections had been favorable to this belief. (See page 451 of testimony:) Q. Was it a fact, then, that the military arm of the Government was used in his election in favor of one party?-A. Yes, sir; the trvi, s were sent to various parts of the State at that time, and persons were arrested and thrown into prison; and the effect of the use of troops against men who were opposed to that party had very great influence in controlling and determining the election. Q. I would like to ask that fact, whether the Army of the United States has been used as a party agent in the affairs of Mississippi, and if it has been so felt by the party to which you belong — A. Yes, sir; it has been so felt, forit was felt in that election, and the military commander was seen to go into a political organization and pledge his support to its candidates; and the troops were placed in various portions of the State without any ostensible cause other than their presence would have that effect. The democratic-conservative party of Mississippi, in the platform adopted at their State convention on the 3d of August, 1875, contained the following propositions: First. The recognition of civil and political equality of all men as established by the Constitution of the United States and the amendments thereto. Second. Favoring the education of all the children of the State in public schools, sustained by adequate taxation; but opposition to extravagance or partisan administration of said schools. The thirteenth cordially invited the voters of all the people of both races to unite vigorously with them in the approaching canvass. (See page - of testimony.) It was by this convention that the democratic executive committee was organized, and J. Z. George appointed as chairman. Thus opened the campaign of 1875. It is in proof, by almost every witness who was examined on the subject, that the negroes were organized in clubs, having a quasi military organization in every county in the State. Clubs, also, of white people were formed, and the parading and march LVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE ing, with the use of flags, drams, music, cannon for salutes or the explosion of anvils, (a rude substitute for cannon,) became general throughout the State. Much of the alleged intimidation of the colored people by the white population was claimed to be from causes like these, which could only have operated upon minds of the most childish character, and would be ridiculed if proposed, with the same intent, in any part of the Northern States. This constitutional timidity of the colored population was frequently and gravely urged as entering into alleged violations of the fifteenth amendment by white men, who fired off pistols in the air and exploded anvils at night on their return from meetings through the country. At page 112, A. Parker, republican sheriff in Amite County, testifies as follows.: Q. You may state whether or not these outrages had the effect of intimidating the colored voters.-A. They certainly did, sir. I am satisfied that for a month before the election there. was not a week-day or a Sunday that colored people didn't come to my residence or to the court-house, and tell me of these visits to their houses, and ask my advice as to what they should do, and did I think they would be killed, and all such inquiries as that. Of course I encouraged them all I could. I will state as my candid opinion that there were no less than five hundred men who lay in the woods the greater part of the night before the election. They would stand in line at the polls, and drop asleep standing up, on account of not having had sleep the previous night. These democratic clubs were organized into squads, and each of these squads had two anvils. They would go to a little rising place in the road and put these anvils down, and shoot them off ten or twelve times, and shoot their shot-guns, yell, and go on, and stop a mile perhaps farther on, and repeat the same thing again. We could hear it in every direction from town, and it sounded just like war-times. The colored people, when these squads would be approaching them, shooting and yelling, would of course imagine that they were going to kill them, and they would slip out and get into the woods, and lay hid until morning. In the morning they carie in one at a time, and found out no one had been killed. This was done on the night before the election, and finding out that nothing serious had been done, and that this was only a trick to frighten them, they came up to the polls and voted, and we polled a larger vote than we had polled before since the war, both democratic and republican. Perhaps the best proof that can be offered of the real intent and spirit with which the democratic and conservative canvass was organized and conducted will be found in the telegraphic correspondence between Mr. George, the chairman of the executive committee. and his party associates throughout the State, who communicated with him during the canvass. This correspondence, although not referred to by any witness nor in any way supposed to be connected with the subjects to be inquired of by the committee, was, by the order of the committee, and against the formal and recorded protest of the undersigned, made public for the purpose of sustaining the charges of lawlessness and outrage against the democratic party of Mississippi. Mr. George had not been made a witness; none of the parties who were his correspondents had been made witnesses; but the whole correspondence was seized and produced in bulk before the committee, and is to be found on pages 380 to 420 of the testimony. Let it be borne in mind that these communications were all supposed by the writers to be confidential, and that their contents would never be made public. It will be difficult for any mind, however prejudiced, to construe any portion of this telegraphic correspondence so as to favor the suspicion that lawlessness of any kind was looked to as an element for the success of the democratic party in that canvass. From first to last there is nothing but what is creditable to Mr. George and his democratic correspondents as honorable, peaceful, and law-abiding citizens. We do not believe it will be possible to torture any of these dispatches into RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LVII any other meaning. The demonstration of General Ames in organizing the negro militia, the openly-expressed intention and threat of bringing Federal troops into the State to control the election, no doubt operated to create a corresponding antagonism and bitterness, and suggested that it should be met by force. The " race issues," which Governor Ames has recognized, and upon one side of which he so promptly and vigorously ranged himself with all his official powers, were undoubtedly aggravated and intensified. Collisions were constantly threatened, and yet few, remarkably few, under all the circumstances, occurred. In endeavoring now to give a reliable account of the acts of violence and bloodshed which were proven before the committee as having occurred in Mississippi during the summer and autumn of 1875, we deem it hardly necessary to make expression of the intense and hearty reprobation which we, in common with all men who respect and value law and order and humanity, necessarily felt, and now feel, upon every occasion where violence and crime were committed. Stern repression and prompt punishment are the just measures to be dealt out to all such offenders, without respect to race, or color, or station in life, and for all such criminals and transgressors we invoke due punishment at the hands of those who are the representatives of the Government whose laws need vindication. But while we propose in every proven case to condemn the guilty, we do not propose to allow reasonable proof to be replaced by reckless and malicious assertion or rumor; nor do we propose to condemn a whole community upon the testimony of men, confessedly without character, who live upon slanders and trade upon abuse, instigated, as many of such characters were who appeared before the committee, by a miserable faction, whose hope of prolonged plunder and self-enrichment lies in keeping up a condition of public excitement and fanning the prejudices and hatreds of illy-informed citizens of the North against the white people of the South. We confidently believe that when knowledge of the truth as it is, and sad though it may be in many respects, of the state of affairs in Mississippi, shall possess the minds of the people of the Northern States, the occupation of the miserable class of slanderers to whom we have referred will be gone forever. It is for this reason that we sincerely deprecate such utterances as those of the President of the United States, to which we have already referred, and such also as are contained in the speech of the honorable Senator from Indiana, [Mr. Morton,] and delivered in the Senate by him when urging the adoption of the resolution by which this committee was authorized. No fact stated by that honorable Senator was upon his personal knowledge, and the source from which be obtained his assumed facts was disclosed by the deposition of Captain Fisher, to be found at page 533. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Is not that a copy of Mr. Morton's speech that you have there t-A. Yes, sir. Q. Didn't you furnish these extracts to him?-A.. I furnished some of them. SENATOR MORTON'S SPEECH, AND WHO HELPED TO COMPILE THE EXTRACTS IN IT. Q. I observe, in reply to a question put to you, first in respect to the Clinton riot, and next in regard to certain questions in reference to the taxation of the State, that you consulted a pamphlet; have you it? —A. Yes, sir. [Witness hands pamphlet to Senator Bayard.] Q. This purports to be a speech delivered by Mr. Morton in the United States Senate in January, 1876.-A. Yes, sir. Q. I suppose when you read the extract from the Raymond Gazette you obtained it from that speech?-A. Yes, sir. LVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE Q. And you looked for information in regard to the taxation of the State to the statements in that speech?-A. Yes, sir. Q. You read your testimony from what you found there?-A. I refreshed my recollection on a few points from what I found there. Q. Did you or did you not read from that speech when you gave your answer?-A. I did, sir. Q. Did you or did you not read from that speech when you were questioned in regard to the proceedings of the Clinton riot, and the number of persons killed at that time — A. No, sir; I did.not. I endeavored to find a paragraph taken from the Forest Register, in which it stated the number killed at Clinton-the Forest Register is a democratic paper-but I do not find the paragraph. Q. Did you, as a matter of fact, make that political compilation in there from the democratic press of Mississippi?-A. I assisted in that compilation. Q. Who assisted you?-A. Well, sir, there were extracts furnished by different gentlemen. Q. Name those parties.-A. Judge Alcorn assisted in a portion of the compilation. Q. That is Mr. Robert J. Alcorn?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Where did you prepare them? Where were you at that time?-A. I was in this city. Q. Were they prepared in this city?-A. 0, yes, sir. Q. To whom did. you furnish them?-A. Well, sir, they were furnished to Senator Morton. Q. At his request? —A. I was requested to furnish to Senator Morton all the evidence that I could obtain showing the character of the election and of the canvass in Mississippi last fall. I told him that I should be very glad to do that, and that I might be able to furnish some extracts showing the temper of the press, which he said he would be very glad to receive. And I proceeded to do so; and a portion of what you see here is the result of that labor. Q. Did you see him personally and furnish these to him at his request?-A. Yes, sir; I did. Thus it will be seen that, while being examined as a witness, Captain Fisher based his replies upon the speech made by the honorable Senator; and yet he admits that he himself had furnished to the honorable Senator the statements contained in that speech; that he had not personal knowledge himself, but that the speech was prepared in the city of Washington from the newspaper-clippings which he, Fisher, as the editor of a partisan paper, had made from time to time in the State of Mississippi. Thus, if Mr. Morton quotes Fisher and Fisher quotes Morton, the combined authority of the two can be no greater than that of either, and either and both rest entirely upon mere hearsay and information for the assertions which are dignified by the utterance of a Senator in Congress. RIOTS. During the canvass that preceded the election of November 2, 1875, there were four political disturbances ending in the loss of human life and bloodshed, in regard to which much testimony has been taken by the committee, and which have mainly served as the basis for the wholesale accusations against the white people of Mississippi with which the public press and the ears of the northern people have been industriously filled. I. A riot at Vicksburgh on the occasion of the celebration of the 5th of July, (the 4th of July happening on Sunday;) II.'The riot of Yazoo City on the 1st of September; III. The riot at Clinton on the 4th of September; and IV. Friar's Point on the 9th of October. In regard to the Friar's Point riot, there is no testimony whatever except what is contained in the statement of Governor Ames, at page 26, and of Senator Alcorn, at page 67. Governor Ames charges Senator Alcorn with being personally present and responsible for those occurrences. This he does upon the information of others, not having been personally present; but Mr. Alcorn, who was personally present, gives RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LIX in full the history of his participation as a leader in that whole affair, and divests it entirely of such political significance as is referred to in the resolution appointing this committee. He testifies that the difficulty originated in the party schism between his adherents and those of Governor Ames, in which the democratic party, or, what is the same thing, the white people of Mississippi, had no share. He states, at page 69, the cause of the riot, which was, his personal difference with John Brown, the negro sheriff, and the organization by Brown of a large body of armed negroes, several hundred in number, well armed and approaching the town of Friar's Point, threatening to sack and burn it. Mr. Alcorn organized a force, and, with his "' double-barreled shot-gun," headed the defense. The negroes were dispersed at first by the forces of Alcorn without loss of life or wounds on either side; but the murder by the negroes of a respectable young white man, by the name of Scott, who was innocently attending to his business and taking no part in the trouble, led to a retaliation by the Alcorn party, and he sums up, at page 71, the result of the conflict: Two white men assassinated by the negroes, one other shot himself accidentally, and nine colored men killed by the Alcorn party. Deplorable and dreadful as the occurrence seems to have been, and public as it was, and well known to Governor Ames, who has furnished the committee with Brown's communications to him on the subject, (and which are to be found at page 20 of the documentary evidence attached to the testimony,) yet no action seems ever to have been taken by any of the civil authorities of Mississippi to vindicate the law, and, so far as the testimony of Senator Alcorn discloses, no member of the democratic party was concerned in the transaction. Whatever may be the lawless and dreadful character of this collision, it is proved beyond doubt to have been disconnected with any trouble growing out of the democraticconservative organization of Mississippi. It should not be forgotten that Senator Alcorn is a strenuous republican and ally of General Grant's administration, and that the democratic party of Mississippi have no more determined opponent. VICKSBURGH. The riot at Vicksburgh on the 5th of July is stated by every witness who has been examined to have been entirely unpremeditated. The colored people met at the court-house on the morning of that day for the performance of patriotic exercises. Among the audience was Cardoza, the negro superintendent of education, and who was also to have been one of the speakers on that occasion. He was the editor and proprietor of a newspaper published in Jackson, in which, it seems, he had assailed Judge Cowan, a citizen of the county. Judge Cowan and Cardoza met at the railway-station at Vicksburgh on the morning of the 5th. An altercation took place between them by reason of the scurrilous article by Cardoza, and a collision ensued. Cardoza was assisted by a white man named Hill, and, with his aid, the attack of Cowan was foiled and Cardoza got off in safety and reached the court-house and took his place in the meeting. A few young men, supposed to have been friends of Cowan, followed him to renew the conflict, and finding there Hill, who had interfered between them at the depot, an encounter took place in which Hill was shot by some one unknown to any witness who testified. The testimony discloses (see deposition of Embry, page 1310, and LX ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE the deposition of Stith at page 1401) that but a single shot was fired in the building, which resulted in the wounding of Hill, who has since absconded from the State. After the shooting of Hill the meeting, composed chiefly of colored people, scattered in great confusion. Shots were fired over their heads, one of which struck an old colored man who was on the sidewalk, not concerned in the meeting, and caused his death. The indignation of the men who had sought Cardoza continued; search was made for him, but he was secreted in an upper portion of the building and finally managed to escape unhurt. The mayor of the town, Dr. Leary, appeared promptly on the scene and soon brought everything to order. The riot had its origin in the personal encounter between Judge Cowan and Cardoza, had no feature of political intent, and the loss of life was confined to the old colored man, who was shot accidentally by some unknown person. The white person who was wounded in the court-house was proven to be a very disreputable man. and was either a bar-keeper or the partner of a negro who kept a low drinking-house, (p. 1428.) He having absconded, no proceedings have been taken against the person who shot him, nor is it known whether his wound is dangerous or not. The disturbance of this innocent and peaceable assembly was undoubtedly outrageous, and deserves the greatest reprobation; but it is impossible to believe that it was in any way or degree connected with party politics. It was a gross breach of the peace, which should have been promptly arrested, as it was, and severely punished by the civil authorities, as it was not. YAZOO. The affray at Yazoo City took place at a club-meeting of the republican party held at Bedwell's hall on the 1st of September, 1875, to which members of all parties were invited. The speaker was A. T. Morgan, the sheriff, and a candidate for re-election, who says: There were present, perhaps, half a dozen white republicans and fifty colored, and perhaps half a dozen or more democrats. An altercation took place, growing out of some remark of the speaker which was rudely contradicted by some one in the audience; pistols were drawn and fired, and the hall was soon emptied; the result of the melee being the killing of Mr. B. R. Mitchell, a white man, and the wounding of Foote, a colored man. (See testimony of Foote, at page 1664.) This was the beginning and the end of the riot in the hall; but the condition of feeling which probably gave rise to the riot did not end with that affray. Yazoo County contained an overwhelming majority of colored people. Its government-judges, clerks, sheriff, supervisors, justices of the peace, constables, juries, grand and petit, prosecuting officers-all were in the hands of the republican party. Mr. Morgan, who was one of the chief actors on this occasion, was the autocrat of his party in that county. He held the office of sheriff at one time, and was a candidate for re-election. He appeared in Washington before the committee to assail his political opponents in Mississippi. Mr. Morgan has been in Washington employed, as he says, as a claim-agent for several months. He was in communication with the majority of the committee for weeks prior to their departure for Mississippi. His testimony could readily have been then taken, and some opportunity thus afforded for calling witnesses in reply, but he was withheld until the return of the committee to Washington, and examined at the very RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXI close of their sessions. He stated, at page 1729, that he went to Mississippi at the close of the war, rented lands, and commenced planting, but from various causes failed and was sold out, and became insolvent. That he was received with the greatest possible kindness on every hand upon his first coming, but soon lost his popularity with the white people, to whom he became exceedingly obnoxious. He omitted to inform the committee that he had married a colored woman, which fact was stated by Dixon and Foote, colored witnesses, and his political associates, at page 1682-3. Upon his failure in business he immediately embarked in politics, and has thoroughly controlled the county ever since. Attorney-General Harris, in the letter hereinbefore cited, classes him among the disreputable associates of Governor Ames, and says that, when a State senator, he offered to sell his vote for $2,000; that Raymond, the State printer, refused to pay it, saying that he had already paid him $900, and that was enough for that vote. Morgan was also chairman of the late republican State convention. The marriage, to which we have alluded, and his evil repute, encouraged a political associate named Hilliard, and a former sheriff, to run against him for the nomination of sheriff. The convention nominated Morgan; but Hilliard bolted and ran for the office, calling to his a.id whatever opposition he could muster. At the end of the election in 1874, Hilliard, being in office, refused to give it up to Morgan, except upon terms to which Morgan refused to accede, and claimed that Morgan had not qualified according to law. Morgan proposed to take possession of the office by force of arms, and did so, and killed Hilliard, who resisted him, and with his party friends shot other adherents of Hilliard. This riot, occurring at the court-house, involved none but members of the republican party. (See deposition of Foote, page 1667.) Those who were killed and those who killed them were alike republicans. No democrat was concerned in it; but the friends of the murdered man caused the arrest of Morgan, who was committed without bail, waiving any hearing before the committing magistrate. He immediately, however, sued out a writ of habeas corpus before Chancellor Dreman, who, after a hearing of five days, refused to discharge him on bail, and recommitted him to prison. Morgan was then, at his own request, removed to the penitentiary at Jackson. He was, as his correspondence with Governor Ames shows, (see pages 102 and 103 of the documentary evidence,) on terms of close personal and political intimacy with Ames, and, according to the letter of Harris, the attorney-general, Ames removed Dreman because he refused to bail his friend Morgan, and appointed Walton chancellor in place of Dreman, who thereupon proceeded to hear the application of Morgan for a discharge, and discharged him on a recognizance of $5,000. Morgan re-appeared in Yazoo City, obtained possession of his office, and having political control of the county, no indictment was found against him or any of his friends for the murder of Hilliard or the shooting of Hilliard's friends, until the county passed into democratic hands by the result of the election of 1875, when an indictment for murder was found against him by a grand jury, from which indictment he is to-day a fugitive in the city of Washington, and appears as a witness before the committee of the Senate to assail the community whose laws he has outraged. That Morgan killed Hilliard must have been found by Chancellor Dreman when he refused, after a hearing of five days, to discharge him on bail, and the testimony of Foote (see page 1667) testifies to the same fact. I went toward the sheriff's office to get my rubbers-it was raining-and when I went to the door I was met there by a brother of Colonel Morgan's, with a pistol pre LXII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE sented, and he told me not to come in there or he would shoot me; and behind me was another man that Morgan had appointed as a deputy, and he had a pistol behind my head, and told me if I went in there he would shoot me. I stepped back and took my pistol out, and he went back into the room in a hurry, and I told him I would shoot him before dark; that was the man that drew the pistol on me. Colonel Morgan was not there at that time; but we went up to Colonel Hilliard's house and told him of it, and he went down to Judge Hudson's office and consulted him in regard to what steps to take. He gave him some legal advice. He then got a crowd of men from among the old citizens there, none of them armed, and went down to the court-house; and when he went in the door Colonel Morgan went along behind him, and Colonel Morgan stopped in the front there and Colonel Hilliard went into his office. and as he opened the door they commenced firing on him in the office. Q. On whom?-A. Colonel Hilliard. Q. Who?-A. Frank Stewart, Will Morgan, and some others fired on him as he entered the door. Q. Was Colonel Morgan firing on him, too?-A. No, sir; he was then standing in the door; he never attempted to shoot; but when I saw them shooting at Colonel Hilliard I then took my pistol and shot the man that first shot at Colonel Hilliard, and he fell on the floor; and then Colonel Hilliard came out running in a stooping manner, and when he got to the door Colonel Morgan fired at him, just as he got closeter than I am to that gentleman. He was stooping down, and the ball struck him on the back part of his head.; the locomotion just stopped right there. Q. You mean killed him at once; killed him in his tracks?-A. Yes, sir; and then I shot at Colonel Morgan in the door, and there was a fightQ. And did you hit him?-A. No, sir, I didn't hit him; and the other people, all his friends and all my friends, we took a general shoot at.each other in the hall; it was a family fight. Q. How many were wounded in that fight besides those you have mentioned?-A. Hilliard was killed and I was wounded. I got shot in the arm. Q. Who was that man you shot?-A. Frank Stewart. Q. Did you hit Morgan when you fired at him?-No, sir. Q. Anybody else hurt in that mele e?-A. None to my knowledge; I don't think that there was anybody else only Hilliard and me. Q. How many were concerned in that fight all around — A. I suppose Colonel Morgan had about fifteen or twenty men there armed. Q. All his party friends?-A. Yes, sir. Q. It was a republican quarrel from beginning to end?-A, Yes, sir. Q. When was that?-A. That was on the 8th day of January, 1874, I believe. How far the condition of feeling which led to the riot in Yazoo City on the 1st of September, 1875, had been brought about by the lawless action and defiance of all order by Morgan himself and his political associates is not easy to determine; but that he was himself a gross transgressor there can be no manner of doubt, and that such a man would never be permitted to obtain or retain office in the Northern States we believe to be equally true. The weight of the testimoney of such a witness we submit to just public consideration. CLINTON. The Clinton riot was productive of more public excitement than the three other riots which we have described. It has been the subject of more exaggerated statement than all the other three combined, and the facts attending" it can now be stated with a reasonable degree of certainty. A political meeting, at which a barbecue was to be had, was called at Clinton, a village on the Vicksburgh Railroad, about twelve miles west of Jackson, the capital of the State. To give celebrity to the occasion, Governor Ames and other leading members of his party were announced to be speakers, and by an arrangement democratic speakers were also invited, and al portion of the time for discussion allotted to each. It was intended to be a grand demonstration on the part of the republicans, who attended in large numbers, estimated at from eighteen hundred to twenty-five hundred, of whom upward of twelve hundred were men. The whites were a mere handful, by the best informed witnesses supposed to be from sixty to seventy-five, republicans and democrats. RECENT ELECTIO N IN MISSISSIPPI. LXIII The number of white men who participated in the fight that ensued was probably from ten to fifteen. The parade of the republicans, composed wholly of colored men, was unusually large and carefully arranged. Eight hundred and ninety mounted colored men were counted by Captain Montgomery in the procession, (see his testimony, page 543,) NUMBER OF WHITES AT CLINTON MEETING. Q. How many white people do you suppose were present at the Clinton meeting; at the original meeting? —A. At the barbecue? Q. At the barbecue.-A. I think not over twenty-five or thirty; thirty at the outside. NUMBER OF COLORED PEOPLE AT CLINTON MEETING. Q. How many colored people?-A. I counted 800 men in line, cavalry. Q. Besides that, how many? —A. Besides that there were, I reckon, 400 or 500 on foot, besides women and children. I don't know, but I reckon there was a crowd of two or three thousand altogether. Q. You went up to be one of the speakers, but did not speak?-A. Yes, sir; I did not speak. Q. You were'entirely unarmed?-A. Entirely so. while companies on foot to the number of many hundred were counted by the same witness. Many, perhaps the majority, of these men on foot and horseback were armed, and this procession so formed moved out of its necessary line of March to the place of barbecue, and paraded through the town of Clinton. The place of speaking was on a hill just outside of the town and near the railway-station. The speaking was commenced by Judge Johnston, a democrat, in a very temperate and conciliatory speech, as described by every witness who was examined. He' was followed by Captain Fisher, a republican; and during the remarks of Fisher, a collision took place between a young white man and a colored man, about one hundred yards from the speaker's stand. Comments had been made upon Fisher's remarks, and rude contradictions of their truth by one young white man named Neal, from the town of Raymond, standing in a group of two or three of his companions not many feet from the speaker's stand; but Captain Fisher in his testimony, (see page 536,) Q. Was your speech interrupted by the shooting or disturbance that occurred, or were you interrupted by rem.arks made?-A. I do not know that any remarks were made to me; if there were I did not hear them. Q. We have had a great deal of testimony about the Clinton affair, and the witnesses were not certain, when you were speaking, whether you heard these interruptions noticed by men standing by, and I thought I would ask you whether you heard them or not.-A. I heard, subsequently to the riot, when I got home, that such expressions had been made in regard to portions of my speech, or as having reference to myself; but I did not hear them, and if I had heard them I should not likely have paid any attention to them. distinctly says that he did not hear these remarks, nor was hiS speech interrupted by anything that was said in the crowd, but that the interruption to his speech arose from the affray between the white and the colored men to which we have referred; that the white man in question had a bottle of whisky from which he had been drinking, and which no doubt was the proximate cause of the affray that then took place. Immediately upon the collision between these two a pistol-shot was heard, and there is conflict of testimony as to the person who fired it. It was immediately followed by a general discharge of fire-arms, and in the melee, which caused intense confusion, two colored men were killed on the spot and four or five were wounded. The negroes were rallied and commenced pursuit of the whites, who, in a group numbering about eleven men, retreated from the field. Martin Sivley and Thompson, white men, were overtaken, killed, and their bodies mutilated. Thompson was found in the public road, nearly LXIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE a mile from the scene of action, shot through the head. Charles Chilton was killed in his own yard, and, as it appears by the testimony of Captain Montgomery, (page 543,) ABOUT THE WHITE MEN KILLED. Q. Did you know any of them?-A. No, sir; I did not know any of them. Q. Black men or white men?-A. They were black men that I saw there-just lying there, and we afterward found the body of Mr. Sivley and Mr. Thompson and Mr. Chilton. Mr. Chilton was shot right near his house-the very man I had taken dinner with, and there was not a more quiet, inoffensive man in our county. It was Charles Chilton, the brother of John Chilton, who had before that been an active republican, and a leading republican of the native Mississippians of our county; and at that riot he threw up the sponge; he said he had given $100 in money and in beef, and the heart's best, blood of his brother that day, and he was done. Q. By whom was his brother killed — A. By the negroes. Q. How far from the original scene of the riot?-A. Right at his own gate he was shot; that was 100 yards, I suppose. Q. Was he in the affray?-A. No, sir. There was such a stampede and rush that the negro men were riding and running over their women and children;. and there was such confusion and hallooing that he ran out to his gate. He carried his gun with him, though, which was very natural; and he handed his gun to a negro boy standing by him, and said, "Take this." Now, that is the way the thing was told me. He was standing there helping the women and the children into his yard to get them out of the way of the stampede and of the horses, and as he turned his back some of the men in the road fired and shot him. After finding that there was no armed body on the top of the hill, and several men from the town began to assemble-but before that time the negroes had gone off in companies, and they seemed to be assembling, and I thought we had better make for the depot and get possession of that, and send for assistance to some other point to help us-for I thought it was very likely that there were not white men enough there to hold the town against the negroes should they be disposed to attack it-which we did. was endeavoring to let the black women and children into his yard to escape the press of the crowd behind them when he was shot. Captain White was shot, stabbed, and left for dead. Rice, Wells, Wharton, and Robinson, white men, were all wounded, with others whose names are not obtainable. The excitement of the scene and consequent confusion created the wildest and most variant rumors. The negroes were reported as massing at a short distance from the town, proposing to attack and destroy it. Their declarations and cries during the conflict had been of an alarming character, and spread great dismay among the citizens. Instantly the telegraph was put in requisition, and bodies of men at Vicksburgh, Jackson, and Edwards' Station hastily met together, armed with every variety of weapon, and, taking the train, reached Clinton on the evening of Saturday after the riot had occurred, and the negroes had left the town. A hasty attempt at organization was made by the election of Capt. William A. Montgomery to the command of this unorganized and hastily collected force to the number of several hundred. Captain Montgomery testifies (see page 545) that he immediately caused a mounted patrol, led by him in person, to make a circuit of the town, and ascertain whether any immediate attack from the negroes was to be apprehended. He discovered no one, and no shot was given or returned between his party and the colored men, nor was there any collision or disturbance whatever. He returned to Clinton, where the white men had collected under arms, and finding a want of subordination among them he resigned his position as commander, because he would not take the responsibility of preserving the peace without having the power to do so. This is much to be regretted, for by the testimony of all witnesses who have made any reference to Captain Montgomery, as well as by his own testimony before the committee, he is evidently a man of high and cool courage, of generosity and integrity of character. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXV Thus left without a leader and deeply excited by the events of the day, infuriated by the murder-and mutilation of their white friends, mob-law soon became triumphant among the whites collected at Clinton. The white men killed are shown to have been estimable and popular citizens. Chilton met his death while endeavoring to protect the colored women and children, and had handed his gun to a colored man in his employ at the time he received his death-wound. At page 543, Chilton is proven to have sent provisions down to aid the colored people in their barbecue. Martin Sively had no connection with the commencement of the affray. The number of wounded whites was unknown, and was doubtless enorimously exaggerated. As a consequence, the more violent and lawless of the men who had collected under arms obtained the ascendency. They visited the homes of the negroes in the vicinity of Clinton who, they had been informed, had been connected with the affray and the killing of their friends, and outrageously took the lives of seven or eight of these men. It was a reign of terror and lynch-law in that neighborhood from late on Saturday night until Sunday morning. After that time no distinctly-authenticated case of murder growing out of the Clinton riot was established before the committee. The circumstances of the riot were carefully and diligently examined b)y Mr. Frank Johnston, of the town of Jackson, together with Mr. Chilton and Judge Cabinis, within a few days after the occurrence. Diligent inquiry was instituted by these gentlemen, and a number of affidavits froml white and colored men, democrats and republicans, were taken at the time and at the town of Clinton.' Mr. Johnston was examined before the committee at great length, and appended these affidavits to his testimony. His cross-examination developed nothing in contravention of the conclusions at which he had arrived in September, 1875. His deposition will be found at pages 329-378 of the. testimony, and the reliability of his statements is attested in the strongest terms by all the republicans who have been examined in relation to this affair. Judge Alderson says of Mr. Johnston, at page 301: By Mr. CAIMERON: Q. If Mr. Frank Johnston made a statement that he had made a thorough examination, would you conclude that that was absolutely true, or merely that he really believed that he had made a thorough examination? —A. I would not conclude anything; but whatever Mr. Johnston would investigate and state upon his word of honor, that I would give credit to. In short, I do not know a man for whose moral worth I have a higher respect than I do for Frank Johnston's. And his high character is equally attested by Judge Swann, Mr. Estelle, and every republican witness who was examined in regard to the Clinton transaction. His profession is that of a lawyer, and his residence within twelve miles of the scene of disaster. So that we feel justified in accepting the statement of facts and the conclusions of fr. Johnston as perfectly true and reliable. He is sustained in substance by nearly every witness who was examined. Capt. H. G. Fisher, who was the compiler of Mlr. Morton's speech, and was one of the speakers at the barbecue, stated his difficulty, even after the most careful investigation, in ascertaining reliably the names of more than four or five colored men who lost their lives on the occasion. There seems to be no just reason to doubt that the collision was entirely unpremeditated, certainly so on the part of the whites who were present, as it would have been little less than madness for twenty-five or thirty white men, not more than half of whom were armed, to have precipitated a conflict against such overwhelming odds. (See Fisher's testimony, pages 521 to 523.) S. Rep. e 27 —v LXVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE As an illustration of the absence of any anticipation of difficulty on the part of the whites, we refer to the testimony of Captain Montgomery, (page 541,) by which it appears that, having been asked to fill the appointnent of another democrat who hal intended to speak at Clinton, he attended the meeting without even a pocket-knife upon his person; and that, taking the train from Edwards' Station to Clinton in company with Harney, the colored sheriff of the county, he remarked in reply to an observation of Harney that he was totally unarmed, but that he believed that of the posse of twenty-five colored men whom Harney had on board, twenty-four would be found to have weapons upon their persons, and upon an examination by Harney it was found to be true in the case of more than two-thirds. (See page 541.) It will be borne in mind that this affray occurring between a mere handful of whites and a large and organized body of colored men who were to meet in the presence of the governor of the State, their peculiar and especial champion, who had, to use his own words, "united his fortune with theirs;" who held the entire executive power of the State; was also in a political stronghold of the republican party which controlled every peace officer; that every means of repressing or punishing disorder was in the hands of officials of that party; that within twelve miles was a force of United States troops encamped for the. alleged purpose of suppressing riot. It seems impossible to believe that such a collision could be brought on by the minority under such circumstances with a view to produce political effect. Such a view is irreconcilable with any suggestion of human motives of which the undersigned have any knowledge. It may here be noted that Major Allyn, in command of the United States troops stationed at Jackson, was at Clinton on the night of the riot, (see p. 331,) and was in Jackson during the sessions ofthe committee, in intercourse with the majority of the committee, but not examined as a witness. This, we believe, comprises a list.of the public disorders prior to the election in relation to which testimony has been taken by the committee. There are other cases of homicide and violence, to which we shall hereafter refer. The murder of William P. Haffa, a white man, as detailed by his wife at page 483, and by the testimony of Captain Montgomery at page 547, occurred on the 6th of September. This murder of Haffa seems to have been an atrocious crime, and two important facts appear in the testimony of his widow and daughter, (see pages 483-490,) one of which is the failure in public duty, which cost Haffa his damages in a civil suit against two parties named Bush, who had assaulted him-was that of Lake, a republican United States official at Jackson, (see page 487;) and, secondly, that the names of the persons who murdered her husband are well known and given, and that she went to Governor Ames with her sad story. Why, may it be asked, did not Governor Ames order the arrest and trial of one or all of these murderers? The only notice he seems to have taken of Mrs. Haffa was a very moderate subscription-to the more liberal one already made by Captain Montgolmery, a democrat. Mr. Hafffa would not appear to have been altogether the blameless citizen described (naturally) by his widow. Capt. W. N. Montgomery testifies, at pages 547, 548, as follows: ABOUT Ma. HAFFA. It was about that time that Haffa's death was reported. Q. State what you know about that.-A. I don't know anything about it of my own nowledge. I knew Mr. Haffa. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXVII Q. Who was he?-A. He was a man that was from Chicago, brought there by Dr. Robinnett, for the purpose of working on his farm, some seven or eight years ago. I got twenty at the same time myself. Q. Twenty what — A. Twenty laborers from Chicago at the same time, white men; and, by the way, the last one of them ran off and stole all my mules, and I lost every cent that I made. This man Haffa was one of them that Dr. Robinnett got. He worked about three days with Dr. Robinnett, and then went to William Bush's and hired himself to a negro man who was renting from William Bush. After living there two or three weeks, and doing a good deal of mischief, Mr. Bush and some others went over there and took him out and gave him a flogging, and Bush was up before the United States court, but the suit was dismissed. This flogging placed Haffa in a position to get office from the negroes, and at the next election he was elected to the legislature. He was then a magistrate, and had been for several years teaching school there. I know nothing about him except what the neighbors there said. He was a very bad man, I judge, from everything that was said about him. Q. Do you know what his reputation among the blacks was?-A. I received a dispatch inquiring for some one who could testify in regard to the Haffa case from here, and the first man that I inquired about was a negro man living on my place, who brought the dispatch from the telegraph-office to me-I live five or six miles out in the country. I asked him if he knew anything.about the killing of Mr. Haifa; and he says, "No, sir, I don't; but he ought to have been killed long before he was." I said, "Why? I thought he was a good friend of yours." He says, "No, sir; he done too much stealing in this country, and he ought to have been killed long ago." If this will be allowed as testimony, I will say what this negro told me about Haffa. He says, " Well, sir, when he was elected magistrate he sent for all of us to come up and get our mules that the Government was going to give to us, and he said that it took $5 apiece to get the mules and pay the freight on the mules." And he said that they gave him $5, about 200 of them, but that he did not give $5, as he did not have it; and at the time appointed to get the mules they came there, and Mr. Haffa said that they had so many mules for the blacks down there, and they had such a great long train of them, that in passing underneath a tunnel the whole thing caved in and killed every mule, and they lost their $5. I said, " You are surely mistaken; you are joking about that." He says, "Joking! I.am not joking: I can get you a dozen men in five minutes that gave him $5." Well, on inquiry, I found that his reputation was very bad among the negroes, although he had been elected to office by them. Q. Do you know anything of the circumstances of his death?-A. Nothing in the world. Q. Did you hear of it at the time?-A. Yes, sir; I heard of it; and why it should be done for political purposes-I have no idea that there were any political purposes or object in the killing of Mr. Haffa, because he had many fallings-out with his neighbors: he was a terrible man to fall out with his neighbors, and they had all sorts of difficulties with him. I have no idea that there was any politics in the killing of Haffa in the world. It was not on account of any political differences of opinion that Haffa was killed. Q. Had you any application from Mrs. Haffa for assistance?-A.'I had; and paid her $50 at Edwards' Depot. She came there and applied to me for assistance. NEGROES ORGANIZED AND MADE MANY DEMONSTRATIONS AND THREATS AFTER CLINTON. After this difficulty was over in Clinton the negroes organized in companies throughout Hinds County, and made many demonstrations and threats to make an attack upon the town and kill all the people; sent in word that they were going to commence from the cradle and go up. Well, sir, living in such a country as I do, it is well calculated to arouse a man's fears, if he has got any. I live on a public road, myself and one other white man, and there are seventy-six negro men on the road and only us two white men; and it is very reasonable that if they wanted to hurt us they could do so. THE WHITES ORGANIZE TO PROTECT THEMSELVES AGAINST THE ENCROACHMENTS OF THE BLACKS. We organized ourselves into companies for protection then against these negroes, into military companies. I was captain; was elected to take command of five or six of them, in different parts of the county. It was simply and purely for protection; not for any political purpose in the world, but to protect ourselves against the encroachments of the blacks. HELD TO MRS. HAFFA. Q. Why was this application made to you by Mrs. Haffa?-A. As being in command of this military company, I suppose she was sent to me by some one. She was inquiring about where she could get assistance, and she was sent to me. She told me that LXVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE Haffa's father was a man of considerable wealth and influence, and that when she could get home she would be cared for, And she wanted to get her family out of the country; and I handed her $50. Where she went I don't know, and I have never seen her from that time to this, and I never saw her before. Q. Was that a gratuity of your own to her, or did you owe that mnoney to her husband "?-A. No, sir; I never owed the money to anybody. After I handed her the money some of the men there in the neighborhood went around and got up a subscription. This does not in the least lessen the crime, but may have weight in assigning some other cause than political prejudice as the origin of his murder. The result of the Clinton riot and the affray at Yazoo City had the effect of aggravatiug-the excitement and feeling between the two races. Instead of causing the law to be respected by a prompt and vigorous use of its powers, it would not appear that Governor Ames and his State administration took any of those steps which under a government of laws a ruler should have taken to punish the offenders and prevent the recurrence of wrong. We have not been able to ascertain that a prosecution was ever set on foot against any one connected with these riots, or any attempt whatever made to apprehend and punish any of the wrong-doers.'On the contrary, it would appear from the orderbook of Governor Ames, which was produced before the committee (see testimony of E. Barksdale, page 468,) that his favorite and only remedythe bayonet-was looked to by Governor Ames. On the 24th of September a circular-letter was addressed by Ames to the republican sheriffs of certain counties in the following words: SEPTEMBER 24. SIR: I am directed by his excellency the governor to inquire if any militia organizations are needed in your county to assist the civil officers? Are there any threats from the opposition, that, in your judgment, will be carried into effect; and, if so, will it be possible to hold a quiet and peaceable election? It will be observed that this letter was not in response to any application for aid, and had evidently not been preceded by reports from any quarters of violence, either actual or apprehended. Governor Ames was plainly seeking for information that would justify, or rather give him the pretext for the use of armed militia. He inquires " if" there were threats from the opposition, and whether, in the opinion of his agents, such threats would be carried into effect; and, "if so," whether a peaceable election would be held. Nothing could more strongly show the temper and intent of Governor Ames than this spontaneous, unsuggested solicitation of opinion from his partisan sheriffs, for no such inquiry was directed to any but his political confidants. The answers to these circulars do not appear, but the suggestion no doubt was accepted and produced the desired results. The negroes were thus informed that they were to receive armed protection, and that they were to be armed themselves for political purposes. In a speech made by the colored brigadier-general, Gray, when he returned to Washington County after an interview with Governor Ames, to which allusion has been made, the announcement was publicly made by him that Governor Ames was to give the colored militia arms to secure the election; and such no doubt was the information given in other parts of the State. In pursuance of this policy of intimidation and violence we find on the 6th and 7th of October special orders published by the adjutantgeneral, which clearly explain themselves RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXIX [Special Orders No. 10.] OCTOBER 6, 5. Brigadier-General William F. Fitzgerald, fifth division Mississippi State Militia, will order Captain W. C. Mosely's Company D,'Second Regiment Infantry, Hinds County State Militia, stationed at Edwards's Depot, as soon as'arms and ammu-nition are distributed to them, to report at Jackson, Miss. By order of the commander-in-chief. A. G. PACKER, Adju tant-General. [Special Orders No. 7.] OCTOBER 7, 5. Lieutenant-Colonel 0. L. Lee, aid-de-camp on the staff of the commander-in-chief, is hereby ordered to proceed to New Orleans, La., to make any and all arrangements with the N. O., Lt. L. & C. R. R. Co., for transportation of troops and supplies of the Mississippi State Militia. By order of the commander-in-chief: A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-Genera 1. And also the following correspondence: OCTOBER 4. DEAR SIR: I am directed by his excellency the governor to inquire if it is possible for us to obtain cars for transportation of (300) three hundred men, and equipage for 200 more. The equipage will require a box-car. The time for using the train to be fixed at a day within the next two weeks. Train to run from Jackson, Miss., to Vaughan's Station, and to remain under orders until the men are returned to Jackson. Very respectfully, A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-General. E. D. FROST, General Manager V. 0. A. L.. L R. R. R., ANew Orleans, La. OCTOBER 4. SIR: Yours of the 3d ultimo received. General orders are issued fir the militia of the State to enter active service; your offer will receive due consideration. Very respectfully, A. G. PACKER, Adjt tant-General. W. R. STEWART, Esq., Kirkwood, Miss. OCTOBER 1. SIR: Can you frnish five thousand (5,000) rations of pork or bacon and bread, under the authority granted by the Secretary of War, for the militia of this State? If possible, ship immediately to William Noonan, superintendent State penitentiary. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-General. To the COMMISSARY OF SUBSISTENCE, Department of the Gu7f, New Orleans, La. SEPTEMBER 2. SIR: I am dilected by his excellency the governor to transmit the inclosed duplicate requisitions for ordnance and ordnance stores on the quota of the State of Mississippi. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. G. PACKER, Adju tant- Gen eral. Brig. Gen. S. V. BENXT, Chief of Ordnance, Washington, D, C. LXX ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE SEPTEMBER 27,'5. D. APPLETON & CO., Broadway, New Yorkc, N. Y.: At what price will you furnish one hundred copies Upton's Infantry Tactics, and ten sets of copies of the three different arms? Answer.: A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-General Misissiplpi. SEPTEMBER 27,'5. Brig. Gen. S. V. BENET, Chief of Ordnance, Washington, D. C.: Can you furnish fifteen hundred haversacks on our quota? At what price? Please answer. A. G. PACKER, Adjutant-General Mississippi. Can there be any doubt of the object and intent of this correspondence? These warlike preparations so made by the governor of the State were not only known to the citizens, but created in the minds of the colored population the belief that all the powers of the State were to be arrayed in behalf of their political party, and brought upon the whites the conviction that they were to be placed not only in great danger of losing their political liberties, but also their lives and those of their families. The condition of feeling created by such a belief cannot be justly estimated and considered in the calm security of a committeeroom as in the seclusion of a country home where a planter resides, far distant from any white neighbor, too far for the cry for help to reach any friendly ear, and knows that he is surrounded and fearfully outnumbered by men of a different and antagonized race, a race which while possessing many amiable and placid virtues, is yet highly animal in its organization, and, once becoming infuriated, will, as history has but too frequently shown, be capable of brutal excesses which their reasoning powers are entirely inadequate to control. As a result of Ames's threatened organization and arming of the black militia, the threats of the blacks multiplied. Their habit of meeting was always at night, surrounded by the mystery of darkness, and the refusal to allow white people to take part in their assemblies, p. 547: THE STATE MILITIA. Q. Was there apprehension in the minds of the white people in Mississippi, growing out of the organization of the negro militia by Governor Ames?-A. Yes, sir; a very grave apprehension. This militia was organized some time after the Clinton riot. These companies that were at Clinton, that ran off from the scene of action, the most conspicuous members of the Clinton riot, were taken to Jackson and were organized into military companies by Governor Ames, and guns placed in their hands, and sent back to their homes. They said they were afraid to go back; but those who were afraid to go back had taken a very active part in the riot, and in staying away they induced others to stay, because they knew that if they should go in that capacity the governor would be pretty apt to put them in military companies, and they would go back home with their guns, drawing the pay of $16 a month, which was just as good as they could do at work at home; and of course quite a number of the most ruffianly fellows were organized into this militia, and they came down to our place. Q. Now, as a fact, in your county were the white companies that you speak of, such as you commanded, organized subsequent to the negro organizations you have spoken of?-A. Yes, sir; we never thought of organizing until we found the negroes organized and drilling at night, for some purpose which we could not tell, as no white men could get in among them. They were drilling and were organized all over the county before any movement took place on the part of the whites. Their political consolidation is shown by every witness to have been complete, and that so organized they were wholly and helplessly in the hands of the few white adventurers who were their absolute political owners. On this point see the testimony of Mr. Walton, the present republican United States attorney in Mississippi, at p. 49-50: RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXI ORGANIZATION OF THE BLACKS. Q. What is the nature of the organization, so far as you know, among the colored people?-A. Well, sir, it is one of those cases which, in my judgment, arises always out of the existence of a class of people who are ignorant, and who are comparatively helpless in the presence of a much more powerful body of people who, although they may not be stronger in point of numbers, are stronger in point of force and intelligence. The negroes consequently herd together. They do so publicly, and they do so more especially in secret. That is to say, there is a silent organization, existing not professedly as an organization, but existing still, in point of fact, everywhere that I have ever been, which prevents the intercourse between the two races from being candid and free. NO MUTUAL CONFIDENCE BETWEEN THE RACES POSSIBLE. I am, myself, very well acquainted with negroes; I have always been in the habit of dealing with them a great deal; I have always worked a good many of them; and I must say that my intercourse with them has been of a character to make me believe it impossible for anything like mutual confidence on political questions to arise between the white people and the negroes. I don't see how it ever can arise, and I do not believe, myself, that it ever will. I think this is due to the enormous gulf between the races in all social relations-that confidence which springs from personal friendships and an unrestrained social intercourse being, in my judgment, an essential cement to a political party, and being. absolutely out of the question between the white and black races. Q. You speak of an organization among the negroes; what do you mean by that — that they are organized in bands, under the command of any particular persons, or that they are associated together from the fact that they are of the same race and community of interests, or both?- A. They are not organized in bands. Q. Or in companies, under officers, and having a general head?-A. Well, in the first place, they have their clubs, just as any other political organization has its clubs. I have never been inside of one of their clubs, but then they never have asked me, though the clubs were republican in their name, and republican, I suppose, in their character. They have generally acted in such a way as to leave me to believe that they did not want my presence there. Although they are quite near my house, I have entirely abstained from going there. And when the county conventions would meet, I have observed that the negroes in these. conventions very strongly resisted white influence, and consequently it became disagreeable, inasmuch as there was such disposition, to the white people to have anything to do with these conventions. It became unpleasant personally, and it produced an impression which it was hard to avoid. I have always found it practically impossible for me to avoid it-the impressionthat these meetings meant nothing but the organization of one race against another. The truth is, that a white man, especially a Southern white man, belonging to the republican party, does not seem to be any more acceptable as one of their counselors or advisers than one who belongs to the opposition. Although my connection with the republican party has been undeviating, and I believe I have escaped from any personal reproach in that connection, I am quite certain that my personal influence with the negroes is not a bit greater than that of any democrat in my county; not a particle. I am quite certain that I was never able to influence a vote or influence a colored man on any single question of politics; which I confess with some mortification. Governor Ames seemed disposed to fan the flames of excitement and race antagonism to their utmost height. As an illustration of this it was desired to transport some arms and munitions of war from Jackson to Edwards' Station, between which points a railroad was in operation; but Governor Ames sent these arms, convoyed by a negro militia company, fully armed, in command of Caldwell, a colored State senator, to march through the country with drums and flags and all the pomp of war, having no other result than to intensify the alarm already existing. (See Barksdale's testimony, p. 472.) Mr. Johnston, in his testimony at page 334, says, in regard to this and other acts of Governor Ames: On all hands and from all classes of white citizens I heard but one expression in reference to this militia, which was that it was intended by Governor Ames to use that militia to bring about a collision of the races, and the expression was used that itwas his ultimate purpose to afford a good pretext for getting United States troops here to carry the election. The result of such a course of action was made manifest all over the LXXII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE State wherever the negroes existed in superior or approximate numbers to the whites. The citizens of Canton, in Madison County, turned out and picketed their town for weeks at night before the election. (See testimony of Mr. Powell, mayor of the city, page 874.) White men were afraid to let their families remain in their houses in the country, (seetestimony of Capt. William A. Montgomery, page 553,) Q. You don't live under any apprehension of their injuring you, do you?-A. Well, for myself, I will tell you, when I have seen my neighbors running off, and have sent my family away, Ihavestaid right in my own house on rny place, but I must say that I had apprehensions. If left alone I would never have been afraid of them, but I knew that there was something brought to bear upon them from the outside. and they might not be able to resist the temptation. Q. How many years have you been living at your present place?-A. Always-since I was nine years old. Q. Some of those negroes were on the place before the war and remain there now?A. Nearly all of them. WITNESS AND QTHER ITWITES LIVED IN FEAR OF ASSASSINATION. Q. You mentioned that you had lived in fear of assassination from the negroes?-A. Yes, sir. I never stated that exactly-that I lived in fear of assassination; I said my fears were aroused sometimes. Senator Bayard asked me it I was afraid, and I said that sometimes Mny fears were so strongly aroused that I sent my family off, but I staid the'e emyself. Q. You may have stated that the people were living in fear of assassination, your neighbors perhaps; was that what you meant?-A. Yes, sir. and evidence of this state of feeling will be found multiplied throughout the testimony. The apprehensions of both races thus excited grew to fever-heat, and a condition of affairs absolutely alarming to the stoutest hearts prevailed all over the State of Mississippi, and at last penetrated the mind of Governor Ames himself. His plans had worked but too well. He had conjured up a spirit of despair and anxiety upon the part of the unhappy people over whom he had been placed in rule which threatened to wrap that State in flame and blood. It was no thanks to him or his advisers that this result was not reached at the time or preceding the election in November, 1875. From every quarter evidences reached him of this state of affairs. He had never conciliated the people. He had never sought to learn how far concession, and justice, and kindness, and sympathy, and a recognition of their tastes, prejudices, and habits, would go toward procuring good government among a people. He threatened to restore Morgan, the sheriff of Yazoo County, to his place by force of armed militia; and the troubles in that county, which led' to the killing of several colored republican leaders, the demoralization of the republican forces, and their practical abandonment of the canvass, aredirectly traceable to the threat of an armed military expedition organized by Ames to replace Morgan by force in the sheriff's office, then held by another white republican. The arming of the citizens of Yazoo County, their organization into companies, under the lead of their most conservative and respected citizens, in some of which white republicans were enrolled, was for the avowed purpose of resisting the approach of the colored militia of Ames, intending by force to replace Morgan, the slayer of Hilliard, in theoffice of sheriff. When once a condition of desperation and excitement has been created in any community, it is in vain to look for the rule of peace and law. The perturbing force that breaks down one law or the law destined for the protection of one man or one class of men in a community necessarily levels all law. It is like a fire which consumes all in its path. When, therefore, responsibility is to be affixed, shall we seek the cause or content ourselves with describing consequences only? Gov RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXIII ernor Ames had, either ignorantly or willfully, built up a condition of animosity and antagonism between the white and colored people of the State of Mississippi dangerous to the safety and peace of both, until excitement had usurped the place of reason, and force, with its remedies, had in some few localities taken the place of law. There is no evidence that Governor Ames sought to exercise any of the civil powers intrusted to him for the pacification of these disordered localities. As usual, his recourse was had to the armed power of the Federal Government, and his correspondence with the AttorneyGeneral and Secretary of War are well known to the Senate and the country. Failing in establishing, and being unwilling to allege, that condition of affairs within the State of Mississippi, which alone under the Constitution of the United States authorizes the armed intervention of the Federal Government, the scruples of the President and his legal adviser, Mr. Pierrepont, withheld troops from the aid of the republican party in Mississippi. At page 2, of Governor Ames'stestimony, he testifies as follows: In view of that state of affairs I applied to the President of the United States for the protection of the United States, which was not granted. Subsequently, the Attorney-General, I presume at the snggestioin of the President, sent an agent and two detectives at my reqluest. We may pause here to consider this new feature in American government. There is no such power known to the Constitution or laws of the United States as the employment, by the Attorney-General of the United States, of detectives to inquire into and report the police condition of an entire State. The governor of the State confessed by his application that there was no one capable and sufficiently reliable to judge of, and report upon, the true condition of affairs in his own State, and three men, entire strangers to the people of Mississippi, were sent among them to examine and report whether a state of affairs existed which would authorize the interposition of the Federal Government by force of arms in the local disorders of that State. What possible authority can be urged for this attempted delegation of the highest discretionary power vested in the executive of a State? UNITED STATES DETECTIVES. About the 9th or 10th of October Mr. Chase arrived in Mississippi, and took up his abode in the gubernatorial mansion with Mr. Ames. He has been examined as a witness before the committee, and his testimony will be found at page 1810-1819. Whatever may be the opinions of the irregularity of his mission and its want of constitutional or legal warrant, all well-meaning men will concur in a sentiment of satisfaction that he was sent. He states that he found Mississippi in a state of profound and dangerous excitement, the two races armed, ready and liable to collision at any moment, the State administration totally without influence:or power to restrain the passions of either side. He discovered that the governor of the State had not even a personal acquaintance with the leading and most influential white citizens who were leaders of the democratic and conservative organization, and his first effort was to bring them into amicable council and personal acquaintance with each other. The result of his offices was to produce an agreement anomalous in American history, and highly suggestive of the state of affairs into which Governor Ames's maladministration had brought the State of Mississippi. There was a committee of the leading white citizens of LXXIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN' THE Hinds and some of the adjoining counties held on the 16th of October, 1.875, to whom Mr. J. Z. George and others, who had just had an interview on the subject of political affairs with Governor Ames, stated the result of such interview, that he had received information that it would be agreeable to his excellency Governor Ames to have a conference with some of the citizens of the State in relation to the present condition of affairs, and in accordance therewith he had arranged for an interview, which had just taken place. The citizens attending were Joshua Green, D. Shelton, E. Richardson, J. W. Robinson,I H. Hilzhiem, T. J. Wharton, Frank Johnston, J. C. Rietti, Robert L. Saunders, General Robert Lowry, W. L. Nugent, and J. Z. George. The interview had been full and frank on the part of the citizens and the governor, and the governor announced to the committee that in consequence of Col.A. T. Morgan's refusal to gp back to Yazoo County, he had abandoned the purpose of sending him there with two companies of militia, one white and one colored, which had been his original purpose, and that he had also countermanded an order for guns to be shipped to De Soto County. After this a conference ensued between the citizens and the governor in relation to the disbanding of the militia. The citizens, in response to fears expressed by the governor that peace and good order would not be preserved, and that colored men would not be permitted to vote as they pleased, assured the governor that there was no other desire among the whites than that peace should be preserved, the laws- enforced, and a fair election had; that the leading whites had all along inculcated this; and they also assured the governor that they would pursue this course until the election, and would, both by precept and example, do all in their power to preserve peace and good order and secure a fair election. The governor said his whole object in calling out the militia was to preserve order and suppress disturbances; that he was originally ophposed to arming the militia, and under all the circumstances, as he deemed it, was forced to do so; that in view of the statement of citizens he was willing to meet their views as far as he could, and to this end he promised that he would order all the militia companies which had been organized to disperse and go to their homes with their arms. But on further consultation it was agreed that the arms of the several companies organized should be deposited in depots in the neighborhood in which the companies were raised, and should there be guarded by United States troops to be detailed for that purpose, and to be under the control of the governor, and to be removed only by his orders; or, if United States troops could not be gotten, then the arms were to be guarded by men selected and agreed on by the governor and Mr. George; that the arms should not again be delivered to the militia except in case of riot or insurrection which could not be suppressed by the civil authorities. The citizens above named expressed themselves satisfied with the arrangement. After this report and some discussion, the following resolution was adpted: Rssolved, That the foregoing citizens and also the following additional gentlemen, to wit, Mesrs. William A. Montgomery, E. W. Cabinis, T. C. Catchings, George G. Manlove, A. M. Harlow, Colonel Gilbrath, Dr. Moore, and Judge Chester be requested to go to Governor Ames, and tender the thanks of the meeting for what he has done, and represent to him that it would be better and more satisfactory if he would agree that all the aris should be guarded in Jackson. The committee waited on Governor Ames, and he declined making any change of the arrangement which had been agreed upon between RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXV him and the citizens. He was asked if arrangements with the citizens included the idea that no more militia would be organized. He answered, "that nothing was said on that subject expressly, but it was his purpose and intention to organize no more." The committee returned to the meeting and made report of the second interview, and what was done was deemed satisfactory, and the meeting then adjourned after.requesting the report of the interviewers with the governor to be reduced to writing and made public, (p,356 ) The effect of this agreement, or, as it has been constantly termed by the witnesses, "treaty of peace," was highly favorable to a better condition of things, and did much to allay the excitement and political antagonisms which- were so rife at that period. Some of the results of this conciliatory course were shown by the nomination of joint committees by the two parties in several of the counties upon the fair basis of compromise and goodgovernment. Men;of-character, republicans and democrats, were thus placed upon the same ticket in Madison County and ia other counties, and, as a consequence, no further collisions of a s erious nature took place during the remainder of the campaign and including the day of election. The election-day itself was marked by an absence of even the usual personal collisions which take place in almost every community in the United States when party excitement runs high. An answer to the general allegation that voters were intimidated from casting their votes, is to be found in the pregnant fact that the republican vote in the State of Mississippi in 1875 was within 3,291 of the vote polled by that party at the last preceding general election in 1873. (See election tables, in the testimony of Governor Ames, at pages 37 and 38, and documentary evidence of the committee, page 144.) The combined vote of Ames and Alcorn for governor, in 1873, (see page 138 of documentary evidence,) was 126,378, and the total vote of both parties in 1875 was 155,886, showing an increased total vote throughout the State of 29,508. It is abundantly established that for the first time since 1868 the democratic-conservative party was perfectly united and thoroughly and well organized, and conducted their campaign with an unprecedented interest and vigor. The republicans, on the other hand, were, as we have shown, disorganized and discouraged by schisms in their party, many of them, black and white, thoroughly disgusted with the conduct of their rulers, and, to use the language of Judge Harris, heretofore cited, were convinced of the "imbecility and base corruption of the State administration and a few adherents." There can be no doubt also that a considerable and encouraging inroad was made in the heretofore impenetrable phalanx of the colored vote, a considerable portion of which was cast for the democratic ticket in Hinds County, the official residence of Governor Ames himself, as well as in many other counties, which reasonably and fully accounts for the increase in the democratic vote and the changes. Increase and changes in vote even more remarkable can be found in the electionreturns of the States of Massachusetts, New York, and Indiana, not to mention other States, in the election of 1874. The whole number of witnesses examined by the committee was Their testimony relates to 22 counties, leaving 51 counties in the State in regard to whose affairs no fact of any character was alleged before the committee. Of these 22 counties, the chief portion of the testimony related to Warren, Hinds, Monroe, Chickasaw, Madison, Lowndes, Claiborne, Amite, Yazoo, and Washington. Warren County.-Warren County, which contains the city of Vicks LXXVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE burgh, is one of the most populous and wealthy in the State, having a white population of,and a negro population of There were witnesses examined in relation to the affairs of this county, which may be summarized as follows: That which gave rise to most turbulence and disorder in the spring of 1875 in the county was the contest between Bedford, the white deputy of Crosby, the negro sheriff, and Flanagan, a democrat, both seeking to obtain the nomination of the republicans and the indorsement of the republican convention. (It will be remembered that Flanagan was the person whom Ames displaced by force of arms from the office of sheriff in 1874, and by the same process re-established Crosby, whom the citizens had rejected. This gave rise to the "Vicksburgh riots," which were fully investigated and reported upon by a committee of the House of Representatives. In the the course of the contest to obtain this nomination there were several homicides committed by the respective partisan of Flanagan and Bedford, and there would seem little doubt that Flanaganls nomination by the republican convention was in a large deegre influenced by terrorism. The cases of homicide were two, and one of wounding. In all of these cases indictments have been found and prosecutions commenced. The perpetrators of these crimes were known and have been arrested and held to bail to be tried in due course of law, and it is to be hoped will be duly punished. These crimes did not differ in their nature or their facts from sach as are incident to any ill-governed community, and their parallel can be found too frequently in the lower strata of politics in many of the northern cities. There is, however, no trace of testimony which can be justly relied upon to connect the commission of these crimes with the democratic organization or its objects. Respectable men viewed these crimes in Mississippi with the same abhorrence that they are viewed elsewhere. The election in Warren County in November, 1875, was characterized by the grossest frauds, and it seems impossible that such should not have been.the case, when the character of the men deliberately selected to control the entire machinery of election is made known. The three registrars of election into whose hands the absolute control of the entire election was committed were appointed by the circuit judge, the chancellor, (both republicans,) and sheriff of the county, respectively. The chief registrar was a man named Knadler, republican. He was selected by Circuit Judge Brown. Barber, republican, the second registrar, was selected by Chancellor Hill. Pegram, democrat, the third registar, was selected by Bedford, Crosby's deputy sheriff. The character of these three men was infamous, and notoriously so. The judge who selected Knadler had presided at his trial, and sentenced him to imprisonment for life for willful murder in the spring of 1875. A writ of error had been allowed by the supreme court, pending. which Knadler was admitted to bail, was appointed chief registrar of the county of Warren, and received a free pardon for his services at the election at the hands of Lieutenant-Governor Davis (colored) a few days after the election. He admits that a thousand dollars was promised, of which $500 was paid, to compensate him for the loss of his " business " in performing the duties of registrar, the pay of $3 per day being insufficient. Barber was under indictment at the time of his appointment by Chancellor Hill for highway robbery; and Pegram was a notorious professional gambler of a very low grade, against whom indictments were also pending, page 1425. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXVII ABOUT JUDGE BROWN.S'S APPOIN'TMIENT OF KNADLER. Bty Mr. BAYARPD: sQ. Mr. Richardson, will you give the fall name of Judge Brown?-A. George F. Brown. Q. Was he not a candidate for Congress last fall?-A. I think he was a candidate before the convention. Q. Was he not a candidate for the nomination at the time he appointed Knadler as a registrar?-A. Yes, sir. Q. How long before that had Knadler been tried and convicted of murder, and a new trial granted and judgment arrested?-A. I cannot exactly state. Q. In the same year?-A. In the year before. It was in March that the man was killed; I think it was in November that the trial was. Q. Then, when did you make your affidavit of what you saw at the trial — A. At that term of the court. I would not say whether it was the November term, positively, but it was at the same term of the court, while the court was in session, that I made the affidavit of conspiracy. Q. Who was the judge before whom he was brought?-A. Judge Brown. Q. The judge who had tried him for murder and had seen him convicted on the merits was the man who appointed him at the head of the board of registration — A. That is my understanding. I don't think he was at the head, but my understanding was that he was the man that appointed him on the board. Q. At the time that he did this he was himself a candidate for nomination by his party, and expected to run?-A. He was a candidate for nomination, of course, at that time. WHY BARBER HAS NOT BEEN TRIED. Q. Was Barber ever tried under the indictment for robbing a colored man of $16?A. No, sir; he has not been tried. Q. When was that indictment found?-A. I think in the November term the year before; he was appointed the same term that Knadler was tried. Q. His case has never been brought for trial? —A. His name stands on the calendar; he is out on bond; the case has been continued. Q. Do you know why it has been continued all this time, since a year ago last November — A. Probably for the want of time. They set the trial first for the men who are indicted that are in jail and can give no bond; they always take precedence and try these first in our courts. Q. Have you had so many in jail that you have had no chance to reach this party?A. We have had a good many out and a good many in jail, as a general thing; we had at that time as many as thirty in jail. Q. Is that a fact that Barber, being out on bail, has not had his case reached because there are so many in jail entitled to a prior trial?-A. Yes, sir; that is my understanding. I know that is the way Judge Brown has been in the habit of conducting the court; to give men who could not give bond precedence for trial; and4aany men who were out on bonds don't come to trial for two or three years. Q. Who was the chancellor who appointed Barber as registrar?-A. Edwin Hill. Q. He was not a candidate for any office when he appointed Barber?-A. No, sir. Q. Was he a candidate for any nomination?-A. I think not. Q. He was chancellor in the same county where these parties had been indicted?A. Yes, sir. PEGRAM A PROFESSIONAL GAMBLER. Q. Now as to Pegram? —A. He had been indicted for unlawful gaming, and was out under bonds. Q. He was known to be a professional gambler?-A. Yes, sir; he did not deny it to anybody. Q. Who appointed him?-A. I think the sheriff did. Q. What sheriff was that?-A. Mr. Bedford; he was acting under Sheriff Crosby. Q. Crosby was the sheriff? —A. But Mr. Bedford was acting sheriff in the absence of Crosby; Crosby had been in a good deal of trouble and had left. Q. Were you ever at any time a deputy under Mr. Bedford — A. I never was a deputy under Mr. Bedford, except he employed me as a bailiff to go out and summons the grand jury for a term of court that was approaching. Q. When you were a bailiff-is it not rather as a deputy sheriff that you summon the grand jury?-A. They call it a bailiff in this country; but I was deputized to go and perform special duties. The testimony of a dozen witnesses discloses the strong probability, if not the absolute fact, that these custodians of popular rights, by their manipulation of the tally-lists and returns and stuffing of the ballot-boxes of the entire county, procured a return, as if elected, of LXXVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE a pre-arranged ticket, composed partly of republicans and partly of democrats. (See page of testimony, deposition of.) Tlis ticket contains some names on the regularly-nominated tickets of the democratic and republican parties, but other names which were not in nomination by either party, among whom is H. C. Carter, a colored man, who is now a republican member of the legislature. The ticket so returned as elected was styled by the witness the "bogus ticket," and was proven to have been printed on paper of a peculiar hue, but precisely the same as the paper of the regular republican ticket, the typography and ink of both tickets being also precisely similar. It was proven (see deposition of Rankin, page 1414, a republican) that the committee to procure tickets consisted of W. W. Edwards, colored member of legislature, and Carey, who went to New Orleans to have the tickets printed, and brought them back. The identity in outward appearance between the " bogus ticket" and the regular republican ticket leaves little room to doubt that they were printed at the same time, on the same press, on the same paper, under order of this republican committee. Of the time and place of stuffing the ballot-boxes and altering the tally-lists by the election-officers there is no conclusive proof, but there can be no doubt that a wholesale fraud was committed, and that a ticket not voted for in the county was returned as if elected. There was testimony by Barber that some money was found in the ballot-boxes when opened, which Pegram put in his pocket. It may be mentioned that the circuit judge, Brown, was a candidate for nomination by the republican convention for Congress, at the time he appointed Knaedler chief registrar. He and the chancellor were both appointees of Governor Ames, who held in his hand power to remove either of them. He could have done so, and could have canceled the appointments of these three infamous registrars; but the political rights of the people of Warren County were thus put up for sale through the agency of the republican State administration, and being for sale, we presume, they fell, as usual, to the lot of the highest bidder. The laws of that State establish penalties for such offenses, and the execution of the law rests wholly in the hands of the State administration. Shall the community who are the sufferers of such misgovernment be made the victims of congressional assault because of a misfortune against which they have vainly protested and for which they have no just responsibility? It will perhaps be considered a curious spectacle and a strange method of ascertaining the true state of facts in a community, when such confessed scoundrels as Knaedler and Barber are brought as witnesses to impeach the community which has the misfortune to contain them, and in which they had been placed in power by the very party who nbw seeks to denounce those who are the victims of their crimes. A large number of colored men were brought to show personal intimidation, as practiced toward them in the county of Warren, but the establishment of the fact that fraud was successfully used would render intimidation useless and absurd. Madison County.-Madison County has been the subject of extended investigation, and an examination of the testimony of Captain Ross, (page 845,) the republican sheriff; Judge Cunningham, republican circuit judge, (page 831;) Judge Campbell, of the supreme court, (page 920,) chancellor, and numerous other witnesses of the highest personal and official character, must establish beyond a reasonable doubt that the election of the ticket formed by amicable compromise and agreement between the ex RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXIX ecutive committees of the respective parties was perfectly fair, lawful, and peaceable. The address of the republican county committee, after the formation of the compromise ticket, which is appended to the testimony of Mr. Warren, republican, (page 964,) will show the practical nature of the compromise, and of the election that was held under it. The ticket so elected by an overwhelming majority was composed of men entirely worthy and capable in the offices for which they were chosen, (p. 920.) Q. Was there any intimidation resorted to to compel the creation of the fusion ticket?-A. Not the slightest that I ever knew or heard of. Q. Was it, to your knowledge, a voluntary action of the leaders of the two parties for the purpose of procuring good men in the county?-A. That was certainly my understanding; there was a fuither object, I doubt not. I know I urged that. There was a very feverish state of the public mind. The Clinton affair had occurred, and the Warren County matter, and some disturbances in Yazoo, and everysensible man of both parties thought there was a possibility, in the feverish state of the public mind, of a disturbance being precipitated by imprudence or accident. I suppose every one of us was desirous to preclude the possibility of any disturbance on election-day. I think I was, and I suppose every one was. Q. Without its being precisely alleged-I cannot, not havingthe notes before me, saybut without its being precisely alleged, there has been before this committee, from the witnesses, intimation that there was intimidation practiced to induce the formation of the fusion ticket, and I ask you, as a party to the compromise, whether that was true or not. The CHAIRMAN. The statements, to my mind, have a different construction; not that intimidation was for that purpose, but that there had been intimidation and outrages in the district, which made the republicans prefer a compromise rather than take the risk. Mr. BAYARn. Just consider that interrogatory with the correction of the chairman. I would like the chairman, or members of the committee, to make any correction when I fail to state the testimony accurately. A. I certainly never had an idea that there could be a pretense that there was even a semblance of intimidation in Madison County. I remember when I saw an account of the appointment of this committee, or the proposition of Senator Morton to appoint it, I felt, and remarked at the time, that there certainly would not be anything to investigate in Madison County, for if there was any semblance of intimidation prior to that time I was ignorant of it; I never heard of it. Q. Did or did not the leading republicans of the county oppose the Warner ticket?A. I am not able to say about that. Q. After the compromise I speak of?-A. I think the compromise, or fusion ticket, was almost unanimously supported. Q. Were you present on the day of the election?-A. I was at Canton. Q. Was there, to your knowledge, any interference with the right of voting, by anybody, at any time?-A. There was not. There were more democrats opposed to the fusion than republicans. As well as I could ascertain, there was a minority of the democratic party opposed to the fusion, that warred against it, and condemned it bitterly; extreme men and violent men, who didn't want to have any treaty with the republican party at all; yet, at the same time, the compromise had an overwhelming majority of democrats; five-sixths, I should think, cordially approved it, and a greater proportion of the republicans. I never heard of any dissatisfaction on the part of the republicans, except at Jackson. Q. That is not in the county?-A. No; but Warner, from Jackson, it is understood, tried to distribute straight-out republican tickets, or the old tickets, and thus defeat the fusion. There is a large amount of absurd testimony by negroes in relation to the affairs-of this county, but the testimony of gentlemen of both the political parties to which we have referred, and which is to be found on the pages above noted, will set at rest any question as to the legality and propriety of the election in that county. Hinds County.-Hinds County contains the capital of the State. The only alleged disturbance of any moment in Hinds County was the Clinton riot, of which we have heretofore given a full statement. With this exception no one has ventured to attest a single act of intimidation or violence. It was the official residence of Governor Ames, who himself stated, on page 29, that he was not a witness of any act of violence LXXX ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE or intimidation, and a dozen witnesses have affirmed without the slightest contradiction that the election was entirely peaceable and lawful, with the free right of every one to vote as they saw fit. ASSAULT UPON THE GOVERNOR'S MANSION. At pages 423 to 435 will be found the depositions of several colored men who were employed as watchmen around the governor's mansion for weeks before the election. Their statement as to the firing upon the mansion is not only disproved byAmnes himself, (see page 15,) but is incredible from the fact that no pane of glass was broken by the alleged bullets, nor does any mark appear upon the exterior of the mansion, nor was any one hurt at any time. Mr. Barksdale, at page 475, disposes of this ridiculous charge: ABOUT THE GOVERNOR'S MANSION BEING FIRED INTO. Q. Some witnesses have been before this committee-colored men-who have stated that the governor's mansion has been an object of attack, and I would like to state to you here what Governor Ames said on the subject: "Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Did you, at any time, receive threats or intimations of bodily harm to yourself — A. As I stated yesterday, no attempt has ever been made to intimidate me personally. Of course no person ever came to me and said that if I did thus and so, certain consequences would follow; but the mansion where I live was fired into. "Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) At what time — A. Just previous to the election. " Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) During the day or at night?-A. This was at night. I may say, however, that I did not, at that time, consider myself in any personal danger; I did not think that they could well afford to assassinate me. I thought it would be too great a political blunder, so I really had no feeling of that kind; but since then I have been informed that the thing was seriously considered. People were seen firing into my mansion, and the trees were cut. There was a bullet-hole or two in various parts of the mansion." Q. This testimony-some of it at least-referred to the democratic conservative meeting which was held here, in the city of Jackson, on the 27th of October, just before the election.-A. Well, I will state that- previous to that meeting, when it was known there would be a great crowd of persons, inspired by the enthusiasm of the canvass, when there would be banners, music, and all that sort of paraphernalia which gives interest to a political canvass, and it was determined by the democratic authorities that no device, no flag, no banner, and no thing should appear. in that procession, or in the proceedings, in any way to cast ridicule or wound the sensibilities of Governor Ames. A treaty of peace had been established, as it was called, between him and the democratic authorities, and it was felt that it was due to him that there should be no exhibition of that sort. DEMOCRATS WATCHFUL THAT NO INDIGNITY SHOULD BE OFFERED TO THE GOVERNOR. The consequence was, that we were especially watchful that no indignity should be offered to Governor Ames during that meeting or by the procession on the march. Upon that principle, on the occasion to which reference is made I myself was anx-_ ious to see to it that no indignity should be offered to the governor, no hostile demonstrations of any kind, whether firing of guns or pistols, or making even jesting remarks, and I took a position, before the head of the column reached the mansion, directly in front of the office, that I might see what might occur. I remained there until the procession had passed. I do solemnly aver that if any pistol was fired, or remark made reflecting upon the governor, or offering indignity to him, I did not see it, and I was in a position to hear and see whatever occurred, certainly. As to the perforation of trees there by bullets, I suppose it could be verified by an examination, but I certainly heard no pistols. I took that position directly opposite the governor's mansion in order to see that the pledge of peace which had been made should be fulfilled and that no indignity should be offered to the governor, because we desired the agreement should be carried out. Q. How far is the office where you were to the gubernatorial mansion? —A. About 250 yards. Q. You were near enough to hear any firing or any disturbance?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were you constantly at your office during the next night and for a couple of weeks preceding the election?-A. I was occasionally, not constantly-frequently. Of course it is not my habit to remain, except on such occasions. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXXI Q. Were you aware that for twenty days prior to the election, and two days afterward-I believe it embraced that-that Governor Ames had colored men stationed around his house as guards, inside of his fence?-A. I will say, personally I was not aware of it, but I heard it so stated. NEVER HEARD ANY FIRING. Q. Did you ever hear evidence, or have any knowledge or information, that there was constant firing at night toward the mansion during those twenty days?-A. No, sir; I never did. I am quite sure I should have heard it. I will remark that there is a police constantly on duty at all hours of the night on the streets, to arrest any disturbance of that sort or anything of that kind. Claiborne County.-Claiborne County was impeached by the testimony of one witness, E. H. Stiles, (page 158,) which was controverted directly and circumstantially by the testimony J. D. Vertner, at page 191. From special and moral causes there had been a great degree of excitement in this county precedingand entirely disconnected with the question of the election. The most conspicuous cause of excitement and feeling was the marriage of Haskin Smith, a colored man, with the daughter of his employer, Mr. William Smith, a hotel-keeper in the town of Port Gibson. This colored man and white girl eloped. (See testimony of Mr. J. D. Vertner, page 191.) Our campaign opened, I think, in the month of September, about two months before the election. Just prior to the opening of the campaign, however, an incident in no way connected with politics occurred, which produced a very bad state of feeling between the whites and blacks. It was not the marriage of a negro with a white woman so much as the incidents connected with it. There was such a marriage in the county, and while the white people took no part in it whatever, the parties being of humble origin and not in the society of the place, yet the father of the girl felt himself very much aggrieved, the boy having been reared in his family and brought up with the girl. The father was a desperate man, and he threatened to kill him. I myself overheard no such remarks on the part of the negroes, but a gentleman of respectability informed me that they had threatened to burn the town and wreak vengeance on the people if a hair of that negro's head was harmed by Mr. Smith. Q. Smith was the father?-A. Smith was the father. Q. State the names of the persons married.-A. The boy was a negro by the name of Haskins Smith. The girl was the daughter of Williani Smith, who kept the public hotel of the place. The boy, while a member of the legislature, was a boot-black in the hotel and a waiter, and continued there during the time that he was in the legislature, waiting on the table during the recess, and finally he ran off with this girl. It created some impression upon us, but of course was beneath our notice; but these remarks, which were said to have been made very publicly — Q. You say the father of the girl was very much excited?-A. The father of the girl was very much excited, and the mother has never recovered from the shock that she received at the time. The father in that exasperated state of feeling proposed to kill the negro whenever he returned. He was a very good negro, and held in very good esteem by the white people. The negroes here, Haskins's friends, seeing him with a. shot-gun, gathered round his hotel en masse. I saw myself the excited crowds that gathered there from day to day. They were absent during all this time-the man and woman who were married. The negroes made a great many threats, according to hearsay, but we paid no attention to them. On Sunday, about one week after the occurrence, the negro was brought back to the place by prominent negro leaders, among them the black coroner of our town, who is now in this jail, the leader of a band which has been sent to the penitentiary for burglary. They went down with carriages to bring the negro back. The negro protested against it, saying he had outraged the feelings of the family and preferred to remain where he was; but they took him by force and brought him into the village on a quiet Sunday, with four or five young men armed, and they paraded our streets, up and down, with this negro, who had offended the feelings of this family, in their midst; and then, not content with this, they followed our young ladies, and went to our grave-yard where our parents are buried, and trod all around there, and marched back. THE WITNESS THREATENS THE COLORED PEOPLE. I told the sheriff-a colored man-by the eternal gods, if ever again such a thing were repeated, blood was thicker than water, and we would kill the last son of a bitch that if ever such insults were heaped upon us again we would not stand it. He told me that they started from the jail with-side weapons, and that he expostulated with them to go back, and said that he had lost control of his people. S. Rep. 527 —V LXXXII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE THE WHITES ARM. We, seeing that aggressive spirit, and being insulted on the streets frequently, instantly called a meeting; it was totally disconnected with politics; and we armed ourselves thoroughly and completely; that is, the citizens generally. There were 80 of us, with, perhaps, 80 guns. PROPORTION OF THE RACES. Q. State the proportion of the black population compared to the whitein your county.-A. Our population is 20,000, I think, by the recent census. There are fully three to one, if not a little more. I think there are about one thousand white voterseight or nine hundred white voters-and about four hundred who have not been in the habit of voting until the last election. That was the first event, disconnected with politics, but which brought about a very excited state of feelings in our midst. That was the occasion of our arming and nothing else; it was totally disconnected with any politics. There are two radicals who have always affiliated with that party in the town who joined with us in this organization of men, armed. The excitement and disgust in the county became very intense, and the sympathy for the father of the girl was strongly manifested, all of which was greatly increased by the triumphal entry of this ill-matched couple into the town, and the procession by them and their colored associates throughout the streets of the place, including a visit to the cemetery, all of which seems to have aroused the indignation of the white people to the highest pitch. It being understood that the father of this girl had armed himself and intended to kill his daughter's husband on sight, plans for his destruction were arranged by the negroes, which plans becoming known to the whites, they armed themselves in opposition, aund for the protection of this injured parent. This event created an intense excitement, which continued up to the time of the political canvass. at IlVaSS. There were but two witnesses, Stiles and Vertner, examined before the committee, and their statements are directly in conflict. There was upon the day of the election a race collision, in which an old colored man, disconnected with the quarrel, standing on the outside of the crowd, was shot and killed by parties unknown, and, as is testified, greatly to the sorrow of the white people, who buried him with every mark of respect and regret. This unfortunate death, and the wounding-not seriously-of a few others, were the only acts of violence which marked the election, and the excitement consequent upon it having quieted down, the election went on regularly and without further disturbance. It was alleged by the witness, Mr. Stiles, (see p. 158,) that in consequence of the disturbance in which this old man was killed, many colored men were intimidated, left the ground, and refused to vote; and this is denied by Mr. Vertuer at pages 201-203, and 204, and the fact remains that the aggregate vote of the county as compared with the former elections was but slightly reduced. (See table, p. 144, Doc. Test.) Amite County. —Amite County was the scene of a great deal of disorder and alleged intimidation of voters. The colored population in 1870 was 6,777 and the white 4,196. According to the testimony of Mr. A. S. Parker, the defeated candidate for sheriff, there was a repub. lican majority of about 300 votes. The disorders in this county were attested by W. B. Redmond, whose deposition is on page 73; H. P. Hurst, at page 86; A. S. Parker, at page 107. Parker's testimony, at page 113, and Hurst's at page 99, concur in attributing the chief disorders in the county and breaches of the peace to the influence of one Col. Frank Powers, whose residence is in the State of Louisiana, over the line. Hurst says: "If Powers had staid away from Misisissippi, I don't RECENT ELECTIONS IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXXIII think there would have been as much trouble as there has been," and proceeds to describe the reckless and dangerous character of Powers, whom he also considers " the worst man and the chief cause of the troubles in Amite County." At page 101 he says: (By Mr. BAYARD.) H -Ow many men in the State of Mississippi are the chiefs and ruling spirits of this condition of affairs down in the lower end of Amite County?-A. Well, it is not easy to say. I could not possibly tell you how many. I suppose if you picked out ten or fifteen of those desperate characters the whole thing would stop. Yes, and I would go further than that, and say that if Jackson and Powers were arrested, this whole thing would8c stop. And in the next reply he classes Powers as the worst man and Moses Jackson as the next. At page 113 Parker says, in reply to a question by Mr. BAYARD " who this man Powers is, and what effect he has had in producing this condition of things in the county of Amite," describes him as follows: Colonel Powers during the war had commanded a regiment of cavalry that was called Buttermilk Cavalry " in our neighborhood. They were scouting and raiding around the country, and he had always a bad reputation for running cotton through the confederate lines. His reputation was, I think, very bad. He is a leader of what is called "The Regulators," in the parishes of East Feliciana and Saint Helena. There have been a great many negroes killed through these counties; and they have killed some of the county officers at Clinton, in the parish of East Feliciana, and have run the rest away. Included in his organization were some men from Amite County, and they were in sympathy with him in getting rid of republican officers. The understanding was that should they want Powers on our side of the line they would call on him, and he would come piepared to assist them in doing anything they might require to be done. On this election-day they sent for him. General Hurst asked Powers why he had come there, and he said that they had sent for him. Further on he speaks of Powers as 6 the chief over the line in Mississippi; and in reply to the question whether he believed "that if Jack-.. son and Powers were arrested and punished these things would cease, he says, "Yes, sir; I have no doubt of it.7 These two and a colored man named Strother were the only witnesses examined in regard to the affairs of Amite County, and the only disturbances testified to on the day of election was at this precinct where Powers came; but the fact was established subsequently by two witnesses by the name of Weber, who were summoned from the parish of East Feliciana,, whose depositions will be found at pages of the testimony, one a State senator and the other a tax-collector of the State of Louisiana, both republicans, and from them we have the information that Col. Frank Powers is a republican office-holder by the appointment of Governor Kellogg, and has been acting with the republican party in Louisiana since 1870. It would seem difficult, therefore, to hold the white people and democrats of Amite County, in Mississippi, answerable for a disturbed and disordered condition of affairs which is proven by every witness examined in relation to Amite County to have been chiefly caused by a non-resident republican office-holder in Louisiana under the administration of Governor Kellogg. Despite the operations of Colonel Powers and his friends, it would appear by the testimony of A. S. Parker, to be found on page 112, that a larger vote, both democratic and republican, was polled in Amite County at the election of 1875 than had been polled since the war. These disturbances were alleged at but a single precinct, and is the one visited by Col. Frank Powers from Louisiana. The violence threatened to Raymond and Parker occurred since the election, but was instigated by the same condition of feeling which Powers represented, and which a LXXXIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE moderately vigorous exercise of imprisonment and fine by the local authorities would speedily stop. Washington County.-To impeach the character of the election in Washington County, a witness by the name of Putman was called. His testimony is to be found at page 1430. He does not allege any case of intimidation or violence of his own knowledge, but that the election was unfairly conducted by the inspectors at one of the precincts by unnecessarily delaying the reception of the votes. His allegations are specifically met and flatly contradicted by General Samuel A. Furguson, one of the judges of election, whose conduct had been impeached by Putman. The deposition of General Furguson will be found at pages 1459 to 1497, in which the character of the election is fully and, as we believe, truly stated. The examination of Putman will disclose him to be a thoroughly discreditable person. His confessions of a fraudulent and immoral life are alone sufficient to deprive him of credit; but the testimony of General Furguson, who is a gentleman of high character, supplements the statements of Putman in regard to his own career. (See deposition of Putman, page 1452, and deposition of General Furguson.) Washington County appears to have been the scene of unusual misgovernment. The relative population of the blacks to the whites was 5 to 4, and as a result nearly every official was a negro. The present sheriff of the county, Scott, a colored man, who was called before the committee, did not in any degree impeach the peace and good order of the election. Greenville, in Washington County, was the home of Gray, the infamous negro who was appointed by Ames brigadiergeneral of militia. At page 1468, by the deposition of Mr. Furguson, the conduct of Gray and his immunity from all restraint of law is set forth as follows: Q. Was Gray a candidate for office, or did he desire to be nominated at the time lie made these speeches — A. He was up for sheriff, and said he intended to be sheriff. Q. State the character of his speeches.-A. I did not hear the speeches myself, but it was a matter of common discussion and common rumor, and I have heard persons who were present at the convention, a short time afterward, coming from the court-house, state that when these speeches were reported in the convention that a minister, in whose church these speeches were made, got up in the convention and told him he could not deny it; that it was made in his church, and he heard it, and some eight or ten persons jumped up, prominent republicans in that neighborhood, and asserted that they had heard him make these speeches. The effect of the speech was he intended to be sheriff if he had to kill everything in Washington County that had a white skin, and advised the negroes to have their guns all loaded with buck-shot, and to keep them always loaded, and have them by them. Whether true or not, every white person believed that Gray had made the remark, and it created a great deal of excitement, and some degree of alarm. Q. Had Gray, prior to that speech, been to see Governor Ames, and received that appointment of brigadier-general?-A. He had received the appointment some time before that. Q. Did he or not state in that speech that he had the promise of arms from Governor Ames?-A. That is the report. Q. What was the effect of that speech upon the white people of that county — A. It caused them to arm. Q. State to the committee what Gray's personal character was.-A. He has been the most turbulent-with the possible exception of Ross-the most turbulent man that they have had in Washington County since I have lived there. We have gone on in the town of Greenvilie for months without a disturbance of any sort, and he has corme back from the legislature and almost invariably there has been a disturbance before he has been in town twenty-four hours. On one occasion he came back from the legislature, and drew his pistol and shot at another black man across a billiard-table, (Werles, who has since committed suicide,) within the very first day after he came back. I know these facts, because I was employed to prosecute him for it, and the magistrate fined him $5. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXXV Q. Who was the magistrate?-A. J. L. Griffin. Q. Of what party?-A. A republican and a white man, and a native of Georgia. Q. Was he ever indicted for any offense there?-A. He is under indictment nowvfor setting fire to the town of Greenville, in September, 1874. Q. Do you know anything in reference to that? —A. I know the fact of the fire; I was insurance-agent, and I have paid in behalf of the companies about $100,000 on account of that fire. THE "BROTHERS AND SISTERS" —THEIR OBJECTS. Q. Was Gray connected with that incendiarism — A. None of us suspected it at the time, but in the recent investigations of the grand jury of Washington County, it has been developed that there was a regular organized band called the " Brothers and SisQ. Describe that organization and its objects.-A. The object was to plunder and burn. That is about all I know of the objects of the society, and those who have confessed to belonging to it stated that this society was organized by Gray at his house with W. H. Bolton and R. H. Brentlinger, (who has since been convicted of embezzlement and is now in the Albany penitentiary)-that they were present at the meeting when the society was organized. I was talking to some of them in the penitentiary yesterday in corroboration of the accounts which we had had before. It was agreed at this meeting that they should set fire to the town, and while the fire was going on, they were to get up a row, and that then they would call for the militia and have the militia sent there so as to control the county and make Gray sheriff. Q. How large is Greenville?-A. It has a little more than two thousand inhabitants now. Q. Of whom was the society of Brothers and Sisters composed; of what parties, of what class of persons?-A. I have been able to learn of but those two white men. There were other white men there, but I don't know their names; I have no knowledge who they were, and some eight or ten, maybe more, colored men living in Greenville and just around the town on the plantations. GRAY THE ORIGINATOR. Q. Gray was the originator of that movement?-A. He was one of the parties at whose house -the society met each week. Q. The white men you mentioned have been sent to prison?-A. No, sir; Brentlinger has been tried and sent. Q. For embezzlement?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who is the other — A. The other is W. H. Bolton, who was candidate for sheriff at this last election. Q. Has he been indicted yet?-A. Not for any complicity with that; he was indicted for falsifying the records the last term of the circuit court, and tried. Q. Recently?-A. At the last term of the trial-court at Greenville.. Do you know how extensive the organization for the purpose of robbery and arson was; do you know the number, and whether it extended throughout the county? -A. Mr. C. P. Huntington, foreman of the grand jury, said to me they had not got anything like to the end of it. I know nothing further than what has been developed in the court. Q. Do you know whether this man Putman was concerned in it? —A. No, sir; I think not; he was a member of the grand jury that found an indictment against Gray. This thing occurred week before last. NOTHING AGAINST PUTMAN. Q. Had Mr. Putman knowledge of these facts at the time he testified before this'committee a week ago?-A. Yes, sir; he was upon the grand jury and has been a member of the grand jury four weeks, I think. REPORTS ABOUT PUTMAN. Q. What was Mr. Putman's manner of-life in Greenville?-A. Within the last six or seven years I have heard nothing against him. When he first came there, he was living, so common rumor had it, in open adultery with a woman there. Q. Do you know whether that woman had been his business partner down in Vicksburgh?-A. She was there. I don't know anything previous to that time. Q. Where was his wife?-A. I don't know. Q. Did she subsequently come to Greenville? —A. She did, and is there now. Q. How long did he continue to live in this way with this woman?-A. I don't recollect. It was a long time before I knew anything of Putman, or who he was. My first recollection of him was hearing his name mentioned in connection with this woman in that way. Q. Did they live together?-A. Yes; they kept a store there, and lived in the store. LXXXVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE ABOUT ROSS AND GRAY. Q. Who is this man Ross?-A. He is a man who is the most intelligent colored nman I ever saw, and one of the best speakers I ever listened to in my life. Q. Where did he come from?-A. From Kentucky. He and Gray were the terror of Washington County for years and years. Gray was a coward, but Ross was a very brave man indeed. He kept very quiet when Gray was away, but as soon as Gray got back, and got Ross drunk, then they took the town, as the expression is. They would commit some outrage and would not be arrested-or, being arrested, would be fined $5, and the fine would not be collected. They would go into bar-rooms, knock the people down, and commit outrages on the streets constantly. Both were ministers of the Gospel at that time, and preaching constantly. ROSS RUNS FOR SHERIFF. Q. Did Ross ever hold any public office — A. He was appointed sheriff of the county in the place of Webber, and then ran for the office and was elected, but could not make his bond. It was large-$120,000, perhaps. WORTH OF THE OFFICE OF SHERIFF. Q. What was the office worth?-A. The office was worth, I suppose, ten or fifteen thousand dollars a year, legitimately. Q. What did they make it worth otherwise?-A. I should think at least $100,000 a year. His character is likewise spoken of by Putnam. In short, we may here say that the picture of affairs presented by the negro rule in the county of Washington, as well as the adjoining county of Issaquena, fairly beggars description. Ninety-five per cent. of the property is owned by the whites, who constitute but a small portion of the entire population. All powers of local government are in the hands of the negroes who select the people of their own race to fill every office; boards of supervisors, utterly ignorant, incapable of reading or writing, unable to add, or subtract, or perform the simplest arithmetical problem, have entire sway over the taxes and property of the county. Their rule is arbitrary, and oftentimes insolent to an intolerable degree. At page 661, deposition of Mr. Miller, will be found an account of the refusal of a board of negro supervisors to entertain or receive the humble petition of the white citizens of the county, presented by a venerable and respectable white citizen, for the privilege of having a white school established in the county where sixteen colored schools were already established, the expense, of course, to be borne by the property of the county, andt even the poor privilege of having a portion of the taxes taken from their own lands applied to the benefit of their own children was insolently denied. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Do you remember the occasion of this refusal of the board of supervisors to permit a petition for a white school to be presented to the board?-A. Yes, sir; I had been attorney for the board for quite a length of time. They had appointed me unanimously, these negroes had, and I remained in that position for some time, when I resigned my position something like over a year ago, on account of their reckless management and on account of the refusal to hear the whites in regard to schools, and so on. Right there at Mayerville there was a strong demand for a white school. There were some, I suppose, 30 or 40 pupils, and they had no school-house. They had to employ a teacher, and they got a room wherever they could to teach in; and the people brought it to the attention of the board several times, and earnestly requested them to build a schoolhouse there. The board went through the pretense of posting a notice for bidders. The law provides that the contract shall be let out to the lowest bidder. They posted two or three notices, and the bids were offered there by good mechanics, to build a school-house at a good deal less than they had been paying for negro schools in various parts of the county. And they rejected the bids on the ground of extravagance, and old Major Smith came up there about two or three weeks before the meeting in which Gross was to be requested to resign, and made a request, politely requesting them to have the notice renewed. He was very anxious about this school-house, and that was the wish of the whole community. It was opposed by this man Gross. One or two members were anxious to build it. This man Gross was very offensive to Mr. Smith, aind RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXXVII told him to sit down, he didn't want to hear him, and finally drove him away in his disgust and despair. That was one of the main causes which induced the people to request, Gross to resign, in order to get a board, if possible, who would do justice. I suggested that the resolution should read this way: that since we had decided to ask him to. resign, to request him to resign in favor of Robert Murkinson or Green Collins, or any other ofseveral good negroes in the neighborhood who were also republicans. I will say that the suggestion met with a degree of favor, but we thought we would have no success. But I thought that if Gross could be got out and we could get a good republican upon the board it would be very well. Q. You did not propose to replace him by a white man or a democrat, but to putsome respectable colored man in his place?-A. That was the purpose of a good many,. and that resolution met with favor, but it was not carried in that way. Some persons favored it, and if it had been insisted upon it would have been carried through that way. There was no race feeling. Q. Were you present at the time when Gross insulted Major Smith?-A. I was, and left the board in disgust. Q. What was Major Smith's demeanor in coming to him?-A. Exceedingly polite. Q. He assumed nothing more than to urge the action of the board?-A. He asked that in a very earnest manner, but not at all offensive. Finally, when told to shut up and sit down, he said: " By God, I am a citizen and tax-payer, and have a right to be heard here," and went away disgusted, and I left also in utter disgust. I had businesas to attend to there, but I would not stay on account of it. Q. By whom was the bulk of the school-tax paid?-A. By the land-owners; white people. The negroes do not pay over one-tenth. Q. How many colored schools are there in the county?-A. A great many. They never refused any petition to build a colored school-house anywhere. They built themn all over the county, and they had standing notices to build them. Q. How many white schools were in the county at that time?-A. Only one that I know of, on Rolling Fork. In fact, that was not a school-house, either. They used the basement of the church. They rented it. It suited very well for that purpose; no objection to it on that account. Q. How far was it from that school-house to the other school-house that they proposed to build?-A. About ten or twelve miles. That was the main cause of the request to Gross to resign. A condition of affairs which would be incredible and utterly intolerable in any of the Northern States exists in many of the black counties of Mississippi, where the property, intelligence, and character of the community is trodden to the earth, insulted, and ignored by the most ignorant and sometimes vicious members of the community. Things are of daily occurrence, and were proven almost daily before the committee, which, if attempted in the State of Massachusetts, Wisconsin, Minnesota, or indeed any of the Northern States, would be met by a popular uprising and speedy overthrow. In such a condition of affairs, the forbearance and self-subordination exhibited by the white population demands and should receive the strong sympathy and high respect of every just and well-regulated mind. Page 615, testimony of S. H. Gross, colored: By Mr. BAYAIRD: Q. How many members compose the board of supervisors?-A. Five members, sir. Q. How many of them were colored people?-A. During my time of being in office it was all colored members until 1876. Q. You mean up until the present year?-A. Yes, sir; they were all colored members from the time I have been a member up until the present year. Q. All members of the republican party?-A. Well, I could not say they all were. Q. You have been one of the board of supervisors of Issaquena County for the last three yea-rs-1874, 1875, and the present year?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Until when were these five men composed entirely of colored men; until what time?-A. Until 1876. Q. The first of January?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Before that time they had nothing but colored men on the board? — A. They were all colored, right from the time of my being installed. Q. How far from Mayerville do you live?-A. The nearest route is about five milesQ. That is the county seat?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Where did you first meet General Hampton?-A. In the town of Mayerville.. Q. Had you known him before? —A. 0, yes, sir. LXXXVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE oQ. Does he own property there?-A. He owns one plantation in that county. Q. How far from Mayerville?-A. I could not give you the exact distance, but some-'where between four and five miles from Mayerville. Q. On the river?-A. Yes, sir; on the river. Q. When he met you did he speak to you?-A. Yes, sir; he spoke to me; that is, he,sent for me. Q. Sent a man for you?-A. Yes, sir; down the road for me. Q. Be kind enough to state just what he said to you.-A. He said to me like this:,says be, " Gross, I have heard a good deal of talk of you, and I have heard that you was a perfect gentleman, and was prompt to attend to your own business, and I heard'of this trouble that has taken place, and I have come down here to-day on that occasion; and I want you now to call your board together and proceed to business. The river is rising"-this I didn't give in my former statement, but I omitted that then-" the river is rising now very swift, and we want men on that levee board to go to work on the levee; therefore, we are very anxious for you to proceed to-day at once and make the appointments;" and, he says, " I hope you will appoint good men." I think he said, "I have heard that they have asked you to resign;" and he said," the good citizens of the county don't know anything about that, and we ain't in favor of any such doings as that." Q. He said that the good citizens of the county were not in favor of interfering with you — A. Yes, sir. Q. And were not in favor of your resigning?-A. Yes, sir: he said if there was anything wrong about that, he proposed for the law to justify that. Q. Did he say anything in regard to protecting you in case of anything of the kind being attempted?-A. He said that he had been a general in the confederate army, and that he was not afraid to fight if he was called upon to do it. He did not say he would protect us, but the impression was that he rneant to protect us that day. Q. To protect you in your rights and in your office?-A. Yes, sir; that is the way I took the meaning of his words. Q. He spoke to you kindly, civilly, and told you just what you have said to us?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you say anything to him after that — A. No, sir; he did not appear after that. Q. You had no molestation at all after that time?-A. No, sir. Q. He told you that if there was anything wrong they would look to the law to remedy it?-A. Yes, sir. Q. That he disapproved of this attempt to remove you from the board — A. Yes, sir. Q. And that the good people were opposed to that?-A. Yes, sir; that they were opposed to any such doings as that. Q. Is not the maintenance of the levee along the banks of the river essential to the safety of the property of that county?-A. It is, sir. Q. Is it a difficult and expensive thing to keep that levee in good and safe condition?-A. Of course, sir, it is. Monroe County.-Monroe County lies upon the border of Alabama, toward the northeast corner of the State. It is not alleged that any loss of life took place in this county in the canvass or election of 1875; but the defeated candidate for sheriff, J. W. Lee, appeared before the committee and charged (see his testimony, page 1021) that the canvass had been marked with attempts at intimidation on the part of democrats, and that on the day of the election the colored voters, who had massed to the number of fifteen hundred in the town of Aberdeen, under his orders, were, by a show of violence on the part of the democrats, intimidated and prevented from voting, and in that way the election was controlled against the republican party. Captain Lee's testimony was given circumstantially and at great length. (See p. 1021.) In reply to him the committee examined Mr. T. B. Sykes, (see p. 1153,) the mayor of the town of Aberdeen, and Mr. E. 0. Sykes, (see p. 1086 to 1123,) who, by the testimony of Captain Lee, was principally implicated in the alleged disorder; also, General Reuben Davis, (see p. 1050 to 1085,) and others. The weight of the whole of this testimony is entirely against the truth of Captain Lee's statement. It was proven that many of the occurrences which he alleged that he saw could not have been witnessed from the residence of the jailor, in which he had taken up his RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. LXXXIX quarters. He is directly met and flatly contradicted by the most unimpeachable witnesses, and it is impossible, after reading his testimony and that of the gentlemen who were called to answer it, to doubt that the bitterness of Captain Lee's feelings toward his former political associates (for he had been a rabid secessionist and a violent democrat until the time of his commercial failure and his immediate acceptance of office in the republican ranks in 1870) must have perverted his judgment and blinded his understanding. It is impossible to escape the conclusion that Captain Lee anticipated defeat at the polls, and, as a last resort, to escape the results of the election, endeavored to throw discredit upon it by advising the negroes not to vote. The testimony of several negroes wko were examined at Aberdeen, among them Miles Walker, has been already referred to as proof of the recklessness with which charges are made by that class of persons. The alleged gross profanity of the two Messrs. Sykes and the statements of General Reuben Davis, were not only emphatically denied by those gentlemen, but were so grossly inconsistent with their characters as pious and upright men, as to be entirely unworthy of belief by any unprejudiced man. The citizens of the town of Aberdeen, in common with many others in Mississippi, had been kept in a state of constant alarm by the rumored arming and banding of the negroes of the county. The county of Monroe is intersected north and south by the Tombigbee River, the richer lands lying on the east side of the river, and the poorer lands on the west side of the river, the eastern side being chiefly occupied by negroes with a small relative white population. The testimony of Captain Sykes discloses the fact that great apprehensions were felt, from time to time preceding the election, of a rising of the blacks for the purpose of marching on the town of Aberdeen and destroying it; that incendiarism had been frequent, and sufficient, in the excited condition of public feeling, to alarm them to an intense degree; that under these circumstances, to which must be added the organization and arming of the militia company in the community by order of Governor Ames, and the possession of those arms by Lee, the republican sheriff, the uneasiness and discomfort of the community had reached an extreme point. The white citizens had on more than one occasion turned out and picketed the roads leading to their town, night after night, fearing the approach of a body of negroes armed for the destruction of the place. On the morning of the election, at break of day, these fears were confirmed by the presence in the town, at the court-house, of a large body of negroes from the eastern side of the county, all armeed with heavy bludgeons, and many of them with pistols. This was a violation of the election-laws, which required voters to cast their ballots in the precincts where they resided, and only permitted a voter who was constrained to be absent from his home to cast his vote in another precinct by attaching to his ballot an affidavit stating the fact. But the presence of this large body of blacks, with sullen faces and armed with clubs, at a voting-precinct which was not a proper one for them to attend, naturally alarmed the citizens of the town, who took the best steps they could for self-protection. A point much dwelt upon by Captain Lee was the presence of what he termed'a body of cavalry" from Alabama in the town. This body of cavalry was proven to consist of from eight to twelve men on horseback, who, if armed at all, were armed with pistols, which were not exhibited, and who were stationed between the county jail, wherein Captain Lee had a number of State arms and fixed ammunition, and which the white citizens feared he was about to place in the hands of the negroes whom he had brought from the east side of the county to XC ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE take possession of the polls and prevent the whites from voting in the town of Aberdeen. The whole action of these ten or dozen men on horseback was confined to remaining quietly, disturbing no man, at such a point as would prevent Lee from getting the arms out of the jail and delivering them to the negro mob at the court-house. The testimony will disclose the fact that not a blow was struck on that day, and that no man was injured2 and no one prevented in his lawful right to vote. No case was brough t before us of any one who did not vote or could not vote if he had desired to do so. Under Lee's advice, many of the negroes who had uniawfHlly assembled at the court-house went back to their own precincts, and it is presumed that they there voted undisturbed. These facts, we believe, are fully established by the weight of testimony taken in regard to this election. That no material number of the vote was prevented fromi being cast by intimidation would appear from the fact that the aggregate vote polled in 1875 was two hundred and fifteen greater in the? county than in the general election of 1873. Louwdes County.-The only point in Lowndes County in relation to which testimony was taken was in the city of Columbus. The witnesses examined were the mayor of the city, Mr. Billups, and Robert Gleed, a negro, ex-sheriff of the county, and a defeated candidate for re-election. The testimony of the mayor, which will be found at page 804, is to the effect that there had been no evidences of intimidation or disturbance; that the republican party had been split; and that two republican tickets were in the field, therefore lessening the necessity for the resort to intimidation, even if it had been contemplated. A few nights before the election, just after nightfall, a fire was discovered in a remote portion of the town, and the fire-apparatus gotten ready to extinguish it, but while the engines ere prceeins wre pr ng to thisfires another fire was discovered in an opposite quarter of the town; and, according to the testimony of Mr. Humphreys, the town appeared to be fired in seven or eight different places at once. The excitement instantly became intense. The rumors and apprehensions of incen diarismsn of the negroes, founded upon remarks made by several of them of t threatening character, induced the belief that the community was on the verge of a great disaster, and a successful conspiracy to destroy the town by fire was about to be carried out. To protect the city and keep the peace, the mayor appointed Mr. J. E. Sharp a special marshal for the occasion, with authority to summon peace-officers to his aid. The report of the marshal as made to t he mayor on the following day, in writing' was presented to the committee, and is to be found on page 806. The substance of that report is that the marshal took semi-military possession of the town and prevented the free circulation of the people that his orders were to halt any man who was not known, and if he did not obey, to shoot him. Witnesses testified that il this way they were halted, although well known in the community, a'nd obeyed the sunmmons. There was, however, excitement and feeling, which were directed against the race which they believed had been the authors of this intended conflagration, which resulted in the shooting and killing of four colored men by the patrols established by the marshal for the cause stated in his report, (p. 806.) This was the case alleged by the mayor and the white citizens of the place, but, to some extent, denied by Robert Gleed, who alleged, or, rather, we infer from his testimony that the object of the fires was to create a disturbance. in which colored men could be intimidated or slain. It is certain that Gleed's family were kindly and hospitably entertained by the mayor himself on the night of RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XCI the disturbance, and that Gleed was believed by many of the white citizens to have been the chief instigator of these incendiarisms and atl tempted destruction of the town. The action of the city authorities cannot be considered unuiatural or improper, under the circumstances. They immediately sought to increase the police force and prevent any lawlessness on the part of the white people, growing out of their excitement and apprehended destruction of their homes and lives. It would seem impossible from so cursory and incomplete an examiination as was hurriedly made by this committee to come at a perfectly clear and satisfactory judgment of the events on the night in question, in the town of Columbus, and the causes which led to them. On the one hand there is the terror of incendiarism which appeals to every householder, and which strikes fear into the boldest heart. Most of the dwellings of Columbus and other southern towns are composed of wood, and their water facilities and apparatus for extinguishing fires are generally of an inferior description. General Sharp reports, (p. 806:) "Attempts had then been made to fire the town in fourteen different places' "Armed negroes were hurrying along the street, and one squad of twenty, when halted, brought their guns to' ready,' and shouted'shoot!'"' They knew that the negroes had been banded together in political hostility to the whites, and they had heard threats of incendiarism that placed them in great anxiety and distress. At,age 567, see statement of the lieutenant of Owen, the commander of the negro company captured at Vicksburgh: "' We got orders we should not go there; if we had not received these orders before night, I would have been there with my gun in one hand, a coal-oil can in the other, and a box of matches in my pocket.77 How far these fears honestly actuated the mass of the people in the unusual steps taken for self-protection, there is not sufficient testimony before the committee thoroughly to determine; or how far such alleged fears were made by wicked and cruel men the pretext for an assailt upon obnoxious colored individuals, or upon the colored people as a class, there is not enough testimony before the committee satisfactorily to determine. That the result of that nights proceedings ought to have been made, or ought still to be made, the subject of thorough and rigid examination no one can doubt; nor is it yet known what steps were taken to discover the true condition of facts and the causes of these fires which, from their number and scattered location, would seem clearly to evince a settled plan of incendiarism for some purpose, either to destroy the town or to give a pretext for a criminal assault. One thing may here be said, that if the atrocious design did exist of making that incendiarism the pretext for an onslaught upon the colored people at night, and where they were in large numbers, it would seem strange that the victims were limited to four in number, when their slaughter could have been so easily multiplied. We have not classed this occurrence at Columbus with the four principal collisions between the races, because no political significance seemed to have been given to it, and the matter was mentioned late in the course of the investigation, only by three or four witnesses, and even they gave totally different theories for the occurrences of the night, and for the reason also that it did not partake of the nature of a riot growing out of any immedidate quarrel or controversy between the two races. In the opinion of the undersigned, it was the result of sudden fury and excitement caused by terror of incendiarism, which, for the time being, deprived men of their self-control. Although no proof of XCII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE the immediate facts attending the killing of any one of these four men was brought before the committee, the report of the marshal is more circumstantial than anything brought to our knowledge. No consequent intimidation is to be inferred from the condition of the vote; for the aggregate vote of 1875 is a very large increase over the vote of the election preceding. ROLLING FORK COLLISION. In December, 1875, in what is now Sharkey County-then a part of Issaquena-occurred a most deplorable and shocking tragedy. The affair was first brought to the attention of the committee bythe testimony of Derry Brown and Bowie Foreman, (negroes,) whose bloody threats and turbulent conduct had caused them to be expelled from the neighborhood, and whose testimony was shown to be unreliable. (See testimony of Judge Shackleford as to the character of Foreman and of Miller, pages 664-668, impeaching Brown; also, page 646; also, Ball, who, at page 750, says: Q. " Would you put any reliance in his statements as a witness — A. No, sir; nor would a black or white person in that county.") It seemed difficult to obtained a clear and connected narrative of the transaction, but the testimony of E. B. Ball, a republican, who emigrated to the State of Mississippi from the State of Illinois at the close of the war, and who resides in the neighborhood where the tragedy occurred, will fairly represent the state of affairs and feeling at the time, and the circumstances which led to it. (See pages from 742 to 755, Ball's testimony; also the deposition of W. W. Moore, at page 680, and of W. D. Brown, page 693, corroborative of testimony of Ball.) It appears that on Saturday, the last of November, 1875, a number of negroes, not belonging to that part of the country, but who had been picking cotton, were paid off, and were engaged in a drunken frolic at Rolling Fork, a small town in what was then Issaquena County, now seat of Sharkey County. A young white man, or boy, for he was not yet of age, who was drinking with them, got into a quarrel with one of the negroes, which ended by the white man striking the negro with a knife, and inflicting a wound of no dangerous character. The boy fled and was pursued by the whole band of negroes, who finally discovered him in the back room of a store, where he had secreted himself, and after stabbing and otherwise wounding him, left him for dead. On Sunday morning warrants were issued by a colored justice of the peace, residing at Rolling Fork, for the offending parties, and in the course of the day five or six were arrested and placed under guard in a building then vacant, which had been occupied as a drug-store. During the night the gun of one of the guards was discharged by accident, and the prisoners became alarmed, arnd attempted to make their escape by breaking through the windows. They were fired upon by the guards, and one of them was killed, and two or three were wounded. The wounded parties, with one or others, were captured. The next day all of the parties implicated in the assault on the young white man were recognized, and gave bonds for their appearance at court, and the difficulty seemed to be ended, but the news of the affair extended down into the neighborhood where Mr. Ball resided, and spread through the country with many exaggerations. The white people at Rolling Fork and vicinity were greatly outnumbered by the negroes in that locality, and the disproportion in the neighborhood of Mr. Ball, RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XCIII and below there, on what was known as the Deer Creek settlement, was at least ten to one of the colored people to the whites. Bands of colored men were at once organized, and armed with such weapons as they could procure, threatening to attack and destroy the town of Rolling Fork, and to kill the white people, and, to use the language of some of their most excited leaders, "from the cradle up," and to burn cotton-gins, and to destroy property generally. Two of these bands-one under the leadership of a negro preacher by the name of Moses Johnson-started in the direction of Rolling Fork, but were turned back at Elgin's store by the firmness of Elgin and one or two white men who were there at the time. They returned from the neighborhood where they had started, some few miles below Elgin's store, somewhat excited by liquor, and, as will be seen by the testimony of Ball, by no means inclined to give up their purposed destruction of the whites and their property. The terror which their conduct inspired in that county, among the few white settlers and their families, is very graphically depicted by the witness Ball, as well as his own apprehensions because of his being a white man, notwithstanding the fact that he was a republican, and in political accord, and on terms of personal friendship with the negroes. (See Ball's testimony, pp. 749 and 753.) WHITES GREATLY ALARMED. Q. What state of alarm was there among the white people living in that part of the country on account of these demonstrations? —A. Do you refer to ladies as well as men? Q. Yes, sir; all.-A. They were very much frightened. We barricaded our doors, and kept armed for two or three weeks; for two or three weeks we were vigilant and watchful; some nights we did no* go to bed at. all. Q. How many white people were living along on the creek within that district that was affected by these disturbances?-A. At Mr. Watson's there were four at this time, three living there, including myself. I believe there was two at Cammack place, between Watson's and Hunt's, where this boy Mickey lived. At Mr. Hunt's there was only one, I think, Mr. Hunt, himself. Living at a store between Hunt's and Elgin's store were two white men and a lady and her children. At Hunt's store were two white persons. NUMBER OF NEGROES IN THIS SECTION. Q. About how many negroes were there from Hunt's store down to the lower part of the county where these difficulties extended?-A. Do you mean to Mr. Watson's, where I live, or including farther down, where Charley Brown had been? Q. Including down where Charley Brown had been.-A. From Hunt's store to where Charley Brown went there were about a thousand of them, I should think; between seven hundred and a thousand. Q. Where was the bulk of the white settlers upon the creek?-A. It was very thinly settled with the exception of about a mile around Rolling Fork, and there it was comparatively thinly settled as a general thing; on each plantation one or two white persons, sometimes a lady and one or two children. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did these white men have their families there-the women and children among them?-A. Yes, sir; as a general thing. News of this uprising and demonstration was carried back to Rolling Fork. Application was made by the white people there, to their friends in Washington County and above, for aid. A band of armed white men, from the upper counties, under theleadership of Rev. Ball, a Baptist minister, collected together and marched down to Rolling Fork, where learning such facts as they could in reference to the disturbances below and the parties most deeply implicated, mounted an armed force of some fifty or seventy-five men, on Sunday, and went down in the neighborhood where these turbulent negroes were assembled under arms, and captured and killed six of the most dangerous and violent of XCIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE those concerned in the armed organization for the destruction of the property and lives of the white inhabitants. This violent remedy promptly ended the conspiracy of the negro pop. ulation against the whites and caused them to abandon any further prosecution of their hostile purposes. A few days after the killing of these negroes a meeting took place between the leading white people at Bolling Fork, and the leading auid peaceably-inclined negroes of the neighborhood, and a treaty of peace was signed by the parties, which has been incorporated into the testilmony taken by the committee, and will be found on page 699. Derry Brown, who, before the tragedy occurred, had been inclined to peace and quiet, became furious, and was unwilling to be reconciled except by the killing of six white men in retaliation for the six negroes, and was excluded from the terms of the amnesty provided in this treaty. This ended the affair, and however reprehensible the entire transaction is, the undersigned could discover in it no trace of any political character. On the contrary, it was a war of races, having its origin in a drunken brawl between one white person and a number of dissolute and drunken negroes. The region in which it occurred lies remote from railway or other public modes of communication. The civil authorities of the neighborhood were wholly inadequate to cope with the emergency, and it was too sudden for the authorities of the State to be called into action. W. PD. Brown, at page 702, says: THE EXCITEMENT HAD NO CONNECTION WITH POLITICS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. HIad this whole occurrence-the excitement-any connection with the party politics of the country — A. I think not at all. Q. Did you so regard it?-A. No, sir; not as a political matter; it was between the whites and the blacks. I don't know whether it had relation particularly to politics, though that may have had something to do with it; but they certainly, in my mind, had combined to kill out the white people, and made threats against us so that I felt in danger of my life; and others did, too. ACTION OF THE WHITES DEFENSIVE. Q. Do you regard the action of the whites there as being defensive?-A. Entirely so. If they hadn't done what they did I don't believe one of them would have been alive to-day, unless by an accident. The excitement was so great that, I think, in two or three days the feeling would have culminated in the death of the white people in the vicinity-women and children as well as men. Had it been possible for us to have moved the ladies and children away from that section we would have done so; but we felt that we were in great danger in attempting it; and they staid indoors, and we protected them the best way that we could by barricading the doors at night and watching in the day-time; but if it had been possible for us to have got them out of the country it would have been done. GIN-HOUSES EASILY BURNED. Q. Was there any means of protecting-the gin-houses where your crops were?-A. None that would have been practicable under the circumstances. Q. Would not the conflagration of a gin-house have necessarily been complete from a single match?-A. Yes, sir; it would have been almost impossible to extinguish it. I never heard of a gin-house being saved where there was cotton in it, and most of themn at that time were pretty full of cotton. The Deer Creek country is somewhat isolated from the exterior world, and is distant from the Mississippi River on an average from twelve to fifteen miles, with an intervening miserable swamp, which, in some seasons of the year, is impassable. We have access to Vicksburgh at certain seasons of the year, but for six months of the year, and that was a part of the six months, it is inaccessible except by a tedious land-route to Vicksburgh, or a tedious drive to the Mississippi River across the miserable swamp. The plantations, many of them, are large, and the whites are, as compared with the colored people, sparse and scattered; not so much so now as they were a few years ago, as the white element is increasing largely in that country. Q. Is the country divided into large plantations — A. Yes, sir; though not so much so as once, for they are being somewhat cut up. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XCV Q. At whlat distance from assistance or from white association do most of the white planters and their families reside?-A. Do you refer to lassociation outside of the county? Q I mean as to the irneighbors.-A. As I said awhile ago, the white population is now much larger than several years ago. Take my neighborhood, for instance, as a sample: there, within a radius of two,miles, I could include five or six families, perlhaps six or seven families. Along farther down remote from the town, or the village, the plantations are larger and the whites much more sparse; sometimes one or two white people on a plantation, while there are perhaps from 100 to 150 colored people of all sizes and sexes; sometimes two or three on a plantation where there are 40 or 50 negroes. THE POWER OF THC'II BLACKS IF THEY KNEW THEIR STRENGTH. Q. I desire to obtain from you an idea as to the relative want of protection of the white people of that county should the colored people be disposed to injure them.-A. If the colored people were disposed to do that thing, and had the capacity for organization, and could keep their own counsel, they could annihilate the white people in a very short while, there is such a disparity between their numbers; and it was that very fact; that kept us in constant alarm there, and caused us to open our eyes and to act with a view to our safety. INTERFERENCE WITH VOTERS. Some of the testimony tended to prove that in some cases colored men were deceived or cajoled into voting the democratic ticket. There is nothing in any part of the testimony to prove any obstruction to the voter'on uaccount of his race, color, or previous condition of servitude," but in every case the objection was to the party ticket he proposed to vote; to the color of his political prejudices, and not to the " color" of his skin referred to in the fifteenth amendment. The white people earnestly sought to induce the colored people to vote, and to vote the same way they did. To this end they held public meetings made numberless speeches, appealed to their colored fellow citizens in every conceivable manner, that they should vote, and vote with them for the common interest of all. To justify any legislation by Congress to enforce the fifteenth amendment, the obstruction of the "right to vote" must be for the sole reason of race, or color, or previous condition, &c., and there is no power in Congress to interfere for any other cause whatever. There is not from the beginning to the end of this testimony a single case of the obstruction of a voter because he was a colored man. In every case of alleged unlawful interference with the right of suffrage, it was because' the voter was in opposition to the political sympathies and wishes of the person interfering. Intimidation and violence are almost as frequently alleged toward white men as colored men, and perhaps the bitterest opposition was proven toward the former class. Yet it cannot be said that the race or'color of these whites induced other whites to "deny or abridge" their right of suffrage. Tlhe testimony of many witnesses, white and black, proved the giross intimidation of colored people by other colored people. Now, this was not on account of race or color, but for the same reason which caused all other intimidation and interference in the State —i. e., opposition to the voter's political views and actions, not because he was a colored man, but because he was voting in opposition. The Supreme Court of the United States distinctly say, in the opinion we have already cited: The fifteenth amendment did not confer the right of suffrage upon any one. It gave to the Congress the power to guarantee its exercise in case it should be denied or abridged on account of race or color or previous condition. XCVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE If the right to vote be denied or abridged for some other cause, the State, and not the United States, must exercise its protecting power over the citizen and remedy his wrong. If a colored man be driven from the polls because he comes up with a republican ticket, and when he returns with a democratic ticket is welcomed and assisted to vote, there can be no doubt but that his " right to vote (which means, of course, to vote according to his free will) has been abridged; but not having been abridged because of his race or color, but because of his political views, the power and duty to remedy the wrong be has sustained are, according to the decision of the Supreme Court, in the laws of the State where he resides, and not in the United States. Holding this proposition to be true, then the testimony overwhelms ingly establishes the fact that negro voters were welcomed into the democratic ranks, and every effort made to procure them. If negroes were intimidated, it was not because they were negroes, but because of their obnoxious political views. As a necessary consequence, it follows that Congress has no power under the fiffteenth amendment to the Constitution to punish any invasion, however gross and reprehensible, of personal rights of suffrage which is not based upon the particular cause of the race, or color, or previous condition, &c., of the party injured. Having thus stated the limitations upon the power of Congress, which a respect for the Constitution of our Government and to the decisions of its highest judicial tribunal has dictated, we cannot refrain from an expression of our abhorrence and hearty reprobation of every act of lawless, and so often brutal, interference with the rights of citizenship which were related by witnesses in our presence. Prosperity and happiness can never thrive in a community where such scenes of violence can be enacted without condign punishment. By a law higher than man's the " wages of sin is death," and it will be vain for the people of Mississippi to look for the advancement of their State to that position in the ranks of wealth, influence, and reputation which those who love her would desire to see her occupy, until the spirit of law shall be strengthened and assert itself over the " dangerous classes," who have brought disrepute upon her good name. We are glad, in this connection, to express our sincere and profound conviction that under the present State administration and government of Mississippi all the elements for the needed reforms exist and will be developed, so that a remedy for every wrong will be surely tound in laws ordained and administered in a spirit of benevolence and justice to all classes within the borders of the State. A vast majority of the people of Mississippi have every element that constitutes a good American citizen. They are law-abiding, peaceful, and industrious, and they have every impulse in favor of justice, peace, and order, and all they now need is the kindly sympathy of their fellowcitizens in other States in the great distress which war and a totally revolutionized condition of their social and labor systems, coupled with gross maladministration of their State affairs, has brought upon them. They have been the victims of a misrule which they sought in vain to avoid or remedy. In simple justice we ask, should the white masses of Mississippi be held responsible for the results of bad government, against which they have petitioned and protested in vain for years - Is it just to hold those responsible from whom all power has been withheld? The requisite means are always necessary for the desired end. In all the centuries RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XCVII the demand that the children of Israel should make bricks without straw has been cited as an illustration of tyrannical injustice; but is it not equally and even more unjust to demand of the white people of Mississippi the results of good government, when bad government has been fastened on them against their best efforts to prevent it, their entreaties, and their prayers e Let them fully and fairly test their present opportunity to produce peace and order and prosperity by exercising their faculties for selfgovernment. The evils that have been enacted they were not justly responsible for, and their sufferings should call for sympathy, and not denunciation. Why should not this portion of our fellow-countrymen be made to feel that they have the rights as well as the responsibilities of that local self-government which is so freely enjoyed and jealously guarded by their fellow-citizens of the Northern States? Is it consistent with justice, wisdom, or expediency to put the stigma of inferiority upon any State of the Union, by asserting a power and right to make inquisition in her management of those domestic and internal affairs which by the express terms of the Constitutioh, and by common consent and practice, are reserved to other States, who are never questioned in their control over them? No attempt seems to have been omitted to bring the white people of Mississippi into ill-repute with their fellow-citizens of the North. What, it may be asked, have the flags used at a political celebration to do with infractions of the Fifteenth Amendment? Yet the following testimony will exhibit the intent to create sectional prejudice against them, (see testimony of John T. Harrington, at page 233:) NO AMERICAN FLAG, BUT TWO HUNDRED OTHERS. By Mr. BOUTWELL: Q. Were you at the West Point meeting of the democrats, two or three days before the election?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you see the flags exhibited there?-A. I think I saw two hundred flags; but no United States flag. Q. What were they?-A. There were some very nearly-I cannot say if just exactly -like the confederate flag, and all sorts, shaking and waving. But I saw no United Statesflag. At the West Point meeting, up and down the streets on both sides, for nearly a quarter of a mile, over both sides of the street, thirty or forty feet high, on the tops of the buildings. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did you walk along the whole of that street — A. No, sir. Q. Where were you?-A. I was at my office, and went from my office to the hotel where the district attorney was. Q. Did you pass by and along this row of flags?-A. Well, I could see up the street. Q. How far could you see? I think you said you had ophthalmia, or something, which prevented you seeing very far?-A. 0, I could see. I cannot discriminate features half across the street. I could see these bars and colors. Q. Did you see confederate flags at that meeting?-A. No, sir; I said flags resembling. They might have been like them. I do not know how many of these stripes they had on them. I do not know that they were full confederate flags. I know about the various colors, and from the appearance of confederate flags which I have seen. Q. Was there no United States flag, then?-A. I did not see any. I seen the particular ones. I think those on the court-house, if any, United States flags. Q. Did you walk along the entire line of the street where those flags were? —A. I did not walk along the entire line; I think near the lower corner, and looked up. Q. That was the meeting at West Point?-A. Yes, sir. Q. When~l-A. The Thursday before the election, I think. The election was the Tuesday following. The answer to this miserable slander is to be found on page 253, in the testimony of Mr. R. H. Shotwell: Q. Harrington stated here that there were no United States flags exhibited on the day of the celebration. What have you to say about that?' S. Rep 527v —-- XCVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE The CHAIRMAN. He did not state that. Q. In order that we may know the facts, you may state what you discovered there. I thought that he stated that there was no United States flag, and he did say that there were flags that were very like confederate flags; and he left the impression, as I understand, and meant to leave the impression, that ther ere re o United States flags.A. The flags he supposed to be confederate flags were just flags of red calico and white bleached domestic, which were hung by a Frenchman in our town after the style, as he said, of ornamenting the streets in Paris on public days; and he made a beautiful display of white calico and red calico, but the stores and all the public buildings were ornamented with United States flags-five hu-ndred of theon, I reckon-and a long procession of horsemen, and very many of them had United States flags attached to their horses' heads, and the children all over towun had little flays and were at the windows and doors saluting the procession as it passed by. It would look rather bad to let that go without a refutation. Mr. Harrington also stated something in regard to a speech by Mr. Barry. I heard that speech, and no such language was used by him as was attributed. All the addresses made to the negroes were of the most conciliatory character. The negroes were treated with the greatest degree of kindness by every iman, so far as my knowledge goes. I believe hundreds of these men who came here would testify that they were not intimidated. The character of the witness Harringtou is thus given by AMr. Shotwell at page 249: He is now under bond. This brother of his (J. T. Harrington) who testified here, I can show by any quantity of witnesses that he is a man of notoriously bad character that he has been indicted for horse-stealing and for kidnapping negroes-not indicted for kidnapping negroes, but he had been charged with it, and a white man and a negro caught him at it. That was during the war. After the war he brought a suit for damages against one Anderson Beam for $20,000 damages, for making those charges against him, and the suit was finally dismissed by J. T. Harrington at his own expense. As to that Harrington, I can bring fifty or a hundred men, if necessary, here. By the CHAIRMANT: State what you know of your ow i knowlledge.-A. I am stating as to his character of my own knowledge. I am just speaking of the character of the man. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Of his reputation in the community?-A. Yes, sir; the general bad character of the man; that he is regarded as a horse-thief. I have no doubt I can produce witnesses who would testify, any number of them, that they would not believe him on oath —80 or 100 men. I can name the party that caught him trying to kidnap a negro -William Nixon. The report of the United States grand jury is also appended to the evidence, (Part 6.) In criticising this highly sensational document, it would seem reasonable to ask if such a denunciation of the State could be made by the nineteen republicans and one democrat who composed the grand jury. Why did they not find indictments for the punishment of some of the alleged crimes t If they had a majority to denounce, why not to bring to justice? Its publication would seem to reflect upon the district attorney, whom it affects to praise; for if he had done his duty, the guilty would have been presented for indictment. It seems plain that this report was a, partisan assault-a mere blast of defamation against their political opponents-for no one can doubt the indictments would have been found had the evidence warranted it. The President of the United States has caused to be annexed to his message on South Carolina troubles the following letter of DistrictAttorney Walton, which shows how little responsibility the " shameful ailure of justice' belongs to the white people of Mississippi: OXFORD, MISS., July 15, 1876. SIR: I have the honor to submit herewith the report of the grand jury lately in session here, together with the evidence on which it is based. This evidence, you will sce, plainly required the jury to indict a great many persons fo? violations of the elec RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. XCIX tion-laws; but, out of eighteen jurors, seven were found who refused to concur in any such indictment. I learn, however, that all but one of the jurors voted for this report. All but this one professed to belong to the republican party; and some of those who finally voted against the eleven who were for the indictments were throughout the whole session apparently the most reliable men we had to sustain the indictments, and the most zealous in investigating the cases. This was particularly true of the man who wrote this report, yet he finally went against all prosecutions, though we had conceived him to be the most earnest, as he had certainly been the most active, man among us, in bringing to justice, or at least in investigating the election cases. I can only lament the shamneful failure of justice which has taken place, and I have little doubt that it must and will give a most unbridled license to lawlessness at the next State, if not at the next Federal, election. I am, sir, your obedient servant, THOMAS WALTON, United States District Attorney. Hon. ALPHONSO TAFT, Attorney- General. In this connection it is proper to note that section 820 of the Revised Statutes of the United States provides as cause of. disqualification and challenef of grand and petit juries in the courts of the United States, " having served in the rebellion, or given it aid:or comfort, or to have given, directly or indirectly, any assistance in money, arms, horses, clothes, &c., anything whatever, for the use or benefit of any one whom the'giver knew to have been engaged in arms against the United States," &c. This law was enacted in 1862, and although provisions for its repeal have more than once passed the House of Representatives, yet by the refusal of the Senate to concur still remains upon the statute, most unfortunately as we believe. It works an absolute exclusion of nearly every native white citizen in the Southern States from the United States juries. In the selection by the United States marshal in Mississippi the juries were almost exclusively composed of republicans, colored and white. (20 to I, see Walton's letter.) Attention is drawn to this, because the better classes of the white citizens have been bitterly assailed and condemned because they have not actively assisted in convicting offenders; at the same time they have not only been excluded from office, but not even allowed to sit upon the juries. We submit thesefacts to the conseiences of our countrymen. A letter from W. F. Tucker is also published, at the request, of the chairman, directed to Mr. Frazee, the foreman of this grand jury to be found at page 151 of the documentary evidence. If Mr. Frazee believed this letter was intended to deter him from doing his duty, his course and duty were plain. The letter should have been handed to Judge Hill, who, by a bench-warrant, could have brought MfS. Tucker to answer. But the publication of the letter by Mr. Frazee proves that he did not so construe it, and certainly that he derided it. Whatever impropriety may be adjudged Mr. Tucker, it is his individual sin, and should not be visited upon his innocent fellow-citizens. Throughout the testimony much of the alleged intimidation was by violent language, profanity, and vague and mysterious threats, which, however improper and reprehensible, are, we regret to say, much too common in every heated political canvass in almost every county in the United States, and are not peculiar to the State of Mississippi. The object of the introduction of such testimony could only be to create preiudice, as it certainly could not have been intended as a basis for legisla C ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE tion. There is not a State in the Union which is not assailable on similar grounds. During the canvass, and in the midst of this growing feeling between the races, Davenport, the colored county clerk at Vicksburgh, who has been indicted for forgery of warrants, made a public speech, saying He would have a white wife from among the best families," which W. F. Fitzgerald, republican, one of Ames's brigadiers, testified at page -, "Had more to do with creating excitement than anything else." In a community where the white people are largely outnlumbered by the blacks it is not surprising that deep resentment and excitement should follow such declarations. Wilkinson County anad Feliciana disorders. This county was carried overwhelmingly for the republican ticket in 1875, and therefore no evidence impeaching the election was taken; but as it is situated in the southwest corner of the State, on the Louisiana State-line, on May 18 the honorable Senator from Indiana introduced the following resolution, which was adopted: Resolved, That the special committee heretofore appointed by the Senate to investigate the late election in Mississippi be instructed to investigate also the late alleged killing of people and outrages committed near the Mississippi and Louisiana line, and on and near Bayou Tunica, and on Red River; and that for this purpose the committee shall have all the power and authority conferred by the original resolution for their appointment. The witnesses summoned were from the parish of East Feliciana, in Louisiana, and from Wilkinson County, Miss. The region embraced by this county and parish is remote from routes of travel, and in Louisiana the presence of Governor Kellogg's tax-collector, Col. Frank Powers, heretofore mentioned in connection with Amite County, has caused law and order to be little regarded. W. H. Noble, the republican sheriff of Wilkinson, testified (see page 1604) that negroes there in his custody admitted to him that Aaronson, a white store-keeper over the Louisiana line, who had just moved into the neighborhood, was murdered by a body of negroes who were passing his store in search of one Howell, another white man, who had brutally assaulted a negro man the day before. When Aaronson's murder by the negroes became known, the white people, to the number of one hundred or more, visited the locality, and arrested and hung two negroes, who confessed their murder of Aaronson. The afftair created great excitement, and the two races commenced organizing and arming themselves. Reports of the armed organization of the negroes were rife, and their intended destruction of the white people. Sheriff Noble summoned an armed posse, at the head of which he placed himself, and his command in three columns moved toward the western side of the county, where the negroes were reported to be massed and armed. One of these companies, at the plantation of Sheppard, came in conflict with some armed blacks, in which encounter six negroes were shot and two white men. At page 1602 Sheriff Noble testifies: A FIGHT WITH COLORED MEN. In the mean time when I had left this place, Donegal, I had sent a squad out from there along the Fort Adams road with Colonel Jackson at the head, as deputy sheriff. I wanted to get across there to meet Colonel Jackson before he got to Fort Adams. As RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. CI I was going across I heard some guns fired; and before I could get up there, a fight had taken place in the quarter with some colored men who had been armed; or it was, at least, right next to the quarter in the fork of the road. As soon as I got there, I found out what was the matter-that they had met some armed colored men there, and that these men had fired on them, and they had returned the fire and followed after them; and they caught one of them, I think. I did not see him, though I heard afterward that they had caught one and hung him. I took command of that squad and went across to this thickly-settled portion of the county where the Shepard places were, where I understood that those negroes were armed. Those colored men I had met were men from the Shepard place, where I had heard this firing; but when I had got up there the firing was over. I saw six negroes that had been killed there in the fight. Q. How many men were on the white men's side?-A. I think there were forty. Q. How many on the black men's side?-A. Over one hundred. THE NEGROES OPEN FIRE. Q. Was there firing begun on the one side and returned on the other side —A. Yes, sir; I have got a prisoner now in jail, John Martin; he was the leader of tie negroes. Q. What does he say?-A. He told me that when this squad first rode up, Colonel Jackson at the head of them, that they waved their handkerchiefs at them. I think Colonel Jackson first rode up there, and there was such a large crowd of negroes that he was afraid to attack them, as they were all armed; and he waved his handkerchief at them, as this fellow, John Martin, says. The rest of the negroes say that John Martin was the man that did it; but he says that some other negro in the crowd, thinking that Jackson was me, said, "That is Noble; shoot him; that is the God damned son of abitch that has gone back on us; shoot him! " and they fired; they must have been two hundred yards off when they fired. Q. Then the firing was returned?-A. Then the firing was returned by these white men, and they flanked this crowd of negroes; sent one party, who went away round behind them, and the other party, who was in front of them, drove them right up; and the negroes ran, and the party in the rear just flanked them, and they had a fire upon both sides of them, and then they commenced to retreat. Q. How many were killed in that collision?-A. Only six that I saw. I went round there and looked all through the quarter. Q. Who is this man John Martin; how did you get him — A. He was captured at Natchez; he escaped in that fight. Q. He has told you this?-A. Yes, sir; that is just simply, though, in corroboration -of what other witnesses said-Mr. Shepard, Mr. Patrick, and Mr. Leyman. Mr. Leyman was owner of the store that they robbed —took the powder and shot from. At page 1636 is the deposition of J. H. Jones: GENERAL WASTEFULNESS IN COUNTY EXPENDITURES. Q. Had you the same system of wastefulness in other branches of expenditures in your county?-A. Yes, sir; these are facts that cannot be disputed. We had, for instance, bridges built. I know in one instance $1,500 were paid for building three bridges, and I crossed those bridges after they were built, and one consisted of only four planks, a foot wide, thrown across a small stream; and another one had eight planks, and the other one not over'twenty; and they had nothing to do but just put the sills across and lay them on them. Q. What was the value of those bridges?-A. One hundred dollars would have covered the cost of building them. Q. Would you have been willing to replace them for that?-A. Certainly. Q. What did they charge the county for them?-A. Fifteen hundred dollars. They paid $126 a barrel for pork in county warrants for the jail. When the war ended we had a debt of four, five, or six thousand dollars, and we have got a debt of no less than sixty or seventy thousand dollars now. These occurrences took place in the month of May last, when there was no election at hand, and no occasion whatever for political excitement. The county of Wilkinson had, as we have stated, entirely a negro government, and the republican party held all the offices. The character of such government is but a repetition of the same sad story as we have related of other counties similarly governed. (See page 1638, deposition of Mr. Jones.) CII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE STEALING STOCK A GREAT DRAWBACK TO THE PROSPERITY OF THE COUNTRY. I would like to make some statement of the condition of affairs that possibly brought this matter about indirectly. Since the war it has been found utterly impossiblein our county-and in the South generally, for that matter, I suppose, but I speak of what I know-to raise a hog or a beef. We have the finest imaginable stock-country on the face of the globe. The cattle will take care of themselves all the year round, and need no housing. Any negro can raise himself a few pigs with the culch and trash that he gets from his cabin and the natural advantages of range, and there would be Ho people better off than they, instead of having to mortgage their little crops and paying thirty to forty dollars for a barrel of pork. But the thieves would not allow it; they would steal a fat hog, it did not make any difference whose it was; and a great many of the leading colored people joined us in this matter. OFFENSES TRIED BEFORE JUSTICES THAT WOULD CURSE THE COUNTRY. Under the laws nothing was grand larceny under $25, and there was scarcely a cow that could be proved to be worth that sum. and when it was more than that the offense was tried before a set of justices of the peace that would curse almost any country; and to-day there are only two white men that are justices in our county, and the rest of them are very ignorant negroes; and there is not one who can draw up a summons properly. One of the white justices is an old raftsman, a very ignorant man. They get their costs in criminal cases if they don't convict. For stealing a cow they will fine a man t5 and costs, and sometimes they may go up to $10 if they thought they could stand it. But sometimes they fine a negro and give hir four or six weeks in a jail; but in winter that is no punishment for him, where he is fed and kept warm. LAW FAILED TO CIIHECK THE STEALING-THE CLUBS ORGANIZED TO STOP THEFT. In other words, the law had wholly failed to check this stealing, and the people were gettlng completely dispirited about it. Every legitimate means was employed without avail, and it was determined to put it down; and clubs were formed, some three or four in the county, for the purpose of protecting parties from this thieving; and it was determined when they caught a negro, and could prove it on him, to punish him by whipping. One of the clubs I know had at the time of this outbreak thirty or forty men in it, and there had not been an ox or a cow or any stock of any kind stolen in the neighborhood for six months, and all the negroes now have their hogs. I know the colored mon in Tny neighborhood joined very heartily in it, and in other neighborhoods also. But those who it seems were losing their occupation by this rigid mode of putting down the stealing began to raise discontent; and on one occasion, about three months before this, they went so far as to positively forbid the formation of a club-the white men's club, as they called it. VWe called then the " honest men's clubs." They met a second time two weeks afterwards, and I went down and was invited to address the club. I found some thirty or forty gentlemen there unarmed; and about forty or fifty negroes met at this place, and thirty of them with their shot-guns, as they had done on previous occasions. NEGROES WOULD NOT JOIN TIE CLUB AND WERE INSULTING. I gave them a lecture and told them it was improper for theni to be coming there with arms in their hands to interfere with white people's meetings, and that the white people were not armed; and we invited them to join us, but they refused, and were very insulting. We told them we were going to have a club there, and if they interfered with us, and molested the colored men who were willing to join it, it would be at their peril. Some white men went down afterwards and did form one. I suppose this sudden outburst was caused by the dissatisfaction at the formation of those clubs and the breaking up of this thieving. I do not say that I believe it was premeditated at the time to briing on a fight; it was entirely unexpected to us, and like an explosion, and there was none of the prominent republicans in the county who took part in it at all in any way. That is about all I know of the facts. What these disorders, tragical and shameful as they are, have to do with the fifteenth amendment and the "right to vote,' does not appear to the minds of the undersignfed. That they exhibit a condition of things impossible under a decent government of laws, no one will deny; and upon territory under the control of William P. Kellogg, governor so-called) of Louisiana, they were certainly committed, RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. CIII The majority of the citizens of Louisiana, in 1872, voted to elect John McEnery their governor, and the ballots still in existence, as well known to the Senate, exhibit a majority of over 9,000 votes in his favor. But the President of the United States, by the armed interposition of the Federal power, overthrew the will of the people of Louisiana, and installed Kellogg and a kindred legislature in office and power. His government never had, nor deserved to receive, the respect of the people, whose will, if allowed to be exerted, would have driven Kellogg and his adherents like chaff out of their places. That discontent and disorder should prevail, is not at all surprising, and that Kellogg should appoint Col. Frank Powers, a ruffian and a brigand, to office, will astonish no one. But we doubt whether any mind will be so utterly unjust as to hold the white people of Louisiana or Mississippi responsible for the outrages caused or encouraged by Kellogg's appointees, or the disregard of law, decency, and order, in all of which Kellogg himself is pre-eminen t. COERCING EMPLOYES TO VOTE. Throughout the investigation the inquiry was frequently made by the majority whether there had not been intimidation practiced by threatening to discharge men from employment if they did not vote in compliance with their employers' wishes, and in many cases such facts were proven. However important it may appear to the undersigned that the moral and intellectual independence of the individual voter should be respected, and that no methods of coercion should be used to influence the free exercise of suffrage, yet in the face of the admitted and almost general violation of these sound and just propositions by public and private employers in all sections of the Union, it would seem scarcely credible that it should be proposed to select Mississippi as the one State for the application and enforcement of a rule which is disregarded everywhere else, by alleging violations of the fifteenth amendment. Thus lately the republicans in the State of New Hampshire, by a formal address of the legislature, approved by the governor, made a clean sweep of their democratic opponents, on the sole account of political opinion. In House Mis. Doc. No. 65, present session, the testimony taken in the contested election of Platt vs. Goode, at page 254, will be found the deposition of Jesse Mahoney, a ship-carpenter in the Government employ in the Portsmouth (Va.) navy-yard. Deposition of Jesse Mahoney. JESSE MAHONEY, a witness of lawful age, being duly sworn, deposes and says as follows: By JOHN GOODE, Jr.: Question 1. State age, residence, and occupation.-Answer. Age, forty-four years; residence, Second ward, Portsmouth, at present; occupation, ship-carpenter, firstclass. Q. 2. Are you employed in the navy-yard?-A. I am not, at present. Q. 3. When were you last employed there, and when were you discharged?-On the 4th of August, 1874, and discharged on the 11th of November, 1874. Q. 4. State how you procured your employment on the 4th day of August, 1874; what steps were taken by you to procure it; whether you had any conversation with Hon. James H. Platt, jr., on the subject; and, if so, allothat was said.-A. In May last, 1874, I went to see Mr. William Smith, foreman of shipwrights in the navy-yard, to give me work. He told me he would do what he could, and then I went over to Nor CIV ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE folk about the middle of May, 1874, and seen Mr. James Platt, and asked him would he give me employment in the yard. He then told me to get a letter from the executive committee, and indorsed by the chairman, send it to him to Washington, and he would put me to work. Q. 5. Did you get the letter from the republican executive committee or any member thereof?-A. I did not. Q. 6. Did you make application for it — A. I did, to the chairman of the committee, James H. Clements. Q. 7. When did you make application to Mr. Clements?-A. On several occasions. Q. 8. What did he say?-A. He told me he would do all he could to get me in. Q. 9. Has anything else occurred, besides what you have stated, to make the impression upon you that in order to procure employment in the navy-yard, it would be necessary to get the indorsement of leading men or officials belonging to the republican party?-A. It was, in March, 1873. I was at work in Norfolk; knowing that I could not work in the yard without affiliating with the republican party, I came over here. I see Mr. James H. Clements to give me work in the yard, that I would support their party, which I did up to November election, 1874; then I supported Mr. Goode.. Q. 10. State whether or not you voted with the republican party in the spring election of 1873, and if so, what induced you to do it?-A. I did vote with them-for my bread and meat, and not from principle. Q. 11. Coul'd you have procured employment in the navy-yard in 1873 or 1874 without a promise, either expressed or implied, that you would support the candidates of the republican party?-A. I could not. Q. 12. How were the men generally employed in the navy-yard-upon whose recommendation?-A. By the republican committee, so far as I know. Q. 13. Did the officials in the navy-yard, as a general thing, employ any workmen without the indorsement of the republican executive committee — A. They had to be indorsed by therepublican executive' committee. Q. 14. You have stated that you voted for me in the November election; state, according to the best of your knowledge, information, and belief, whether that vote hai anything t6 do with your discharge from the navy-yard on the 11th of November, 1874?-A. I believe it did. Q. 15. Have you heard anything on that subject from any official in the navy-yard t If so, state it.-A. Not officially. I was challenged by one of the bosses by the name of Patrick McDonough; he came under the ship's bottom, where I was at work; says to me, "Jess, I am told you voted the conservative ticket." "Pat, I did vote the conservative ticket, for the Hon. Mr. John Goode." He says, " I understand that you got whipped by the conservatives." I told him, no, that I did not. It was some prejudice that existed a long time that got me hit. Q. 16. Was any pecuniary assessment made upon you, as an employe in the navyyard, or did you pay any money without assessment for Mr. Platt's election purposes, during the last congressional campaign? If so, state fully all you know about it.-A. I had a written circular passed to me with the request for a day's pay. In that circular I saw where the bosses had to pay $20, the quartermen $10, the eighthmen $5, firstclass mechanics $3 20, second-class $3; and about the 19th of October, 1874, I went to Mr. Smith about this pay. I told him that I was in here only a short time; that I was only able to pay $2. He told me that would not do; he wanted the whole; that he: was tired of it. Q. 17. How much money did you pay?-A. I give him $2. Q. 18. Who is the Mr. Smith to whom you have referred?-A. William F. Smith,. foreman, or the boss of the shipwrights, under whom I worked. Q. 19. Did you pay that money willingly or not?-A. I did not pay it willingly. Q. 20. What, then, induced you to pay it?-A. Thinking it would give me a longer job. Q. 21. Was it or not generally understood, so far as you know, among the men employed in the navy-yard, that if they failed to meet the assessment made upon them it would result in their discharge or deprive them of a job?-A. As a general thing they thought it best to pay it, in my opinion. Q. 22. Was it, or not, generally understood, among-the men employed in the navyyard during the late congressional campaign, that they would be expected to vote for Mr. Platt, and that if they failed to do so they would incur the hostility of those who controlled the patronage in the navy-yard?-A. It was, in my opinion. Q. 23. How many men were employed in the navy-yard during the time you were there, from the 4th of August to the 11th November, 1874, according to your knowledge, information, and belief?-A. To my belief, in the construction department there was two hundred men on the ship-carpenter's roll. Some were put there as mechanics who were not. There was about for hundred laborers during the month of October in that department, two hundred more than was needed, to the best of my judgment. There was some imported from Isle of Wight and worked on the ship-carpenter's roll who were no ship-carpenters-one from Isle of Wight and one from Williamsburgh RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. CV one from Isle of Wight named Juba Gordon, (colored.) There must have been in the whole yard in the neighborhood of 1,700 men, in my opinion; to the best of my judgment. Q. 24. You have stated that men were brought there and put on the ship-carpenters' roll who were not carpenters. What did those men do; in what kind of work were they engaged, and how did they spend their time?-A. They spent their time " down east "-down in the privy. Down east, we call it. Q. 25. Did you ever see those men carrying old lumber or iron about the yard as if to keep up a show of employment?-A. I have seen a gang of men taking deck plank and pile it from one place to another to keep themselves employed. Q. 26. Was that large number of men employed there during those months necessary or not, for the legitimate purposes of the Government, in the navy-yard — A. I think not. Q. 27. Did you attend a republican meeting held at Temperance Hall, in Portsmouth, a night or two previous to the election?-A. I did; the night before the election. Q. 28. Who presided over that meeting?-A. James H. Clements. Q. 29. Does Mr. James H. Clements hold any Federal appointment in Portsmouth?A. He does. He is postmaster, and has been for some years past. Q. 30. Did you hear any instructions given at that meeting by Mr. Clements the chairman, or by any one else, as to how the voters should receive their tickets on electionday; how they should hold them, and how they should deposit them in the ballot-box? If so, state what they were fully.-A. Mr. Clements told them he did not want " no backing out," and "no lagging" the vigilance committee. One must hold the tickets, and only give the ticket to the man that was going to vote. The voter must hold it in his hand so it can be seen when he deposited it, so the vigilance committee-man can see him deposit it; when he deposited it right, he was to be tallied. Q. 31. Was any proclamation made or notice given of the names of the committeemen from whom the voters should receive their tickets?-A. Not that I know of. It was late when I got in, and the voting was all through with. Q. 32. Where did you vote on the day of election?-A. I voted in the Second ward. To the same effect are the depositions of William W. Bain, p. 234; of George W. Glover, p. 266; of Joseph Broughton, p. 283; of Francis Russ, p. 309; but it is unnecessary to multiply illustrations of what every man in the country knows is the invariable practice in all the executive departments of the Government-aever to such an extent as under the present administration. In the investigation of the New York custom-house in 1872, it was proved that official positions were frequently the price of partisan services. (Vol. iii, p. 608.) By Mr. HOWE: Q. Now, what efforts have General Arthur, or Mr. Cornell, or Mr. Laflin, or Mr. Darling made to control the political action of their subordinates?-A. The only special knowledge I have on that subject is that every single one of their subordinates has to act in a certain political way. There are a few men there who I know are forced, in order to keep their places, to do just exactly contrary to what they believe to be right. Q. Now, who are those?-A. I do not propose to tell them if I can help it, because every one of them would be turned out of office. (Examination of General George W. Palmer.) At page 702, same volume, deposition of James L. Hastie: Q. What was the offer made by Mr. Murphy's agent to you? Just repeat the offer made by him in case you would leave your place upon the ticket and allow Mr. E. D. Morgan to go to the convention in your stead.-A. That I could take a sheet of white paper and write my own terms for myself and friends in the district. Any positions that I would choose to select would be given. Q. Positions in the United States service in the custom-house?-A. In the United States service for myself and my friends. Take a sheet of paper, and write out my own selections. The individuals wholwere interrogated by the present committee were, however, only Mississippians, into whose private and personal dealings with their employes an inquisition was made, which we do not believe would have been attempted or tolerated in the State of Massachusetts or any other State, where the right of local self-government is acknowledged and is suffered to exist. CVI ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE However open to reprobation such attempts at coercion of opinion may be, no one can suppose it is within the power of Congress to interfere, excepting by the control vested in each house respectively over its own membership. SOCIAL OSTRACISM. Testimony was taken to prove the unwillingness of the southern white people to associate intimately with many of the witnesses. Judging from the account given of themselves by those who made this complaint, the undersigned are disposed to coincide with the parties complained of, and do not believe that in the Northern States the social standing of these witnesses could be very high, or intimacy with them generally desired. But it does seem to us absurd to suggest the regulation of private intimacies and associations by act of Congress. History has been read in vain if the folly and futility of all such attempts be not admitted. Time, the great healer of grief, may steep in oblivion the memory of the great losses with which the people of the South have in the providence of God been visited. But the wounds are too recent not to be touched gently. The members of many a household in Mississippi are clad in the garb of woe, and mothers, sisters, and wives are pale with sorrows that will not cease until the union with their loved and lost shall come with the end of their earthly troubles. Into these associations a stranger may not intrude; a man of feeling would not if he could, and an unfeeling man should be repelled. The fireside of a citizen, however humble, is a domain which neither congressional committees nor any one else has a right to enter unbidden by its owner. Nothing in the letter or spirit, the theory or practice of American government, even suggests such a jurisdiction, and we thus dismiss the subject. INTERFERENCE BY FEDERAL AUTHORITY in the State elections and internal affairs of the State has, since the close of the war, frequently taken place, and never without deplorable and disastrous results; and, on the other hand, the applications of minorities, defeated by the popular vote, to be nevertheless installed in office, has never been denied by the Federal authorities without such denial being followed by beneficent results. Such interference has always been followed (and very naturally) by local discontent and disorder, as in the case of Louisiana and Alabama, while Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Texas, and Arkansas, are living proofs in their increased prosperity and tranquility, of the wisdom of non-interference. THE PEOBLEM OF RACE Will continue to be of the deepest interest to the people of this nation; and it is not the duty or purpose of the undersigned to do more at present than recogniz.e its existence and refer to its solution as a matter of great difficulty. Suffice it to say, that the relations of the African to the white races in the United Sta-tes do not stand alone for consideration; but on our Pacific coast the dark shadow of an Asiatic horde hangs lowering over the white population, and has aroused their gravest apprehensions. The African race is now admitted fully to the rights of American RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSISPPI. CVII citizenship. Under the fifteenth amendment all power to discriminate as to the right to vote " on account of race is inhibited to the States and to the United States. Thus, between the admission of the Mongolians to the privilege of suffrage, there now stands but the frail barrier of a single word of the naturalization laws to be added or subtracted at the will of a bare majority in Congress, which can close or open to the teeming oriental populations unobstructed opportunity, by their mere numbers, to control our elections, and our Governments, State and Federal. The vastness and gravity of the subject will not admit of firther discussion in this report. A few remarks upon tlhe condition of MISSISSIPPI IN JUNE, 1876, will conclude this report. A rapid journey by railway brought the committee to the town of Jackson, the capital of the State. The examination of witnesses, who were all ready and in attendance, having been summoned in advance by telegraph from Washington, commenced on the day of our arrival and continued all day and every day from June 9 to June 27, when, by traveling all night, we reached the little village of Aberdeen, in Monroe County, and, after three days of close labor there, returned to Washington. No act of a turbulent or disorderly nature was witnessed by the committee, and no signs of'enmity or incivility were exhibited; but on the contrary, courtesy and respect were on all hands extended to the committee. The poverty of the people was apparent in their garb, the appeara.nce of their houses, and the marked absence of good and comfortable vehicles. The want of horses or equipages for ordinary pleasure was frankly stated to the undersigned by sundry gentlemen, who regretted their inability to allow us to see the surrounding country, simply because they and their families were too poor to indulge in the pleasure of a drive. Large numbers of ladies in Mississippi, delicately nurtured and carefully educated, are compelled to perform the drudgery of their households unaided by domestic servants. This great change in their mode of life and fortunes induces them to conceal their wants from a stranger's eye, and frequently forbids that open-handed hospitality once so characteristic of southern households. The only exhibition of pleasure-seeking witnessed, was by the colored people, whose processions passed the committee-room, and whose holiday excursions by railway started from the depot opposite. The only cannon-sound was from their republican ratification meeting, and theirs was the only music heard by us in Mississippi. The poverty of the colored people also was often painfully apparent in the groups of witnesses who clustered upon the long galleries, wretched in appearance and miserably clad, giving to the hotel the apance of a county alms-house. The reformation in the legislation and administration of Mississippi by the party in control since January, 1876, has thus been important and marked with great benefits to the entire community. The judiciary bas been purified and elevated by the appointment of mni learned in the law and irreproachable in character to the bench. The far-reaching and beneficent influences of this single reform can scarcely be overstated, and the blessing to flow to all classes of society and all races of men in the pure and equal administration of public justice may be now hopefully looked for. The Hon. John A. C. Watson, a citizen'of the highest reputation, CVIII ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE both as a lawyer and a man, testified on this subject as follows: At page 1013. Q. Speaking irrespective of party in the State, what was the effect upon public opinion of the course of administration which you have here detailed as to the growth of confidence or dissatisfaction therein?-A. It created great discontent and dissatisfaction. Many of the republican party became as violent opponents of Governor Ames as the democrats were or ever had been. Q. I would ask you what, in your judgment as a citizen of the State and a close observer of the affairs of the State, was the effect of the discord in the dominant party in the election in 1875?-A. I think the split in the party contributed more to the overthrow of Ames than any other single cause. And in this way: the negroes hearing their own men abusing each other, seemed to be bewildered. I traveled over the State a good deal during the last canvass. I addressed the people at this place, (Jackson,) and I addressed them at Canton, at Winona, at Oxford, Taylor's Depot, Hernando, Senatobia, and some other places, besides in Marshall County, and had a good deal of intercourse with the people. Q. With both parties?-A. Yes, and I noticed a very great change in the negroes. Before, they had been unwilling to hear any but their own speakers, and seemed to have no confidence in anybody else. Last fall, long before the election, they were coming out to hear the democratic speakers. They were conversing with democrats, and before the day of election a good many had openly avowed themselves democrats. In my county and in others, of which I heard, a great many had joined clubs, and I noticed, frequently, one or two who would first go and hear; then they would converse with me, and their change was as gradual and slow as it well could have been. Finally they would avow themselves democrats and become more enthusiastic than anybody else. Such changes were usual throughout the State before the day of the election, and I heard many of them say, "Well, we have made nothing yet by the republican party; they have done us no good, and I reckon it is possibly best to have a change. We will try it." I don't pretend to give their exact language, but the substance of what many said. Q. Since the election have you observed the sentiments and feelings of the colored population in regard to this change of administration?-A. I think there has been more of contentment, and quiet, and satisfaction among the negroes since the last election than has before existed in the State since reconstruction. Q. Excluding yourself, of course, what is your estimate of the present state of judiciary, both as to the chancery, circuit court, and the supreme court?-A. I regard the improvement as very great-very great. Q. Have the offices of chancellor been refilled?-A. Yes. Q. And the circuit judges also refilled?-A. Yes. Q. From what class of men, as to legal attainment and character, have these appointments been drawn?-A. They have been made from a class of lawyers who had the confidence of the people and who were competent to fill the places. The supreme court bench, with Simrall, appointed by Alcorn, and Campbell, and Chalmers, appointed by our present governor, Governor Stone, in point of capacity, integrity, and character, is equal to any court in the Union, and there are not more than one or two chancellors or circuit judges that I, myself, as governor, would not have appointed. Q. Are you aware that the charge had been made that the late election in 1875 was carried by a general system of intimidation and violence on the part of the democratic party toward their political opponents in this State? I will ask you now, what is your knowledge and your judgment as to the truth or falsity of that statement?-A. Well, so far as my personal knowledge goes, I never witnessed anything approaching intimidation by the whites. Cases of intimidation of colored voters by colored voters did come under my observation. There has always been something of that, but muchless of it in the last election than previously. A better class of men, as a general thing, were anti-radical candidates last fall, and a more orderly or fairer election was never held, so far as it came under my observation. Judge Campbell of the supreme court, at page 930, says: Q. Has there been, as far as you know, since the election an acquiescence in the change of affairs in the State?-A. Entirely so; the most perfect quiet has reigned throughout Mississippi. Q. Any collision between the races since that, that you are aware of, in your own section of the country?-A. I have heard none anywhere I remember, except on the borders of Mississippi in Louisiana. This matter down here, tha, is known through the instrumentality of papers; I have heard of no disturbance; perfect quiet has reigned throughout the State except that. Q. State what has been since 1875 the effect of this change of administration; if there has been any effect upon the happiness and prosperity of the people?-A. It has been most inspiring, decidedly inspiring, to the people. RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISIPPI. CIX Q. Is that feeling confined to one race exclusively?-A. I am not able to speak about the colored people. My associations with them are so very limited that I cannot say, sir. My professional duties before my appointment to the bench, and my judicial duties since, have so engrossed my time that really I cannot express an opinion, even about the sentiments of colored men in the State. Q. Has there been, to your knowledge, a visible improvement in the prosperity and condition in the State since the change of administration?-A. There is no question about that, I think, sir. The prospect for industrial success is decidedly better than it has been. There are much higher hopes in the bosoms of the white people, and, so far as I can ascertain or judge from every appearance, perfect contentment, quietude, and satisfaction among the colored people. The truth is that the colored people were being incited by pestiferous vagabonds who wanted to stir them up for purposes of their own against the whites. And they would have moved along in their sphere contentedly and quietly, depending on the white people, trusting in them, and treated with kindness by them, but they were stirred up and hopes were created in their bosoms which could not be realized. And there are ambitious men among them, who, catching their inspiration from their leaders, undetrtook to permeate the whole race with it, and spreading it abroad inciting them and inducing a feeling, when there would have been no such feeling; all would have been satisfactory between the whites and blacks had it not been for the interference of these persons who undertook to use the negroes for their own purposes. And I will state further that the negroes would'have fared just as well and better without any interference at the hands of the mass of the white people, who have far more consideration and kindness for them than these men who make loud pretense of their devotion to them for mere political purposes. I know the negro race well; I was born and reared among them, and have nothing in the world but the kindest feelings for them; and in my private life and in public life, as they will all testify who have been brought within my influence, I have treated them with great consideration. When on the bench, where they had against them the natural prejudice unhappily existing to a great extent in the minds of their late fafasters against the newly enfranchised race, I was anxious to secure them from injustice from white jurors, even more so than if they had been white people. I have always had only feelings of the utmost kindness toward them, and have now. I am prewlred to assert that they have done wonderfully well under the circumstances, and would have done far better but for the interference of politicians who stir them up and use them for their own benefit. They have been badly taught and misled and been used as mere puppets to a large extent. The reduction of expenses by the last legislature was positive and highly satisfactory to all tax-payers. The condition of public schools is in the main satisfactory, and the provision for their maintenance has been increased by the appropriatoon of certain license fees and fines to their support. Under the act of 1876, the democratic legislature provided that the public shools should be kept open fiye months in the year instead of four months as had been before provided. The constitution guarantees free schools. (See page 477, deposition of E. Barksdale.) On this subject the following extract from the Associated Press report is pertinent and interesting: THE PEABODY SCHOOL FUND. —On Friday last the trustees of the Peabody fund for aiding the public schools at the South held a meeting at the Greenbrier White Sulphur Springs, at which the report made by Dr. Sears of his last year's work was discussed. From this report we learn that Dr. Sears disbursed from the fund under his charge but a small amount to South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, because those States do not foster public education. In South Carolina and Louisiana the republicans have had possession of the government for years past. In Florida the democrats have only recently had any chance of carrying the State. Yet in these three States, where the white friends of the colored people have everything their own way, the school funds have been squandered and dissipated and the school-houses closed. What wonder, then, is it that Mr. George Peabody Russell, who joined in the discussion of the Sears report, gave it as his opinion, from personal and recent observation, " that nothing could be expected from those States in the way of advancing their educational intercsts until there was a change in their State governments." By amendatory criminal legislation- the live-stock of the farmers has been protected, and the lawless and indiscriminate slaughter of breeding-animals has been made highly penal, so that this year much CX ALLEGED FRAUDS IN THE of the pork and beef heretofore purchased abroad will be raised within the State. With the increased acreage of corn and the fine crops of their great staple of cotton, the prospects for the material prosperity of Mississippi in the present year are favorable. CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS OF CONGRESS. If it be designed that our form of government should be continued, we hold it to be the sworn duty of every Senator and member of Congress, as well as every officer of the Government, to respect and obey the limitations upon power imposed by our written charter. Whatever may be our individual opinions as to the right or the wrong of a given condition of affairs, the power, and with it the duty, to interfere must be found expressly or by necessary implication in the Federal Constitution, otherwise such interference is law-breaking and not law-making. The Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of The Collector vs. Day, (11 Wallace, Rep., p. — ) through the lips of that venerable and lamented jurist, Mr. Justice Nelson, described the relative powers of the Federal and State governments in the following words, which we commend to the respect and for the instruction of the Senate: It is a familiar rule of construction of the Constitution of the Union that the sovereign powers vested in the State governments by their respective constitutions iemained unaltered and unimpaired, except so far as they were granted to the Government of the United States. That the intention of the framers of the Constitution in this respect might not be misunderstood, this rule of interpretation is expressly declared in the tenth article of the amendments, namely: " The powers not delegated to the United States are reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people." The Government of the United States, therefore, can claim no powers which are not granted to it by the Constitution, and the powers actually granted must be such as are expressly given, or given by necessary implication. The General Government and the States, although both exist within the same territorial limits, are separate find distinct sovereignties, acting separately and independently of each other, within their respective spheres. The former in its appropriate sphere is supreme; but the States within the limits of their powers not granted, or, in the language of the tenth amendment, "reserved," are as independent of the Goneral. Government as that Government within its sphere is independent of the States. X i * ** X X Such being the separate and independent condition of the States in our complex system, as recognized by the Constitution, and the existence of which is so indispensable that without them the General Government itself woald disappear from the family of nations. The House of Representatives of the United States is, by the Constitution, the sole judge of the elections, qualifications, and returns of its members. Contests for membership and admission to that body must be settled by that body alone. This Senate has no power. The constitution of the State of Mississippi secures to the respective houses of its legislature the same exclusive power in the same frame of words, and it cannot be lawfully overthrown by the United States. The deposition of Mr. Waltoh, the present United States district attorney of Mississippi, at page 63, exhibits his and Governor Ames's views of the late election: Q. Has any department of the government in Mississippi, or any authority, State or Federal, questioned the legality of the present legislature?-A. I believe not, sir That is to say, no authority, State or Federal, nor department of the government in Mississippi has questioned the legality of the present legislature. There has been a popular charge that it was a legislature elected by intimidation; but then, while they have questioned it unofficially, they have recognized the legality of the legislature by their official intercourse with it. Q. Have not both the judicial and executive authority of the State repeatedly recog RECENT ELECTION IN MISSISSIPPI. CXI nized the legality of the legislature elected in 1875?-A. The judicial authority, the supreme court, may be considered as having recognized the legality of the legislature in this way: two of the judges of the supreme court by turns-the court consists of three judges-presided over the impeachment of Governor Ames. The chief-justice of the State first presided, and then in consequence of ill-health he resigned his position, and became only an associate justice, and the person who was elected chief-justice in his place took his position as president of the court of impeachment. The officers of the State generally reported to the legislature, and the governor of the State sent his message to the legislature, and approved or vetoed its bills. I remember that I had a conversation with Governor Ames on that subject, in which something was said about the legality of the legislature. I recollect he made the remark, which impressed me as authorizing his action in the matter, that the legislature was a legal body, because the number of republicans in the legislature and the number of democrats in the legislature, who were peacefully elected, constitute a majority of each house, and thereby were entitled to decide the question of the right of the other members to their seats. He contended, however, that a good many of the members had been illegally elected. Q. But that that was a question which there was a legal body there to determine?A. That there was a legal body there composed of republicans who had been elected without any improper influence, and democrats who were elected peacefully in sufficient numbers-to constitute a majority of each house. I remember his making that remark to me in January, shortly after the legislature met. He did not give that as his reason for recognizing the legislature in his official capacity; but the two things coupled themselves together in my mind. The statement of the result of the election by Governor Ames, and that the l late legislature was a legal body, is more than sustained by the testimony., Omitting the exceptional counties where fraud or violence may be supposed to have nullified the elections in those special and few localities, still enough lawfully and peaceably elected members of both branches of the legislature remain unimpeached, in any quarter and by any witness, to form more than a quorum duly qualified to organize the two bodies according to the constitution of thU State of Mississippi. T. F. BAYARD, J. E. MoDONALD. E/S $ Ei MI S SISSIPPI HERNAN ~ BENTON A L C 0 191 S HO |: S^^~' {) ^'~, MARS~l "A SHLANDM5 i I I 28. 7 Al DE\ nFB, 2 768 l i SHONVING HOLLY 1 41 P A WMrHITlEs 9eDBL-A@6CKP.OPULATIONSO1N ( AUSTIN W 14 276 W. 1.2917 DNO W 15636 oo VlUNICA(' B.L1^74-50i B. 16-449 DT B. 5091___ R -T S j SS 6609 UN B. 17745 B. 16 le~ -OF THE W1231 i I r-' —. w 759 B. 741 8~ ^ ~417....."' U N 0O N I;5 1 27X^ I \' 0 \.ALBA COUNTIES IN 1870. P A LA SRDIETTEi -' /':-J ~ [ I I ^ 33^43~RALROS _ F S PL. A 3 I 2FI ~WH IT~S'(W~ 3 84,~54.~9 W/;319 P~ OKOLONA FULTON -'^' E~~~E!i' ^ 9 13 A i W. 26.11.,,: I. /O B3. O DATA. B..85 /'-i86 |V U ~~D ~-~-FLVE RI'RE OOD 0 I OA ICSARIO LLLE ~ I 5 IOL, 8631 f'C n L f 3 43 V A 7 4 B 8 I 1 550 J X L B 4462; W 55 87 H 4 8 C R | | I I! SWA SlH I G!TON M ^'^-^'Y | ") 6202 V i. l 2: L.V z L'. / TA- A — - — I - - ^ - - - I N OC O XJ A _' \ XW.F 614 5! ~I w. 558 1 \ \ w 0A o7 14000 E~ ~LIVA B 1 /.. 20n^ i B. 1 5798 ~ 00 -'''.) /'' - YAZOO CITY ~ jA' / I Y~/y! " | *'| / IS u NM J/A ZL O O /.L E A K'HILADE PHIA'_DE KALB 0 / \''J 1 ^ E ^ ))\A BtZ 9 g VV.4884 PARTHAGEO, jNESHOBA|K E M P ER Dl | i i \. 541: - / B. S U WL:RE FCV* L3 a/ x NO DATA vHOOT L/ ~-, i _''.....MONDQ /:R A N.K, "NDO /. 3\.1.7 _ INONA...1; II 6 1 tA R.ROLL \ 1 25 26?' KT"8' 4 w"~E HA" __. Nff sONIVILL W. 9497,B W. 54476 \; 5 7 1772->; s <,X v t B.7 11550- B. 1 T 930ej, R! _ I ( [ IJ w oZ,,.,.LE-ITO...SVILL; t I E I-" BR ROiHAVEN |, 0' | 0 ~N E S; W x Y E I \. k,. —~ N A T ICKSBZ., "/ i FOREST iN O1 1 Lf{^ I ~N K- / I N;. -;W. 61475 W I. 5581 B. 594 0 J B'696 \ V X T I W. 20659 / \ B.' I \1A YAO CITY ^^^^^ B, ("\ CITY ~I iX ~ ~ " s r, j, K"'"' E A LPHIA DE KALB.. L S. IZ395~^, - o/. T. j I A,. 47':I SON'. / V. _!73 6 W. 5706. 66 7' 7564J, B. 1703 B rEIC IkN 479 NT. ST9 < 0.l<, ". - - 1 —' 1809 A R^ E. ~N.~S. 3j386 1LAUDE "\ R, AL E' 1 V. ^^ ^^ 1^ x G U! FCOLUMBIA ~^' ^^^^Is1 C 3721 l ICKSBUR FORE.5T N EW TO 7E N S W. S4680 N J 7051 _^^Jj. 18 FL I 188. ~NDON.3 1 64 *'RY-N t ~_ARANRI N I' o.P T go. 20659 B. 7273''S M I T DAT - S P E A JC KS L PT GI \ O!' 5\ 0 73.. ^..... ^ ^^'-) —W. 356- S, z\ W E~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ TE STIMON Y. TESTIMONY. WTASHINGTON, D). C., A)Lil 27, 1876. ADELBER.T A.3ES sworn and examined. GOVERNOR A-MES'S OFFICIAL RECORD. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Please state your age and residence.-Answer. Age, 40; residence, Natchez, Miss. Q. What official relations, if any, have you held to the people or the government of Missisippi?-A. I have held the position of governor from 1874 until last March. Q. Previous to that time what relations, if any, did you hold to the people of the State — A. I represented them in the United States Senate for some four years. Q. What position, if any, did you occupy in Mississippi during the period of reconstruction — A. I was military governor and provisional governor. Q. How long did you occupy these positions in Mississippi?-A. I was military governor nearly a year, both the military commander and provisional governor about a year and a half. That is, my entire term covered a year and a half. Q. What kInowledge, if any, have you of the events in Mississippi in the year 1875, preceding the election?-A. I was, from my position as governor, thoroughly conversant with all events that transpired during the election. I received numerous communictions from all parts of the State, from the leading men, generally those of my own party-the republican party-informing me of the state of affairs. Q. Of what had actually taken place, or what they anticipated would take place -A. Of what had actually taken place and what was anticipated, judging by the spirit which prevailed in different sections. Of course, there were anticipations of trouble before any serious events occurred. CLINTON AND YAZOO RIOTS. Some two months previous to the election there was a very serious disturbance in Clinton, Hinds County, which probably was one of the first outbreaks. It was doubtless the event at that time. There were other events which occurred some little time previous to that, of the same character. I speak of this as having, as a matter of course, a political bearing on the election. Q. You may give to the committee such knowledge as you had personally and officially of these events:-A. My correspondence is not here. I cannot very well give that, but I can procure it. It will take a week or two perhaps for me to look over my papers and select that part which relates purely to the election. I would be very glad to produce it, if desired, or copies of it. One of the first and most important 1 MISS. 2 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. events was the expulsion of the sheriff of Yazoo County from his county, which occurred, I think, the first day of September. Q. What was his name?-A. A. T. Morgan. The disturbance occurred at a political meeting. He was the speaker of the evening. He asserts that his political opponents created the disturbance. One man. was killed and another wounded, and he was compelled to flee for his life, and has not since, I believe, returned to the county. Some two or three weeks subsequent to that time (I may not be accurate about the date) the Clinton riot occurred. There was a political gathering, and I believe each side charged the other side with being the cause of the disturbance there. Be that as it may, the effect of it was to intimidate the republicans so that they abandoned the canvass substantially. SIMILAR DISTURBANCES IN OTHER COUNTIES. Before the election, events occurred in nearly every large republican county in the State, of this character. In the counties bordering upon Alabama the officials anticipated an influx of Alabamians. I believe that after the election they asserted that these men did come into the State. They reported to me that there was no fair election in those and adjacent counties. Of course, I know of nothing personally except so far as my correspondence and my personal intercourse with the sheriffs and peace-officers of these counties would indicate. My personal knowledge is confined entirely to the immediate locality where I was. Because of this state of affairs, and after consultation with political friends, it was decided that it would be impossible, under that emergency which then existed, to get the legislature together. The intimidation was quite thorough in the various parts of the State. I know that in Hinds County the canvass was substantially abandoned; the republican candidates and orators hesitated to undertake it, and the general speakers abandoned the whole contest, to a very great extent, almost entirely. THE PRESIDENT'S ACTION. In view of that state of affairs, I applied to the President of the United States for the protection of the United States, which was not granted. Subsequently the Attorney-General, I presume at the suggestion of the President, sent an agent and two detectives, at my request. It was suggested that some disinterested parties should be sent to Mississippi-those who were not friends on the one side or the otherto ascertain the true state of the case. Mr. Chase was the agent sent. He appeared upon the scene, and through his detectives ascertained very thoroughly the condition of affairs there. I would suggest that his official correspondence with the Attorney-General should be obtained. I think it was sent to the Attorney-General as private and confidential, and it would be better, probably, to obtain the original documents than for me to give my impressions or remembrance of what they were. Q. At what date was Mr. Chase there?-A. He was there probably a month and a half previous to the election, and he remained there until after the election. Q. The election occurred when — A. I think on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November; I think the 4th of November. I think he was there about a month and a half; certainly a full month. He can give the condition of affairs there probably better than I can. THE TREATY OF PEACE. It was agreed in order that bloodshed might be avoided that there TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 3 should be what was called a " treaty of peace," to the effect that some militia that I had organized should not be used unless they were called for by peace-officers to keep the peace. Q. Who were the parties to this agreement?-A. The chairman of the democratic state executive couemittee, one J. Z. George, a prominent citizen of the city of Jackson; and, in fact, the leading man of the democratic party in Mississippi was a party to it, that is, Mr. Barksdale, editor of the " Clarion," although he was not present at the conference. It was the leading democratic gentlemen in the city of Jackson, and the leading men of the State, who represented the party through its official organization. The understanding was, that ilt case the militia was not used they should maintain the peace at the election and secure a fair election. I gave them credit for the capacity so to do, and at the interview I was led to believe they would do it. As to their capacity, of course there was no question. Q. About what time did this agreement take effect-when was it made?-A. I cannot give the date exactly just at present. Q. Was it in writing?-A. Our interview was an oral interview. The democracy had called a meeting of the citizens in various parts of the State, rather adjacent to Jackson, to meet on a certain day; and this understanding between Mr. George and his friends and myself was reported by him to this meeting, and they made a report of this understanding, which was submitted to me in writing and acquiesced in. I think it was some three weeks before the election. REPUBLICANS REPORT DISTURBANCES. The understanding was that there should be a fair election; but the republicans all over the State reported to me subsequent to that time that there was still no opportunity for a fair election; that they were being intimidated constantly. Perhaps half the time had expired from the time of the treaty of peace until the election before I was myself convinced that the republicans of the State would have no opportunity for a fair election. Q. (ByMr. CAMERON.) Will you state generally what kind of intimidations were used, so far as you can now recollect, and whether you know it of your own knowledge or from official communications — A. I stated at first that I could not very well tell you what was transpiring, of my own personalknowledge. Of course noone attempted to intimidLate me personally; no one came and made any threats to me; but the republicans throughout the State were writing to me constantly, and coming to me constantly, and making such representations; that is, that they were threatened to be driven off the plantations; they were threatened with harm, with danger, if they persisted in voting the republican ticket. I can give you the names of any number of people in various parts of the State who would give you detailed information in reference to the disturbances and events which took place at the time of our election, and I can give you the letters that I have received. CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN HIINDS COUNTY. Q. (By the CIAIRMAN.) Perhaps, as to the names,you had betterprepare a list. You can produce a list of such-names as you have?-A. Yes, sir; of course I can myselt give only hearsay evidence, except as to what occurred in the immediate vicinity. In Hinds Couny I know that the canvass was substantially abandoned; that men did not deem it safe to goout and canvass. The feeling was very bitter and very strong. Of course it was purely political. Q. In Hinds County were any persons injured or maltreated in any 4 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. way?-A. The Clintyn riot occurred in Hinds County. Clinton is ten miles west of Jackson. Q. Did you visit Clinton during or after the riot — A. I did not. Q. Did you have official letters or reports from any person in reference to that riot?-A. I had official communications from the sheriff of the county. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) What is his name?-A. W. H. Harney. There were, I think, two white men killed anti three or four colored men on the day of the riot; and subsequently there was one white man, to my knowledge, killed; and there were quite a number of negroes killed during the two or three days following. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) As between the political parties, how many were killed on each side? —A. I think there were two or three white men, democrats, killed. All the rest were republicans. It is estimated variously as to the number of negroes killed. Some put it as high as twentyfive or thirty. I think there can be no question but there were as many as eight or ten negroes killed; but the reports at first were very unreliable, and there might not have been so many. I saw a number of negroes who came in with their wounds. Their houses were visited at night, and for a week or two it was reported that large numbers of negroes abandoned their houses and slept in the swamps, in the woods, and in the'cotton-fields for quite a period of time. I know the city of Jackson was almost literally filled with negroes, who had abandoned their work on the plantations and fled there for safety. We found it was difficult to feed them, they were so numerous. PASSES TO NEGROES BY DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE. My attention was subsequently called to certain passes, or safeguards, that had been given to some of these negroes who had come to the city, by the chairman of the State democratic committee, and with these passes they returned to their homes. They left the city at least; I do not know thatthey returned to their homes. Q. Were these passes given to them after they arrived at Jackson in order to let them go home?-A. Yes, sir. Neither the sheriff, nor the peace-officers of the county, nor the executive officers of the State were able to give any protection at all. Q. Do you know whether these passes were a protection?-A. I do not know personally. Q. Do you know how they were regarded by the negroes?-A. They were regarded as very full protections. Q. (By Mr. MCMILLAN.) Who were they given by?-A. The chairman of the State democratic committee, Mr. George. I saw some of the passes, but I cannot remember their phraseology. I saw, probably, two or three passes, and it was reported that others were given. This was in September; the cotton was just out, and the labor of the hands was necessary in the cotton-fields. There was such a reign of terror existing at the time that the negroes had abandoned the plantations, and the planters who had advanced money on the crop could not well afford to let all the hands abandon their crops, which would go to destruction. I know from hearsay that they made very strenuous efforts to have those colored men who had abandoned the plantations come back to work. I was informed that, so far as it could be lone, these means were resorted to, of furnishing passes or giving the men this sort of security. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Have you any official information or trustworthy knowledge from other sources as to the number of persons wounded in the Clinton riot, or soon after ~-A. No, sir. I have heard numerous TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 5 statements, and my conviction is that immediately after the event the number reported injured was generally exaggerated. So in this matter of the Clinton riot, I am prepared to take off two-thirds of the number first stated as killed, as I have already said; that is thirty. Q. You are speaking now of the number killed as being thirty; I asked you in reference to the number wounded — A. I do not know how many were wounded. I saw some myself. As a general thing, they kept quiet and out of sight. There was a very great feeling of intimidation, really of terror, existing, and these poor negroes were disposed to avoid all places where they might be observed; but many did come into town, and a great many made their reports. REPORTED INTIMIDATIONS IN REPUBLICAN COUNTIES. At the time of the election it was reported to me that in nearly every large republican county of the State there were intimidation and violence; and in some instances a use of and a parade of armed men, and the firing of guns was resorted to for the purpose of intimidating the republican voters; and the means used were completely successful. As to the details of these events, I can give you the names of the officers of the various counties, and of the people who were present at the time. In some counties since the election, or on the night of the election, republicans were driven away, and have not dared to return, or did not dare to return for about a month. That was the case in one county, particularly. Q. What county was that — A. Amite County, in the southern part of the State, bordering on Louisiana. Then in such counties as Kemper and Monroe, and other counties, there was no election held substantially. One of the sheriffs had held office in Kemper County for the last twentyfive years, more or less, and had been a very popular man. He was a republican, however, and the sheriff, and he had to abandon all attempts to keep the peace and hold an election. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) What was his name? -A. W. W. Chisholm. SECOND DAY. WASHINGTON,:March 28, 1876. Continuation of the examination of ADELBERT AMES: By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Have you any further statement to make in reference to intimidation in the canvass or at the election — A. I should like to read a part of my annual message to the legislature, so far as it refers to this elec. tion, to show the condition of the State, and what my official action was. And then I would like to comment on certain parts of the message. Q. Very well; proceed in your own way.-A. This message bears date January 4-the day the legislature met-and is addressed to the senate and house of representatives. [Witness reads a portion of his message, as follows:] GOVERNOR AMES'S MESSAGE. STATE OF rIISSISSIPPI, EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Jackson, January 4, 1876. To the Senate and House of Representatives: In the discharge of a duty, incumbent upon me, of giving you information concerning the condition and interests of the government and State, and the condition of the 6 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. people, I call your attention to the late State election, and the events incident thereto, as a subject whose magnitude and importance demands the wisest and calmest consideration. On the fourth day of September last a political meeting at Clinton, Hinds County, was interfered with and dispersed by violence, which resulted in the death of a number of persons, and which was followed, subsequently, by the pursuit and shooting of others, by armed men riding through the country. Impelled, through fear of violence, men abandoned their homes and fled by hundreds to this city for safety. The fifth and following days of September found this city crowded with panicstricken figitives, unconscious of offense, imploring such assistance as would enable them to return to their homes, and shield them in the peaceful pursuit of their labors. While a city full of refugees was one illustration of the violence and the success of lawlessness, another was to be found in the fact that a sheriff's posse, which was sent to Clinton from this point, was headed by a flag of truce. At this juncture business was suspended, and disquiet or terror existed in the minds of all. The authority of the county was paralyzed. The sheriff reported his utter helplessness to give the needed protection. It then became the duty of the State government to furnish him the means to overcome and suppress the lawless bands, which, for some purpose other than the punishment of criminals, had established so lamentable a condition of affairs. The spirit which precipitated the Clinton outrage by no means had its origin then cand there. Previous to that day, the sheriffs of the adjacent counties had been compelled by force-or what is substantially the same, after encountering much lawless violence, which no power at their command could control-to make their escape beyond the borders of their counties, leaving them without the chief peace-officer which the law has made so indispensable. Nor was violence, or the fear of it, confined to two or three counties. Appeals for protection and aid came from all directions. The State was without a militia or constabulary force. Although previous political disturbances had occurred, of a magnitude too great for local or State authorities to cope with, the sentiment against a militia, or other armed force, was so powerful and so general as to prevent its successful organization. This hostile sentiment to maintaining peace and affording protection by force, was chiefly due to a dread of a conflict of races. While one part of the people were thus discountenancing the militia in the interest of peace, another part was converting the State into a broad military encampment, which called forth a proclamation, bearing date of the 7th September, 1875, commanding, though ineffectually, their disbandment. The evil day anticipated, when the State should need force and be without it, had arrived. Under such a combination of circumstances, which could exist only in a State where the inhabitants are of two distinct races, with strong race prejudices and antagonisms, I was constrained to call upon the National Government for assistance to protect against domestic violence. This call was unsuccessful. It was followed by a succession of demonstrations by the armed part of the people toward the unarmed, causing a feeling of insecurity and danger, which continued until and after the day of the election..A renewed effort to organize a military force developed the deep-seated bitterness of the race-issue, and the extent of the intimidation which prevailed. While appeals for aid and protection came from all sides, and often from sheriffs, it was held by them that such forces as might be organized under State laws could not be serviceable. On the contrary, the conviction prevailed that they would only precipita.te the conflict it was sought to avoid. The seizure of State arms on their way to the capital, the liability of seizure in sending them away from the capital, and the necessity of storing the few arms on hand at the United States camp for safe-keeping, were additional causes which embarrassed and prevented the organization of the militia. Consequently, only a few companies could be organized, and those (with one exception) but in one county-this, the seat of government. Many who took arms, did so to obtain the means of self-defense; few were accustomed to their use, and instruction and discipline were quite impracticable. The fund for militia purposes, appropriated by the late legislature, was sixty thousand dollars, but with the condition that fifty-five thousand dollars should be used only in case the militia should be called into active service. An early injunction from the courts prevented the expenditure of any part of the latter sum. The remaining five thousand dollars were soon expended, and there were no means to transport beyond the borders of this county, the recruiting-ground and depot, the few undisciplined companies formed within it. Preparations had been made to protect the sheriff of Yazoo County in his return to his county, he having previously been driven away. Deeming the means inadequate, he declined to make the attempt. He has not been able to return to this day. Because of the attempt to organize and use the militia to protect citizens in the exercise of their rights and privileges, as bestowed upon them. by the Constitution and the laws, a class of people rebelled against it. To avoid threatened deeds of resistance and violence to State authority, as well as toward county officials and individuals, and TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 7 the possible consequences, a committee of prominent citizens, powerful in controlling one of the political organizations of the State, gave their pledges that they would " do all in their power to preserve peace and good order, and secure a fair election." As to their power to preserve peace and good order, and secure a fair election," I did not entertain a doubt. This novel and humiliating spectacle, in the government of a free people, was presented: Regularly-organized legal authority unable to preserve peace and good order, and secure a fair election, the leaders of a political organization assume to do it, with the accredited power, to accomplish all they might attempt. The deeds of violence already alluded to, and many similar ones of greater or less magnitude, in various parts of the State, had the effect to intimidate many voters. The extent of such intimidation may be judged by the following facts: In various counties the meeting together and consulting of voters before election, an important proceeding in a government like ours, had to be wholly or partially abandoned. In one county not only was there no preliminary canvass, but the danger was regarded so great that no convention was held to nominate candidates for offices. In certain counties tickets could not be freely and safely distributed, and in one county not at all. From one county prominent candidates for office fled before election, fearing violence, if not assassination. In another county one party, through fear of the evil consequences if they refused, struck from their tickets names of candidates formally and regularly nominated, and substituted those of their opponents, with whom there existed no political affinity.. In certain counties, on the day of election, voters were driven from the polls by armed men, or so intimidated by them that they feared to vote. In one county the principal county offici;-ls were driven away from their posts on the day following the election, and have been refugees since. This county, Amite, was the one remote from the seat of government, where the effort to organize the militia succeeded. These are effects, not detailed statements of causes which produced them. The courts of the State have been unable to dispense justice in such cases. The conviction that frauds were perpretrated at the late election gathers strength by comparison of the returns with those of the preceding elections. That the great evil which has befallen the State may be remedied, it first becomes necessary to inquire into its causes. The happy financial condition of the State, and the comparatively small amount needed for its support, preclude the possibility of a financial cause. Intimidation was not proportioned to counties in accordance with their indebtedness. Thorough intimidation was effected in some counties whose finances were in the most flourishing condition. The character of the events which have transpired compel the conclusion that the evil is to be attributed to a race question. It did not have its origin at this time. The inhabitants of the State are somewhat equally divided between the two races. They have, until recent years, borne the relation of master and slave. By a power external to the State, the slave has been made the civil and political equal of the master. The withdrawal of this restraining force leaves the formerly dominant race to re-assert its supremacy. Though the complete supremacy of former days may not be possible, still the tendency is toward supremacy. The effort in this direction has heretofore and elsewhere resulted, as in this election, in violence, loss of life, and intimidation. How far this effort has resulted in the virtual disfranchisement of the one race, and revolutionized the State government, is a-question worthy the most patient and careful inquiry. Unless every class of citizens be thoroughly protected in the exercise of all their lights and privileges, our Government proves unequal to its pretensions. The nation, recognizing the race-antagonisms, has anticipated them in the interest of liberty and equality by modifications of the fundeamental law of the land, and I recommend, as both right and expedient, action in harmony with such modifications. The action of the legislature in regard to that part of the message was a pretended effort to investigate the election. The resolution was, I think, introduced in both branches of the legislature;'#and, although the democrats had a two-thirds majority in both, branches, they allowed that resolution to slumber, and it was never heard of. Instead of investigating this election, where I maintained that a republican form of government was destroyed, they investigated my action; and my action politically, too. I have stated here the condition of the State financially, which was such that the events of the election could not have been based upon that. Q. Suppose you give us the result in the aggregate.-A. [Reading 8 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. from message.] " The real debt of the State, that is, its outstanding obligations beyond its ability to pay at once with its current and available funds'-including the taxes for the year 18757 which had not been collected-was about half a million. You understand that our taxes do not begin to come in until October. The cotton-crop is planted in the spring, and is not completely gathered until the beginning of the following year, and no considerable portion of the taxes are paid until the crop is sent to market, and the last year's taxes had not been paid. [Reading from message.] The common and Chickasaw school-funds-debts upon which the interest only is to be paid, the principal never becoming due, (obligations incurred many years since,) amount to $1,530,620. The expenses of the State government during the past year amounted to $618,259.18. That would be about 70 cents per inhabitant. The tax of the State of New York is $16 per inhabitant; and of the city of New York, $36 per inhabitant. [Reading from message.] The amount paid to the two universities of the State, to normal schools, and interest on Chickasaw school-fund, was $136,890.37. FINANCE AND TAXATION. I have drawn a comparison between the financial condition of that year and that of the previous year. The indebtedness of the State$500,00 —would be about sixty cents per inhabitant., All the expenses of government per inhabitant would be one dollar, which would make one dollar and sixty cents per inhabitant as the tax of any one year, in running the State government and paying its present indebtedness. During the past two years, or during my administration, the indebtedness of the State has been reduced some $300,000. These figures that I present were taken from the reports of the auditor of public accounts, and of the treasurer. To show you how the condition of the State financially has improved, the expenses of administration of the State government in the year 1873 were $953,000; in 1874, $908,000; and in 1875, $618,000. It is, perhaps, well in your investigation to state that the oplposition papers- the democratic papers-have charged the State treasurer and auditor with misstatements in reference to the facts as put forth in my message. But, upon a review of their statements, the auditor and treasurer reported their conclusions to be correct. There were certain expenses that had been incurred-certain sums that had been accruing from one year to another, that appeared in 1875, which should not have appeared, as they did not really belong to that year, but that investigation there will very clearly show that the statement as given by me was substantially correct. THE CHARGIE OF PLUNDERING. The usual complaint in the South has been that the States have been plundered; but this shows, and the facts show, that the financial condition of the State of Mississippi is flourishing; and I refer to this to prove that the financial question was not one which entered seriously into our canvass. The greatest plundering that has been perpetrated in the State since I have been there has been in democratic counties and by democratic officials. They outnumber the defalcations and plundering in republican counties ten to one. The official condition of the republican counties, from one end of the State to the other, is far better than that of the democratic counties. I am willing to admit that men are very much alike in all parties; and it is possible that since the whole glare of light that can be produced always turns upon the republican officials, they might have been more particular. Whenever any irregularities have occurred in republican counties, they have been made prominent; but when anything has occurred of TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 9 that sort in democratic counties, it has not been reported, has not become prominent, and not generally known. If you'will permit me, I will touch upon six or seven points that I have referred to in general terms in my message. I say: PRELIMINARY MEETINGS ABANDONED. [Reading from message] In various counties the meeting together and consulting of voters before election, an important proceeding in a government like ours, had to be wholly or partially abandoned. Q. If you recollect any instances, please give us the names of the counties to which you refer.-A. Holmes County, for one; Yazoo County, for another; Monroe County was another; Claiborne County was another, wholly or partially. That was substantially true of Tallahatchie, of Marshall, of De Soto, of Rankin, and of all the large republican counties. In those I speak of, particularly, they had only one or two meetings early in the canvass, and then had to abandon them entirely. Take Warren County, for instance, where there are 3,500 republican majority; in their preliminary movements for a canvass they attempted at first to meet around quietly and select their prominent men and send them to some point remote from Vicksburgh, for fear of interference. [Reading from message.] In one county not only was there no preliminary canvass, but the danger was regarded so great that no convention was held to nominate candidates for offices. That was in Yazoo County. I would say here, as I have already stated, that that is my annual message. It has been before a legislature two-thirds democratic in both houses, and they have not taken the first step to ascertain whether I have made any misrepresentations or not. I have been exceedingly guarded in this communication, as a matter of course. When I say "; single step," I mean not a single complete step. They introduced a resolution in both houses, and there let it slumber; and it slumbered for some ninety days-was never called up at all. NO DISTRIBUTION OF TICKETS. [Reads from messa-ge.] In certain counties, tickets could not be freely and safely distributed, and in one county not at all. Q. What county was that?-A. Yazoo County. A complete reign of terror existed in that county and in Holmes County. Men who had tickets were pursued and captured, and one man I know-his name I do not recollect-who was believed to have had tickets, was taken forcibly from his house and carried to a town on the railroad, and forbidden, upon pain of death, to leave. I can give his name when I submit the names of the other witnesses. And these facts are notorious-all the world can tell it. [Reading from message.] From one county prominent candidates for office fled before election, fearing violence, if not assassination. That was in Holmes County. A man by the name of Warren, who was formerly speaker of the house of representatives since reconstruction, and who was the candidate for the legislature, and, I think, the candidate for the clerk of the county circuit court, and also the candidate for sheriff, I think, fled by night from Holmes County into the adjacent county, and remained absent and hid until after the day of election. I refer to this to show the danger of distributing tickets. In order to get tickets. they had to send down to New Orleans to have them printed; and when they were brought up the railroad was guarded, there were men on the train ready to capture the men with the tickets, and it was 10 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. with the greatest difficulty that they escaped. And even then the tickets could be but partially distributed through the county. Whlat is true of that county can be shown to be equally true of other counties. As I say, I have been exceedingly cautious in my statements of facts in this message, knowing that it would be subjected, if examined at all, to the most careful scrutiny. WVHY COMPROMISE TICKETS WERE ADOPTED, [Reading from message.] In another county one party, through fear of the evil consequences if they refuse(l, struck from their tickets names of candidates formallyl and regularly nominated, and substituted those of their opponents with whom there existed no political- affinity. Q. What county was that? —A. That was the county of Madison. The prominent men of Madison County, the sheriff of the county, some of the clerks, and nearly all the prominent republicans, came to my office. These men struck off republican names and put on democratic names; and the representative of the republican party-that is, the chairman of the State central committee-reported what was being done, and these republican leaders in Madison County were requested to come down and have a consultation, and they all came into my office. They then and there, in my presence and in the presence of others, stated that while they had no fear of personal harm, while they were not prepared to say that they feared assassination themselves, they did fear that unless they did make a change, a great number of lives would be lost, and assassination would be resorted to and intimidation, and of course the result would be to destroy the entire election in the county, unless they would agree; and they (lid agree, for the sake of peace and harmony, to put on two democrats out of the three candidates for the lower house of the legislature. The men that they put on had no affiliation with the republican party, and were not propelled by the same motives-differed from the republicans in their political sentiments as widely as political parties can differ in any section of the country. Q. Was that ticket elected — A. The combined ticket was elected. Q. Two democrats and one republican — A. Yes, sir, INTIMIDATION AT TIE POLLS. [Reading from message.] In certain counties on the day of election voters were driven from the polls by armed men, or so intimidated by them that they feared to vote. The case of the sheriff of Monroe County was a prominent instance of that sort. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) What is his name —A. Captain Lee, a, most excellent gentleman; he was a very good confederate soldier; his crime was in being a republican. He reported to me by letter and orally that large numbers of men came over from Alabama. He will give you a pitiful story of the condition of afifirs there. The opposition had a cannon which they directed upon a large number of men around the courthouse, who came there prepared to vote; and men on horseback came in, and men on foot, all armed. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) When did this take place?-A. On the morning of the election. He stated to me that in his attempt to canvass the county he believed he escaped assassination a number of times; that it became almost impossible to conduct a canvass-that is, all meetings were interfered with by men who went there particularly for that purpose; and on the day of the election, though he was notoriously a brave man, and no one man had dared to attack him, he, as sheriff, was compelled to secrets himself in the jailer's house for TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 11 the first part of the day. He said that he was seated by tne window, hidden behind a curtain, and he saw these men and this cavalry come in well armed, and heard their shouts; and he saw the artillery that was trailed upon the one thousand or more republican voters who were assembled there. The result was that the republican voters were driven away. In Monroe County-I refer to the State election returns by counties, and I presume they are right, as they have never been questioned-in the election in 1873 there were 2,000 republican votes against 1,037 democratic votes; but on that election frauds were committed to the extent of some thousand votes-reported at that time and believed. That was one of two counties at that election where frauds were perpetrated. In 1875, in Molroe County, tie returns show only 1,51)0 republican votes and 2,600 democratic. The republican voters were driven away from the polls in large numbers. The county was generally estimated to have 1,500 republican majority. I cite that as one instance. Then I referred yesterday to the election in Kemper County. Q. Before oou leave Monroe County, has any statement been made to you of any cause for a change of political opinion in that county? — A. No, sir. The events during the election, I said yesterday-of course I could not know personally, as I could be in but one place-but I knew of the events just as well as people in the North who were not in the armies or in the border States during the war knew there was a war. At least, I knew what transpired as well as a general knows what is transpiring in his army, whil e e knows personally only that which he sees immediately before him. Of course, I knew all that was transpiring, and perhaps better than any other person in the whole State, because most of my communications were confidential. What did transpire was predicted at the outset. The papers made this question: that this is a white man's government, and should be ruled by white men. It was a race issue that was made, and the result of it was simply to drive the races apart, as a matter of course. There was every possible reason in every county in the State why the republican voters should hold together better than they had ever done before, because it was, as I say, simply a question of race. It is true that a very large majority of the republican party was composed of colored men, and the issue could not be mistaken, that they were voting for their civil and political rights. YAZOO COUNTY. Yazoo County is down in the swamps on the Yazoo River, by the Yazoo and the Mississippi Rivers, not considered a healthy locality by the whites; and, in the days of slavery, slaves were carried into these bottoms, and of course they greatly outnumbered the whites. In the previous elections the republican majority in that county was usually about 2,000. I find here that in the election of 1873 the republican vote was 2,427, and the democratic vote 411, giving the republicans a majority of 2,000. I see in 1875 the democratic vote was 4,044, and the republican vote 7. These seven votes, I understand, were cast in a spirit of bravado by some democrats, who declared that it should not be said that there were no republican votes cast. But you see a difference in the voting. In 1873 there were 2,838 votes cast, while in 1875 there were 4,051 votes. In that county there was no protection to republicans, and they abstained from voting. The sheriff of that county did not dare to return. He was the one I referred to here in speaking of my militia, who deemed the means to protect him in returning inade 12 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. quate. He declined to return to the county. I had offered to furnish him some militia to protect him, and the evidence is very clear since then that had the militia undertaken it they would have been annihilated. In such a county as that the republicans would not go to the polls, and did not vote. Q. How do you account for these 4,000 democratic votes —A. The republican voters abstained from voting, and it could only have been by fraud. It could not possibly have been in any other way. In 1873 the whole vote polled was about 3,000. There were two republicans running for governor. Senator Alcorn was one of the candidates and I the other. He had run on the republican side four years previously, and had been opposed by the democratic party. On this occasion he was voted for by the democrats. So that there was no feeling of any kind, it was simply a choice of evils with them, and some little doubt as to which would be the preferable man at that time. There was no occasion for any disturbance at that time, and there were no disturbance. Q. (By Mr. McDONALD.) You say that it was a choice of evils. Was it not a fact that a very large number of the democrats did not vote at that election?-A. It is possible. They could not have the same zeal for Senator Alcorn they would have for one of their own men. The election of 1873 was greatly influenced by the fact that it was uncertain whether there would be an election at all till two or three days before the election. MEN DRIVEN FROM THE POLLS. I was speaking of the counties where the men were driven away from the polls. That was true in Monroe County. It was equally true in Kemper County. I speak of these counties where there will be no controversy on the part of anybody. But you can go to the majority of the republican counties, and you will find that the republican voters were driven away by intimidation, which was resorted to to produce this effect. In Kemper County, the sheriff, Mr. Chisholm, had been an officer ever since he was twenty-one years old, and I think he must be a man of forty-five or fifty now, always a very popular man, and officially his standing was excellent. There was no complaint against him at all, except that he was a republican. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Was he there before the war?-A. He always lived there. He was one of the few men who have had the courage to come before the grand jury of the United States court and report the condition of affairs in that county. He was threatened with assassination, and I think I have his written statement of the facts. He said. that there was no complaint except that it was really a race issue, and democrats said to him that this is a white man's country, and white men are going to rule it. That was the charge that was made against him and his party; that the negroes were not qualified to vote, and they should not vote. He complained bitterly that men with whom he had always lived and had had all kinds of relations with, (socially he stands very hirsh,s) should consent that a body of men should come from Alabama to assassinate him if he made any attempt to keep the peace on the day of the election. The result was he abandoned all attempts to keep the peace and the election went by default. I don't know what the returns are. I see that in Kemper County in 1873 the vote was 1,229 republican and 781 democratic, making a difference of 448 republican majority. In 1875 there were 418 republican votes and 1,339 democratic votes, making a TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 13 difference of 921 votes on the other side. He will testify to your committee, as he has testified already, that it was through intimidation and violence that no election was held there. OFFICIALS DRIVEN AWAY. [Reading from message.] In one county, the principal county, officials were driven away from their posts on the day following the election, and have been refugees since. This county, Amite, was the one remote from the seat of government where the effort to organize the militia succeeded. I stated that in organizing the militia for the purpose of keeping the peace, I organized it only at the seat of the State government, Hinds County, and in one other county. This county borders on Louisiana in the Southwest. The militia organized at the seat of government, (in order that there should be no complaint that it was partisian,) was partly white and partly colored. I think I organized five companies of colored troops in that county and some four companies of whites. At first the whites would not muster, the papers pronounced against it; but subsequently when I commenced organizing some two or three colored companies, when it was ascertained that I would proceed, the white companies did muster; and the first company organized was really a white company. I had stated that it was impossible to organize a white militia that was reliable. In reply to that I received statements from various parts of the State that there were certain ~companies in certain localities-white companies-that were willing to put themselves at my command for the purpose of keeping the peace. I may say, however, that I had no confidence in those companies. W;hen I attempted to send Mr. Morgan back to Yazoo County, from which he had been expelled as sheriff some two months previously, I proposed to give him both white and black companies as escort; and I have since learned, and I believe it to be true, that these white companies had an understanding that they would turn upon the colored companies and prevent their proceeding from the railroad depot into the county. Be that as it may, the only company that I did organize, outside of Hinds County, was the company in Amite County. I appointed in command of it a gentleman there whose fiather was a prominent lawyer and a leading man in that section of the State. Of course neither the father nor the son were republicans. The son was disposed to have a fair election-that was the extent of his politics at the time-and I sent him some arms to organize a company, and he went into that county to keep the peace. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) What was his name — A. Hurst. His father is a leading lawyer in that section of the State, and has always lived there, and of course the son had always been there. He organized the militia, but did not attempt to organize it on a political basis-took no colored men nor republicans; he organized a company of his friends and neighbors, and they agreed to keep the peace. They were given the State arms. At the time of the election Mr. Hurst was compelled to abandon his company and fly for safety to the county-seat. They told' him they had no quarrel with him, but there were some men from Louisiana for whom they could not be responsible, and advised him to leave. So he abandoned the company and his duty and went back to the county-seat; he was a very brave man, too. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Did he make any report in writing s —A. I think he made a report in writing. Then the next day all the republican officers of the county were compelled to leave the county, and they did not return, I think, for three or four months; I do not know how long. 14 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. In 1873 the vote in the county was 1,080 republican and 407 democratic. In 1875 it was, as returned, 1,095 republican and 1,189 democratic. It is a very large increase in the democratic vote. It is asserted that frauds were committed, and that that county was in a state of outlawry for some time. STATE COURTS UNABLE TO DISPENSE JUSTICE. I say further in my message: The courts of the State have been unable to dispense justice in such cases. I would suggest thatyou look into the action of the grand jury for Hinds County, where the Clinton riot occurred. A great many of the people privately declared that they would not go before any jury or court and swear away their lives, as they feared they would do if they reported the facts that had transpired. I have had numerous communications from people who have come to complain of the events. I know in Claiborne County, for instance, that men were driven away, and while men came to me and related these facts, they refused afterward to make an affidavit or written statement of them, simply because they feared assassination. AID FROM STATE MILITIA IMPOSSIBLE. I know that quite a number of people have left these localities or abandoned politics entirely, simply because they deemed it unsafe. Captain Lee, of Monroe County, the county I spoke of where the sheriff had to secrete himself in the jailer's house, where the cannon was trained, I think, upon republican voters at the court-house, which caused them to flee, came to see me two or three times and wanted to get arms, but he admitted that it would be impossible to ship arms by rail, and almost impossible to organize any militia there. Yet he did take some ammunition, but in order to get it to its destination he had to put it up in such a form as to deceive the people as to the contents of the package. I give that as an illustration, to show how utterly impossible it was for me to organize militia outside of Hinds County. For instance, at first I had my arms in the state-house-the few I had; I do not think there were 300-and a guard had to be put upon them. One night a number of men assembled at the state-house and threatened to take them; and I afterward had to send them to the United States camp, in order to keep them secure from capture. Arms were sent to the State capitol from the river counties. They were landed on the wharf-boat at Vicksburgh, and 60 or 75 men went down and took them away-captured them. Q. Were any of these men known?-A. The keeper of the wharfboat, Duff Green, a very prominent man in that section, in order to protect himself, wrote me a letter, saying that these arms had been received on the boat, and that a body of men came down and took them away. I think it would be very hard to ascertain who these men were. I do not think any amount of examination would point out these men. -On another occasion, I attempted to ship some arms to De Soto County, and such a demonstration was made upon the depot, and as the railroad refused to receive them except in an ordinary freight-car, I had to abandon the attempt. So that it was absolutely and utterly impossible for me to organize a reliable militia outside of Hinds County, and, as I have stated, I had but $5,000 to do it with, and about $1,500 of that had previously been expended for taking care of the arms and paying a clerk or two-that is, during the previous eight months of the year. ARMS BROUGHT INTO THE STATE BY PRIVATE PERSONS. It was reported to me, and I believe it to be true, that a large num TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 15 ber of arms were brought into all parts of the State, and I so assert in my message. Q. Brought in by private persons, or persons not in official position? -A. Yes, sir; Mr. Richardson, of Jackson, organized a company called, I think,'The Richardson Guards;" he sent for and bought arms for the whole company-probably 75 or 100 men-and they paraded and drilled regularly. Q. Do you know upon what pretext-what reason was given — A. The reason was-in some extreme democratic papers they did not hesitate to say that it was a white man's government, and that they proposed to carry the election. I do not pretend to quote them; but the idea was that force should be used. It is a fact, I think, beyond dispute that since reconstruction began the white men of the South have felt that the negro was not their political equal, and that he has been imposed upon them; that he was not qualified to vote in any sense, and that any means resorted to to prevent him from voting would be justifiable. We believe that violence had been resorted to in times known as the Ku-klux times; and the means had been changed from time to time as events had transpired. It was believed that at the elections in Louisiana last fall more open violence had been perpetrated than had ever before been attempted; and the canvass was evidently conducted upon that plan. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) That is Louisiana you are now speaking of?A. Yes, sir; and Alabama, too. General George made a very significant remark to me. Although my intercourse with him was very slight, it is, perhaps, due to him that I should make this statement.'- THE BLACK CLOUD.7 Q. When was this — A. Two or three weeks before the election. We were speaking of the elections, and I was remarking upon the fact that a very large majority were republicans. It is a fact that since Alabama and Georgia have gone democratic, a large number of republicansnegroes, if you please-have come to Mississippi, believing that they would escape a great many injuries and dangers that they were suffering in those States. While he, personally, as head of the democratic State committee, was not exactly intending to justify their action, he did speak, however, of this "black cloud" that was coming into the State from the east, speaking of the States of Alabama and Georgia, and I think that feeling was rather general in the State of Mississippi among the democratic politicians, that unless the State was recovered from republican rule it would become a receptacle of the colored men generally in the South, and that they would resort to that State as a home. I think the whites believed that substantially. It was with that feeling, more or less, I have no doubt, in addition to the feeling that the negro was not a political equal, that impelled them to a decisive course. As I state in my message, I regard the whole affair as a raceissue. The newspapers made it such, and the orators made it such. EXECUTIVE MANSION FIRED INTO. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Did you, at any time, receive threats or intimations of bodily harm to yourself — A. As I stated yesterday, no attempt has ever been made to intimidate me personally. Of course no person ever came to me and said that if I did thus and so, certain consequences would follow; but the mansion where I live was fired into. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) At what time.-A. Just previous to the election. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) During the day or at night?-A. This was 16 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. at night. I may say, however, that I did not, at that time, consider myself in any personal danger; I did not think that they could well afford to assassinate me. I thought it would be too great a political blunder, so I really had no feeling of that kind, but since then I have been informed that the thing was seriously considered. People were seen firing into my mansion, and the trees were cut. There was a bullet hole or two in various parts of the mansion. The papers, of course, did not hesitate to say that I was responsible for the Clinton riot, although I was not there; but I believe my name was published as one of the orators, yet I did not know what was transpiring at the time. The papers said that I ought to have been killed or assassinated rather than the poor negroes, which, perhaps, was more desirable. Firing into the mansion showed the disposition, perhaps. The feeling was very bitter. WHITE REPUBLICAN VOTERS. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Do you know what proportion of the white people of Mississippi are republican voters? —A. A small proportion. Q. What should you estimate it to be — A. It would be a very small proportion. As a general thing the republican vote is concentrated in the bottom-counties and in the prairie-counties. In the bottom-counties it is very swampy; the lands are cultivated generally near the river rather than far back; the colored men predominate very largely. In some of those river-counties there are but few hundreds of white voters. In some of the counties up and down the center of the State a fair portion of white people are republicans; and there are other parts of the State where there are no republicans among the whites. BLACK DEMOCRATIC VOTERS. Q. Of the colored people, what proportion are democrats t?-A. A very small number. As a general thing it is only where a negro has been working with the same men for a very long space of time-a relation found to exist chiefly in the villages-that he votes as his employer desires. But the proportion is so small that it is hardly to be stated. The fact is that ever since reconstruction, or ever since the war, the question as to the negro's right to vote-as to his citizenship-has been presented all the time. Immediately after the war there was a black code, so called, passed, really intended to reduce the negro, or to approximate his condition as near as possible to that before the war. He was not permitted to hire lands, and if he was not employed after the working-season set in he could be let out to the lowest bidder. He was not permitted to testify where white men were parties to a suit. These are well-known facts. The question of his right to a place on juries, his right to travel on railroads, and other things relating solely to his citizenship, have been fought step by step by the democratic party of the State. And the simple question has been, whether the negro has a right to be a citizen. It has had the effect to drive the negroes together, an(d it is very true that the politicians have made legitimate uses of such a state of affairs. Q. You spoke yesterday of passes having been granted to negroes who came into Jackson to enable them to return to their homes. Do you know whether or not passes have been granted to negroes at any other time or for any other purpose'?-A. I do not. Q. Is there anything more that you desire to state of a general nature that occurs to you?-A. I do not know that there is. RESIDENCE AND RECORD OF WITNESS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. When did you first go to M5ississippi i.-A. I went there'n 1867. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 17 Q. In the Army, I believe?-A. Yes, sir. Q. When were you elected Senator — A. In 1870. Q. Had you any intention to settle in Mississippi prior to your election — A. I will say, not long previous to that-and permit me to say that I found, when I was military governor there, that there was a black code existing, and that the negroes had no rights whatever; that they were not permitted to exercise any of the rights of citizenship. I had given them the protection they were entitled to under the Government of the United States, and I believed that I could render them great service. I felt that I had a mission to perform in their interest, and I hesitatingly consented to represent them, and unite my fortune with theirs. Q. You speak now in reference to the colored people of that State?A. Yes, sir; in reference to the colored people of that State-they were in the majority. Q. You speak of the black code; by whom was that enacted?-A. By the legislature of 1865-'67. Q. Did you regard that as law — A. The colored people were living under it. Q. Did you regard it, when you were there as military governor, as law — A. I regarded it as law, except so far as it could be suspended by the action of Congress. Q. Your power as military governor gave you supremacy there, did it not — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you permit that code to stand in your way at all in what you thought was an infringement of any rights of the colored people — A. I did not, so far as I thought I was authorized to interfere-to modify these laws. Q. Those modifications were at your own discretion?-A. Substantially so; that is, there were certain things prohibited. Q. Then you were in Mississippi on military duty at the time you were chosen Senator — A. Yes, sir. Q. Holding your position in the United States Army?-A. Yes, sir. Q. I believe it is a fact that you certified yourself into the Senate?A. No, sir; I believe I was voted it. Q. I meant to speak merely of your certificate. You signed your own certificate — A. The certificate was signed by the secretary of state. Q. The election at which you were elected to the Senate-was that under your authority, under your control — A. I was military governor at the time. Q. Had you not the power of removal or appointment of any officer in the State at that time — A. Congress had passed a law that only those who could take a certain oath should be permitted to hold office, which resulted in the vacation of a large number of offices. Q. You were the person who carried that law into effect? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Could you or could you not appoint or remove any registrar of election or other election officers at that time — A. Yes, sir. Q. And did you not exercise that power — A. Yes, sir; I did. Q. At your discretion or pleasure you removed or appointed those officers — A. Yes, sir; I had the power. Q. How long, as a fact, before your election to the Senate had you made up your mind to become a citizen of Mississippi?-A. Well, I cannot say positively; I would simply state that the question whether I would consent to become a candidate was mooted some little time 2 MISS. 18 TTESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. previous to the meeting of the legislature. There were certain political combinations there which led a portion of the people of the State to believe that certain of the prominent men in the party were not men who should be relied upon-were not a very reliable class of men. Q. Do you mean by that, republicans?-A. Yes, sir. Q. You were acting with that party and considered it your party at that time?- A. Yes, sir; I was a republican. Q. In affiliation with that party at that time — A. Yes, sir. Q. If you had not been elected to the Senate at that time, General, would you have become then a citizen of Mississippi?,-A. I believe I stated before the Senate Judiciary Committee, and that it is a matter of record, and was stated, I think, in Mr. Edmunds's speech before the Senate, that it was questionable if I would have become a citizen. Q. And you make the same statement now — A. Yes, sir; I repeat it-the same thing. Q. After your election to the Senate you attended to your duties here regularly as Senator — A. Yes, sir. Q. How long M ere you Senator?-A. About four years. Q. How much of that time were you in the State of Mississippi — A. I do not know. I cannot tell you. I cannot make any accurate reply to that inquiry. Is it a question of citizenship or residence? Q. No; just let me ask you my own question. You may take your own way to answer it, but do not mistake the object of my inquiry, which I wish to make plain. It is a mere question of.fact.-A. My native State, where I was born, was the State of Maine, but I have never been to it since I was a boy. I have passed as much of my time in Mississippi as anywhere else, so far as I know. The most of my time while I was Senator, I think, was passed in that State-that is, when I was not in the Senate. That is my impression. Q. When out of the city of Washington, most of your time, you say, was passed in the State of Mif.ssissippi — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you acquire property there — A. Yes, sir. Q. Real estate'-A. Yes, sir. Q. When was that?-A. Three or four years ago. Q. Where was that?-A. I have some at Natchez and I have some in another place. I own more property than probably nine-tenths of the inhabitants of the State, and have for some time. We have no property qualification there. Q. I am only asking in regard to your identification with the people of the State, and holding property among them.-A. You understand that so far as the white people-the democracy-are concerned, there is no identification. When they would ostracize a favorite general like Longstreet, you may very well understand that a Union soldier would not be very likely to have any very close intimacy with them, being of an opposite political party. Q. If you will pardon me, I have not suggested the question of party. I am speaking in regard to your identification with the people of the State.-A. If you will allow me to say, the majority of the people of the State, as I understand the people, has been very thoroughly and warmly my supporters and friends. Q. Do you refer now to the people of both races?-A. I refer to the majority of the people of the State. When you speak of people you refer to both races, I suppose? Q. Yes, sir; the entire community.-A. I refer to the majority of the people as having been my warmest supporters. Q. State, if you please, the relative proportion of the two races in TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 19 Mississippi.-A. The census of 1870 showed about 70,000 majority of colored people. The number has been very largely increased since then by immigration from the States of Georgia and Alabama. Q. Can you give any estimate of the increase — A. The commissioner of immigration has estimated that they have come in from 5,000 to 10,000 or 15,000 a year. Q. How many years past has that been going on — A. Some three or four. They have put it very much higher; some have put it as high as 5,000 or 10,000 voters. They have come in in very large numbers. Q. You resigned your office of governor, did you not?-A. I did. Q. How much of your term of office had expired?-A. One-half; that is, two years and three months had expired. Q. Have you left the State of Mississippi — A. I am temporarily absent now. What my future may be I do not know, or what I am going to do. Q. Have you left the State with the intention of returning there?-A. I shall return. Whether I shall live there or not I do not know. Q. I mean to say, now at this time is it your intention-have you a fixed intention of becoming a resident of the State of Mississippi — A. I reply that I am absolutely uncertain what my movements are to be. I am altogether dependent upon circumstances. I can freely say that as a general thing republicans residing there have found it utterly impossible to live there of late and exercise their rights as citizens. Q. Is this remark made by you with a view of affecting your own action?-A. No; I give it as, of course, the condition of affairs there at this time. There is a general feeling among republicans that it is very difficult to live there at this time and exercise their rights. Of course I feel that as well as any one else. Q. Of course it is very proper for you to make your answer in your own way; but this remark of yours was made in response to a question of mine, as to whether you had a fixed intention of making Mississippi your future residence ~-A. Yes, sir; and I say that what my life will be, or where I may live in the future, I do not know at this time. Q. If you will excuse me from seeming to attempt to desire to talk about your private affairs, which is furthest from my wish-but because you have been in some respect a public man in Mississippi, it is proper for me to make inquiry of you as a public official: have you not proposed to settle in another State, or have you any scheme of that kind -- A. No, sir; that is, when I say that, the question of how I can get money by which to live is the one question with me. Q. I beg you will not suppose that I wish to make any inquisition into your private affairs, but i have understood that you were intending to remove, I believe, to the State of Minnesota, or some such statement as that has been made. As it is a question affecting the interests of a State, I think it right that I should ask you whether you propose to become a citizen of Minnesota?-A. I have some interest in Minnesota, and have had heretofore. I have been there from time to time. My own immediate family live there, and they have always been anxious that I should go there. While it is possible I may go, I have not made any arrangements for this thing. Q. Then am I right in understanding you that your return to Mississippi, as a residence, is not certain?-A. I do not know but I should reply in the affirmative. I have got to have some means of making money, and I shall probably go where I can do so. I may go anywhere where I think that I might be able to make a living. I really feel as much unsettled as any man possibly could, so far as that goes. 20 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. THIRD DAY. WASHINGTON, D. C., April 29, 1876. Continuation of the examination of ADELBERT AxES. THE QUESTION OF RESIDENCE. The WITNESS. I wish to say, as of course the purpose of these questions has a political bearing, more or less, that all my adult life has been passed in Mississippi since I left the Army. Immediately after the war I was in Europe for a year, and I then and there made up my mind that I would leave the Army upon my return to the United States. I left my native State of Maine in 1856, when I was a boy, and I had never returned to it, except when I returned from school, and all my adult life, I repeat, has been passed in the State of Mississippi after I left school; and with that feeling I located or took up my residence in Mississippi with the same purpose and determination that any citizen of the United States changes his residence. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. How do you mean " located in Mississippi;" were you not in the military service of the United States — A. I was not when I left the Army. Q. You did not leave the Army until you had been elected to the Senate - A. I did not. Q. How soon after you were elected to the Senate did you resign your commission?-A. I think immediately. Q. It was subsequent to your election — A. Subsequent to it. Q. You held on to your position in the Army until you got your position as Senator -A. Those are the facts. Q. Have you removed your family from Mississippi — A. They are now in Massachusetts. I have spent every summer in the North with my family. A family misfortune caused an earlier removal this year than was anticipated. I follow the practice of almost every person and family in the South who can afford to do it-live more or less in a colder climate in the hot weather. Q. Did you ever spend a summer in the South since you have been governor of Mississippi — A. Substantially, though there has not been a year when I have not been North. Q. What was your usual absence during the summer?-A. About a month and a half or two months. Last year I was absent a month and a half. Q. That was your total absence from Mississippi during last year?A. Yes, sir; it may have exceeded that time, but not much. Q. Yesterday you stated that you were induced to become a candidate for political office in Mississippi in the performance of what you believed to be a mission toward the colored people of that State, because you found the political party with which you were affiliated controlled by unreliable men.-A. Before the question of residence is passed over I would like to make a single remark on that subject. I cannot well assume what your motive is, but of course it has a political bearing, and I desire to say that that question of residence has had nothing whatever to do with the troubles in the State of Mississippi. I wish to say also that in 1869 the democracy of that State sent to this city and got the brother-in-law of the President, Judge Dent, and took TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 21 him there and ran him as a candidate for governor against Mr. Alcorn. It is a notorious fact that in that party-and I don't hesitate to say that I imagine I have been approached from time to time by the opposition with most flattering offers held forth that, should I change my coat and become a tool of others, I might receive any honor that I might demand. Certainly that was the case with Judge Dent; and in the State of Mississippi that question of carpet-bagism or brevity of residence has not played a very important part. Q. Will you state the names of any leading members of the opposition who have made this proposition to you?-A. Not unless it is essentially necessary. Q. You have stated the fact, and I merely ask you to give you an op. portunity to state them if you choose.-A. I say, with reference to that, that any proposition of that kind would not be made in writing, but in a way that the person whose name I might give might evade it, or give another interpretation of it. But, as I stated originally, I imagine I have been approached, and I have no question, in my own mind, on that point. Q. Can you give the name of any person of the opposition party to you in politics in Mississippi, who made such offers to you as you have described -AA. I think I can; but I prefer not to do so unless the committee require it. Q. Do you know their names or the names of any one or more?-A. The events referred to occurred a number of years since. I think I would be able to name the persons, or certainly ascertain their names without any difficulty. Q. From whom would you ascertain them? —A. The charge was publicly made in a republican paper, called the " Leader," in 1870 or 1871, and I think never denied by the opposition press. Q. Were the parties' names, who made you the' offer, in that paper? -A. I do not remember. "UiNRE LIABLE" LEADERSHIP AMONG REPUBLICANS. Q. Returning to my former question-you found there were unreliable persons in the leadership of the republican party of Mississippi when you went there as military governor? —A. That refers to the time of the election. Q. It was that which induced you, believing, as you stated, thatyou had a mission to perform to these colored people, to be willing to be elected to office — A. Yes, sir. Q. Will you state who these persons. were — A. "Unreliability I applied to the character of their politics. I did not refer to their moral character; I simply referred to the character of their republicanism. I am perfectly willing to give some of their names if there is any desire to have them; I have no objection. Q. The impression you made upon me-what it was upon the rest of the committee I know not-was that you were induced to go into politics in Mississippi and hold office from the people of that State in order to rescue your party and the colored people from bad leadership. That was the impression that I derived from your statement. Desiring you to be apprised of my apprehension, I ask you now, whether that was your intention or not?-A. Their "unreliability" politically; not moral unreliability. I Q. Please explain what you mean by political unreliability.-A. That I had no confidence in their republicanism; not that I believed that the men were corrupt or dishonest. I did not believe in the republicanism 22 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. of certain leaders of the party, some of whom were very prominent. Of course I speak of the leaders originally. Q. Are these men in the republican party still — A. Yes, sir. Q. Would you mind stating their names — A. I have no objection, though I do not care to criticise these men. It is enough to say that a gentleman who occupies a seat in the United States Senate now is one of the chief of the men in whose republicanism I did not then believe. Q. Do you refer to Mr. Alcorn — A. I do. Q. Who were the others? —A. He was the chief among them, and there were some of his friends and supporters. It is that class of men, representing the ideas that they represented. Q. What had they done that caused your distrust of their party fidelity?-A. Well, their whole course since reconstruction; a want of confidence as to their utterances rather than their acts-they were not in office at that time; the sentiments that they expressed. For the same reason that we give or withhold our confidence from a man whose opinions are well known to us. Q. Who was then governor of the State?-A. At that time there was no civil governor of the State. Q. You were the military governor?-A. Yes, sir. -EPUBLICAN OPPOSITION TO GOVERNOR AMES'S ADMINISTRATION. Q. As a matter of fact, General Ames, has there, or has there not, been a difference of opinion in regard to your administration within the ranks of the republican party of Mississippi?-A. There has. Q. Has there not been a very strong opposition to you within the ranks of your own party?-A. There has been a violent opposition, in my judgment confined to very few men, and those men, permit me to saL, were my most ardent supporters until they failed to get certain offices that they expected. Q. Who were the leaders of the opposition to you — A. Senator Alcorn has always headed the opposition. Q. Who else — A. The opposition of individuals appearedifrom time to time. Senator Alcorn, I think, has, from the start, been opposed to me; the feelingwas reciprocal, I have no doubt. That was in 1870. In 1873 I was a candidate for the governorship, and I received almost two hundred votes in the nominating convention, where my opponent had about forty. My opponent was the then governor of the State-Governor Powers; and he and his friends have been my opponents since. Q. Is he a republican. —A. Yes, sir. Q. He and his friends.-A. He and his personal friends. I can name those gentlemen if'yoi desire. Q. First, I want the men wio are the leaders of the opposition to you within the republican ranks.-A. There is an ex Congressman by the name of McKee who was an opponent. A year ago an ex-member of your body-Senator Pease-became an opponent of mine. Q. Do you know the attorney-general, Mr. Morris? -A. I know the ex-attorney-general, Mr. Morris. Q. Well, sir, was he opposed to you?-A. He never was a political friend of mine. Q. He was the attorney-general of the State? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Then I ask you whether there was not a very large number of opponents to you and to your policy and to your administration within the republican party of Mississippi?-A. I reply: no, positively. Mr. Morris was my most abject flatterer and supporter until he failed to be renominated for his position as attorney-general. It was only after TESTIMONY OF ADBELBERT AMES. 23 that that he turned upon me. He made a canvass as a, supporter of mine; and the history of nearly every one of them is of that character. His reputation was very bad; we had no confidence in him. Q. In what way? —A. He used his offce for corrupt purposes, it was reported and believed. Q. Was it pretty well established — A. I think the body of the republican party believed it. I believe that the opposition did. Q. When did his term of o-fice expire — A. On'the 1st of January, 1874. Q. Do you know AMr. Musgrove there — A. I do. He was one of mny most earnest supporters. He conducted a paper and indorsed me very thoroughly, and was opposed to Governor Powers for the nomination. Before the election he was one of the most earnest supporters I had, until he failed to get a renomination as auditor, the oifice which he held at that time. His only excuse then for coming out against me and my administration was that there were certain men on my ticket who were not good men; and since then he has allied himself most closely with these very men whom he at that time denounced, and who furnished him an excuse for opposing me. Q. As a matter of fact, have not these men whose names have been referred to, openly and vigorously denounced your administration during the last year?-A. They have, and for the reasons I have given you. They were friendly to me until after they failed to receive offies at my hands, which they believed I could give them. Q. But as a fact they did denounce you — A. They did. Q. And they became your political antagonists?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know Judge Storrs, of Holly Springs? —A. I do. Q. Is he one of those who opposed your administration — A. He has opposed it; he opposed me simply because, as governor, believing him to be thoroughly corrupt, I would not re-appoint himas chancellor. I had an affidavit that he attempted to bribe certain men in a nominating convention; and the papers were so strong that, intending to appoint only honest men to office, I could not possibly appoint that man to office; and of course he became my opponent when I refused to re-appoint him. Q. Was he originially appointed to office by you? —A. Governor Alcorn appointed him to the chancellorship. Q. Did you re-appoin-tim — A. I could not, because of the affidavits that were made as to his character. Q. Were there other leading men in the State of Mississippi belonging to the republican party opposed to you.-'A. As I have said, from time to time, certain men who expected Qiices from me, or through me, but did not get them, became my opponents, and the hostility of each man can be attributed, as I think, to that fact. Q. Well, without going into the fact of the cause of their opposition to you, was there or was there not in Misissippi, in the year 1875, a violent and a vigorous opposition to you and your administration in that State in the ranks of the republican party — A. I say violent, but not powerful, not numerous. In my judgment they were a mere handful, and of that class of men I have named. Q. Did not Mr. Pease, the ex-Senator, denounce your administration 1 -A. He did. Q. Did he do it publicly?-A. He did. Q. Did not Mr. Alcorn, the present Senator, denounce your administration constantly?-A. He did. Q. Have they not constantly charged you in public with an effort to 24 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES..array the races, one against the other — A. I am not aware that Mr. Pease ever did. Senator Alcorn has always made that charge. I do not think Mr. Pease ever made that charge; at least, it never attracted my attention. Q. Are you aware of Mr. Pease's publication in regard to your administration — A. I never read it, but I know that he did make such charges. Q. Did you ever read the statement of Senator Pease's views of Mississippi politics, published in the New York Tribune of October 12, 1875, and published in the National Republican-the Washington idministration organ _ —A. I did not read it; I saw detached portions of it. Q. I read from the New York Tribune of October 12, 1875: STATEMENT OF EX-SENATOR PEASE. [From the National Republican, (Washington,) administration organ, October 11.] The presence in Washington of the Hon. H. R. Pease, recently a Senator in Congress from the State of Mississippi, and now postmaster at Vicksburgh, afforded the National Republican an opportunity yesterday to interview him upon the complicated and interesting subject of Mississippi politics. * * Mr. PEASE. I regret to say that in several localities in the State of Mississippi a deplorable condition of affairs exists. Indeed, among the people throughout the State there is a most lamentable want of confidence in the State government. The colored people distrust the power of the State under Governor Ames, and the whites generally question his disposition to admInister government so as to afford protection of life and property and maintain domestic tranquillity, for which governments are instituted. As to his motives, I do not undertake to explain; but the fact is he has, unfortunately, pursued a policy calculated to create distrust, and he has caused the white population, who represent the intelligence and wealth of the State, the two essential elements upon which the maintenance ofgood government depends, to believe that he has been, and is now, attempting to create an open antagonism between the races, and to plunge the State into a condition of revolution and domestic violence such as will necessitate martial law, and thereby advance his personal political schemes. * i' I was going to say that, notwithstanding the excitement incident to partisan strife and the race-prejudices, which have been wrought up by the extremists on both sides, the majority of the people, regardless of race or political affiliations, deprecate violence and are ready to assist the properly constituted authorities in preserving peace. I have no war to make on Governor Ames personally. He is deader now than Hector, but he hopes, by the means he is pursuing, to secure a legislature that will send him to the United States Senate. The election takes place next January. To reach the Senate was his ulterior purpose in becoming governor. All his appointments are made on the condition that his appointees shall support him for the Senate. The preservation of the republican party in Mississippi depends upon an honest administration of the laws of the State, and it will go under unless the remedy for all our troubles is within political integrity, exact justice, and honest dealing. Federal intervention is not needed or wanted. The use of force would do more harm than good. Nine-tenths of the white population are opposed to him. They want good men to come into office to work a reform in existing abuses.' * He is cultivating the Irish. He is appointing Irishmen to office wherever he can. He has given one Fitzgerald carte blanche to raise an Irish regiment. This Fitzgerald is the man who telegraphed to the White League commander at Vicksburgh that he was ready on call with one hundred men to exterminate niggers. He was never a republican, and never voted the ticket in his life. What do the colored people say about all this? They are, of course, very much excited. Recently, a noted leader among them, Elder Johnson, published an appeal to them to pursue a conservative policy. Like him, there are many other colored people in the State of talent and discretion. Many, though, are operating under the advice of Frederick Douglass, to strike back. The interview the National Republican had with him and published has done a great deal of mischief in the South. The colored people are naturally docile, not given to disturbance, and are easily governed; but now they are exceedingly suspicious, and they lack confidence in a man who mentions democratic principles. They are not recognized. If they were like the Italian or Spaniard, violence would ensue, and they would soon dispose of their enemies. Fifteen thousand white voters, at least, have been driven out of the republican party in Mississippi by Ames's course. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 25 Q. I read that to you in order to illustrate that which I have asked you in regard to your knowledge of the existence of opposition to yourself, and that you may see from that article that there is a very strong opposition to you and your course-your administration-in the ranks of your own party in the State. DENIAL OF SENATOR PEASE'S CHARGES. A. That is simply an extract from an interview with a correspondent of the National Republican. There are stars following the preliminary remarks. I speak of that as an extract, because Mr. Pease stated a number of falsehoods in that which he has retracted. He has retracted his statement in reference to Fitzgerald, and has apologized to Fitzgerald, who, by the way, was a very good Confederate captain, and a very brave soldier. To be sure, his parents were Irish; but this same man that Mr. Pease misrepresented, Mr. Pease apologized to the other day, and wrote a letter to him, a copy of which I have, that there was no truth in the statement about Mr. Fitzgerald, and that he stated that simply in order to injure General Ames; that General Ames was trying to injure him, as he believed, with the President, and he made this statement to injure General Ames. So that, as far as that is concerned, Mr. Pease stated a falsehood, and he knew it to be a falsehood, apparently. I say, on the strength of his letter, that he knew he was stating that which was not true. Q. Where is that letter?-A. When you go to Jackson you will find Mr. Fitzgerald there, and he will give you the original. I have copies of it, and will furnish them to you with great satisfaction, if you desire. The republican paper there published this letter. You will find it in the Pilot of about a month and a half ago. He says in this newspaper article which you have read: To reach the Senate was his ulterior purpose in becoming governor; all his appointments are made on the condition that his appointees shall support him for the Senate. That is utterly and absolutely false; and if Mr. Pease was possessed of ordinary intelligence he would have known it. He said that I was trying to create a race-antagonism, and he says in the same letter that I was cultivating the Irish, which is totally at variance with his first assertion, that I was endeavoring to create a raceantagonism. Of course, that is the same statement that any renegade from any party will make about the party; it matters not whether it is a republican or a democratic party. Q. Was this man postmaster then — A. Yes, sir. Q. When was he appointed -A. When he was in the Senate. Q. When he was in the Senate?-A. Yes, sir. Q. But his term had expired ~-A. Yes, sir; he did not hold the office of postmaster, but the nomination was sent in, I think, before he resigned from the Senate. It was almost instantaneous with his leaving the Senate. The CHAIRMAN. My recollection is that his nomination was sent in after he left the Senate. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) How long did he hold the position of post. master?~-A. He has it still. Q. Did you endeavor to have him removed from that position? —A. I did. THE TURBULENCE AT FRIAR'S POINT. Q. Among the instances of turbulence that you refer to —" riot," I think, was the word you used-did you include the Friar's Point war t 26 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. A. I did not refer to it. It is a matter that ought to be investigated. It somewhat preceded in point of time these other events to which I referred. Q. Did that occur in the fall of 1875, in October — A. It was about the time of the nomination of the candidates. Q. It was pending the canvass in 1875 — A. Yes, sir. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Was that previous to the Clinton riot?-A. I think it was; I don't know the date. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) It was, I think, in October. —A. Then it may have been subsequent to the Clinton riot. It grew out of the nomination for candidates for county and State officers. Q. Was the riot a riot between the democratic and republican parties h —A. It was a riot in which the poor negroes were killed by the score, it is reported; and in which the colored men appeared alone on one side, and in which the demnocracy, with barely one or two republicans, appeared on the other side. Q. That is your statement of that conflict? —A. That is my statement and understanding of that conflict. Q. Who were the leaders of the two sides? —A. The sheriff of the county was one. Q. What was his name?-A. John Brown, a colored man. Q. A Mississippi man —A. I do not know his private history. I do not know whether he was a Mississippi man or not. There was one, General Chalmers, a democrat, and, if I mistake not, a lawyer by the name of Reed. Q. Are you giving them now all on one side?-A. I have said that Brown led the republicans; now I am speaking of the democratic side. Q. Who composed the republicans there; were they wholly negroes?A. In the main. If you will let me take another step: I say that the republicans, mainly colored men, headed by the sheriff, John Brown, were on one side; and, I think, a democrat, named Chalmers, and another by the name of Reed, were on the other side, and that they were associated with Senator Alcorn. Q. Do I understand you to state to the committee that that riot at Friar's Point, in October last, was the result of a party division between the republicans and the democrats-was it a party warfare — A. If you will permit me to state the case, I will do so. As reported by Sheriff Brown, and other men who came to me, it is believed that that conflict and those murders were due to the action of Senator Alcorn. The democracy of that locality were allied to him and supporting him. Q. Allied to whom?-A. Alcorn-following him. As reported to me by the sheriff, it was Senator Alcorn who originated that trouble, and who gave it countenance and heal. Q. Why would Senator Alcorn do that?-A. I can only state to you my understanding of the case. When he ran for governor two years ago, this man John Brown ran for sheriff, and carried the county almost unanimously against Alcorn. Coahoma County, in 1873, went 1,295 for the republicans, only 5 less than 1,300, and went 294 for the democrats, less than 300. That is, I received about 1,300 votes there, and Alcorn about 300. It is reported to me that he said that he was going to carry his own county for himself, and that my friends and supporters should not carry the county; and it is reported to me by Mr. Brown and others that Mr. Alcorn went into the town for the purpose of preventing the nominations that were to take place, or to prevent the meeting. That you may understand it, let me say that Mr. Alcorn's own son was associated with Ir. Brown as sheriff, and supported Mr. Brown in that affair. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 27 Q. Without fatiguing you and the committee with giving the details of all the reasons that led to this collision, but to come at the fact, I ask you whether this riot and bloodshed grew out of the political struggles of the two parties, or whether it was not from other causes; and, I may say, one of the causes alleged was the maladministration of his office by this Sheriff Brown.-A. It is true that certain charges had been brought against Brown. Nothing, I understand, has ever been sustained against Mr. Brown in the administration of his office. In fact, since he has been sheriff the office has been conducted by Mr. Alcorn's own son. Q. In answer to that I will refer you to an account published by Senator Alcorn in the same paper that I read from before-The New York Tribune-over his own signature, dated Friar's Point, Mississippi, October 11, 1875, in which he gives to the editor ot the Tribune the history of the facts of the troubles at Friar's Point. That account is as follows: SENATOR ALCO.RNS ACCOUNT OF TJIE FRIAR'S POINT TURBUiLENCE. To the Editor of the Tribune: SIR: You ask me to give the facts touching the troubles at Friar's Point. I will do so as briefly as I can. We have for sheriff a colored man from Oberlin, Ohio, elected two years ago on the Ames ticket. His bond was made by Ames, who, a year ago, surrendered him on the plea that he had appropriated to his own use nearly t5,000 of the revenues belonging to the State, and had demanded the co-operation of the treasurer of the county, a white republican, in a fraud upon the county treasurer for nearly 16,000 more. A number of wealthy planters, all conservatives, all of whom had opposed his election, ignorant of the facts touching his default, became his-bondsmen, in the hope, as they said, that he might be controlled in the interests of peace. The State senator from this district, elected four years ago, was a colored man from Ohio, named Bolls. Two years ago, and while holding the office of senator, he was appointed receiver of public money. A year afterward he defaulted with a large sum and ran away. Smith, another Ohio negro, was sent from Jackson to this district to run for a senatorial vacancy, and was elected, and now holds the office. At the close of the last session of the legislature, Smith was appointed receiver of public money. Subsequently, he was appointed our county superintendent of education, at $900 a year. All these offices he now holds. Two months ago Sheriff Brown made known to the negroes that Smith must be elected to both of the offices of circuit and chancery clerk. This was not satisfactory to the negroes. It alarmed the tax-payers. Among the powers of chancery clerk are those of approving official bonds and keeping the records of the board of supervisors, the taxing-power of the county. These offices would make the ring for the plunder of the county complete in Brown and Smith. The negroes of tha county, urged by the tax-payers, made stubborn resistance to Brown's programme to control them. X* * -. X~ X 5 * X 2. There is the statement of Mr. Alcorn in relation to this very difficulty which, as you say, requires investigation, showing, if we are to take his statement of the occurrence, very gross corruptions in office, which, as there was no correction apparently in the power of the State, was met by what you might call " mob law." CRITICISM OF SENATOR ALCORN'S STATEMENT. A. They had the correction in the courts. In what I have said in ref. erence. to Mr. Alcorn particularly, I wish to be understood that it was reported to me that Alcorn did thus and so. Of course I do not wish to say positively that Alcorn did do thus and so-it was on the authority of Brown and others. In the first place, the statement there made by Mr, Alcorn that I made Brown's bond in the first instance, I wish to say is a gross mistake. I never went on anybody's bond. I never had anything to do with any bond in the State. The remedy for all these things was through the courts. I know that Alcorn's son is an earnest and zealous supporter of Brown. Brown has reported to me that there ere e twenty-five or thirty colored men killed; and that although 28 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. he was sheriff of the county he was compelled to flee, and has not been able to return, or was unable during the rest of his term to discharge his duties. Q. Do you know as a fact whether Mr. Alcorn was himself underarms to prevent his return — A. If I am not mistaken, Mr. Brown reported that Alcorn was there with a double-barrel shot-gun in his hand, prepared to fire upon him; and I say that remark of Alcorn's in the paper you have read, indicates the degree of lawlessness that was there. Although these two men, Brown and Alcorn's son, were officers of the county, they were not applied to for redress; and they said that if certain men do attempt to return we cannot be responsible for the consequences; which means that, in all probability, they would be shot down or assassinated if they did return. I can only give, in reference to this matter, the generat idea of the events that came to me, which is entirely different and contrary to the statement made by Senator Alcorn; and I can only suggest, in view of what has occurred there, that it would be well to investigate that matter very thoroughly, and ascertain whether Mr. Alcorn was justified in pursuing the course he didresorting to violence instead of to the law. He has written this letter since, to justify himself for his acts before the country. Q. What was his object in resorting to violence?-A. As I understand it, it was to prevent the colored people coming in and making their nominations or holding meetings. Q. Then did you mean that Mr. Alcorn is opposed to the colored people — A. You can probably draw your own conclusion. Q. No, I ask you to state the fact, if it is a fact, because it is a public fact in Mississippi.-A. Will you repeat your question? Q. Do you mean that Mr. Alcorn is opposed to the colored people eA. I did not say that. Q. Why did you say that he wished to prevent them from making nominations — A. It was reported to me by Mr. Brown, that believing the nominations of Brown and his friends, if made, would result in their election, he endeavored to prevent those nominations. Q. Was Alcorn's opposition then to the meeting of that convention on the ground that it would result in opposition to his wishes — A. It was so reported to me. Q. Did or did not Alcorn generally rely upon the negro vote of that State in his political plans —did he not seek it — A. The event referred to occurred in 1875. In 1873 he ran for governor and received only the votes of the white men of the State. Q. The question I asked of you was, whether he sought and wished to obtain the votes of the negroes — A. I am unable to say that. I can give you as matter of history that he received the white votes of the people of the State. Q. I am not asking you that question. I am asking you as to your knowledge and belief whether General Alcorn sought the support of the negro voters of the State?-A. I presume he sought them as any candidate would seek them. Q. Was not General Alcorn notoriously an applicant for negro votes as well as for all the other votes he could get — A. I presume that was the case. Q. Have you any knowledge that General Alcorn ever prevented negroes from voting, or of his seeking to prevent them — A. I have no personal knowledge of his doing so. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 29 SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE OF VIOLENCE OR INTIMIDATION. Q. You have referred to various acts of violence and intimidation; have you personal knowledge of any of those acts?-A. I never saw an act of violence performed. Q. Did you ever see an act of intimidation performed?-A. No, I never saw an act of violence performed. Q. Then what you have said is derived from the information of other people?-A. Yes, sir. Q. On the day of election where were you — A. I was in Jackson. Q. (By Mr. MCMILLAN.) Were the reports which you received official reports?-A. I received all kinds of reports, official and otherwise; but they all came to me as the governor of the State. The people therecertainly the republicans-are more dependent upon their officials than they are in other States, say the Northern States, and all these communications came to me as governor of the State. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) You have been asked by Mr. MceMilan whether they were official reports. Please state what you mean by official reports.-A. An official report would be the report of the sheriff, as sher. iff, to me as governor. Q. Is it his official duty to make reports to you of these occurrences? -A. Sheriffs have reported to me. To illustrate: the sheriff of Hinds County made an official report to me that he could not keep the peace, and asked me to assist him. Q. When was that made — A. At the time of the Clinton riot. Q. In what year — A. Last year. Q. In 1875 — A. Yes, sir. Q. What was that sheriff's name — A. Harney. That was a thoroughly official report. It was in writing. There were numerous official communications from sheriffs showing their inability to keep the peace, and signed by them as officers. As peace-officers of the county they wrote to me, as governor, for assistance; and those I call official reports. Q. The other statements received were from individuals, not officers?A. From individuals and officers, and addressed to me, as governor, appealing for assistance and protection. Of course, a person who is not an officer could not perform an official act. Q. At the time of the election were you in Jackson?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you go to the polls and vote?-A. No, sir; I did not. Q. Were you a witness of that election?-A. In passing to and from my office I observed the people in the vicinity of one of the polls. Q. I understood you to say that you have not, at any time since you have been in Mississippi, been a witness to any act of violence or intimidation to prevent the exercise of the political franchise?-A. That is going over considerable ground. Q. Well, in 1875?-A. No, I saw nothing in 1875. I was not where I would be very likely to see anything of the kind. Q. I am only asking a fact, generally, whether or not you did. I merely wish to know how far you speak of your own knowledge, and how far from information and understanding, of these various acts of intimidation and violence. You only know from information derived from other persons-is that so?-A. That is so. JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS. Q. Who appointed the judges of the various courts in Mississippi under your present constitution?-A. Governor Alcorn. Q. Were all those whom you found in office his appointees — A. Yes, sir. 30 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. Q. Did you appoint none yourself — A. I appointed the chancellors. Q. How many of those — A. I appointed about eighteen or nineteen. All but one or two. Q. Were those all in office up to the time you resigned t-A. Yes, sir. Q. What are the minor judiciary in that State@ —A. The judiciary consists of the supreme court, then circuit judges and chancellors. The minor offcials or judges are merely justices of the peace. Q. Who appoints them uI —A. They are elected by the people. The judges and chanceilors are appointed by the governor. THE JURY SYSTEM. Q. What is your jury system there?-A. The electors are qualified to be jurors. Q. Who are your jurors elected by " —A. The board of supervisors. The executive officers of a county consist of a board of supervisors. Each county has five supervisors, one in each of the five districts. Q. How are they chosen?-A. They are elected by the people, and they select the names of the jurors. Q. How is your sheriff chosen f-A. He is elected by the people. Q. Has he anything to do with the selection of the jurors? —A. I think the names are drawn. In case of a special venire he makes up a list of names. Q. But in the ordinary panel the jurors are selected by the supervisors — A. Yes, sir. Q. (By Mr. MOMILLAN.) That is the whole panel of persons for jurors during the year — A. Yes, sir. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) The same remark will apply to your grand juries as well as to the petit juries.-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do the supervisors and the sheriff and the justices of the peace correspond to the prevailing political sentiment of the county in which they live; they are all elective officers — A. As a general thing, all the officers in the county are of the same political cast. Q. Of the same political character ~-A. Yes, sir. Q. And that is, of course, dependent upon the majority — A. Yes, sir. WHERE VIOLENCE AND INTIMIDATION EXISTED. Q. You have stated the violence and intimidation to have existed in the republican counties of the State t-A. Yes, sir. Q. You have not referred to violence in any but republican-counties? — A. No, sir. Q. Such is the fact, is it not — A. Yes, sir. Q. Were not, then, all these justices of the peace, chancellors, the judiciary, and the machinery for choosing juries in the hands of the dominant party in those counties — A. Yes, sir. Q. I need not ask you if all the United States officers in that State were not members of the republican party; that was so, was it not.A. Yes, sir. Q. Then the grand juries and the petit juries, and the judges, and the sheriffs, and the supervisors, by whom the jurors were selected, were all controlled by the dominant party in those counties?-A. They were all belonging to the dominant party. Q. Would you wish to state anything now in regard to the other counties of the State except these republican counties to which you have referred?-A. I have no desire to state anything except for the information of the committee. The violence was in the republican counties of the State. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 31 Q. Have you named all the counties of the State in which you have information of the existence of taese alleged acts of violence and intimidation — A. I have not. I would have to name nearly all the republican counties in the State in order to do so. Q. Well, it would be well, if you have any knowledge and are speaking of matters, to give the names of counties in which you have any knowledge at all.-A. It would be simply naming over some thirty or thirty-five counties, that is all. Q. And do you allege that these occurrences were in each one of those counties?-A. More or less in all; the movement was very general. STATE VOTE OF 1873 AND 1875. Q. What was the relative vote of 1875 and 1873 in the State? What was the aggregate of the two years?-A. I am not certain. In 1873 it was 122,000 or 124,000. I think in 1875 it was much larger. Q. A larger vote was polled in 1875 than in 1873 all over the State -- A. I think so. That is my impression. Q. Did you attend at any time any political meetings in the State in 1875.-A. I did not. COLORED PEOPLE AT DEMOCRATIC MEETINGS. Q. Have you any knowledge of the attendance of large bodies of colored people at the conservative or democratic meetings — A. [Pausing.] I hesitate, in order to run over in my mind the various counties. I do not recollect receiving any information of that kind. Doubtless I may have seen in the democratic press that conservative colored men were present at such places. That would be an item of news that would be commented upon. Q. I ask you merely whether you know of that fact. —A. I have no knowledge of that fact. Q. You were not aware of that fact? —A. No, sir. CALL ON THE PRESIDENT FOR TROOPS —WHY MADE. Q. You say that you called upon the President for troops in 1875 — A. Yes, sir. Q. Was that before or after this Friar's Point trouble? —A. I cannot recollect. It was immediately in connection with the Clinton trouble. Q. When was that? —A. That was early in September. I think probably the 4th, 5th, or 6th of September, if I mistake not. Q. At that time you called for the troops?-A. I called for troops within the following seven days after the Clinton riot occurred. The riot was on Saturday, and I called for troops during the next week. Q. Has your correspondence with the Department been published? — A. I think it was published at that time. Q. Have you copies of it — A. With my papers; not here. Q. At the time you called upon the Executive of the United States for troops, had you failed through the regular officers of the law of your State to have process served in any case — A. The sheriff of the county reported to me officially that he was absolutely unable to command the peace in that county. I knew that of my own personal knowledge. I know that the city of Jackson was full of terror-stricken fugitives from all parts of the county, and that there was no power, no law existing in that county for the preservation of peace. Q. Let me repeat my question. Can you state to this committee any resistance of legal process prior to the time of your calling for troops -- A. By legal process you meanQ. The service of a writ of summons or of arrest.-A. The condition 32 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. of affairs was such at that time that I doubt if any attempt of that kind was made. Q. Well, then, I will ask you, had the attempt been made to your knowledge — A. I am unable to state that positively. Q. Do you know of any case in the State where there has been forcible resistance to the civil process of the courts?-A. I cannot state. Q. When you say you cannot state, do you know of any case?-A. I do not know of any case; but I do know that there was a state of riot and lawlessness existing of such a character that tire sheriffs of the counties dared not attempt to do anything of the kind. They dared not even leave their houses to go out in the county to perform any kind of duty. Q. 1 ask you, do you know the fact whether there was any resistance to process, when issued, in that State — A. That statement I have made; I would say that I do not know of any facts of that kind. Q. Do you know of any cases-and, if so, state the case-of resistance to the enforcement of the laws of the State?-A. I have cited numerous cases, as I understand it, where the sheriffs and peace-officers were resisted. By " resisted" I do not mean to say that it is necessary for a man to be knocked down; but the sheriffs were so far intimidated by the demonstrations of force that they abstained from discharging their duties. They regarded it as unsafe and unwise, and liable to lead to a sacrifice of life to make the attempt. Q. Do you know of a case where process of the courts has been returned with that statement?-A. I do not. CONTESTED SEATS AS RESULT OF ELECTION. Q. As a result of the election of 1875, are you aware that any contest was made for a seat in the legislature by any man who was defeated?A. I am aware of a contest-an attempted contest. Q. There were contests — A. You asked if I knew of any one. I say yes. Q. State the case.-A. The case of Barrett, in Amite County, in the.lower house. There was another contest in the senate. Q. State that.-A. One between a republican, of the name of Sullivan, and a democrat, of the name of Chalmers. Q. Were there other cases of contest growing out of the late election — A. None to my knowledge. Q. Do you know of any contest for the seat of any Representative in the Congress of the United States growing out of that election — A. I only know by newspaper report that one was attempted or threatened. Q. Threatened — A. Yes, sir. Q. Who threatened — A. A Mr. Roderick Seal, the democratic candidate, against the sitting member, John B. Lynch. I say it was threatened in the press; what transpired here I know not. Q. That is the only knowledge you have of any contest? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Were the two contests in the Mississippi legislature republicans against democrats, or democrats against republicans — A. One on each side-a democrat against a republican in one case, and a republican against a democrat in the other. In the senate the contest was of a democrat against a republican, and the contesting democrat was seated; but in the house, in the case of the republican contestant, the application was disregarded entirely-was not considered at all. And I do know that candidates for Congress, the republican candidates for Congress in allof the republi an districts but one, have asserted time TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 33 and again that they were defrauded out of their election, but that it would be folly to make a contest before a democratic House. That was the feeling there. I know that that same feeling existed in reference to the democratic house of the State legislature. Q. These are within your own knowledge — A. Within my own knowledge, and through my intercourse with the men who were defeated. Q. Have you mentioned all the cases of contest that you know of growing out of that election — A. I do not now recall any other contest. I do not think there was any other in the State legislature. SWORN STATEMENTS OF VIOLENCE AND INTIMIDATION. Q. Were any statements of those acts of violence and intimidation, of which you have spoken in your testimony, and of which you say you have no personal knowledge, conveyed to you by sworn statement?A. They were conveyed to meQ. Well, answer the question.-A. I have sworn statements to that effect —to the effect that this violence did exist; but my impression is that the first information given was not sworn to. Subsequently sworn statements were made. Q. Where are those statements — A. Among my papers. Q. Where are those papers — A. They are with my trunk. Q. Where is that — A. Many of my things are in Bay Saint Louis. My chest of papers I left in New Orleans. Q. Those papers were addressed to you officially as governor — A. Yes, sir. Q. You did not leave them in the governor's offce when you resigned? -A. 0, no, sir. There are a certain class of papers I did not leave in my office, and the papers of that kind are among them. Q. They were official documents?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Addressed to you as governor — A. Yes, sir. Q. Is it not customary to file them in the office of the executive of state — A. Not in Mississippi. When I went in as governor, there was not a paper to be had that went back of the administration of my immediate predecessor-not one in the office; and those that were left by him, of all kinds, he attempted-he desired to remove. Q. Who was that —A. I speak of Governor Powers. I say that there is no document in that office, of a prior administration to his, of any kind. Q. There had been a war and revolution immediately preceding that, had there not?-A. About ten years previous.'i. But those papers that were sent to you thus officially were retained by you personally?-A. They were retained by me. Q. And are now in your personal custody — A. Are now in my personal custody. UNITED STATES TROOPS IN MISSISSIPPI IN 1875. Q. What United States troops were there in Mississippi during the election of 1875 — A. There were about 90 to 100 men at Vicksburg. Q. Under whose command?-A. Do you mean the local officer? Q. Who was the officer in command of the troops? —A. It was the commanding officer of the department; General Augur, probably Q. Were the officers in the State of Mississippi under any one officer — A. They were all under the command of the officer commanding the department, and that, I think, was General Augur, at New Orleans. Q. Who was the local officer in command in Mississippi — A. There was no one officer in general command in the State. There were three posts: one at Vicksburg, one at Jackson, and one at Holly Springs. 3 MISS 34 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. Q. Just state who were the officers in command of these three posts -A. I do not know. I am not positive. My impression is that the officer in command at Vicksburg was Major Hunt; but I do not know that I am right. I never met him to know him; but that is my impression. At Jackson the troops were commanded by Major Allen. The troops at Holly Springs were sent there on account of the yellow fever on the Gulf-sent there for sanitary reasons. The commanding officer of the post there I did not know. I never had any intercourse or communication with him. Those were the only troops in the State. Q. How many, then, in all, were in that State at that election in 1875? -A. I think there were 100 at Vicksburg and about 120 at Jackson, and probably there were 200 at Holly Springs. I simply judge from what I know to be the numerical strength of a company. There were, probably, not 500 troops in the State. Q. Were you in communication with the War Department or the Attorney-General in regard to the presence or use of those troops — A. I was, with both-or rather with the Attorney-General's Department, I think. I do not remember that I had any intercourse with the War Department, although I do remember now that some instructions from the President came through the War Department. Q. About what fact — A. I cannot now recollect the character of the communication. I am not positive that I am not associating or recalling events that occurred a year ago with reference to the Vicksburg riots. I rather think I am. Q. The Vicksburg riot was caused by the deposition of Crosby, was it not e-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who sent for troops? —A. The legislature of the State called for those troops; the President sent them. Q. The legislature?-A. The legislature of the State, as provided in the Constitution of the United States. Q. Sent for the troops — A. Yes, sir. Q. And for what purpose — A. To maintain a republican form of government. Q. Where?-A. In the State of Mississippi, Warren County. Q. Did that trouble relate to the possession of the office of sheriff of that county.-A. It did. Q. By whose immediate order were those troops sent there?-A. I do not know as I could say under whose immediate order. The President could order the Secretary of War, and the Secretary of War orders the commanding officer of the department. Q. Who was that officer —A. I think that it was General W. H. Emery. He sends a man to Vicksburg with two companies, who are separate and distinct, not attached to any other command, and subordinate to no one but General Emery. Q. Do you know whether the person who was holding the office-I -mean in possession of the office at that time-was ejected and Crosby put back by this military force? —A. A man by the name of Flanagan usurped the office, but without any election. He was ejected. Q. He was ejected by the troops and Crosby put in?-A. Crosby put in, so far as a man was put in by ejecting a man who had taken possession of the realty of his office. Q. Was or not Crosby placed in possession of his office by military power?-A. Flanagan was ejected and Crosby was installed; or, rather, he was protected in the discharge of his duties. Q. And that was by military force — A. Yes, sir. Q. Had you any understanding with the Administration here in re TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 35 gard to the use of those troops to keep the peace on the election in 1875?-A. My understanding of the situation last fall was simply this: that I applied for troops and failed to get them; that I could not possibly get them; that under no circumstances could I obtain those troops unless there was open, violent warfare. Q. I speak now in regard to the troops that were there.-A. I had no control over them. Q. Had you any communication with the officers in charge of them in regard to their duty in suppressing violence, or anything of that kind? A. None whatever. I was in daily intercourse with the officers, but I had no more control of them than you had at the time. In case of bloodshed in the city of Jackson, or wherever they were, they might have been used to keep the peace. But they could do nothing bearing upon the election, or anything of that kind. Q. Was it understood that, in case of a riot on the day of the election, the troops then in the State would interfere to keep the peace -- A. They could be used to prevent bloodshed. Q. Would they have been ready for that purpose —A. They would. Q. Have you any knowledge of any interference by them at all — A. Not the least. It would depend upon what you mean by interference. After the Clinton riot Major Allen went with an orderly and two officers up to Clinton, ten miles off, to see what was transpiring there; but there was no interference by him. On the contrary, Major Allen loaned a cannon to the democracy, and I think he was very strongly their friend, as I understand. He did nothing that was objectionable to the opposition; that is, there was no interference to prevent them from doing anything they saw fit. Q. Do you mean by that that he could have prevented intimidation or violence, which he failed to do, or failed to report?-A. He had no authority to act. He could not interfere to prevent violence. Q. Then why did you state that he was in accord with one of the parties?-A. You asked if he interfered. I said that would depend upon what you might call interference. He went over to Clinton with an orderly and two or three officers, and while he did not interfere, perhaps his presence there might be so understood. He reported the killing of two or three colored men while he was there, but he did not interfere. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) He did not go there for tho purpose of interfering? -A. No, sir. Q. (By Mr. MCMILLAN.) What was that which you stated in regard to Major Allen lending cannon — A. I said that he let the democrats have a cannon in one of their parades, and also to carry into an adjacent county. He let the republicans also have a cannon to fire a salute. I simply mentioned that to show the relations he bore to the democracy. Q. Was there any partiality about that?-A. No, sir; there was no partiality about that, so far as any criticism I have to offer. I did not know but you were indicating that he may have interfered with the efforts of the opposition in carrying the election, and these facts are given to show that there could not possibly have been any. Q. My object has been, and I think you understand it, to make myself as clear to you as I can. My objects are only of a public character, and I endeavor to state them as clearly as I can. You have referred to this gentleman as being in accordance with one of the political parties. -A. No, I did not intend to say so. Q. Then you may make your own statement about that.-A. I used the word "' friendly." By that I did not mean that he was actively par 36 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. ticipating, perhaps, on either side, or for either party, but that he was on terms of friendly relation with both; that was what I meant to say. REPUBLICAN PAPERS IN MISSISSIPPI. Q. How many republican papers are there in Mississippi?-A. There have been some 20 or 25. My impression is that there are not so many at the present time. Q. Do you know how many there are now?-A. I cannot tell you how many there are now; I know there were some conducted for the canvass, and that only. REPUBLICAN MEMBERS OF CONGRESS. Q. How many republican members were elected to Congress from Mississippi in 1875? —A. Two. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. This tabular statement that you referred to yesterday in regard to the vote for the years 1873 and 1875, you admit to be correct, I believe V -A. I have not examined that of last year; that of 1875 I presume is correct. I think it is, as you say, substantially correct; I have no doubt that they are both substantially correct. VOTE OF MISSISSIPPI IN 1873 AND 1875. A.-The State election —returns by counties. State treasurer, State treasurer, Congress, first Congress, sec- Congress, third Congress, fourth Congress, fifth Congress, sixth 1873. 1875. district. ond district, istric. district, district, district. Counties. & I I I s, ^ - C^ ^^ FC id ^^ ^ -. ~I.... I I [1 I / i 1 I I 1 ^ I. "I _______________________________________ ____ M 02 __M^M^^^ ^MM^.... Adams............... —........-....... 2, 066 361 2,616 793 — 2....................................-.............................. 2,626 792 [' Alcorn............................ 397 1, 423 1, 593 1, 806........ 1, 832........-................................................................. Amite........ —..........-......... —.. 1,080 407 1,095 1,189 -..-.. —. —.. —......-...-.........-...-...-...........................-..... 1,094 1,183 Attala........................... 1,130 1,249 1,210 1,840... —-.. —......................... —- - - - - - -. 1,225 1,855........................ 1 Benton.................................. 503 923 293 1,047....... 1,158..-........................................................ Bolivar................................. 813 103 1,920 348..-.. —.. —..-.. 1,914 410........-...................................................... 2 Calhoun................................ 42 1,255 205 1, 563..-.. —. 1, 749............................................................................... Carroll....................... 1,082 946 1, 2612 1,811. —...-..... —. 6 2,423 11 775........................................... Choctaw-............. 395 544 281 778.-.. —. —-.. —......-......-... 120 1,641........................................ Chickasaw.. ------ --- 1,463 976 987 1,778. — --- -----—.................................................... Claiborne............-..-.-... ——...-.. 1,880 39 496 1,049 -- ---—.........................-... - -.......-.-...........-.. -.. 494 1,050 Clark.................................... 1,123 582 1,225 1,289.-.. —.. —.. —..........................................-. 1,232 1,290 —...... —.. — Coahoma-....... —... —. —.......... —.. 1, 295 294 234 509... —- -... —-—. 993 679. —.. —.. —..-.. —......-....-.....-..-.. —-...........-.....' - --- Colfax.................................. 1,559 41 659 1, 737..-............................ 546 1, 548.............. -.............................. Covington -.......... —-.... —.. —. —... 229 355 308 633..-.. —...... —.. —............ —....- -............ —-—. -.2..... 95 643.............Copiah.... —................. —- - - 7 6.. 1,784 1,576 1,861 2,435- -- -1,862 2,426' De Soto-1, 950 622 1................................. 5- 1,561 2,319-.......................... Franklin....................-...... —-.. 385 513 542 747 - -...... - ------------— 537 743 -- Greene -...-..-... —-.. —-.... —.. —--... 57 80 59 303 - -- - - - -59 303 Grenada............................... 1,1 2 543 83 1,230.-.......- -. 48 2,076 —----- ----- -—....... -....................-..... Hancock —................ —...... —. —... 242 345 257 492-. -—. -- --- --------—. —. —- ------ - - - - - - 257 510 Harrison..............-.................. 312 460 290 760. —--.. - i-. -—..- -—.. - - -. —-.. —.. —-.'-. —.. - --- ------ —. — -.... 293 770 Hinds................................... 3,489 1,184 2, 321 3,836. —.................. —........ —...-..................-...... 2, 281 3,863................ Holmes................................. 2,285 578 1,2 54 2,291...-...... —...... —............ —--—... —.... 1, 269 2,282................................ Issaquena.............................. 998 45 2,044 266.-..... —-. ——... —-...... —..............-..... —-............ 2,006 298................ Itawamba-...................................... 1,073 30 980 -...... 980..............................................................-............ Jackson................................ 322 605 312 878 —-.. - - -. - -- ----- --...........-... 318 876 Jasper.................................. 27 468 835 1,163..- —..::..:.........- -.-........-....-.. -.........:........:814 1,165................ Jones................................... 33 156 4 414. —---—.. ---..... —- --- -..................... ——........ ——. 2 419............... Jefferson............ -.................... 1,294 58 1,922 678. —-..............................-....-........-....... 1, 912 643 Kemper-..............-............. —.. 1,229 781 418 1,339 -----—...........-... — -----—. —-............. 421 1,344.-....................... La Fayette.............................. 1,355 1,651 1,661 2,070....... 2,087................................................................................ Lauderdale............................. 1,399 1,491 1,266 1,977................................................ 1,249 1,988................................ Lawrence.e — - - - - ------- 9 57 591 797. —--—.... —-.. —-.................-.................... —..... 813 588................ Leake.................................. 555 688 617 1,182.....-........-...-........-........................ 593 1,200................................ Lee-..................................... 715 1,162 183 2,423........ 2,426............................................................. Leflore.................................. 7281,334 424................ Soo 935..-...... —-........-....................-.....-.............. Lincoln................................. 872 488 980 1,334 431124.................................................................. 975,9355 Lincoln -- 872 488 980 1, 311 - - - - - - - - -- - -975~~~~ 1, 315 State treasurer, State treasurer, Conoress, first Congress, sec. Congress, third Congress, fourth Congress, fifth Congress, sixth 1873 1875. district, ond district, district, district. district, district. ~~~~~Counties.'~~ C,'^1~ -4-:^~ I^ 1Cr 1. ~~~ ~ ~ nC MO n8'PA Lowides................................ 275 0 2,021 2,137 —1,970 2,130. Madison. —--- --- 2, 735 60 2, 5 2,137 48 - — 5.......3........-........... 23 3 2 14...-........-..................- 83............... ------ Marion............197 214 487............... 331 354- -..- - - - -2-...56 —----...,4 -................... —-- -...- - M a io..................... 15 1 7 I"144I -- -- - -- - -- -- -- -.- -- —.- - -- -. — - -- -- -- -.- -- -- -.- -- -- -- - --... 8 Marshall..-.... —........... —- 126 1, 998 2,856 3, 186 - - 2,095 3, 782 —.. — --------.. —-—.- -—... —..... — -...... — Monroe -207 1 13 4-................................. 2,007 1, 837 1,546 2,63...... - -...- -. —. ------ 2,605 -.. —--. -- -—. — Montgomery —---------- ---------------- 923 940 763 1, 291......- —...-................ 107 1, 297 -—... —.. —------- Nesoha1................................ 108 135 136 1,002 - —. —-- ------ 3 983................ ------- Newton - -.................... —----—.. 232 549 432 1, 420 ---—..... —-. —..................-..404 1.443................... Noxuhee.o —.......................-....- 2,378 103 2,088 1, 383 1 —- --- -.- 1,731 1,363. —--.....-.................... —...-......... Oktibheha......-......-.............. 1,233 44 1,598 781 - -........... —.....-......... —. 1,133 775 - -.......-................[....... -- ---- Panola-2 9 4 29............................. 2,939 1,485 2, 400 2,968 —.. —.. —.... 2,340 999..... -....,....................-........... -.. —. Pearl —..... -........................... 1 1.02 7 133. —--—. —..... -...... —.. -—........ -...-.....-....-.-....-..-..-..-. 10. Perry..6 4.................... -—.. 6 48 36 361 ------ ---—..... —-- --------- -.- -8- 64 349 Pontotoc4...............2............... 474 1,292 464 18, 442........ 1,562........ -........2 ----- ---- ----..... Pike -8.......... 8 892 1,200 1,393 ----—.- -- - - -.. --- ------ -- ----—.- -- ---- - 1,202 1, 386 Prentiss. —-------------------—.-....- 248 1,202 71 1,857 1, 200, 908 -........ —...... -.... --.-................ —........ -—........ Rankin -—. —...................... 1,079 1, 028 1,028 1,672. —-.. —- ----.. —---------. —-------------—' — 1, 003 1, 897 --—...... — Scott. --- 344 723 490 1................... 8.. - -- - ---. —---.. 489 1,128-...... —- --- --- —.. - Simpson. —---------------- 285 496 5332 737 ---- -------- --------- ------ ----- - - --- --- 328 736 ---------- Sin Flon............... —........- -—. — - I28 499 378 37.- -........-........-....................................................... Smith-......... - -..... —........-... —4- 25 861 44 1,149...-....-6.............................. 134..........-.. 44 Sumner..................799 --------- 219 708 —-.................. Sun:lowern- -421 299 378 3-6.....- -.. —...... 384 82 -. —.. —- —.. Tallahatchee.. -------- -.- -.- 812 353 969 1,239.- -..0............. 1,.510.......................-........................ Tate.-......-... -....-...-..... 1,338 1,506 1,495 1,1973 -—.-.. —-- 1,472 1,883 --. —-.. —-—....- ------- -... —.. —--------------—. — Tippahi.....................-..-..... 291 1,009 268 1,468 -- -.....1,507 --—................................... —----.. —-.................- 0 Tishemingo............ —--------—.- 67 781 12 1, 352.- -.- 1,381. - - -—.. —.. —. —-.. — ---- - -----—. —---—.. — ~ — Tunica —........-...-..-.. —.. —-..- 72 5 1,165 141 -..... 832 1,130 152....... —.. —........ —...............................................'Union --—........................... 481 844- 379 1,204 —..- ----- ----..... -,-67.-....... ---- -----.. —.-........Wayne-..........-....-.....- 253 245 363 586 -....... —.......-.... —-.................... - -----...-..-.. —-- 362 589................ Warren.........-... —.......-... —- 1, 572 1,2 1 2,042 3, 606. -- --. -----—. —----- -- --—.- --- 1,680 3,833..-...-.... — Washington......-..... —- —...... —. 1, 829 473 1,638 2, 043 ---. —.. —--- ---- - —.... ——. —-.. 1, 632 2,047 ——.................. --, Wilkinson - -—. -- - 1,497 76 1,808 400 —............... —-...-....-...-...-..-.. ——..1,820 393 Winston - - -- -- 514 687 377 908 - -....-...-.. -......... —.46 900 - - --—..- - -.... —.- -........ -..... — ------- Yalabusha.. --...-.-. —..- -....- 938 1, 203 941 1,........687- --- 1, 811....-.... —--- ---- -- -- - -------- Yazoo................... ----- 2,427 411 7 4,044 - - —........- -- -- - - —...-.-...-.... 4..... 81 4,037-........ — —...... --.... Total 70, 462 47, 486 67, 000 97, 922 -------- 18,412 13,149 19,250 5,883 13,744 9, 914 19, 790 10, 653 16,530 13,741 13, 510 Majority. —- -—. —----- -—. -- 22,976-..-. --. 30,922 -6,101 -7-:858 6, 101........2.....3.......... 1 -................ Total vote.........- ---------—.- 117,948 I —-. 164,922... —... —.. - - - -.................. —....... - — t....I........ TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 39 REPIUBLIGAN VOTE OF MISSISSIPPI. Q. In 1873 the aggregate republican vote is put down at 70,462. Is that about the fair republican vote of the State I-A. Well, I believe that at that election the republican party was defrauded in two republican counties of from 5,000 to 10,000 votes. It was undetermined until two days before the election of 1873 that there would be an election. That, of course, had its influence on the vote; but that is perhaps a fair index of the republican vote. Q. That aggregate -~A. Yes, sir. It was some 8,000 or 10,000 larger than in 1869. Q. It was a very much larger vote by the republican party than had been polled before!-A. I cannot say without an examination of the record. Q. But I am now speakilng of the republican vote polled in 1873.-A. I have -never compared that very minutely; but I think that is about the aggregate vote-nearly as full as it has ever been cast. I Q. In what two counties do you claim that there was a loss of republican' votes in 1873 by fraud -A. Warren County and Monroe County. Warren County had -formerly given 3,500 majority for the republicans. I do not remember lhow much it gave in 1873. I know there were frauds committed. Q. The whole vote i_ 1i8737 in that county was not quite 3,000 votes?A. Previously the republican majority had been 3,000 or 3,500. Q. What was the ordinary aggregate vote for Warren County?-A. I think about 6,000. That is my impression only. Q. And in the other county that you say there was a loss of republican votes by fraud-^~A. The republicans counted on a majority of from 1,000 to 1,500 in the county. Q. That was Monroe Co0 nty?-A. In Monroe County. Q. Do you know what the aggregate vote in that county ordinarily is?-A. I do not. Q. Do you remember what the aggregate vote was in 1873?-A. I do not remember what it was at that time. I know that there was a serious complication, and the returns elected democrats, or democrats and bolters, if you please, from the republican party; and they contested those seats, and were unanimously rejected. The bolters or democratsI think they were mostly bolters-were rejected by both republicans and democrats in the house because of the frauds perpetrated at that time. Q I see this tabular statement has the vote for State treasurer both in 1873 and 1875.-A. That is for the reason that in 1875 the only general State election was for State treasurer, to fill a vacancy which existed by the death of the State treasurer. You understand that in 1873 all the State officers were elected. Q. Governor as well?-A. Governor as well. Q. In 1873 the candidates for governor were yourself and Senator Alcorn?-A.. Yes, sir. Q. How did the vote between the gubernatorial candidates compare with the vote between the candidates for State treasurer in 1875 -~A. I think that they were nearly the same. I ran ahead of my ticket some 700 or 1,000'votes; but then, so far as the ticket that I was on is concerned, it ran very nearly parallel with all the candidates. Q. The average m'ajority, then, I suppose, was 22,976 or about thatthat was about your majority?-A. No, sir; that is more than my majority. My majority was about 20,000. Although I received more votes than any man on my ticket, still, some of the candidates on Alcorn's 40 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. ticket received very few votes, indeed. So that is a more favorable showing to the republican side than my vote could have been. THE DEMOCRATIC VOTE IN 1873. Q. I desire to ask you, General, as a fact, whether the democratic vote in 1873 was not a very light one, there being no democratic candidate for governor, and they having, as you said, the choice between evils?- A. I think it compares very favorably with any vote that had been cast previously to that time. Q. Well, previously to that time had that not been the character of the elections-the same condition of things, the opponents being republicans for governor and for the leading offices?-A. It may have had some effect. Q. I say, were not the previous elections, in that respect, similar to this?-A. In 1868 the democratic candidate for governor was a majorgeneral in the confederate service, General Humphreys, a very popular man; but, though elected, General Humphreys failed to come in, as the constitution under which he was elected was defeated at the polls. At the next election the democratic party picked up Mr. Dent, the gentleman whom I spoke of, that they came to this city to obtain. Q. That was selecting a candidate from the opposition, was it not - A. I think he passed as a republican there. Q. Another choice of evils?-A. Another choice of evils. And then between Alcorn and myself. I presume they wanted neither candidate, but it was a choice of evils. But the State was very thoroughly canvassed in 1869, and also in 1868. There have also been elections every year. There was one in 1871, where the sum total of the votes could be obtained. OPPOSITION OF MR. WELLS. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) Is Mr. Wells, the present member of Congress, one of the leading men in opposition to you in your own party?-A. Yes, sir. He was a candidate for the United States Senate, and was a very earnest supporter of mine up to that time. He canvassed the State with me. He was the gentleman about whom Senator Alcorn and I had some little controversy in the Senate, Senator Alcorn deeming him absolutely unfit for the position of district attorney for the northern district of Mississippi. Q. He was one among the political leaders of the republican party opposed to you in your administration of the State of Mississippi?-A. Yes, sir. I think it is due to myself that I should state the motive of a man who is a very bitter opponent to myself. In such cases we are disposed to inquire whether the fault is in the one man or the other whether the accuser is entirely bad and the accused entirely good. I think it is due to myself to say that when he failed to get the election to the United States Senate, from that moment he became my enemy. Q. Has he been one of those who has publicly denounced your administration of the State of Mississippi'-A. Yes, sir; and he has certainly circulated absolutely false statements. He went before the investigating committee of the legislature in Mississippi and made a series of statements, not one of which was true. I spoke a while ago of the readiness with which the democracy of the State has taken up Mr. Dent, and other republicans that they thought they could use; and while Mr. Wells has been denounced by them as much as any man, as soon as he attempted to split the republican party in his district, and ran on the democratic ticket, he was supported by them and elected by them to Congress, though he claims to be a republican. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 41 Q. (By Mr. CAMERON.) lHe was elected by democrats?-A. It can be said almost entirely by the democrats. In all those republican counties that he claimed were supporting him, the democratic ticket went through successfully, and it was purely by what, in each county, would be regarded as democratic votes that he was elected. Q. Do you believe that there was an arrangement there that he should be. elected?-A. It has been publicly stated in the papers that there was an arrangement, and it has never been denied. SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) Was there not a very serious schism in the republican ranks at the last election in Mississippi which you have just illustrated by the case of Mr. Wells, whom you state made an alliance with the democrats?-A. I repeat again, that there was no serious schism in numbers, but in violence on the part of the very few who did desert. That is my understanding. Q. Then you speak of violent republicans?-A. By violence I mean the excessive hostility, animosity, and venomousness of the few who have gone. Q. Few what?~-A. Few republicans who have created this schism; that is, the number is insignificant. Q. I ask you whether they did or did not succeed in creating a schism in your party ranks, by whatever means you please.-A. No, sir; sabstantially not. Q. Yet they succeeded in being elected?-A. By democratic machinery; and the only one that was elected was this man Wells, and his friends, the men that he claimed in some of the counties, I think one or two, he was able to carry up some delegates to the convention; and those counties, which he claimed as republican counties, went democratic, and, it was by those votes that he was elected. Q. He got the republican nomination.-A. No, sir. Q. Who did get it? A. The former member of Congress, Mr. Howe. Q. Did Wells run also as a republican?-A. Yes, sir. He claimed that he had the nomination; but he had out of forty votes in the convention only about seven. Q. Did he bolt?-A,. He bolted. Q. He claimed to be the regular nominee?- A. Yes, sir. Q. Then he got votes from the other side?-A. He got all the votes on the other side. I believe that he got no republican votes. That is, in the various counties the votes that the democrats received and his own were, with rare exceptions, the same; which shows that no republicans voted for him. Q. (By Mr. MCDONALD.) That is, if they voted for him they voted with the democratic party?-A. Yes, sir. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) Were there any candidates in the district except Wells and Howe?-A. None for Congress. Of course, in each county there were the county candidates; but the only congressional candidates were Howe, a straight republican, about whose political integrity there could be no question, and Mr. Wells. The newspapers stated publicly that there was a combination between Mr. Wells and the opposition, and it has never been contradicted. REPUBLICAN VOTE IN 1875. Q. (By Mr. MCDONALD.) I see by this tabular statement that the aggregate republican vote in 1875 was 67,000. I will ask you now if that was not as large as the republican vote had been before that time, except in 1873?-A. I do not think it was as large. My impression is, that the vote in 1869 was about 75,000, when Alcorn was elected. 42 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. Q. You think that in I869 the republican vote was larger than in 1873 V —A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you any remembrance now of any other election in which the aggregate republican vote exceeded 67,000 V-A. Those have been the only two general elections where the same person was voted for in all parts of the State. I have never compared the number of votes cast at any other election, but it is a matter that can be readily ascertained. Q. (By Mr. MCMILLAN.) A general election transpires every four years V-A. Every four years. TICKET IN YAZOO COUNTY. Q. (By Mr. McDoNALD.) In Yazoo County, was there not, in 1875, a compromise ticket formed V-A. No, sir. That is, I say that the republicans dare not hold a convention to make any nominations Q. I am not asking what the republicans dare or dare not do. I am asking whether there was not a compromise lcket formed composed partly of republicans and partly of democrats in the county of azoo. A. I say decidedly, no. If there was, this is the first time I have ever heard of it. Q. And if that ticket was not voted for almost by a unanimous vote in the county.-A. The returns show that the ticket that was in the field was voted for very unanimously. It was 7 votes on the one side and 4,000 on the other; but there were no republicans on the ticket that I know of. Q. No republicans on the ticket to your knowledge VA. o, sir. Q. None who had been republicans before that A. Not to my knowledge. You have sprung a new questiontome. Ihavenever heard the idea that you suggest now. I think you must be entirely wrong in the implication you put forth as to a compromise ticket. Q. A local county ticket formed of men who had been before of opposite political opinions V-A. I never heard of that before. When I say I never heard of it, I mean that I do not remember that I ever heard of it. THE FRIAR'S POINT DIFFICULTY. Q. In speaking of this Friar's Point difficulty, you spoke of Mr. Chalmers and Mr. Reed heading the democrats.-A. Yes, sir; so reported Q. Were they citizens of the county in which the difficulty occurre.d V~ A. Yes, sir. Q. Were they not present simply for the purpose of maintaining peace and order V-A. I cannot say as to that. Q. Were not those their efforts V-A. I only know of their conduct by what was reported to me. It was reported to me that Mr. Chalmers, a confederate general, led his followers and chased the negroes a number of miles through the woods. Q. That was reported to youV-A. That was reported to me. Q. The difficulty was between Mr. Alcorn on one hand and Sheriff Brown on the other; both republicans?-A. Yes, sir; so reported. Q. The difficulty started between Senator Alcorn and Sheriff Brown V -A.Yes, sir. Q. I will ask you if those present under Mr. Chalmers and Mr. Reed, whom you say headed the democrats, were not there as conservators of the peace between those contending factions V-A. If I understand you, let me say that the "contending factions" were not very evenly balanced, inasmuch as Sheriff Brown and hundreds of colored men were on one side and General Alcorn on the other. Those I understand to have been the " contending factions " on that day. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 43 Q. (By the CHAIIRMAN.) In that classification you speak of republican factious.-A. Yes, sir there were two distinct factions in the county of Coahomaa. Q. (By Mr. M~ODONALD.) Do you say that no other republicans were there sustaining Senator Alcorn, and that he was there alone making this disturbance -~A. I.do not think I have said that, but I am prepared to say it substantially. So far as I know, he was substantially alone in this matter. Q. I understand you then to say that, so far as the republican parties were concerned, Alcorn went there simply represented by himself and his double-barrel shot-gun -A. Almost entirely. I will not say that some men from his own plantation were not supporting him. I will not say that there were not others; but if there were, in the report that came to me they have not figured so conspicuously as to attract my attention. COMPEROMISE TICKET. Q. I have called your attention to Yazoo County, in reference to a compromise ticket. I will ask you if there were other counties in the State where the tickets for the local officers were composed of men selected from both parties, as a compromise ticket.-A. Yes, sir; it was done in certain instances, I was informed, because of these fears of violence and intimidation. Q. I -am merely asking. you for a fact.-A. I so understand. This was the case in two counties only, I believe. Q. Give the names of those counties.-A. Noxubee and Oktibbeha — both large republican counties. Q. (By Mr. CAMERON.) You spoke of compromise tickets that were agreed upon in two counties. State the reasons for the formation of these compromise tickets.-A. I know that in Noxubee County, previous to the election, there was a riot, in which a number of negroes were killed and others driven away. There was a contest between the sheriff (a republican in a republican county) and another man, (a republican,) for the sheriffalty, and because of these riots the candidate who had received the nomination, I think, had to secrete himself, fearing injury and harm. In the turbulent condition of society there, and because of that condition of affairs, a combination ticket was arranged, by which a certain man, now in the lower house, by the name of Jarnigan, was put upon the ticket in. a spirit of compromise. In order to have a fair election, it was necessary to put democrats on the republican ticket. That is my understanding of the cause of the compromise. The cause of the compromise in Oktibbeha County, I think, was due to a contest between two republican factions in that county. THE FRIAR'S POINT RIOT. Q. According to your information, about how many persons were actively engaged in the Friar's Point riot f-A. I understand that a body of men, of some two, three, or four hundred colored republicans, were coming in to hold a meeting, and that probably not more than fifty or sixty white men had assembled to prevent their coming in; and the battle, if you see fit to call it a battle, as reported to me, was conducted by General Chalmers. It was reported to me that an assault was made upon the colored men. The whites sent out a flanking-column to intercept them, to get them into a lane surrounded or bordered by a hedge, but the blacks very skillfully beat a retreat and made good their escape; that subsequently quite a number of them were killed. That was my understanding, in a very few words, of the events that occurred there. 44 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. Q. What is your understanding as to whether the colored men were armed or not, as a general thing?-A. I understand that very few of them were armed. I think it a notorious fact that very few of the colored people have arms in the State. When I say very few, I mean comparatively few. Q. Were the forces of General Chalmers armed -A. They were reported to me as having been well armed. ARMED COMPANIES IN THE STATE. It is estimated that very large amounts of money had been expended for arms. As I said yesterday, I believe that Mr. Richardson armed and equipped a company in the town of Jackson. There were other companies armed and equipped. It is reported to me that large numbers of arms of the improved pattern were brought into the State during that summer, and pending the election, and that men were armed with them and equipped and drilled at various times and places during that summer and pending the election. Q. Senator Bayard inquired of you if you knew of any cases, or case, where civil or criminal process was forcibly resisted. Now you may state whether you. do or do not know of any instances. REPUBLICAN SHERIFFS DRIVEN FROM THEIR COUNTIES. If you know of any instances where the sheriffs were forcibly driven from any of the counties, state them?-A. I do not know about the legal process, but I do know that in the case of-to give you a general idea of the condition of the State during the past year-I know that in the first instance, Mr. Crosby,. after he was re-instated as sheriff, appointed a democrat as deputy, and there was after that no trouble apparently; but he found it convenient to leave the State for his own personal safety, and the democrats conducted the office during the summer. I do know that Sheriff Morgan, of Yazoo CouDty, was driven out of the county and dare not return. I know that immediately after the election the sheriff of Amite County was driven away and dare not return. I think I spoke specically of the sheriff of Monroe County, Captain Lee, who secreted himself on the day of the election; and of Mr. Chisholm, of Kemper County, who secreted himself or abstained from attempting to exercise his duties on that occasion in keeping the peace, through fears of assassination. I know that the sheriff of Chickasaw County was reported as having abandoned the attempt to keep the peace there. I know the sheriff of Copiah County reported to me that he would be unable to keep the peace. I know the sheriff of Claiborne County sent word to me that there was no protection to the republican voters-no protection on the day of the election. I know the sheriff of Madison County came to me-he was one of those who was compelled to put the names of men of the opposition as candidates for the legislature on the republican ticket because he could not keep the peace with a straight republican ticket in the field. A cousin of General Alcorn, wb~p was sheriff of Tallahatchie County, reported to me officially that he was unable to preserve the peace there. These instances I state specifically; and there were, of course, in these reports complaints of different character, or different in grade. For instance, Mr. Morgan had to leave absolutely. Mr. Harney, by the way, in Hinds County, whom I had not mentioned, had no influence to keep the peace-no power. There were different degrees of expression as to their incapacity to keep the peace. This complaint was general throughout the entire State, notwithstanding the peace arrangements that had been made. TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. 45 Q. I will ask you whether, so far as you know, all those sheriffs who were eithe~r driven from their counties or intimidated so that they did not dare to attempt to keep the peace, were republicans?-A. All. Q.' Did you know of any democratic sheriff or democratic peace-officer who was driven from his county or who was intimidated so as to prevent him from discharging his official duties?-A. I received no report of any such instance. Q. (By the CHAIRIM~AN.) Did you hear of any in any way?-A. I heard of none. THE " CHOICE, OF EVILS" POLICY. Q. (By Mr. CAMERON.) In order to illustrate this " choice of evils" policy, I will ask you who the'democratic candidate for President in 1873 was?-A. Horace Greeley. Q. What were his politics understood to be?-A. Anything to beat Gra,~nt. Prior to that time he was regarded as an abolitionist. OPPOSITION TO G-OVERNOR AMES'S ADMINISTRATION. Q. Senator Bayard has asked you a good many questions in regard to persons who have denounced your administration. What were the charges generally made by republicans who were opposed to your administration-~A. I do not know. No one has ever charged me with personal corruption. They charge me with personal ambition, but although as military governor and as civil governor of the State of Mississippi I mad~e' thousands of appointments, in no single instance did I ever make any condition-was ever any condition attached to any appointment. I hope the committee, if it will be able to find all my appointees in the State of Mississippi, will put that question to them. If they do, they will find that there is not a single individual that 1 ever appointed to office, directly or indirectly, who was ever approached in any way as to any return he was to make for such an appointment. I am charged with personal ambition; and it was stated in the letter that was read here from Mr. Pease, that I wanted to go to the United States Senate. I think I can state without any hesitancy that it was generally believed that when I was elected governor I would have no difficulty in being elected to the United States Senate. But I believed I could do more good to the cause that I was representing in the State, as governor, than I could in the United States Senate; and so what appears to be the height of ambition of many men, I absolutely disregarded, believing that it was my duty that 1 should so do. The charge that the democrats make upon me, among other charges, is ambition. The legislature that was to impeach me began its work by a denunciatory resolution, the chief complaint being personal ambition. One of the chief battles that I have got into since I have been governor, has been in the attempt to save the State of Mississippi a large sum of money. THE CHICKASAW SCHOOL FUND. A law was passed giving the Chickasaw school-funds-the proceeds of the sale of lands given to the Sta-te for school purposes by the General Government —to railroads, without any existence in fact. This attempt on the State treasury I resisted and eventually saved about a million of dollars to the State. It was in labors of that kind, for which, of course, I got no credit and am entitled to none, in the interest of the State, that I have incurred much of the hostility and denunciation that I am now laboring under. CHARGE OF INCITING RACE-ISSUES. Of course there is a question of race. It is said that I attempted to 46 TESTIMONY OF ADELBERT AMES. incite race-issues. Why, the race-issue has been made ever since the war. It has been made in Congress, as to the rights of the negro to citizenship, and it is simply reflected there; I was holding the republican side of the question there, and that is all. OTHER CHARGES AGAINST GOVERNOR AMES. A list of the charges against me has been given me mostlythose made by Wells, and I declare them all false, from first to last. I know what they are because I examined them before that investigating committee, and I proved them all false-not one, but all. These charges and everything else of that nature have grown out of the disappointment of persons for office, because they thought I had some power with the party. It is the enmity and personal dislike that naturally grows up among men at all times. SENATOR ALCORN'S SUPPORTERS IN 1873. Q. Which party supported Alcorn for governor in 1873?-A. The democratic party. They had a convention and refused to make a nomination. I cannot say positively whether he nominated himself before or subsequent to that convention; but the democrats refused to make a nomination, and indorsed him. THE QUESTION OF RESIDENCE. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. You spoke yesterday of the uncertain state of your mind in regard to your future residence, whether it would be in Mississippi or some other place. To what extent, if any, does the condition of things in Mississippi, or what you understand to be the condition of things in that State, influence 3 Qu as to your course in regard to your remaining there or leaving? UNPLEASANT SOCIAL AND BUSINESS RELATIONS OF REPUBLICANS. A. The feeling entertained by all republicans is common. Men. who went there ten or eleven years ago, carrying large sums of money, and who have been engaged in planting and in other business, find it very unpleasant and disagreeable to live there. They complain that they have no social intercourse with their surroundings, and, both socially and in their business relations, it is exceedingly unpleasant for them to live in these communities. That is the feeling of prominent men there. The canvasses are so bitter that they extend to every relation of life; and of course to a small minority of the white people it is exceedingly unpleasant and disagreeable. This is not true of these men alone who went there with large sums of money, but it is true of republicans who always have lived there. I spoke of Sheriff Chisholm, of Kemper County, who has been there all his life and is highly regarded by all. He complained to me that he was so much disgusted with the condition of affairs that he had determined that he would not continue to live there. His old neighbors that he had known his life long were willing, not to assassinate him perhaps, but were willing that these men from Alabama who had come in there should assassinate him, in order that the election might go democratic. In a county where any one party is willing that life should be taken to carry an election, it is certainly exceedingly disagreeable to the party or the members of that party whose friends are killed or driven about for political purposes. TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 47 FOURTH DAY. WASHINGTON, D. C., May 3, 1876. THiOMAS WALTON sworn and examined. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Please state your age, residence, and occupation.-Answer. I am for'ty years of age, my residence is in Leflore County, in the State of Mississippi, and my occupation is that of a lawyer and planter. Q. Are you a native of Mississippi?-A. I am a, native of Georgia. I have lived in Mississippi for the last thirty-five years. Q. We are making inquiries as to the conduct of the last election in Mississippi-the election of November, 1875-as to whether it was a fair election that is to say, free from the use of fraud or intimidation. If you have any information upon that subject you will please state it.-A. I was in Mississippi during all the time of the last canvass; but I was kept at my home, in a very secluded portion of the county, by sickness in my family, nearly the whole of that time. I was, for that reason, very little conversant with the transactions going on in the State, except through the newspapers and through the conversations that I had with persons who were in my immediate neighborhood. I was not a witness myself to any acts of violence in the State, and I was not a witness to any acts of intimidation, unless perhaps there was one thing that I saw which might be considered, and was, indeed, an act of intimidation, I think. AN ACT OF INTIMIDATION. At one time I was in the town of Greenville, which is situated in one of the most important counties in Mississippi, Washington County, and a colored man there, who was a member of the State senate, by the name of Gray. was informed, as I have reason to know, though I did not see the act of informing him, that he would not be allowed to run for sheriff in that county. I happened to know about the fact, because I told him myself that if I were in his place I would run for that position, and because I myself was quite opposed to the person who would be certain to get the nomination of the party if be did not get it, and I thought it was certain that he could get it himself. Upon my advice he determined to come out and ask for a nomination. The gentleman with whom I was staying in the town, my brother-inlaw, wh'o was a member of the democratic party, I told these facts to;, and he requested my permission to go and communicate them to other members of his own party in the town. I consented to his doing so, and they sent me word that they wanted me not to take that position, but to withdraw that man's name. I sent them word that I would not do it. In the first message they informed me tha~f if I did not do it they would have to compel him not to run. Q. By whom did they send you this word?-A. By my own brotherin-law, Mr. Shields. It was a formal notification on both sides, and I declined to withdraw his name, and declined to withdraw my recommendation that he should run. The next morning I was informed that he had been notified that he could not run. At the same time, or shortly after that, I met the man himself. He told me nothing about such notification, but I was informed through the acquaintance that I had with the democracy there, that such notification had been given him, and he told me that he had concluded not to run. He did not give, 48 TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. me the reasons for that conclusion. Indeed, I must add that he told me he was not prevented from running by any apprehensions or fear on his part. Still, from my knowledge of the facts, I believe that intimidation was used on this occasion. Q. As a matter of fact did he run or not?-A. He did not. A man named Bolton, who was a northern man, one that I considered must be a very unacceptable man to my friends, did run. My object in recommending to Gray that he should run was to try and defeat Bolton, and I think that if he had not been warned by these persons that he would not be allowed to run he would have run. Q. Was any reason given you why he should not be allowed to runeA. I do not remember that any reason was given. Q. Have you any means of judging what the reason was?-A. I cannot say that I have. I was not much conversant with the state of things in the county. It was a county where I had spent but very little time; indeed, had hardly staid there any time at all, except that I had been there once before about a week to see a sister of mine, and was there at this time to see her. Mr. Bolton, who ran on the republican side, was beaten. Q. Did you know anything about how Bolton's nomination was brought about?-A. Bolton's nomination was brought about undoubtedly through the agency only of the republican party and its immediate representatives. Gray, the man whom I had recommended to run, would have been nominated by the uninfluenced agencies of the same party, I have no doubt; but my immediate reason for attempting to defeat Bolton's nomination was that I considered him as not in fact supporting and upholding the State administration, although he professed to do so; and I told him so. I told him that I did not think he was giving the proper support to his crowd. It was merely on account of the defections inside the republican party that I recommended to Gray to try to defeat Bolton. I had always myself been a friend of Governor Ames's administration, and Bolton, though professing to be its friend, was at the same time denouncing and abusing its conduct, and I told him that I did not consider that these men who supported the Ames administration ought to give him their support. That was the ground upon which I recommended Gray to run. I thought he was breaking down the influence of his own party in the State by his conduct. Q. What is the political character of Washington County-democratic or republican?-A. It had been largely republican. I think that there were nearly four thousand republican votes against five or six hundred democratic votes in that county. Up to last year I believe that the result had always been that way; and that was the way it was ordinarily esteemed that it would be. I do not profess to recollect the exact majority. The republican party, as is well known to the whole country, is composed in the South very largely of negroes. It was a very large county of negroes and a very small county of white people, on the Mississippi River, in a country there which is occupied entirely by large plantations. Q. Were there any statements made to you as to the means that would be employed to prevent Mr. Gray from running?-A. 1No, sir; no state. ments on that subject. Q. I understood you to say that this was the only case of coercion or intimidation of which you had any personal knowledge?-A. That is the only case of which I had any personal knowledge from my own observation. TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 49 THE STATE DURING THE CANVASS. Q. What means of information have you as to what was taking place in the State during the canvass~?-A. I had only the means derived from consulting the newspapers and from the rumor and talk that went on in the country. I was about in my own neighborhood, and once or twice I was away from home. I remember now that I went up to the town of Oxford just about -the time the election took place; I was in Oxford on the day that the election took place, and passed up the railroad on the same day. Q. Were any statements made to you, that you credited at the time they were made as being true, concerning the election or the canvass? -A. I cannot say that I remember any particular statements that were made to me at this time. The whole thing was the subject of constant anid general conversation through the county. COERCION ADMITTED AND DENIED. What was the character of that conversation that was general? -A. On the one side there were grave charges of intimidation, and on the other side there -was a strong denial of the fact that there was intimidation in. the country. There was justification pleaded for it, and to some extent the admission that there was a coercion, which they insisted v as a moral coercion, and which, at other times, they admitted to be somewhat accompanied by violence and force. Most of my own personal friends and acquaintances in iMississippi belong to the opposite party, and nearly all that I had spoken to in reference to the matter belonged to that party. It was pretty generally the case that they denied that there was anything like intimidation. I am speaking now only of the popular run of conversation in the country. When they did not deny coercion -they admuitted it as only of a moral character, or at least, when it was forcible, as having been brought about by violence, first on, the part of the colored population. POLITICAL PARTIES ORGANIZED ON RACE. It may be said with perfect truth that the colored people were all organized on one side, and the white population, with the exception of those who held office or were candidates for office, were almost all organized on the other side. That is the true character of the political parties in the State of Mississippi. You can hardly put your hand on a single republican white voter who is not an officer or a candidate for an office; and you can hardly put your hand on a single voter in the democratic party who is a colored man. I mean to say it is just a question of race on both sides. ORGANIZATION OF THE BLACKS. Q. What is the nature of the organization, so far as you kno-w, among the colored people d-A. Well, sir, it is one of those cases which, in my judgment, arises always out of the existence of a class of people who are ignorant, and who are comparatively helpless in the presence of a much more powerful body of people; who, although they may not be stronger in point of numbers, are stronger in point of force and intelligence. The negroes consequently herd together. They do so publicly, and they do so more especially in secret. That is to say, there is a silent organization, existing not professedly as an organization; but existing still, in point of'act, everywhere that I have ever been, which prevents the intercourse between the two races fromn being candid and free. NO MUTUAL CONFIDENCE BETWEEN THE RACES POSSIBLE. Iam, myself, very well acquainted with negroes; I have always 4 MISS 5() TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. been in the habit of dealing with them a great deal; I have always worked a good many of them; and I must say that my intercourse with them has been of a character to make me believe it impossible tor anything like mutual confidence on political questions to arise between the white people and the negroes. I don't see how it ever can arise, and I do not believe, myself, that it ever will. I think this is due to the enormous gulf between the races in all social relations-that confidence which springs from personal friendships and an unrestrained social intercourse being, in my judgment, an essential cement to a polit. ical party, and being absolutely out of the question between the white and black races. Q. You speak of an organization among the negroes; what do you mean by that-that they are organized in bands, under the command of any particular persons, or that they are associated together from the fact that they are of the same race and community of interests, or both?-A. They are not organized in bands. Q. Or in companies, under officers, and having a general head?-AO Well, in the first place, they have their clubs, just as any other political organization has its clubs. I have never been inside of one of their clubs, but then they never have asked me, though the clubs were republican in their name, and republican, I suppose, in their character. They have generally acted in such a way as to leave me to believe that they did not want my presence there. Although they are quite near my house, I have entirely abstained from going there. And when the county conventions would meet, I have observed that the negroes in these conventions very strongly resisted white influence, and consequently it became disagreeable, inasmuch as there was such disposition, to the white people to have anything to do with these conventions. It became unpleasant personally, and it produced an impression which it was hard to avoid. I have always found it practically impossible for me to avoid it-the impression that these meetings meant nothing but the organization of one race against another. The truth is, that a white man, especially a Southern white man, belonging to the republican party, does not seem to be any more acceptable as one of their counselors or advisers than one who belongs to the opposition. Although my connection with the republican party has been undeviating, and I believe I have escaped from any personal reproach in that connection, I am quite certain that my personal influence with the negroes is not a bit greater than that of any democrat in my county; not a particle. I am quite certain that I was never able to influence a vote or influence a colored man on any single question of politics; which I confess with some mortification. ORG-ANIZATION OF THE WHITES. Q. What, as far as you understand, is the nature of the organization amongthe whites? You say thewhitesare organized generally.-A. The nature of the organization among the whites is just this: that there is a feeling among them that the negroes are banded together for the purpose of governing the country and expending its money regardless of any consideration except to promote personal ends, and that they are determined to support each other to a very large extent irrespective of the claims of virtue and intelligence; and the whites are just as determined to hold together and prevent that thing from being done. They are all united, except a few persons who have co-operated with the republican party, and who, as I said before, are generally men who hold office or are candidates for office. That state of things has brought great reproach in the State of Mississippi upon every white man connected with the republican party, a reproach which requires an enor TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON.'51 mous weight of personal character to oppose and weigh dlown. The truth is, that the fact of a white man being a republican in the South, especially a -white southern man, is a surprise to every person in the Sout~h. It strikes every mind with astonishment. It is presupposed, as the basis of all intercourse there, that a white man is a democrat, and that lhe belongs to this organization, the object of which is to prevent iegro influence from controlling the country locally.- Indeed, I may state the case more strongly, and yet not go beyond the truth. I may say that a -white m. an imust be very well known in the South for a true gentleman to overcome the presumption which arises there primafacie that he must be a rognu if lhe is a republican. And I find even here in Wa-shington, when my friends present me even to northern republicans, there are signs of this same feeling, as they always feel it necessary to certify to my character after saying that I am a southern republican. Q. It being the object of this.white organization to prevent negroes from obtaining political control, what means has this organization for accomplishing.that object? MEANS USED BY THE WHITE ORGANIZATION. A. I do not think tha~t the organization was very scrupulous about the mnea'ns that it employed for accomplishing that object. I think that they wanted to'accomplish it as peacefully as they were able, but they were going to accomplish it; and the only way in the world by which it can be prevented is the enforcement of the constitutional guarantees by the policing of the country by the Federal Government. That has been the theory upon which we have all proceededthat these things were written in the Constitution and were a part of the constitutional law of the country; that the Government was pledged, and its duty declared, to protect the voters against any kind of violence; and that we believe in carrying out these constitutional pledges. That is to say, that what was calledinterference in the South by the Federal Government was its constitutional duty, and that resistance to interference was resistance to the constitutional duty of the Federal Government. That has been our argument down there: but it is an argument which is resisted by the democrats with the statement that under no circumstances can we afford to let the negroes control the country; that they will run it in debt and impoverish it, and will have no regard for the conservative interests of the country, and it r, ill finally terminate by ruining the country. Q. According to the statement of facts that you have made., all the negroes are republicans and all the whites democratic, with the exception of those who are in office or those who are candidates for office.A. And when I say all the negroes are republicans, it may be that there are a few who are not; but they are very few in number. Q. And, assuming that the election is entirely free, what would be the result politically I CONDITION OF TlEB REPUBLICAN PARTY. A. I think the State would go republican. At the same time the breaking of the line which occurred there last year may perhaps make it quite impossible to reunite it. The democrats are now in power in this State; they hold all the local offices; they have ejected Governor Ames from his office by a species of compulsion, seizing upon all the judgeships in the State by means of that operation, and while the negroes are not under the influence in any degree of white people, they are very much under the influence of officers; officers of the law have a tremendous authority with them, and I think that they may 52 TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. not be capable of reorganizing the republican lines. But in another election, and especially in a Federal election, the republican party will go into the election disincumbered of any local influences, or very much more disincumbered of local influences than in the last election. Undoubtedly the local influence did have a very large weight in breaking down the republican organization in the State last year. For instance, there was a division inside of the republican party; they were mutually accusing each other of bad conduct. There was what was called the Alcorn wing of the party and the Ames wing of the party; and recrimination was constant between them and they had finally succeeded in bringing about such a state of affairs that it was impossible to unite the support of either side in any unanimous body of republican voters. The Alcorn crowd had last year quite a strong support even from the rank and file of the party, though not in 1873. By Mr. McDONALD: Q. When you speak of voters do you mean the colored men A. Yes, sir; the vote of the party is almost all colored. That of itself had produced such a state of things. It probably might have made it impossible for the republicans to carry the election in any event, especially as the democrats were very anxious by exchange of votes to control the legislature; and that was their main and chief purpose. The legislature was the great object that they had in view. To control that they were willing to make any number of exchanges. It was of very much more importance to them than the control of the Representatives to Congress. For instance, a very large portion of the votes cast for Mr. Wells, who is one of the Congressmen from my district, were democratic votes. There were a cople of nominations, both republican in their character; Mr. Howe, the previous member, and Mr. Wells. I suppose that all the democratic votes in the district were given to Wells. He got also a large number of republican votes, and beat his opponent by a great majority, although there was a strong republican majority in the district-about three thousand. But Wells's majority was, I believe, in the neighborhood of nine thousand. So he must have got as many, if not more, republican votes even than Howe. I am not quite certain of the number, but I know it was very large. He must have got a pretty strong republican support, and got all of the democratic support. Howe himself was not acceptable to the democracy at all, and he was not acceptable to the Alcorn wing of the republican party. Now, in the approaching election these divisions in the republican party will be healed, and, the danger arising from such divisions no longer existing, we may probably be able to reunite all the republicans. But it is difficult to say that that is certain. It is impossible that it can be certain, in view of the fact that the line being once broken and demoralized it is hard to re-unite it. There were last year, I have no doubt, many local nominees who deserved defeat, and it is true that there were a great many republicans, too, throughout the State who (lid not regret their defeat. You hear them constantly talking that way all over the State, saying that they do not care anything about it; that they think that there were a good many men who ought to have been whipped out; and republicans, too, of both sides of this duplex republican organization down there talk this way. There are others, on the other hand, who regard last year's defeat very bitterly. EXPENDITURES OF PUBLIC MONEY. Q. What is the fact in regard to the misuse of public money or ex TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 53 travagance in the public expenditures? You speak of that as a reason why the democrats organized against the negroes.-A. I am not, myself, able to give a very accurate statement about that, for I never have followed the course of public expenditures in Mississippi closely enough to give anything like an intelligent statement on that subject. I know that the State is not largely involved in debt, and I believe two or three millions of money is all they owe; and that they owe nearly all to their school and college funds of various kinds. The debt outside of that is a small debt, and my impression has always been, and I believe it is a true impression, that the State government of Mississippi has not been an extravagant government. STATE TAXATION. Q. Is the taxation burdensome as compared with other States, so far as you know ~?-A. Well, sir, I.do not think myself that the taxation is anlything like so burdensome as they say it is; and I judge simply from my own taxes, which are no more now than they have been every year since the war; and they are not burdensome. I think they are light enough. Yet you hear numerous complaints of burdensome taxes. The complaint is, perhaps, just in a great many instances, on this account: there are local taxes there in the counties as well as the State tax. The State tax. I think, has always been reasonable enough, and the expenditures of the State government have never appeared to be excessive. COUNTY TAXATION. But there has been extravagance in the counties, and very flagrant extravagan ce, which has in some cases run taxation up to a pretty high point. That state of the case has been unavoidable. There have been a great many, counties that have had boards of police composed of people who had not a particle of interest in the property of the county, but yet who have expended the county money and levied the county taxes, and who were often so ignorant as not to be able, in many instances, to read and write; and yet they have had the outlay of from ten to hundreds of thousands of dollars' worth of money. As a natural consequence that outlay of money has been rather flagrant in the counties. There have always been about Jackson some men who have exerted their influence to the greatest possible extent for the purpose of preventing any unusual taxation and any wanton expenditure of money on the part of the legislature; but that influence they have not been able to exert in the counties. As I have just stated, the white republican voters who were interested in preserving the property of the county had very little influence in controlling either the negro vote or the negro action; very little indeed. We felt that we were entirely powerless in our ability to do that thing. If they were going to make a public expenditure of money in a particular county, no matter how much it was, it was useless for me or any one else connected with the republican party to go there and tell them not to do it. And finding, from frequent repetitions of failure, that these attempts were useless, it was unavoidable that we should finally abandon the effort. This evil has been very great, notoriously very great, and acknowledged by all classes of people to be very great. When I spoke of the fact that taxation was not oppressive, I meant more particularly the taxation on the part of the State; I did not mean the taxation on the part of the localities by these county legislatures, as they might be called, which has been very formidable. Indeed, I Lave often felt that I was about to be impoverished by this local taxation; but we have managed to prevent it to some considerable extent 54 TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. in our county. We managed in one case, where they proposed to build a railroad, which, if it had been constructed and given to us, we would never have been able to run, to get a proviso attached to it that the money was not to be paid until it was built, though we had great difficulty in getting in this condition. It was never complted, and consequently we did not pay that tax; but it would have been a fearful tax if the road had been built. It was to run through a swamp, and the road could not have paid for its repairs; and, even if it had been built, could not have bought its rolling-stock. GOVERNOR AMES'S INFLUENCE ON TAXATION. But I think Governor Ames, in his administration did everything that it was possible to do to enforce economy in the counties. I think he did everything on earth that a man could do to reduce the expenses. It was thus his influence, in large part, that prevented the taxation from being heavy in Jackson. He was constantly urging upon the legislature the passage of such laws as would tend to correct the mischief of public extravagance. Q. During the canvass were there any statements in the newspapers that you thought trustworthy, showing that there was any intimidation or coercion of voters?-A. Yes, sir; 0, yes, I do not think that there was any doubt about the fact that there was a tremendous amount of intimidation and coercion in the State, if you ask my opinion upon that subject. I think it was enormous. At the same time, in nearly every one of the instances-not in every one-as for instance in the notorious Clinton massacre, it appears, I believe, that violence was first begun by the negroes. But after it was first begun by them they were visited with retaliation which struck consternation into whole communities and extended not only into the immediate neighborhood but for a hundred miles around, and struck the negroes with horror. And while they might have started the violence, the opportunity was always seized upon by the democrats to strike a blow which should be a perfectly fearful one in the way of retaliation. And after the trouble was started armed bodies of men would go out where these scenes had occurred and inflict a blow upon the negroes, sometimes killing some of them; and the reports of these things were constantly magnified. The fact was that they wanted it to be understood through the local community there that a great deal more blood had been shed and that a great many more people had been killed than was actually the case. They did not want that thing to get North,but they were anxious to have these stories exaggerated down there for the local effect. VIOLENCE FROM POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS ONLY. I do not believe that these men who were engaged in these acts of violence were actuated by any malice against the negroes; it was only those political considerations that led them to desire that a blow should be struck, for the influence that it would have upon the coming election. I believe from what I know down there that had it not been for the elections, the disturbances that took place, to a very great degree, could have been prevented; and I do not doubt, from what I heard and saw, that what was actually done in the way of outrages down there was very much exaggerated, because it was their policy to exaggerate it; and it was the policy of the republicans not to exaggerate it, and they were constantly trying to convince the republican voters that it was not as bad as was reported. But whenever a scene of violence occurred, the democrats tried to make the most they could out of it in the sequel. TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 55 POLITICAL EFFECT OF VIOLENCE. Q. What do you. mean by "1 the sequel?',-A. The political effect it produced in the community. Q. What was that effect ~?-A. I think that showed itself pretty strong-ly in the election. We were not cognizant of what the effect was until the election showed that from about 20,000 republican majority in 1873, the State had gone democratic by a much larger majority than that on this occasion. After these outrages had occurred we began to hear that the neg-roes were joining democratic clubs all over the country. We did not believe those rumors were true until the election showed that they were true. I think that a greater change occurred during the last month before the election than at any other time. There was pacification down there during that month; this peace was established for some time before the election, which we all consider as a very shrewd moverment on the part of the democrats, giving the appearance of perfect peace to the election. The blow had been struck, and the disorganization produced, and then came a cessation of hostilities-an armistice-between the parties. and things went on until the election very quietly; and the election itself was not attended by very much disturbance. SENTIMENTS OF THE YOUNG WHITE MEN. Q. As far as you know, are the white young men who are coming up, and who were boys during the war, more or less opposed to the negro population than their fathers?-A. When you say " opposed to the negro population," that is a question to which I can hardly give a direct answer. They a~re opposed to the negro in his politics just as much, and even, if anything, more than -their fathers. I believe that the men who have long been identified with public affairs down there are less vehement in their opposition to negro influence than the young men who are growing up. NEG-ROES AS LABORERS PREFERRED. But, at the same time, those men are not opposed to the negroes. For instance, in the county in which I live, which is composed entirely of plantations, nearly every planter is in the habit of going to Georgia and Alabama and bringing negroes in there by the score and by hundreds. One man will sometimes go and bring fifty or a hundred, and even as many as two hundred, to work his own land. There is universally a preference there for negroes as laborers on plantations rather than white people; they all prefer the negroes. There are hardly any persons there who would not reject white people every time and take the negroes to work their lands. They are more manageable and more docile in all matters of business; the settlements with them are easier; they work better in obedience to orders;' and they cause very little trouble in working plantations; and, being less expensive, make them a great deal more profitable than the white laborers. EMPLOYERS HAVE NO POLITICAL INFLUENCE. The intercourse between the employers and the negroes is a very pleasant intercourse; as pleasant, perhaps, as the intercourse between any employers in the world and their hirelings could be; except when it comes to politics, and then the employers have no sort of influence at all. I never have had any myself, and never have known of a single employer having the slightest possible influence over any colored man that was on his plantation in regard to political matters. I have been working lands myself ever since the war, and I am perfectly certain that TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. my support of any particular man, or my advice to a negro as to what his political course should be, has never had the slightest possible influence upon him. NEGROES IN DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. Q. How, then, do you account for the fact that you have just now stated, that the negroes joined the demiocratic clubs and associations ~ A. In my own judgment, that resulted in part from a sort of coercion. When I say coercion, I mean the influence exerted upon their mnds. Probably I do not employ the right term in saying " coercion but the influence of those disturbances that occurred in the State-those outbreaks-had alarmed the negroes, and had stricken a great deal of terror into them. NEGRO PARADES. There is no doubt that the negroes were very much disposed to have political parades, and their parades are not always as peaceable and quiet as they ought to be. Sometimes, if they were looked at properly, they ought to be considered as riots, for very frequently when they parade they stop in front of people's houses and alarm and frighten the people inside. Well, they stopped their parades there entirely when this outbreak i nton occurred, and when the disturbance broke out at Friar's Point where Governor Alcorn was. THE FRIAR'S POINT DISTURBANCE. This last disturbance was not very far from a place of mine and reached within a few miles of it. Before that occurred, the negroes in that particular locality had exhibited a great disposition to have political parades, and these parades were always more or less terrifying to the women and those generally who lived in remote portions of the country not very well settled. On that particular occasion some twenty white people from the surrounding hill-country, where there are more whites living than in the county where I live, collected together and came down there for the purpose of checking these things and preserving the peace. That happened when I was away in Greenville; but I heard all about this thing after I came home. Q. Were any persons killed at the Friar's Point riot, which you say was near one of your plantations'-A. This thing extended pretty near to my place; but the place is some sixty miles from Friar's Point. A body of negroes assembled within four miles of my own place, with the object of going to re-inforce this crowd in Coahoma County. There was also an assemblage of white men, and they passed right by my place while I was absent, for the purpose of driving those negroes away; but they did not come into collision, and there was no violence in that neighborhood. PRACTICE OF CARRYING ARMS IN MISSISSIPPI. Q. Were both sides armed-the negroes and the white people?-A. I do not know, sir. I did not see them myself at all; but I imagine that they must have been armed, for the reason that nearly every one down there has some kind of arms. Q. Do you speak of both black and white peopled-A. The black people have not got them to the same extent as the whites have; but almost every man, black or white, who has money enough to buy firearms, has them. It is the greatest place on the face of the earth for pistols. No man is comfortable down there unless he has got his pistols. WHITE OPPOSITION TO NEGRO CONTROL OF POLITICS. The white people there are determined that the colored population TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 57 shall not control that country and its politics; and I believe that they will remain so to all time. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Irrespective of the provisions of the Constitution of the United States?'-A. They are determined that the negro population shall not control the political affairs of that State. One reason is because the negroes are negroes, and another is because the negroes are ignorant and the white people are more intelligent; and another reason is that nearly all the pro perty down there is in the hands of the white people; and still another reason is that the negroes, when they get the power in their hands, are disposed to monopolize everything themselves. Q. Do I understand you to say that they determine to do this in opposition to the express provision of the Constitution of the United States authorizing these people to vote V BELIEF THAT THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CONCERNING SUFFRAGE IS A CIPHER. A. I think that the general feeling down there at this time among the democrats-and it is coming to be a belief among republicans too-is this: that that part of the Constitution which says that no man shall be denied the right of suffrage or any of his civil rights on account of race or previous condition of servitude, has pretty much become a cipher; and that the national republican party, just like the democratic party, have abandoned. the enforcement of that provison of the Constitution down there; and that the negroes are not to look to the Goverinment for protection of that kind. Q. Is that because they believe that that provision of the Constitution cannot be enforced?-A. I believe if there was a belief down there that that provision was going to be enforced, every negro would vote the republican ticket. Q. Then, notwithstanding this provision of the Constitution securing them these rights, the white people down there are determined to control the matter and prevent them from exercising those rights V-A. I think they are fully determined that it shall not be done in such a way as to give the negroes the control of the country. Q. Even if it should be necessary to resist this provision of the Constitution: is that what you understand to be the feeling V-A. I suppose, if the question were submitted to the people as to whether they would enforce the laws to carry out that provision of the Constitution, that it would be a dead letter. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) You mean, by the people, the white people VA. Yes, sir. Q. (By Mr. MCMILLAN.) You spoke of the vast majority of the democratic party as being white people V-A. Nearly every one of them. No matter what may be the state of the case, whenever any set of white men in the South propose to make the negro an element in politics, whenever any body of men down there set out with the idea that the negro shl11 become a power in politics, that very moment the other white leaders who oppose them will be able to rally the white race against it. The presentation of the negro as an element of politics in the South, in my judgment, will invariably enable the leaders who oppose such movement, to rally the white voters down there against it. Q. Upon a presentation of that question-the mere question of the facts as they are now, that the blacks have the right of suffrage, which, where they are in a majority, would enable them to control an electiondo I understand you to say that the determination among the white 58 TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. people is that the blacks would not be permitted to control the election if a majority of them should vote in that particular direction -A. To give you a categorical answer to that question, I believe they would not be if they organized, as they are strongly disposed to do, in one solid black mass, and 1 believe the only way on the face of the earth to enable them to control an elections if they organized for the purpose of carrying out their black policy, would be for Federal authority to inter fere and protect them in that organization. I do not think that they could protect themselves, nor that the people of Mississippi, or any other Southern State, would protect them. It is true that most of these people who do these things are not aware of the fact that that is a provision of the Constitution. When you tell them that the Constitution guarantees the protection of this race in their political rights, and that laws have been passed for that purpose, securing that guarantee, that is a thing they have not thought about. I have frequently had occasion to do that, because I have often been asked by parties down there, in a perfectly candid and fair spirit, what was the reason that I supported the republica.n party, and this has been my answer: that I considered that every man was obliged to support the republican party or policy because we were pledged by the Coustitution to protect these people. JUDGES OF ELECTION AND SUPERVISORS-HOW APPOINTED. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) Are the judges of election and the supervisors for the present year appointed in Mississippi?-A. I am not able to tell you whether they are or not. The judges of election are appointed for a fixed period. I think that their present appointments expire about the middle of the coming summer, before the next election comes on. The other day I was informed by Governor Ames that the legislature had recently passed an act for the purpose of organizing a different method of election, and that by that act the authority had been taken away from the officers who formerly exercised the power of appointing election officers and had been put in the hands of the governor, the president of the senate, and the secretary of state. They were formerly chosen by the circuit judges, the chancellors, and the sheriffs. The statute last year required that there should be three registers of election in each county; one to be appointed by the circuit judge, one by the chancellor, and a third by the sheriff; and the law required that at least one of the three should be of the opposite political party from the other two, so that one of them was generally a democrat and the other two republicans. I do not remember now that I heard of any accusations of fraud at the election last year. I do not remember that I heard of any charges of that kind. Q. The registrars of election are a different class of officers, are they not, from the judges of election?-A. My recollection is that the registrars are judges themselves of the elections. Who appoints the judges I am not quite certain. I know that these officers that I spoke of appointed the registrars; but the registrars hold the election at the countysite. It was a thing that I did not investigate particularly. I had the appointment of one of the registrars in various counties, as chancellor. I did not appoint any judges; but I remember that these registrars were seen exercising the power of judges of election at the county-site. TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 59 FIFTH DAY. WASHINGTON, May 4,' 1876. Continuation of the examination of THOMAS WALTON. AGGREG-ATE REPUBLICAN VOTE. By Mr. McDoNALD: Question. In the State elections preceding the election of 1875, can you state about what the aggregate republican vote was.-Answer. My impression is that the republican vote has been in the neighborhood of seventy-five thousand; but I have a bad recollection of numbers, and it may be that I err greatly in stating things of that kind. Q. From the tabular statement attached to the testimony of Governor Ames it appears that in 1873 the aggregate vote for the republican candidate for treasurer of State was 70,462. That was the year that Governor Ames and Senator Alcorn were the competing candidates for governor f-A. Yes, sir. Q. I ask you if that aggregate is about what you understood the republican vote of the State to be prior and at that time?-A. The aggregate vote for treasurer in 1873, you mean e Q. Yes, sir; 70,462.-A. I never noticed that particular vote, but from 1-870 to 1875 that has been about what I think the vote of the republican party in the State was; that has been my idea of the strength of the republican party in the State. Q. Were you in the State in 1869?-A. I was; but not during the whole of the canvass. I was at the Hot Springs, Ark., during a large portion of that canvass. Q. Do you remember the aggregate republican vote for that year3A. I don't know, sir; I am not able to state from memory the vote for any particular time, or for any particular person, very accurately. I have only a general recollection of what the republican vote was. I think, however, that is, my recollection is, that Governor Alcorn was elected over Dent in 1869 by some 38,000 votes. I think Dent got about 35,000 or 36,000 votes; that is, however, a statement from vague memory only. Q. Were you in the State during the canvass and election, at the time that General Humphreys was candidate for governor?-A. I was in the State during all the time; but I was not at the election. Q. The new constitution was voted on at that same election, was it not?-A. I believe it was. Q. And defea4ed?-A. Yes, sir; that is my recollection, that it was defeated at that election. Q. Do you recollect what vote General Humphreys got?-A. I do not. Q. Or what the aggregate vote in opposition to him was?-A. I do not remember the aggregates on that occasion at all. THE LAST DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR. Q. Was not General Humphreys the last democratic candidate for governor in Mississippi, down to the present time?-A. I believe he was, sir; he was the last man who was looked upon as a democratic candidate tor governor. Q. Did he not receive a majority of the votes cast at the gubernatorial election in 18681~A. My impression is that he did, sir. Q. Has it ever been pretended, as tar as you know, that the republi 60 TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. can vote of 1873 was not a full vote?A. I do not knowthat I ca-n say that I believe it was not a full vote. The ticket that was in the field against the republican party-against Ames-was beaten. Q. I am speaking of the republican vote, not of the opposition.-A. Yes, sir; I am going to tell you. The Alcorn party claimed that they had many supporters among the republicans, and that many prominent republicans supported that ticket. Whether that was so or not I am not able to say; but Alcorn himself was a republican, and I believe that his ticket was a republican ticket, as far as I recollect. They claimed that they represented the republican party. Consequently, it may be that the republican vote on that occasion supporting the Ames party was not a full vote. I am not able to say whether it was or not, for the opposition did not run as democrats; they ran as republicans, and they had a good many republican supporters that were public men in the State. Whether they had any voters in the republican party besides these public men I do not know. WHITE AND BLACK MAJORITIES BY COUNTIES. Q. Is not the numerical majority of the blacks in that State confined to comparatively few counties; are there not having white majorities than there are counties having black majorities?-A. I think there are a good many more counties having white majorities than there are counties havig black majorities; but I am not able to state that with great certainty. It is a question to which my attention was never particularly called. A great many of the counties are thinly settled, and those that are thus thinly settled are generally those having white majorities; although it is not always the case that counties having white majorities are very thinly settled. I believe, however, that the most populous counties in the State have black majorities, the black population being more massed than the white population. STATE TAXATION UNDER (GOVERNOR AMES. Q. You stated yesterday that you did not think the State expenses had been much increased under the administration of Governor Ames. Can you state the percentage of State taxation?-A. I cannot, sir. Q. In any year?-A. I cannot state it with accuracy; but the aggregate of State taxes before the war was very much less than the aggregate of State taxes has been since the war. TAXATION FOR SCHOOLS. A large portion of the aggregate since the war has been made up of taxes for the support of schools; and the democratic legislature in Mississippi to-day find themselves very much embarrassed in the effort to reduce the taxation on account of the school system, as the taxation necessarily has to be a great deal larger than it was before the war on that account. But the present democratic legislature has stopped the school-tax altogether. My impression is that we did not have any State or county taxes before the war for the support of schools- that we depended entirely for the support of schools upon the sixteenth section-that is, the Federal Government's donations of land. There was one portion of the State where they did not depend upon the sixteenth section, but a portion of the amount received by the United States from the sale of public lands was given for school purposes. There may have been taxes for school purposes at some period of the State's existence before the war, but none that I am aware of. PERCENTAG-E OF LOCAL TAXATION. Q. You speak of local taxes being greatly increased in some cases TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 61 through the mismanagement of the local officers or otherwise. Can you state what was the percentage of local taxation in any of these counties?-A. Well, sir, I think that I paid about 2yJ per cent. taxes in the aggregate, for State, county, and other purposes; but the assessments were low, very low. Still, the assessments were not lower than the prices which the property would have brought if it had been put up and sold for cash. They were lower than the price the people would have been willing to dispose of their property for, but not lower than they would have realized if they had put it up and sold it and got the money for it paid down. Q. Do you know what the rate of local taxation in Warren County was?-A. No, sir; I do not. I do not know anything about taxation in A'Warren County. It is very far removed from me, and I do not know anything about the particulars of that county's affairs. Q. Was there not, in some of the counties of the State, a much larger percentage than that you have stated of local taxation f You spoke of that as about the average that you paid.-A. I think I saw statements in the papers that there was; but I did not know any of the counties' affairs myself, to which these statements referred. Q. I think you stated that you had been a supporter of Governor Ames and his administration?-A. Yes, sir. REPUBLICAN OPPOSITION TO GOVERNOR AMES. Q. I will ask you if there was not a very violent opposition in the republican party among quite a number of men, who were regarded as relpublican leaders, to Governor Ames's administration?-A. Yes, sir; and to every other administration that is republican down there. The fact is, that any man who is made governor of Mississippi, or perhaps of any other Southern State, by the republican party, is doomed to his own destruction; and that, owing to the very violent dissensions that go on inside the party. Governor Ames, in the matter of these assaults that were made upon him, was the victim only of the state of things, of which he was the head. Q. The objective point.-A. Yes, sir. I do not know anything on the face of the earth that can be more trying to human patience than to be made governor of one of the Southern States under the present state of things. CONDUCT OF GOVERNOR AMES. Q. These violent dissensions in the republican party among its leaders, as you say, were as active in 1875 as they had been at any time previous, were they not?-A. I think so. I always considered Governor Ames's conduct asmostexemplary in its character, and looked upon him as a very strong character and high-toned man; and I think that the things which brought down impeachment upon him, those acts which really moved the democracy against him, were things that he was as a man of honor compelled to do. The estrangement of his party associates, he being governor of the State and having its patronage at his disposal, was one of those things too apt to ensue when his patronage gave out. COUNTY DISSENSIONS. Q. Were there no counties in the State in which the dissensions in the republican ranks did not affect the local politics in the county -- A. There are plenty of counties in which I do not know of such dissensions myself. Whether there are any counties in which the dissensions did not exist I am not able to say. Q. Can you name any counties in which you had no knowledge of any division in the republican party?-A. Yes; I might say that I 62 TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. could name nearly all the counties in the State, for I have never been a very great politician, and really have given but little attention to these controversies that went on between the mnembers of the party. I am not personally acquainted with many of the party leaders, and if I was called upon to enumerate the counties, I would have to enumerate three-fourths of them in the State, that I do not know of any divisions in myself; or, even if i had read of the divisions there between men that I knew nothing about, I dismissed them fi om my recollection as soon as I read them, and I do not remember anything about them now. Q. I will ask you if the result of the election of 1875 was not very greatly affected by these dissensions in the republican party. —A. I think it was, sir. I believe I stated that yesterday in my testimony. Q. Were not these dissensions among the republicans in the State carried into the canvass, and did not the contending factions criminate and recriminate upon each other in the canvass?-A. They did, sir, very bitterly. CONTEST IN THlE SECOND (MR. WELLS'S) DISTRICT. Q. In the second district you say Wells was supported by the democrats and a considerable part of the republicans. Is not that sufficient to account for Wells's election?-A. Yes, sir. I asked Mr. Wells last night what vote he had got, and he told me nine thousand majority. If he got that majority he must have got more republican votes than his opponent, Mr. Howe, as well as the deimocratic vote. Q. In the third district were there not three candidates-~Money, Powers, and Little.-A. Yes, sir; there were. Q. And did not Powers and Little both claim to be the nominees of their party'?-A. They did, sir. 3Money beat them both put together, I think. IN THE FOURTH (3MR. SINGLETON'S) DISTRICT. Q. In the fourth district were there not also three candidates-Niles and Warner, nominated by the republicans, and Singleton, democrat?A. No, sir; there were not three candidates. Mlr. Warner got the nomination, but it was charged that he got it by unfair means, and after he had remained in the canvass some time he withdrew, and Niles came out as his successor. iNiles did not run until.Warner withdrew, and I don't think Warner withdrew until he became very certain that there was not much chance for his election. Niles came out when the chances were pretty bad against him. IN THE FIFTH (MR. HOOKER'S) DISTRICT. Q. In the fifth district was there not great dissatisfaction at the nomination of Hill, and was not Hooker supported by leading republicans -A. I do not know. I know that there was a tremendous contest for the nomination, but I know nothing of any dissatisfaction, or any support of Hooker by republicans, though there might have been. I was not in that district at all during that time; and I am not prepared to say whether any of the republicans supported Hooker or not. IN THE SIXTH (MIR. LYNCH'S) DISTRICT. Q. In Mr. Lynches district, the sixth, was there any republican opposition to Lynch 1-A. I do not know of any, sir. That is at the other end of the State from that where I live. VIOLENCE IN THE SIXTH DISTRICT. Q. Was there any intimidation in that district to your knowledge? A. There was some violence in that district in two counties, Amite and Claiborne. TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 63 Q. How long preceding the election?-A. I do not know, sir. There was some violence, I think, in Claiborne County on the day of the election. There were disturbances in Armite County before the election. IN THE FIRST (M3R. LAMAR'S) DISTRICT. Q. In the first district, (Lamar's,) did you hear of any intimidation being used?-A. I do not think I did, sir. My recollection is that every county in that district is democratic, and the democrats were very wise about that; they did not make any fuss where they had a sure thing. REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION OF 1870. Q. Were you at the republican State convention last year?-A. No, sir. Q. Do you know Mr. Lake?- A. I do, sir. Q. What office did he hold at that time?-A. He was United States marshal of the southern district. Q. Have you any knowledge of the proceedings that took place at that convention.-A. Well, sir, I read the proceedings. Atthe time that the convention met, and for a long time afterward, my wife was very ill, and finally died, and I was very little occupied in attending to public matters or anything of that kind at that time; and I cannot give very accurate information about that thing. Q. Do you know whether there was any opposition in that convention manifested to the administration of General Grant — A. I am not able to say whether there was or not, sir. QUIET BEFORE THE ELECTION. Q. You stated that everything quieted down in Mississippi about a month prior to the election.-A. I may not be accurate about the time, but for some weeks before the election I know that things were pretty quiet thereQUESTION OF TIHE LEGALITY OF THE LEGISLATURE. Q. And that the election generally was peaceable and orderly.-Has any question been raised in Mississippi about the legality of that election?-A. YWell, sir, there has been a question as to the legality of the election; a question as to whether this intimidation in the State made the election illegal. Q. Has any department of the government in Mississippi, or any authority, State or Federal, questioned the legality of the present legis]ature?-A. I believe not, sir. That is to say, no authority, State or Federal, nor department of the government in Mississippi has questioned the legality of the present legislature. There has been a popular charge that it was a legislature elected by intimidation; but then, while they have questioned it unofficially, they have recognized the legality of the legislature by their official intercourse with it. Q. Have not both the judicial and executive authority of the State repeatedly recognized the legality of the legislature elected in 1875?A. The judicial authority, the supreme court, may be considered as having recognized the legality of the legislature in this way: two of the judges of the supreme court by turns-the court consists of three judgespresided over the impeachment of Governor Ames. The chiefjustice of the State first piesided, and then in consequence of ill-health he resigned his position, and became only an associate justice, and the person who was elected chief-justice in his place took his position as president of the court of impeachment. The officers of the State generally reported to the legislature, and the governor of the State sent his message to the legislature, and approved or vetoed its bills. I remember that I had a 64 TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. conversation with Governor Ames on that subject, in which something was said about the legality of the legislature. I recollect he made the remark, which impressed me as authorizing his action in the matter, that the legislature was a legal body, because the number of republicans in the legislature and the number of democrats in the legislature, who were peacefully elected, constituted a majority of each house, and thereby were entitled to decide the question of the right of the other members to their seats. He contended, however, that a good many of the members had been illegally elected. Q. But that that was a question which there was a legal body there to determine?-A. That there was a legal body there composed of republicans who had been elected without any improper influence, and denmocrats who were elected peacefully in sufficient numbers to constitute a majority of each house. I remember his making that remark to me in January, shortly after the legislature met. He did not give that as his reason for recognizing the legislature in his official capacity; but the two things coupled themselves together in my mind. NEGRO OPRGANIZATIONS. Q. You stated yesterday that the negro population were organized in clubs which very few white persons, even of the republican party, attended, and that you had never been in attendance at one of these club-meetings yourself, supposing that they did not desire any advice from the white republicans. Do you know whether these organizations were in any way secret in their character ~ —A. I do not know that they were secret in their character, sir. These particular organizations, I think, were not secret in their character. There is undoubtedly among the negroes of the South a vast amount of secret understanding. They have not been brought up to that point of intelligence and virtue that when they know of crimes committed by each other they can be relied upon to expose them. They do not tell on each other when they steal, unfortunately; and for that reason it is very difficult for us to punish criminals. I do not mean to say that that is tiue of every one of them, but it is true, unfortunately, of the mass of them. NEGRO ORGANIZATIONS NOT REALLY SECRET. Q. Are they not bound together in some sort of secret organization from which any white person is excluded?-A. I do not know that it can be called an organization, except that there is naturally a herding together, and collecting together, and having all kinds of intercourse with each other, which is without doubt largely secret in its character. I do not think they organize clubs except in political times. I do not know that there is any justice in saying that they do organize themselves into secret clubs or organizations, and I believe they do not. Q. Have you any knowledge of any such an organization as the Loyal League existing among them? —A. No, sir, I have not. I have never known anything about any Loyal League myself; not a thing. Q. Or any political league of that nature — A. I have no knowledge of that kind. I have no knowledge of any secret organization existing among them, except, as I have said, there is in times of political excitement, and in fact in all other times, a disposition to secrecy in their intercourse with each other, which, I suppose, is very natural, but it is deplorable. INFLUENCE OF NATIVE WHITES AND FORMER SLAVEHOLDERS. Q. Is it not a fact that th6se who have been brought up in that country, and who were formerly their masters, have more personal influence among the negroes than any other class of white persons f-A. TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. 65 Aside from politics, I believe it is. However, I consider this quite doubtful, as I estimate the white man's influence, and especially the southerner's influence, with negroes at a very low figure. Q. If the negro finds it necessary to ask for advice or counsel, is he not much more likely togo to one of that class than to any other — A. Well, I do not know about that. They go to northern men, who are down there as politicians, a great deal for advice and counsel; and they go to southern white men, also, frequently; and, perhaps, more frequently than they do to any other class, because the southern white people are there in so much greater numbers than the northern ones. SYMPATHY OF NEGROES WITH NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN WHITES.. Q. Is there not a stronger sympathy between the southern white people and the negroes who have been brought upon the same soil, than there is between the negroes and northern people who go down there — A. Well, I am not able to tell you to what extent the sympathy between the negroes and the northern people down there really goes. I think the relations between the southern white people and the negroes are very friendly relations indeed. I do not think that the southern white people have any prejudice against the negroes, and I do not think the negroes have any prejudice against the southern white people, except such as grows out of politics and the efforts of both classes to get the control of the government of the country. I do not think that there is any hostility to the negroes; and I do not think that there is any feeling of violence toward the negroes, except such as grows out of political considerations. FEARS OF THE NEGROES RESPECTING THE WHITES. Q. Do you remember how long before the election the first act of violence took place — A. No, sir; I do not. I do not remember the dates well. I do not remember them even in their order. But, in regard to the feeling that may exist down there, the two races look upon each other in this way: the negroes have great fear of the white people as threatening their political liberties. Q. Their right to vote?-A. Their right to exercise in full the elective franchise, and all the powers that are incident to the elective franchise. They feel that that is a great right-a tremendous privilege to themand that they are not very secure when the country is under the control of the white people or the democracy. FEELINGS OF THE WHITES TOWARD THE NEGROES. The latter look upon the negroes with horror, as supporting a body of men who the whites say are going to rob them-a band of brigandsand they have got nearly everybody down there to believe that they will rob them if they have the power. The consequence is that one party is regarded as certain to be guilty of the outlawry of bloodshed, and the other of the outlawry of thieving; and I believe the white people clown there are generally inclined to think that stealing is a baser crime than killing, and that breaking a man's head is not half so mean and contemptible as cutting his purse. Not only have the southern people that sort of feeling among themselves, but that feeling extends to all the northern people that go down there, except the office-holders or those who are candidates for office. It extends even to the soldiers who are sent there to keep the peace, ~nd, while our country is very often reproached as having Ku-klux, that keep away northern republicans, my observation shows me that when the white republicans come down there from the North they generally turn democrats, unless they are office5 MISS Q6 6TESTIMONY OF THOMAS WALTON. holders or candidates for office; they fall under the influence of that sentiment that exists in the South, and sometimes they turn very violent Ku-klux themselves, or a least what we call Ku-klux-pretty violent fellows. KNOWS NOTHING- OF THE KU-KLUX, OR THE CLINTON DIFFICULTY. Q. Do you know anything about any Ku-klux organization as an organization there?-A. No, sir; I do not. I have heard men say, however, that they had once belonged to a Ku-klux organization. Q. But at present you do not know of any?-A. No, sir. Q. Do you know how the Clinton difficulty first began ~-A. I know nothing about it, except in the vaguest sort of way, from newspaper reports. Q. Was it your understanding that violence first began with the negroes — A. I have no personal knowledge of how that difficulty began. I request leave to add to my testimony, in vindication of southern men who have supported the republican party, that we have done so because we felt that it was the only party which proposed in good faith to keep the pledges contained in the constitutional amendments for the protection of all classes of men, and to keep those pledges we have considered to be an obligation of honor as it is an obligation of honor to keep every other pledge of the constitution or any other compact. I also desire to say, that what I have said about my want of influence with colored voters, does not show that I am not indebted to col' ored men for support. Indeed, they have often extended to me a most generous personal support; notably in a late instance where Senator Bruce started, and Mr. Lynch, the colored member of Congress, and Mr. Hill, the colored secretary of state in Mississippi. all of whom I value very highly, strongly supported a recommendation for my appointment as United States district attorney by President Grant, and succeeded in procuring such appointment. STATEMENT OF SENATOR ALCORN. 67 STATEMENT OF SENATOR ALCORN. WASHINGTON, July 7, 1876. Senator J. L. ALCORN, having been summoned, made the following statement: I have had submitted to me a copy of Governor Ames's testimony as taken before the committee in April last. I desire to make answer to several statements which he has seen proper to make in reply to interrogatories propounded to him. THE FRIARIS POINT DIFFICULTY. On page 26 of his testimony, referring to the riot in October last at Friar's Point, Governor Ames makes the statement that the republicans, headed by Sheriff John Brown, were on one side, and the democrats, led by General Chalmers, Mr. Reid, and myself, were on the other side. To this I answer, that the Reid to whom Governor Ames refers was his supporter against me in the canvass for governor in 1873, and had continued to support his administration up to the time of the riot referred to. General Chalmers, the other gentleman named, wrote a letter during the canvass between Governor Ames, and myself, which was published in one or more newspapers, in which he avowed himself as a supporter of Governor Ames, on the plea, it is true, that he believed the best means that could be used by the democrats in breaking up the republican party in the State of Mississippi was to elect Ames as governor. In addition to this, General Chalmers urged that the democrats had more to hope for from Governor Ames than from myself. SHERIFF BROWN. On the same page Governor Ames states that, when he ran for governor, John Brown, the sheriff, carried my county against me almost unanimously, and undertakes to give the majority in his favor. Without having the figures before me, I do not hesitate to say that Governor Ames is altogether in error with regard to the vote of that county, for, while his majority was very considerable, it was not so great by several hundred votes as he represents it to be. He states also, on the same page, that it was reported that I had said I was going to carry my own county, and that his friends and supporters should not carry it. I made no such statement; made but one speech in the county during the canvass, and certainly had no expectation of carrying that county. SENATOR ALCORN'S SON. He also makes the statement, on the same page, that my own son was associaf d with Mr. Brown as sheriff, and supported Brown in the affair at Friar's Point. The statement that my son was officially associated with Brown as sheriff up to or at any time previous to the riot is not true; nor is it true that my son acted in support of Brown in the affair at Friar's Point, or that he held any office in the county at that time. CORRECTION OF A TELEGRAPHIC MESSAGE. On page 27 of the testimony of Governor Ames, a portion of my dispatch from Friar's Point to the New York Tribune, dated October 11, 1875, in which I give a summary of the facts inducing the Friar's Point trouble, is embraced in the record. Governor Ames convicts the dispatch of an error, which he characterizes as a" gross mistake." In the 68 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-FRIAR'S POINT. third line of the dispatch, as printed in the record, I am made to represent Governor Ames as having been the bondsman of Brown, the sheriff. The dispatch was written by me at Friar's Point, and sent to Helena, Ark., to be transmitted. The statement was that Brown's bond was executed by the friends of Ames. In the third line of the dispatch, as it appears in the record, the words " the friends of should be inserted between the words " by" and "Ames." The dispatch would then read as I wrote it, and as it was by me sent to the telegraph office. REPUBLICAN DIVISIONS IN REGARD TO THE SHERIFFALTY. On page 28 of his testimony, Governor Ames, in answer to the question as to what was " his [my] object in resorting to violence," states, "As I understand, it was to prevent the colored people coming in and making their nominations, or holding meetings." In reference to this, I state the fact to be that I did not in any way oppose the convention of the colored people. I had nothing to say with regard to their meetings or their nominations. They had held their convention and made their nominations before the trouble culminated. I was not present at their convention, had nothing to do with it in any way, and I do not remember to have made any remarks touching what they might do. After their convention had been held, and some dissatisfaction had arisen among those who were present seeking nominations, I was inquired of by a friend in Friar's Point as to whether I would support Judge Reid as a candidate for sheriff in opposition to Brown, the nominee of the colored people. I answered that, while I was opposed to Reid, he having been the supporter of Ames all the while, and having co-operated with Brown for the whole period of his sheriffalty, and having been one of his bondsmen, I held Reid in about the same respect that I held Brown, but that there was one distinctive difference which would cause me to support Reid rather than Brown; that while Reid might not manage the office of sheriff any more satisfactorily than Brown, still I thought he would not be ready to incite the colored people to violence and outrage, and on this account I would support him. This occurred in the evening, after the the republican convention had met and placed its ticket in the field. In the course of an hour, or perhaps more, there was dropped at my office-door a poster inviting the republicans who were dissatisfied with the nominations of the day to meet at the court-house in the evening at an hour named. for the purpose of considering the question of bringing out another ticket, and Judge Reid and others were announced as speakers. As a matter of curiosity, I went to the court-house that evening, and found a large crowd assembled there. Several speeches were made. Judge Reid announced himself as a republican candidate for the office of sheriff at the ensuing election; there was an announcement also for the office of chancery clerk and also for the office of circuit clerk, the one by a white man and the other by a very respectable colored man. The speakers all avowed themselves republicans and gave their reasons as to why they would not support Brown's ticket. POLITICAL ACTION OF SENATOR ALCORN. After they had concluded, I was called upon to address the meeting. At first I refused to do so, but the clamor was so general that I found myself unable to escape from the court-house without saying something. I took the stand and entered upon a review of the political condition of affairs in Coahoma County. I embraced Brown, the sheriff, in my criticisms; stated the fact to be that he had plundered the State, in one settiement with the auditor of public accounts, of $4,725, which he then STATEMENT OF SENATOR ALCORN. 69 had in his pocket and which he should be made to disgorge; that he had also attempted to perpetrate a fraud on the county treasurer amounting to about $7,000, and had only been prevented from accomplishing his purpose by the treasurers that, having been detected in his frauds, he now sought to palm off on the people of the county the ticket which he had that day nominated in order that he could hold the entire control of things in his own hands and swindle the tax-payers at pleasure; that he had imposed. upon the people ignorant and vicious officials, and had that day secured the nomination of a stranger, a colored man by the name of Smith, who was already in the enjoyment of the office of senator from that district, also was county superintendent of education with a salary of $900 a year, and in addition had been appointed by Governor Ames, without bond, as a special agent to collect arrears of taxes, and that now Brown desired to place this man in both offices-chancery and circuit clerk-where the sole power would be vested in him of approving the official bonds of the officers of the county and sole possession of the records and papers; that thus the ring would be complete, and the county entirely at the mercy of Brown and his followers. I characterized, in as strong terms as I could use, tie ignorance and the outrage of the public officials of the county. I recited the fact that Brown had been making incendiary speeches to the negroes through the county, in which he had been urging them to arm themselves for the struggle which he warned' them was before them; that the white people intended to assault, to massacre, and murder them. I denounced these speeches of Brown's as false within his own knowledge, and that they were made for the purpose of stirring the colored people to that violence that would bring about arson and bloodshed. After I had spoken in thisv strain for some time, Brown sought to interrupt me, but I refused to hear what he had to say. He took his seat, and in sitting down drew his pistol and placed it across his knees. This I did not see, but it was reported to me soon after by witnesses who sat near him, and whom I believe to be reliable. I finished my speech and went home. CAUSE OF THE RIOT. It was soon reported to me that Brown had said that he intended to speak on the following Monday, (this being Saturday,) and intended to denounce me as he had not heretofore done. He had been in the habit of denouncing me with all the vulgarity to him possible. I had made up my mind that I would bear it no longer, and replied, to those who informed me of Brown's intention, that I would be present when he made his speech on Monday. Several of my friends came to me and endeavored to induce me to reconsider my purpose and not to go to the court-house on the occasion of Brown's proposed speech, but I declared my purpose to do so at all hazards. Brown was advised, as I was informed, of my purpose to attend his meeting, and he sent messengers through the country to bring an armed force to the town for the purpose, as he said, of protecting him in -his right to speak. The colored people of the county had kept up their military organizations, and these could be readily brought to a given point. Many of the citizens urged him not to bring armed negroes to the town, that there was no necessity for this, and that it might induce riot. Brown agreed that he would not speak on Monday, but announced his intention of speaking on Tuesday. He gave assurances to the people that no armed negroes would be present on the occasion. I had had no consultation with any white people or others upon the subject. 70 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-FRIAR'S POINT. ARMED MEN APPROACHING THE TOWN. On the Tuesday following, information was brought to Friar's Point that a large body of armed negroes was advancing upon the town. Some of the citizens approached Brown upon the subject and he denied they were coming, but carriers soon arrived with the statement that several hundred negroes, well armed, were advancing, and had already approached within three or four miles of the town; that they were threatening to sack and burn the town. Many of the people were panic-stricken. Several of them came to me to ask my counsel as to what had best be done; that if we remained in the town we would certainly be murdered; that the few citizens of the town with all the help we could get would not number more than sixty or seventy men; that this force would be altogether insufficient for the defense of the place, and we only had such arms as we could suddenly gather together. My reply was, "Let those who are disposed to leave, go at once; for myself, I propose to stay with such persons as will remain and defend the town against the attack of Brown and his associates." I went to the court house and found Brown in conversation with some citizens. In my presence hf stated that he had sent messengers to meet the armed force that was coming to the town to disperse and send it back. Upon this assurance, for I believed his statement to be true, knowing his control over the colored people, I had no doubt of his ability to induce their return. I returned to my office, some two hundred yards from the court-house, and resumed my business. I had been there but fifteen or twenty minutes when a messenger came to me announcing that the head of the negro column was already in sight. I seized my " double-barrel shot-gun," ran to the court-house, and there did what I could in assisting to organize the forty or fifty men that were ready to fall into line for the defense of the town. THEY ADVANCE, RETREAT, AND AGAIN RALLY. The head of the negro column was met at the border of the town by a courier sent by General Chalmers urging the negroes to not enter the town,, but return. The parley was going on when I reached the courthouse. Brown was there and was evidently very active in endeavoring to have the negroes return; but, while I could not hear what the negro officers in command said, I saw from their actions that they were angry and not disposed to disperse. The negro column was thoroughly armed and mostly mounted. I said to General Chalmers, who had been appointed to the command, " Send a messenger to their column and tell them to disperse within fifteen minutes, or you will charge upon them." This message General Chalmers sent. It was not more than ten or fifteen minutes before the column countermarched and left the town, but rallied in a strong position about a mile south at a bridge. Our information was that they were rapidly re-enforcing and that their purpose was to return. After a short consultation it was agreed that they should be dispersed. In the mean time recruits of white men had arrived from the country and we had about a hundred men with such arms as they could gather up ready for the occasion. THE WHITES ATTACK THEM. It was suggested after a brief conference that by sending twenty-five or thirty men in the rear of the negroes in order to make a diversion, and by charging them in front and firing over their heads, they could be dispersed without the loss of a life. The movement was made and it was successful; the negroes ran pell-mell and no one was killed or TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH M. BYNUM. 71 wounded on either side. I do not think there would have been a single man killed as the result of that riot had it not been that some colored men in the rear of the column ambushed and killed a respectable young man by the name of Scott who was attending to his daily business, and who, if he had heard of the trouble, was certainly taking no part in it. When the news reached the advancing whites that Scott had been assassinated, a detachment was sent to charge the field in which he had been ambushed. RESULT OF THE FIGHT. Nine negroes were dislodged, one of whom was killed, six were taken prisoners, and two escaped. The prisoners were sent to the Friar's Point jail, detained there a day or two, and were then turned out on their parole that they would go home and behave themselves. In addition to this, on the next day four negroes were killed, not by any of the people of Friar's Point or of that county, I believe, but by some men who had come in from adjoining counties. I considered their talking off as so many outrages, and if the perpetrators of the crime could have been detected by the men from Friar's Point and the county in which I live who were under arms, they would have been summarily dealt with; for while all the negroes who were killed, save one, had doubtless taken more or less part in the riot, still they were not held to be, by thinking men, individually responsible; all sensible men believed they had been incited to what they did by Brown and his immediate followers. I think I risk nothing in stating the maximum of the killed in the Friar's Point riot, and growing out of that riot, at two white men, one assassinated by the-negroes, one who shot himself accidentally, and the killing of five colored men, one killed as I have described, who was in ambush, and four killed by men from adjoining counties. The election which succeeded was peaceable. The republicans carried the county by a large majority. NO PERSONAL KNOWLEDGE OF VIOLENCE. I have no personal knowledge of any violence in Mississippi during the year 1875, except that described in this statement. I have not visited the capital of the State since the election of Ames as governor of the State. His election struck me down, and I withdrew from political controversy. I expressed the hope that his administration might prove to be, not as I had predicted, a curse, but a blessing to Mississippi. This was, 1 think, the hope of all good citizens. The people appeared to accept his induction to office with great cordiality. His inaugural address was well chosen, and filled me with hope-hope against my judgment. Of his administration I do not wish to speak. The evil that he has done continues with us. He, I believe, has left the State, and I trust, permanently so. JOSEPH M. BYNUM-ALCORN COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MISS., June 26, 1876. JOSEPH M. BYNUM sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Where do you reside?-Answer. In Alcorn County, in the eastern part of the State. Q. How long have you lived there?-A. I have lived there ever since 1859-about fifteen years. 72 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-ALCORN COUNTY. Q. What is your profession or occupation?-A. I am a physician by profession; but I have not practiced medicine for the last ten years. Q.'Have you been in any business — A. Yes, sir; I am a merchant. Q. In what town do you live "-A. In Rienzi, on the line between Prentiss and Alcorn Counties; a county bordering on Tennessee. Q. Are you a native of Mississippi — A. I am a native of North Carolina. Q. You have been in this State how long?-A. Fifteen years. I was raised in North Carolina and am a graduate of the University of Pennsylvania. INTIMIDATION IN ALCORN COUNTY. Q. Have you such knowledge of the last political canvass in Alcorn County that you can state whether there was anything in the nature of intimidation or threats used by anybody?-A. There was a good deal of uneasiness felt there by the colored population, and they were uncertain of their voting or not. There was no display of arms or military companies, but there was a good many threats through the county that the laborers should not work without they voted a certain ticket; or, if they did vote the republican ticket, that they should not be employed. The principal intimidation was of that kind. Q. Were any of these threats made within your personal knowledge or under your observation?-A. Not made to me; only reported to me by other parties. I did not take a very great interest in the election until a few days before the election, when the colored people said that they were threatened with not being allowed to stay in the country there and cultivate the land without they voted a certain ticket; and on the day of the election I took a considerable interest in it on that account, and told them that I thought they should have a fair vote. Q. Without they voted a certain ticket; which ticket do you mean?A. If they voted the republican ticket that they should not have the land there; that was a threat from the farmers, and pretty generally understood, I believe. Q. Did you hear of all these threats from negroes exclusively, or from white persons as well — A. I heard them from both. Some of the colored people came to me, and told me that the owners of the land said that they should not work with them any more. I told them that that was all talk; that it never would be attempted; but still they felt a great deal of uneasiness about it, and had an idea that they would carry it into effect. Q. Do you know whether there were any cases where such threats were carried into effect? -A. I don't. I think we are scarce of labor in the country, and everybody was anxious to get all the labor they could after the election. Q. Do you know anything about political clubs among the democrats or republicans? DEMOCRATIC PROTECTION AGAINST REPUBLICAN INFLUENCE. A. There were no republican clubs in our county. There was a democratic club in our town that met frequently, and made a considerable display of music, badges and marching and firing, and everything of that sort, which produced a good deal of uneasiness among the colored people, and on the day of the election that club appointed two or three men to see that there was no influence used over the black people to influence them to vote the republican ticket; so these members appointed by the club said. Q. Did you understand what these men were to do to prevent such influence on the black people.- -A. I know what they did do. TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM B. REDMOND. 73 Q. That is what we want to know.-A. In my warehouse I had a back room and the republican tickets were sent to me on the night before the election, and I went there to make up these tickets. These men appointed by the club, with their badges on, came in there and sat around and said that they were appointed by the democratic club to prevent any man from influencing the colored men to vote the republican ticket. I told them that I was running this thing myself and intended to make out the tickets for them and to fix them up. They said that was just exactly what they were there to prevent, that they were there for that purpose; and crowded into the room, and I went out on the street and they followed me all round town and back, and sat right beside me; and some had clubs and some had not. These things occurred there on election-day. Q. Were any fire-arms exhibited or used — A. I never saw any. Q. Were you a candidate for any office t-A. No, sir. Q. Did you ever hold any office in the county? CREED OF A CONFEDERATE SOLDIER. A. I never held any office in the county. I was in the southern army, but I believed when the surrender took place at Appomattox that the fight was over and that we better fall into line, and take the best we could get. RELATIVE PROPORTION OF BLACK AND WHITE VOTERS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. As a matter of fact I believe the white population of your county very largely outnumbers the black — A. Yes, sir. Q. I observe the white population is 7,666, and the black 2,768, so that this has always been a democratic county — A. It has always been a democratic county; largely democratic. WILLIAM B. REDMOND AMITE COUNTY. JACKSON, MISS., June 9, 1876. WILLIAM B. REDMOND sworn and examined. RECORD OF THE WITNESS. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Where do you reside?-Answer. I am residing in McComb City at present. Q. What county?-A. Pike County. Q. What is your occupation — A. I am deputy revenue collector. I am also keeping a hotel there. Q. How long have you resided there — A. For about five or six months. Q. Previous to that time where did you reside?-A. In Liberty, Amite County. Q. How long did you reside in Amite County?-A. Six years. Q. Are you a native of the State a-A. A native of Louisiana-New Orleans. Q. How long have you resided in Mississippi — A. Six years and a half. Q. Did you take any part personally in the late war 1 —A. Yes, sir. 74 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —AMITE COUNTY. Q. On which side?-A. In the confederate army. Q. In what capacity'-A. As a private. THE DEMOCRATS IN AMITE COUNTY. Q. If you have any knowledge of political affairs in Arnite County during the canvass of 1875, or during the election of that year, will you state it to the committee — A. About six weeks or two months prior to the election there was an organization effected by what was called the democratic clubs in the different districts-precincts-and from each of those clubs there were ten delegates sent to Liberty, the county-seat, once a week, every Monday, to have a meeting of the central committee; and the action of these parties there on those occasions was such as to arouse the fear of every man in the county. Q. State what was done at those meetings.-A. The propriety of tarring and feathering and hanging us was discussed. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Whom do you mean by' us? "-A. The leading republicans in the county. By the CHAIRM1AN: Q. How many clubs were represented — A. Five. Q. Ten from each club — A. Ten from each club. Q. Anything that occurred, of which you have knowledge, you can state to the committee.-A. As I said, on Monday, when those clubs met, there was a general fear and feeling of dread that pervaded the whole community, and it was caused from the facts that I have stated. QUIET AT THE ELECTION. On the day of the election everything went off very quietly where I was, at Liberty, the county-seat, with the exception that now and then I heard remarks of this kind, " The radicals can't beat us to-day." They said that they would run us out of the county. But, as I have said, everything was calm and quiet at the polls as I ever saw it in my life. THE NIOHT AFTER ELECTION. About ten or twelve o'clock that night I noticed an unusual number of white men in town, and I spoke to Captain Parker, the sheriff of the county, about it; that these men were probably here for some purpose or other, and I did not like the manner in which they acted. I proposed to consult H. P. Hurst, the brigadier-general in that district, as to what steps we would take. It was some time before we could find him, and we heard then that he was looking for us. We met him a short time afterward, and he told us he had just come from Colonel Johns' office-a man of some prominence as a lawyer, and a candidate on the democratic ticket; a man very much esteemed by republicans as well as democrats in the county. He had had a consultation with Johns, and Johns had requested him to see us —that is, Parker, Barrett, and myself. He advised us to leave the county immediately. He said he could not be responsible for what would take place on the morrow; that he was satisfied the clubs would come together, and that blood would be shed if we remained. I asked him why in the world he included me; that I was not a candidate for office, and that I had not been a candidate for any office in the county, except for member of the board of supervisors; that I was a Federal office-holder, and they would not think of interfering TESTIMONY OF WILIUAM B. REDMOND. 75 with me. He replied, "They have no more respect for you in your position than they have for Parker in his." I asked him what his reasons were for saying so. He said that it was based upon knowledge he had got at Rose Hill, one of the boxes in the' county; that he had heard there that I would be treated just as the others were, and that they were determined that they would get rid of me entirely. I asked him if he was satisfied of the truth of what he had said, and he said he was perfectly satisfied. He is a man of undoubted courage, and has the reputation of being as brave a man as there is in the district, and that is the reason he received his appointment. At about half past one, Parker, Barrett, and myself left, accompanied by Hurst. ACTION OF ARMED MEN. I do not know the exact number of men that appeared there, but there were between three and four hundred men, all armed. They formed around the court-house as thoroughly organized as an army, and charged on the court-house. They said they came there to get rid of carpet-baggers and scallawags. My office was in the court-house. The office was entered by these men. At aboutfive o'clock they went to my home and called upon my wife and said they were expecting me back that night with negroes and soldiers, and if she wanted any protection they would let her have it. She asked them why she wanted any protection; that she felt perfectly safe there; she did not think they were ungentlemanly enough to assail a woman. They guarded the place and guarded her for about three weeks anyway. THE WITNESS TWICE WARNED TO LEAVE. I moved to Summit. I went out to my home one night; started about two o'clock and arrived there about daylight, and the next night left about two and got to Summit about daylight. We went to board with a family named Bradshaw, in Summit, a merchant and an old friend friend of mine. I presumed at that time that the excitement would be only temporary in Amite County, and we thought to shortly return. About three weeks or a month after I took up my abode there, this man Bradshaw, the gentleman I was boarding with, went down town about seven o'clock in the morning; and about half past eight I received a note from him saying if he was me he would stay at home during the day; that there were a number of men there threatening vengeance against me. I took his advice and remained at home that day. About nine that night he came back, and he asked me to ask my wife to leave the room for a few minutes. I did so, and he told me that I would have to leave his house. I asked him why. He said this: "'You remember the note I sent you to stay at home?" I said,'Yes." He says, "These men have been threatening me about your living here." I said, " Well, you propose to have me leave to protect yourself i" He said,' Yes." I told him I would certainly leave; that I did not want to implicate him in any of my troubles. I went over to Mr. Bridges, a prominent democrat and a friend of mine, as I had every reason to believe from what I had seen. He being a prominent man I wished to consult him before I left as to what steps I would take. My wife went over for him, and he sent word he was coming over. About this time 1 saw a number of men coming up the street, yelling, with torches or lanterns, about two hundred yards off. When Mr. Bridges came, I said, "I have sent for you. I do not know as you have heard of the trouble, but I understand there are a number of armed men coming up 76 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —-AMITE COUNTY. here, and I want you to advise with me what steps to take." 1He says, F For God's sake, leave here immediately." I said to Mr. Bridges, " I don't know. I never was used to doing anything of that kind. I am compelled to leave here in the night-time, and I know nothing of the suburbs of the town at all, and I have no idea in the world where I shall go." I asked him to accompany me. He went with me as far as from here to the door and left me. I went on to McComb City and remained that night. The next day I returned to Summit. I was there but a few minutes when the mayor of the town came to me and said there was a good deal of feeling toward me. I said I had heard there was a good deal of feeling here against me, but that I was not prepared to leave the town. I said, " I have business in the town." He said, " I do not know how it will be, but I fear there will be trouble." I told him I was going to remain; that I was there in the discharge of my duties as a Federal officer, and if they disturbed me I was going to ask for Federal troops; that I did not propose to be hounded about like a dog. And he said he would do everything he could to protect me. He was willing to consult General Hurst, the brigadier-general of the division. Since then I have lived in McComb City. I was there about half an hour, and was just finishing my dinner, when two or three mtn came up to me, and one of them was an uncle of this man Hurst; heinsulted me very grossly. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Give his name.-A. Dr. Tillotson. I turned to Hurst and said, " This man is a relative of yours; you seem to be the only friend I have here, and I do not want to hurt your feelings by stringng him; but I will not submit to these things any longer;" that I wanted him to stop it; that he was mayor of the town, and he should preserve order. And he took the man and led him out of the house. In the mean time a crowd gathered there of about fifteen or twenty men; and General Cain, the marshal, was standing there, and seemed to take no part. I said to him," "Look here, General, you can see just as far as 1 can what this means." He said, " Yes; they intend to get rid of you, Redmond; and I tell you right here now I cannot protect you;" and he turned to one of his officers standing beside him, and said, "' What can we do e there are only two of us." At this time it seemed as though the whole town was standing about fifty yards from where we were. These men had their pistols in their hands. I had two revolvers, one in each hand, and said, " If any one advances on me I will certainly kill him." I went off then in company with Hurst. I said, " Hurst, you see it is impossible for me to get along here, and you are willing to admit now that you cannot do anything yourself." He said, Yes, I am perfectly willing to admit it." I said, If I telegraph for troops will yorindorse my request?" He said, 4" I will do so with pleasure." I then telegraphed to Shaughnessy, the collector. Hurst sent a dispatch-'" By all means grant Redmond's request." Shaughnessy was in Jackson. After I had telegraphed, I went down to the store of a gentleman that had shown me a good many favors and courtesies, a merchant in town there of the firm name of Levi Moyse & Co. I told him I intended to remain in his store for a short time. There was an up-stairs to the store and an inner stairway leading up to it; and at the head of the stair there was a very heavy post, about a foot square, I presume. I saw these men were coming down the street in the direction I had taken, and I turned into this store on this account. I went to the head of the stairs, and I said, " If they ask you if I am up here, you tell them that I am." In the mean time I had armed myself with a TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM B. REDMOND. 77 Winchester rifle. I was standing at the head of the stairs, and I knew that the only entrance into the room was by that stairway, and that I could defend myself against almost any number of men coming up the stairs. About five minutes afterward he came to the foot of the stairsin the mean time he had closed the store-and called me, and I went down. He said, "They know you are here." I said, "I know that.' He said, " Well, I cannot permit you to remain here, Redmond." I said, " Why not " He said, "They are going to come here, anyway." I said, " If it is prejudicial to your interests to have me remain, I shall certainly leave your store, but I want you to let them in the front way." He said, " I will open the back door, and if I was you I should go to the woods." I took his advice, went into the woods, and remained there until about 9 o'clock that night, when I came back to the edge of the town, and I sent a man to Hurst, who was at Judge Smiley's house; and he came out to see me, and brought with him a dispatch, and the dispatch was from Shaughnessy, requesting me to come to Jackson immediately. I asked him what he thought about it. He said,' I would advise you to leave here, but I am afraid you will have some trouble getting onto the train, for these men are right on the suburbs of the town now. He said that he would go with me to the train, and do everything he could to protect me and see me on the train safely. We went to the depot, and stood in the shade of the trees until the train came along, when we saw no one at the train at all, and I do not know as I had any reason to anticipate trouble; but I got on the train and came to Jackson, and saw Shaughnessy; and, after some consultation with him, he sent dispatches, which I presume you have seen, requesting that troops be furnished to me. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Sent dispatches where to?-A. To Washington to the Commissioner of Internal Revenue. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. What statement, if any, was given to you as to the cause of this pursuit of you which you describe — A. There was no statement in the world, that I have heard of, until I appeared before the investigating xommittee that was sent down by the legislature. I forgot to say that just before these men came down there Tom Garner, one of the aldermen of the town, who frequently in the absence of Hurst, who was very frequently absent, acted as mayor himsel-Moses Jackson, the president of the Central Club, which was, as I have said, composed of ten members from each of the five clubs of the county, was in town, and asked Tom Garner if I was living there. He said I was. And he said, "Do the people of Summit propose to let Redmond remain there " and Garner said that they never heard aught against Redmond, and that he was a Federal officer. Jackson then told Garner that if the people of Summit did not drive him away from there, it was the avowed purpose of the people of Amite County to do so. Garner said, " Redmond is a Federal officer, you know, and you had better handle a matter of that kind with a great deal of care." Jackson said, "That makes no difference what he is; he shall not remain in this county." Q. Were any steps taken against other republicans in the county?A. Parker, the sheriff, Dr. F. Barrett, the county superintendent of educationQ. What happened in relation to them — A. I do not know, sir.-I have been living there about six years, and my name was never brought before the grand jury, and I never had a criminal suit or a suit of any kind. 78 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION — AMITE COUNTY. STATE OFFICES HELD BY WITNESS. When I first came to the State it was as a registrar in 1869. It was required at that time that on each registration board there should be two republicans and one democrat. I was living in New Orleans at that time. I was sitting in a gentleman's office one day when I was introduced to this gentleman, Parker, and he said he had two republicans on the board and wanted a democrat, and asked me my politics. I said I had never taken any part in politics, but that I presumed that I was a democrat. He said, " Well, you are just the man that I want." I went up there intending to remain two or three weeks, I presume. While there Mr. Yeandle, the circuit court clerk, told me that if I would be his deputy he should like to have me remain, and would give me employment. I remained some two or three weeks, when General Ames, who was then provisional governor of the State, appointed me assessor. I had avowed no politics in the world, and had taken no part in politics; had never opened my mouth with reference to politics, and knew nothing of it at the time; and the papers begun wholesale abuse of me on account of my accepting a position at the hands of the republican administration. The editor of one of the papers that abused me was himself at that time seeking an appointment, and not getting it he abused me from chagrin more than anything else. OSTRACISED AND DENOUNCED FOR ACCEPTING STATE OFFICE. Immediately after I accepted the office of assessor I was shunned by everybody, and such a wholesale abuse of a man I never heard of in my life before on account of accepting a position, and I gradually became convinced of the error of what little politics I had, on account of the manner in which republicans were treated in the State. That did a great deal toward making me a republican, more than anything else could ever have done; and I soon became a pronounced republican. I was afterward appointed by Governor Alcorn to the same position as assessor. Every one of the members of the board of supervisors, or rather the board of police, as it was at that time, were democrats that we had recommended. There was no republican in the county that we knew of that would fill the position with any credit to the place at all. We desired to show them that we wished to act in all justice to them; and a few democrats were appointed, most of them leading men in the county, and large property-holders. My acts were all subject to the approval of this board of supervisors, or board of police as it was termed at that time. They had the appointment of our grand jury in the county. I state this for the reason that you asked me if there were any reasons stated for pursuing me in this manner; but I never heard of it until I was before that investigating committee; and while there I heard that Lawrence Jackson testified that my character was very bad there, and it was on account of the fact that I had raised the land of the people in valuation. But that was not within my province at all; I had no power to do anything of the sort, and all I could do was to recommend up to the board of supervisors, who are made a board of equalization by the legislature, and required to go over the whole assessments and equalize them in the different counties. On this grand jury appointed by this board of supervisors nine or ten were white men, and they were inclined to take every advantage that they could; and if they could have had me brought before the grand jury they would have done it; and I never had heard a word of it in my life until I was brought before this investigating committee of the legislature. I am TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM B. REDMOND. 79 satisfied that the members of that board of supervisors would testify to the fact that my rolls were made out in accordance with their orders. Q. Why did you remove from Summit to McComb City?-A. For the simple reason that I saw that it would be a continual trouble for me to remain there, and when troops were sent to me they were sent to McComb City. There were no barracks in Summit for a camp for the troops, and no buildings for them to go into winter quarters at all; but they were located at McComb City by General Augur's command. Q. Are the troops still there? —A. They are. Q. Do you consider them necessary there — A. I do, sir. I think it would be impossible for me to return to Amite County with any safety to myself unless I was accompanied by troops. Q. Where are Messrs. Parker and Barrett?-A. Barrett is in Jackson and Parker in New Orleans. Q. Do you know what reason, if any, was assigned for the hostility to Barrett and Parker?-A. No, sir. THiREATS TO EXPEL SUCCESSFUL REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES. In conversation with one of these men, a member of this club, Wesley McEBwe, the question was put to him by H. L. Safford or myself, what his club intended to do, what they proposed to do, if th( republican candidates were elected by a large majority, whether they would permit them to remain there. He said it was the avowed purpose of the clubs, whether they were elected or not, to make them leave the county. VOTE OF AMITE COUNTY NOT COUNTED. From all I can learn I am satisfied of the fact that the vote of Amite County was never counted in the last election. Q. What reason have you for believing that it has never been counted — A. Because a gentleman who was on the board told me so himself and testified to that fact before the grand jury, so I learned. Q. What was his name?-A. N. Garron, living at Liberty. He was assessor of the county. Q. What were his opinions, politically — A. He was a very conservative man; I have always doubted what his politics were. He has been neither a democrat nor a republican, in my estimation. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. What election do you refer to — A. The election that took plate on the 2d of November, 1875. OBJECT OF THE ARMED DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Do you know anything of those organizations that you speak of.these clubs-as to their purpose or the nature of the organization f-A. I am satisfied that the nature of the organization is this: That Mississippians and democrats shall rule Mississippi at all hazards. That is what the nature of the organization that was in our county certainly was. They were determined to carry the election in any way in the world that they could. Q. Do you know anything of their being armed or otherwise — A. Yes, sir; I have seen side-arms. They never met there for those two months prior to the election without they all had side-arms, every one of them that I saw. On the day succeeding the election, from what was told me, they had not only side-arms but shot-guns and rifles as well. 80 MII8iSISIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. PRACTICE OF CARRYING ARMS IN MISSISSIPPI. Q. Do the people of Mississippi generally carry side-arms — A. They do about election times, always. Q. Has it been their custom for many years?-A. No, sir; two years ago at the election I never saw any better feeling existing in my life than existed in Amite County. ACTION OF THE EXTREME DEMOCRATS. I will say to the credit of the people of that county that as good feeling existed there as in any county in the North. On that occasion twothirds of the white men in the county voted for the very man whom they have now run out of the county. I am satisfied that had it not been for what took place in this [Hinds] county and in Vicksburg and Yazoo County, no trouble would have taken place in Amite County. After what happened in these other counties a few bad men in Amite County organized and forced the other men, the democrats who desired to act with clemency, moderation, and justice, into it. Col. B. F. Johns, a conservative, who was nominated for the legislature on the democratic ticket, was requested to withdraw, and he stated himself that he would certainly do so if he was compelled to do one thing or the other; that he would certainly withdraw in preference to taking any part in this programme of the extreme democrats. And he took no part in this canvass at all. Q. Was he elected this year —A. He was elected this year; he was a candidate at that time. He was a colonel in the confederate army, and has always been a democrat all his life, but a very just and good man. Q. If there is anything further relating to the subject, you can state it.-A. I presume if I desire certain parties summoned in Amite and Pike Counties the committee would do so. I would like to have the gentlemen that I have spoken of-Mr. Bradshaw, Mr. Garner, Captain Parker, Dr. Barrett, Mr. Safford, who is United States commissioner down there, and others. It is just the same state of affairs that existed in South Carolina, when Major Merrill was sent there, that exists in Amite and Wilkinson Counties to-day. A MURDERER OF NEGROES DEFIES THE OFFICERS. Q. Were you in South Carolina -A. No, sir. I speak only from what I have seen and heard. I know that there was a colored man killed in his bed one night with his wife. There was a warrant gotten out for the man who was supposed to have done the murder. There was a convention to be held one Saturday in the neighborhood in which the man who did the killing lived. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. By which party?-A. A republican convention. A number of us were going to be there to this convention, and there were between sixty and one hundred men, all armed to the teeth, who assembled at this place called Rose Hill, and this man was running them. After the deputy sheriff arrived there this man who had done the killing rode up to him and told him that his name was John Jackson, and that he understood he had a warrant for his arrest, and he dared him to arrest him; and he made the remark,'" You black son-of-a-bitch! I have a good mind to kill you any way." Some of the members of the democratic club, who had promised protection to the deputy sheriff, then interfered and he went on through this camp. TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM B. REDMOND. 81 NO ARMED COLORED REPUBLICANS. They reported that there was to be a negro rising; but there was not a negro at the convention that had a gun or arm of any kind in the world. Two or three joined the party with guns, and they were sent back by Captain.Parker and told that no one of them could come there with guns; that there should, be no possible chance for it to be said that the negroes had done it, if there was any shooting at the convention. I never saw a more peaceable set of men than they have been ever since I have been in the county. EMPLOYERS HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR LABORERS. There were resolutions published in the papers that were passed at these conventions, which met every Monday in Liberty, and they kept on their mleetings for some time after the election. I have these resolutions, and will forward a copy of them to the committee. They made it obligatory upon the employers-made them responsible for the acts of their employes. Mr. BAYARD. You better let the resolutions speak for themselves. The WITNESS. Yes, sir; they were published in nearly all of the papers of the State about the 1st of December, and were commented upon very largely by the republican press. WHITES AND BLACKS IN AMITE COUNTY. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. How does the number of whites in Amite County compare with the blacks -A. There are about 300 more blacks than whites. WHITE REPUBLICANS OVERAWED. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. How is the county divided politically with reference to race?A. I think there are a great many white people there who at heart are republicans, but they dare not avow it. I am satisfied that if it had not been for the fear that existed down there from these clubs, a number of white men would have voted the republican ticket. I think they would have supported the white candidates on the republican ticket, but I do not think that many of them would have supported the black candidates. BLACK DEMgOCRATS AND WHITE REPUBLICANS. Q. How are the black men in politics — A. I presume there are one hundred colored men in the county who would have voted the democratic ticket, and about the same number of white men who would have voted the republican ticket. Q. Do you know anything of the other counties except Amite, of your own personal knowledge?-A'. No, sir. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. What was the first occasion on which you were assaulted or threatened — A. It was at Summit. Q. When? —A. I cannot remember the date exactly. It was about the 22d or 23d of December. Q. Had you ever been assaulted or intimidated prior to the election of'75?-A. No, sir. TREATMENT OF NATIVE REPUBLICANS BY THE DEMOCRATS. Q. Always have been treated civilly and kindly? —A. I cannot say that I had always been treated civilly and kindly. I had been treated as I demanded treatment; that is all. Q. Had that treatment been fair and just up to that time?-A. Up to 6 MISS 82 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. two or three months prior to the election I was treated very kindly by everybody, but after that the men who had been the most intimate with me would not speak to me on the street. Q. Do you know of any reason for this sudden change in popular sentiment toward you there — A. No; it was not toward me in particular; it was toward nearly every republican in the. State that I know of. I am satisfied that the cause of the feeling toward us was the fact that they knew that they could get rid of us, from the fact that this course had been pursued in other counties successfully. Q. That is not exactly the answer to my question, which was: Do you know of any reason for this sudden change in popular sentiment toward you there?-A. My reply is only this:'The act that they were convinced that they had the power to get rid of me without being troubled themselves for it afterward. Q. Do you know or have you any reason to believe there was a private grudge against you on the part of any one?-A. No, no one in particular. I had some personal difficulties, but had generally arranged them. Q. In what way did you arrange them — A. I would settle the matter right there. I had had no personal difficulty, though, for about a year prior to the election with anybody. A QUIET ELECTION. Q. QYou were there on the day of the election — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you vote'-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you say that the election was entirely an orderly and peaceable one?-A. I said it was where I was. THE SHERIFF THREATENED. Q. Did any one, and if so whom, ever threaten you in the town of Liberty at any tine?-A. No, they did not threaten me. Q. Did youever hear any otherpersoninthetown of Liberty threaten — A. Yes, sir. Q. State who the persons were that threatened and who was the person threatened.-A. I cannot say who it was threatened them, because there was a crowd of about fifteen or twenty all together. I cannot state positively, but there was a crowd of ten or fifteen. Q. Who was the person threatened?-A. Sheriff Parker. Q. When was that "-A. Just prior to the election. Q. Do you know any other case than Parker's I-A. No, sir; except the general threat. Q. Do you know of any other cases than Parker's — A. No, sir. Q. How far is McComb City from Liberty — A. Twenty-four or twentyfive miles. Q. On the railroad?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Direct communication between the two places by railroadl-A. No, sir; Liberty is twenty-five miles off the railroad. Q. You say you keep a hotel there?-A. Yes, sir; since the first of this month. NATIONAL TROOPS IN MCCOMB CITY. Q. Have you had any annoyance in McComb City since you arrived there? —A. No, sir; the troops have been there ever since I came there. Q. What troops — A. United States troops. Q. I mean what company and what number~?-A. At one time the Seventh Cavalry and a part of the Thirteenth Infantry; at the present time I think there is a company of the Third Infantry. iQ. Were these the troops that came in response to Mr. Shaughnessy's TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM B. REDMOND. 83 telegrams?-A. Yes, sir; and the troops that have escorted me in the discharge of my duties as deputy collector in Amite County. Q. Collector of what taxes -A. United States revenues. Q. Do you always have with you a guard of soldiers — A. No, sir; except in Amite County, where I think it necessary. Q. What difficulty have you had while collecting the taxes — A. Personally, no difficulty in collecting. I would not go there without troops. Q. Have you ever been resisted in the collection of taxes e-A. No, sir; but I could not have gone there to collect them without troops. Q. Have you ever been obstructed in the collection of revenues by force since you have been in Missssisippi?-A. I have never attempted to collect any since the election in Amite County except with the troops. Q. Will you answer my question? Have you ever been obstructed in the collection of revenues by force since you have been in Mississippi — A. I have not. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. State the reason you have not been resisted.-A. Because I have not allowed myself to be. 1 knew that I could not have gone there to collect taxes without an escort. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. How long have you been collector.-A. Since the first of March, a year ago. Q. Do you mean that you apprehended difficulty after you went there, or do you mean that you have ever had any difficulty — A. I mean that I certainly would have had difficulty if I had attempted to go there without troops. Q. But you have not had difficulty?-A. No, because I have been accompanied by troops. Q. Within what time — A. Ever since the election, on every visit that I have made through the county I have had troops with me. Q. What was the date of Shaughnessy's application for troops — A. I think it was in December. Q. Did you ever have troops there before — A. No, sir. Q. Did you ever have difficulty before — A. No, sir; not before the election at all. Q. Are you always accompanied by troops when you go to Amlite County?-A. I am, and would resign in prelerence to going there without troops. Q. Are there any distilleries in the county — A. No, sir. Q. None, whatever?-A. None at all, that I know of. Q. You say you can suggest no other reason why there should be this threatened violence toward you except your political course?-A. Only the fact that I am filling a republican office; those are the two only reasons in the world that I can assign for it. RELATIVE VOTING POPULATION OF AMITE COUNTY. Q. What is the population of Amite County — A. About 12.000, Q. State, if you can, the relative population, black and white.-A. There are about 300 more black than white voters, and there are about 1,500 more blacks in the county than there are white people. Q. They poll 300 more votes than the whites — A. Yes, sir. Q. Where does this Moses Jackson live — A. In Amite County. Q. Where is his home — A. Liberty is his post-office. Q. Where does Wesley McElwe live?-A. Liberty is his post office. Q. Where does John Jackson live?-A. At Rose Hill. 84 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. ABOUT THE THREATS AFTER THE ELECTION. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. I understand you that these threats of personal violence have been made against you since the election — A. No, sir; I have stated that the reason I left Amite County was on the opinion of Colonel Johns. Q. That was since the election?-A. No, sir; that was the night of the election. Q. But it all took place since the election — A. The election was not over t!len, for no one knew the result of the election. Q. The polls had been closed, had they not — A. I presume the polls were closed at 6 o'clock, but they had not counted the votes. Q. The votes had all been cast at that time —A. Yes, sir. Q. And it was since then that these threats or demonstrations have been made -A. Yes, sir. Q. Before that time you had collected the revenue in Amite County without any aid from the military, had you not?-A. Yes, sir; I had no desire to have any as long as I could do without any. Q, No one ever resisted the payment of the revenue because it was revenue, did they — A. No, sir; not up to that time. Q. Nor since?-A. Nor since; no, sir. Q. The objection was to you personally for some reason or other?A. I do not know, unless it was -, Q. That was the fact, was it not — A. I do not think that it was. Q. They never objected to you on account of your being an officer of the Government ~-A. Yes, sir; they did, and it was frequently spoken about. Q. Frequently spoken about your being an officer? —A. Yes, sir. Q. But no one ever objected to paying the revenues?-A. No, sir; no one ever resisted me up to that time. Q. Nor since — A. No, sir. THREATS AGAINST SHERIFF PARKER. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. What threats were made against Sheriff Parker at the time you have mentioned — A. It was a proposition to go up and take him out of his office and get rid of him. It embraced me at the time. I don't remember the exact words, but they proposed to kill him. I felt alarmled for him. So much so that I went to see him and told him of the supposed danger. Q. Were these threats made by white men or colored men V —A. By white men-democrats, in fact. I would like to tell you that about three months before the election Parker had been tendered the nomination on the democratic ticket and had refused it; and I had been tendered the same nomination and refused it-for sheriff. Q. By whom was this tender made to you —A. By leading democrats who came to me. TROOPS NECESSARY FOR COLLECTION OF REVENUE BY WITNESS. Q. Why do you now fear to go into Amite County to collect the revenue-tax without being supported by the military — A. Because I know that my life would be taken if I did so. Q. Why do you fear that?-A. Because I am satisfied that if they would not let me live out of the county they would not let me live in it. Q. At what points in the county do you go in making your collections — A. At all points where there are stores. I have to go to the most out-of the-way places in the county. TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM B. REDMOND. 85 OFFICIAL REPORT OF WITNESS. Capt. M. SHAUGHNESSY, Collector of United States Revenue, First District of Mississiipi, Jackson, Miss.: SIn: As a deputy collector of United States internal revenue acting under your appointment for the fourth division of your district, I have the honor to report that in consequence of armed resistance of a large combination of men, citizens of Amite County, I am unable to proceed with the discharge of my duties under the laws of the United States, and my instructions in accordance therewith. One of the principal and most important of the duties assigned me by Circular No. 1, Series 6, requires " each deputy to canvass his division and report to the collector monthly, on Form 24, all persons who may be found doing business without a stamp denoting the payment of the special tax to which they are liable, posted in a conspicuous place in their establishment or place of business; and also, all other persons who may be found liable to any internal tax;" but, owing to the combination of large numbers of evil-disposed persons living in the county of Amite, to resist by threats, force, violence, and bloodshed, if need be, the performance of the duties assigned me under these instructions, I have found their performance wholly impracticable. A brief statement of facts will suffice: For some five or six weeks immediately preceding the recent State election held on the 2d of November ultimo, certain political organizations in Amite County known as democratic and conservative clubs, and having their headquarters in the town of Liberty, where I have lived with my family for the past six years, and where I have had my office as deputy collector ever since my appointment in March last, were in the habit of assembling in that place, every Monday, always armed with pistols, and sometimes with guns;. their deliberations, consultations, and determinations were, for the most part, held with closed doors and in secret; but from their frequent armed demonstrations, threats of violence and rude and lawless conduct in large bands on the streets and in public places, they overawed all civil authority and made it entirely manifest that no republican officer or citizen of any prominence could live in the community without great danger of being assassinated. I had frequent and reliable information, coming from citizens of the highest character and of both parties, that it was their settled and fixed purpose to either expel and banish from the community, or to put to death, myself, the sheriff of that county, and certain other officers, who were regarded by them as having some political influence in that community. On the evening and night of the election, November 2, 1875, I was advised by Col. B. F. Johns, (democratic representative elect,) through Brig. Gen. H. P. Hurst, commanding that brigade, (which covers my division,) by all means to leave the county, myself, Captain Parker, (sheriff of that county,) and Dr. Fred. Barrett, (superintendent of public education of that county.) That these men, (those armed bands of which I have spoken) were coming in the following day, if not that night, when horrible scenes would be enacted, and he said, " For God's sake to go." I answered I was a United States officer, and they would not dare trouble me. He replied in effect, " They will dare anything. Your life is no safer here than Parker's, the sheriff's. We had no means of defense against so numerous' and so savage assailants, unless, indeed, we had assembled the republicans, white and colored, in which event we would have been accused of inaugurating a war fracas, a catastrophe as repugnant to all our feelings as to those of any other men in the State. We left that night at one o'clock, I leaving my family, home, office, books, and everything pertaining thereto, being unable to carry them. I went to Summit in Pike County in my division, resolving to carry on my official business at that point until the excitement, which I had hoped was only temporary, should subside, so that I might return. On the day succeeding my departure, the town of Liberty was overrun by an armed mob of- two or three hundred men, many of them drnnk. My office as deputy collector in that place was entered by a gang who were searching and yelling for me; at-Summit, where I had taken up my temporary abode about the middle of December, several of these parties, including some of their ringleaders, visited the town and inquired among the prominent citizens of that place if they intended to permit me to remain there, and avowed the purpose themselves of coming there with a sufficient force and driving me away. These threats were frequently repeated by them. I had brought my family to Summit, and was boarding at a private house, and was in the daily and constant discharge of the duties of my office, when on the night of the 23d instant a large party, composed of some twenty-five or thirty armed men from Amite County, came to the house where I was boarding with torches in their hands, yelling and saying they would burn the house and me in it, if I remained. I escaped by a side gate and made my way on foot and alone to McComb City, where I remained. At about 10 o'clock a. m. next day, receiving assurance of protection from the mayor of Summit. I returned to that place with the intention of remaining. Similar denioustrations were again made by the same men and others. I went into the store of a 86 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. prominent merchant who told me that the crowd knew where I was, and that my presence there was dangerous, not only to my life but his interest. The mayor and chief of police (both conservatives) told me they had no means of protecting me, and advised me to leave as soon as I possibly could. My family were still in town, and I had not seen them since the night before, fearing if I went to my boarding-house it would entail trouble upon that family as well as my own; therefore went through by-ways and private inclosures the nearest way to the woods. I sent a messenger that night to my wife, assuring her of my safety, &c. I also sent a messenger to Brigadier-General Hurst, advising him where to meet me. He met me as directed, bringing with him your dispatch of the 24th instant, directing me to report in person at your office in Jackson, which I accordingly did without delay. It is proper for me to add that I had no personal quarrel, difficulty, dealings, or intercourse of any kind whatever with any of the persons outside the duties of my office except as above stated. Permit me also to say that I am prepared to prove conclusively and beyond contradiction, by abundant witnesses taken from both political parties, that all these facts above stated are true, and that the case is even worse than I have stated it. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,.V. B. REDMOND, Deputy Revenue Collector. JACKSON, December 27, 1875. H. P. HURST-AMITE COUNTY. JACKSON, MISS., June 15, 1876. H. P. HURST sworn and examined. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Where is your residence — Answer. Summit, Pike County, Miss. Q. How long have you resided there?-A. Since 1868. I have been for two or three summers Nortlh; but that has been my residence. Q. Of what place are you a native?-A. Mississippi. I have been in Vicksburg and have lived in Amite County; was born there and lived there until I was fifteen years old. Q. Were you engaged in the late war — A. I went into the army in 1863. Q. Did you remain in the army until the close of the war?-A. I came home and did not have an opportunity to return to my regiment; got cut off and. was at home when the surrender took place. Q. Did you hold any commission in the service?-A. No, sir. I was under age when I went in and when I came out. Q. What offices have you held since you came to Summit?-A. Last January I was elected on the independent ticket as mayor of the town of Summit; in the summer I was appointed special revenue agent by Governor Ames; in October I was appointed brigadier-general of militia by Governor Ames, and I organized the militia in anticipation of trouble in my district. THE STATE MILITIA-WHY ORGANIZED. Q. Give the committee the history of that organization, the causes which led to it, and when it was disbanded, if it has not continued up to the present time. —A. I suppose I had better state under what circumstances I came to get the commission. Q. Yes; give the history of it in your own way.-A. I was in Amite County in September while the circuit court was going on. There had been some trouble then ithehe lower portion of the county. I had known Captain Parker, the sheriff, for some years. I was in his office one day, and he told me about some hostile white men in the southern portion of TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 87 the county. On the day following or the second day after there were some men came from that part of the county and attempted to create a difficulty with Captain Parker. I knew the parties, and I interfered in the interests of peace. The leader of these men came from Centerville, and he was indicted by the grand jury here. A day or two after that, Hiram Cassidy, who was the State district attorney for the district, came to me and asked me if I would accept the position of brigadiergeneral in the event of my being recommended to Governor Ames for the position. I declined to give a definite answer until I had consulted with my father, who was a practicing lawyer and there at that time, and other prominent men there-prominent lawyers, and democrats. They knew that there would be trouble in that county, for it is quite a bad county-that is, it has that reputation. I finally concluded to take the position, after consulting with these gentlemen, thinking, perhaps, that I could do some good, as I had some influence in the county, not only among democrats but among the republicans. I then came to Jackson with a recommendation to Governor Ames that I be appointed, signed by prominent republicans and democrats in the county. Governor Ames had promised the position to some one else, but concluded to give it to me, after seeing how highly I was recommended, and I went back there with a letter from him to Captain Parker, saying that I had permission from the governor to organize such companies as I thought proper: and to accept or reject any companies that I saw fit, and to see that a fair election was held. THE STATE MILITIA-HOW ORGANIZED. I organized a. company of white men, no negroes at all, and they were all democrats and elected democratic officer —Col. C. P. Nelson, who is here now and will testify, an old soldier who iought all through the war and was colonel of the Thirty-third Mississippi Regiment, and Col. Moses Jackson, who is at the head of these clubs there now, which I call a nob. And my father persuaded me to put Jackson on my staff, knowing that he had great influence in the country. So I put him on my staff and gave him a commission from Governor Ames. The governor had agreed with me to give any man a commission that I recommended. All went on well until the day of the election. The company was organized and officered by men who had held positions in the confederate irmy. Every one of them was a democrat, with one exception, I blieve, a Mr. Safford, who is here now, and who voted the republican ticket. On two or three occasions before the election men came to ne and wanted me to let them run off Parker. They seemed to have nore animosity against him than anybody else. SHERIFF PARKER. Q. Who is Parker — A. He has been there for years as sheriff of the county, 0nd was at that time; think he was an officer in the Northern Ar.my, although I am not positive about that. At least he told me so. He first received his commission as sheriff, perhaps under Gillem or General Ames, I forget which. He was thought a good deal of there by peope of the county, and held several important positions there, not onlT as an officer of the county but in other ways. They tried to build a railroad there once, and the white people of the county elected him president. But all at once they seemed to change. Why it was I cannotimagine. I never got into the secret of it, but he had been living there and discharging his duties in a satisfactory manner for years. I genwally came down to Amite County four or five times a year and knewevery one there. When I was living in Vicksburg I knew the 88 MIISSSSIPPI ELECTION —-AMITE COUNTY. captain then. I think that was my first acquaintance with him. That was in 1867. So far as I know he is an honorable, high-toned gentleman. I have never known him to do anything wrong or to do anything that any one could say that he was not a gentleman. He had great influence with the republican party of his own county and of the S-tate. He had represented the county in the legislature here. GOOD CITIZENS OVERAWED. The militia were organized there, and they were sufficiently able to have put down anything like disorder and riot at the election, provided the people would uphold them, which I thought that they would dothat is, the right-thinking people of the county, and they were really in the majority. The good citizens of the county are in the majority, but they have been overawed by these desperate characters, and they are afraid to do or say anything. There were three precincts in the county where trouble was apprehended. Only a few days before the election several parties came from Rose Hill or Thick Woods precinct. It was one of those. It is about two miles from the Louisiana line. The state of feeling was very hostile; but everything seemed to be going on well, and we thought the people of the county were congratulating themselves upon the organization of the militia, and that the election would be a fair and peaceable one. Up to the time of the organization of the militia they had had great fears of riot and bloodshed on the day of the election. REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. The colored clubs were well organized but not well armed. The white clubs were not only well organized, but thoroughly armed and equipped with guns, rifles, and revolvers. A month or two before the election they had a club in every precinct, well armed and well officered, and they had anvil signals that they could bring the members together upon. FIRING OFF ANVILS. They took a couple of anvils and put them together, one on top of the other, and filled the hole with powder and fired them off whenever they wanted to call the clubs together. It makes a noise very much like a cannon, and can be heard eight or ten miles. THE STATE MILITIA COMPANIES. It was about a week previous to the election, and my militia (ompany was well drilled and equipped. I had new rifles from Governor Ames, and side-arms for my officers, and plenty of ammunition. It was i picked company, old soldiers that had served in the confederate armr, who I knew would do their duty; men that would not resort to anD underhanded means of carrying the election on either side. If any nan applied to me, who I thought would do anything of that kind, for admission to the company, I told him that the company was full, or ga7e some excuse; I had no use for him-although by so doing I made a goad many enemies. As I stated, all my men were of the character 1 have described with one exception. Around Centerville there are a great maly bad men. I went down there, and an old friend of mine, who eas my father's commissary during the war, Dr. Strawn, told me ol these desperate characters, and he said: "If you can get them enlisted in your militia, I think that Lieutenant Anderson," whom I had appointed as one of my officers from that place. " can control them." On tie day of the election Strawn's theory did not prove good; they could iot be controlled at all. Lieutenant Anderson did not have any moreinflu TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 89 ence over them than he had over the man in the moon; but the other squads in the county behaved well, and kept peace and quiet. AN INSPECTOR CHANGED BY DEMOCRATIC CLUB. A few days before the election I was advised of the difficulty in maintaining peace at Rose Hill, and advised not to go there. I asked one of the men who gave me the advice, why I should not go there, and he said: " We like you, and don't want to see you hurt;" and I said: " If that is all I don't mind going down, and don't mind being hurt." So on the day of the election I went down there and took a young man, a republican, who had some of the republican tickets to distribute, along with me in my buggy. He said he was afraid to go down there by himself. When the voting commenced this democratic club drew up in line and demanded that Strawn, who was one of the inspectors of the election, should not act as inspector. They said, "We don't want you, not because you are dishonest, but because you will not do what we want you to." He said, " If that is the case, I will go;" and they got a man by the name of Wat. Haynes and appointed him inspector. Anderson said to me, " I am sorry you came down here to-day;" and I said, " Why?"7 He said, " These boys are a pretty wild set of fellows, and I don't think you can manage them." I said, "I will try to do my duty, and I think I can." The company drew up in line, and I said I had come down there as a spectator, and not as commanding general, " and I will turn the whole command to-day over to Lieutenant Anderson;" and that seemed to please them very well; and after that the voting commenced, and everything passed off well, with one exception. This young man Bates, who had come down with me, accidentally gave a colored man two tickets folded together, and when this colored man went to vote, one of the inspectors asked him to open his hand, and they discovered the two tickets, aind that raised a considerable fuss; and they were about to mob Bates, but Anderson and I interfered to prevent it. They said that Bates could not remain there. So I put him in my buggy and sent him off down the road with a guard to protect him and keep him from being hurt, and sent him to Liberty. GOVERNOR AMES'S TESTIMONY CORRECTED. I noticed in Governor Ames's testimony, as it was published in the papers, that he made a mistake. He said that I fled to the county-seat for protection. I did not flee at all; I remained there until after the voting was over.>, It was young Bates who had to fly, and he left me there alone, with no protection except those wild fellows and a few friends I had there. COL. FRANK POWERS. In the evening, after the principal part of the voting was over, I was congratulating myself upon the day passing off so quietly, when I learned from several of these men, these desperate characters, that they had invited Col. Frank Powers, a notorious character from Jackson, La., who was in command during the war of what we called "' The Buttermilk Cavalry," who did not do any fighting, but ran cotton through the lines to the gunboats down there, and speculated down there, and stole and robbed from both sides. I tried to persuade these men not to allow Frank Powers to come up there to Mississippi; that I thought it would be an outrage to invite a man of his character to come and participate in a fair election, and they promised me to send covnriers down there the next day and stop him from coming. He has a regular well-organized company that tags around at his heels all the time; and they promised me that they would not invite him to come there but late in the 90 MISISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. evening I heard firing upon the road, and a yell was raised in town, and a friend of mine who served in the same brigade with me-the Texas Brigade-during the war came to mne and jerked me into a room and says, "YrO get in there, I don't want to see you hurt." I was perfectly astonished at the idea. I had started down the road to see what the firing was; but upon seeing the situation of affairs I concluded that discretion was the better part of valor, and remained in the house. NEGRO VOTERS RUN OFF. Powers, with a lot of drunken Louisianians at his heels, dashed up and began shooting; the negroes who were standing there in line waiting to vote ran away; they jumped off their horses, and several of them started down the road after the negroes who had fled upon seeing this hostile demonstration; but some of the citizens interfered to prevent them from following them. In a few minutes everything was quiet, and I went out and had an introduction to Powers; I asked him what he had come up there for, and he said that he had come to take part in a little row that he said the boys were going to have there that day. When it was time to close the polls I asked one of the inspectors if he wanted a guard placed over the ballots, so that they would be unmolested while they were counting the votes. I thought that he was a very honest, high-minded man; he said, " I am afraid to count these votes.' He had been notified by this party of Louisianians, I suppose, and told what they were going to do with the box. I then told Anderson to give them a guard, and some of the crowd refused to serve. I then got disgusted and quit. MANIPULATING THE BOX. Wat. Haynes, when I told him I had concluded to place a guard there that night, said,; Don't you do it; I want to manipulate that box to-night; we want to carry this thing." I gave him an evasive answer. I did not see that I could do anything there, and borrowed a horse and went back to Liberty; but before I returned to Liberty I understood that they were going to return there the next day in large bodies Col. Moses Jackson had given orders to all the clubs in the county to assemble there under arms. WITNESS ADVISED TO LEAVE. He was all this time on my staff, and I thought lie was all right up to this time; they advised me not to be seen in Liberty the next day. I then -got my horse and went to Liberty as fast as I could to get these men, Parker and the other republican officials, out of the way. Before I went to see Parker, or any of them, I went to see Col. B. F. Johns, who had been a colonel in the confederate army, and who is now representing Amite County in the legislature; he was a colonel in the Seventh Mississippi Regiment all through the war; he is a lawyer there by profession, and a gentleman that is respected by every one. I told him what had occurred at Rose Hill, and he was very indignant and told me, " If this is the case, we will have to get what men we can together and make a stand and give them a fight if they are so anxious for it." We went around and consulted some of the other gentlemen there and only a few of them would agree to it; the older ones would not agree to it, they were afraid of those desperadoes. REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS ORDERED TO LEAVE. This man Powers had got this southern portion of the county so inflamed that they would all join in with him; I knew that we could not get the citizens to aid us in making a stand against these fellows. We TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 91 concluded that the best thing to do was to advise the republican officeholders to leave. I then went and informed them of our decision to advise them to leave the county. Q. Who were they? —A. They were A. S. Parker, sheriff; Frederick Barrett, superintendent of education, who is a delegate to the Cincinnati convention now, and W. B. Redmond, deputy collector of the internal revenue. Barrett had not been in Amite County as long as Parker and Redmond, and I don't know that there was any animosity existing between him and the people of the county. A few minutes after I had had my first conversation with Colonel Johns, I was waited upon by several men in Liberty, and I did not know what to make of it. One of them said, "We are put here as spies to-night, and we are determined that these men shall not leave town." I then went and told Parker and the rest of them. They walked out of town, and had a buggy sent around for them. They were afraid to leave in such a manner that they would be seen. I told them that I would go with them, and that if they were overtaken or an attempt was made to maltreat them in any way, I could perhaps persuade them to desist. We went to Summit. I learned that there was the greatest excitement in Liberty, as I heard from some of the responsible citizens, that had ever been known in the county, when they found out the republican officials had been carried away by me; and they said they would string me up if I ever went back there. I did not know what I was to do. I consulted my friends, and they advised me to go to Jackson and report to Governor Ames. I did report to the governor, but he said he was powerless to do anything; that his hands were tied. I then went to see General George, the chairman of the democratic state executive committee, and had a conversation with him. General George, after finding out what had occurred down there, said that the people there were acting like a set of fools, and would greatly endanger the cause of the State if they did not keep quiet. He wrote a, letter and asked me if I would not take it back to the county. I said there was some danger in my going down there; but I promised to go with it, and I sent a young man out with copies of this letter to every portion of the county, and they called a large mass meeting to meet me on Monday. This letter reads as follows: LETTER FROM GENERAL GEORGE. JACKSON, Miss., November 3, 1875. GENTS.: I learn there is great trouble in your county, and that the republican officials left on account of fear. 1 want merely to state that anything like disorder or riot or lawlessness or intimidation of republican officials will be of material injury to our cause. We have carried the State by an immense majority, and we must so act as to show we are worthy of power. Do implore our hot-headed friends to be patient and resort to the law for redress. Allow, if you please, the expelled to return to their duties. If they are guilty of wrong, proceed according to law. I have explained to General Hurst my views fully. Please don't regard this letter as an impertinent interference. I have written solely with a view of producing good to our friends. Yours, truly, J. Z. GEORGE. Hon. B. F. JOHNS, Col. C. P. NELSON, Col. MOSES JACKSON, and others, Democrats. MEETING AT LIBERTY. I got to Liberty very early in the day, before the crowd had begun to assemble. I was standing on the street, when all at once a crowd of armed men, numbering about one hundred, I suppose, dashed up to the court-house-this Southern Amite crowd. The rest of them came without arms. Every club in the county was there. They had held a 92 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. meeting on the previous Friday, when there was a large meeting of the clubs in the county, as I understood, though t was not there. They fina,lly called the meeting to order, and called upon me to get up and explain myself-why these men had left the county. I did it the bes4 that I could, and told them that I had come back there with a letter from General George, who had requested that they should allow these men to return. When I said this they just yelled all over the house like a set of demons, "'Damned if they would do it; they would see him in hell first." I finally got disgusted and sat down. Colonel Johns got up to make a speech and they would not listen to him, but hooted him down. I found there was no use in trying to do anything with them, and I got up and said that I would hold myself personally responsible that these gentlemen should not return to Amite. I said, "You may swing me up if I let Parker or'any of those men return." I was perfectly disgusted of course with these people. I have been in a heap of tight places, but I will say this, that during the whole of the war I don't think I ever felt as much apprehension for my life as then. I went back to Summit and telegraphed General George as follows: TELEGRAM TO GENERAL GEORGE. SUMMIT, Miss., November 10, 1875. General GEORGE, Jackson, Miss.: Nothing could be done in Amite. The men from the southern portion of the county with men from Louisiana, have frightened everybody, and the condition is fearful. Have men here under our protection. Answer and advise. H. P. HURST. And he sent back this answer: GENERAL GEORGErS REPLY. JACKSON, MISS., November 10, 1875. H. P. HURST, Summit, Miss.: Consult with the best citizens as to how to preserve peace and afford protection. J. Z. GEORGE. I was in Summit from that time on. I did not go back to Amite County any more. I think it was on the 19th day of November. REDMOND FOLLOWED FROM AMITE COUNTY. Mr. Redmond in the mean time had taken up his residence in Summit, and was boarding, with his wife, at a Mr. Bradshaw's. Captain Parker went to New Crleans, and Mr. Barrett remained in Jackson. A great many negroes in Amite County had to leave; some of them were around Summit andi some of them were scattered through the country promiscuously. There was then some talk of the Amite people coming to Summit, but I did not think they would be such a set of fools as to go into another county, and I did not give much attention to it. One day Tom Garner, a thoroughly reliable merchant in Summit, came to me and said that they had been asked by Col. Moses Jackson whether the people of Summit intended to allow Redmond to remain there. Garner said that he had said to him, "rWe don't intend to do anything about it. Redmond has behaved himself since he has been here, and the people are disposed to treat him well." Jackson then said to him that if he did not make him leave there, the people of Amite Coanty were coming to make him go away. When Mr. Garner told me this I felt very badly about it, for I thought a good deal of Redmond. He had always treated me well, and I had done him some small favors. I asked him if he had communicated these facts to Redmond. He said he had not. I told him that he ought to do it at once. Redmond just then passed by TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 93 with his wife and Mrs. Bradshaw. I told him that Mr. Garner wanted to say something to him, and they stepped out to one side, and Garner related the conversation that had occurred between himself and-Jackson. Redmond asked my opinion about what he had better do. I told him that I thought we could protect him. Redmond said, "If you will guarantee me protection I will remain;" and I told him that as far as I was able to do so I would protect him. I then went to New Orleans for a couple of days, and on my return I learned that two notorious characters, named Frith and Green, of Amite County, had been there the day previous, and had camped near the edge of the town that night, with some other citizens from Amite County, and that they had made threats against Redmond while in town; that that night as they were encamped in the edge of the town a body of negroes had come where they were and asked then what they were there for, and a young man who was with them got up to strike a match, and as he did so the negroes fired into them and shot him in the leg with a single squirrel shot; they made a great fuss about it the next day. I saw Frith and Green both, and they said that they could not identity the parties. The citizens held an indignation meeting to investigate the matter. The next day Redmond came into town. In the mean time Frith and Green had left. Frith was secretary of the democratic mob or the club at that time. On the 23d of November, the day after I got back from New Orleans, Redmond came up to McComb City. In the mean time his wife had got so badly frightened that they had removed from Mr. Bradshaw's residence to McComb City; we went down to McComb City; I told them that I thought there would be no danger; that Frith and Green had left town. But citizens of Amnite County came in afterward and some of them got to drinking. We went into a restaurant in the market-house and took some oysters. We walked out of the restaurant into the saloon where we were met by four citizens from Amite County. REDIMOND ATTACKED. Without a word of warning one of them grabbed at Redmond and began to abuse him. I saw there was a probability of there being a fight and stepped in between them. One of them remarked that no man should take up for Redmond; that if he did they would go for him, or something of that kind. Se-ing that the only chance in the world with that crowd was to get the lead, I drew my revolver and slapped it in the man's eace, and said If you move, I will kill you;' and they went out of the house with that revolverin their faces. Redmond had by this time got his pistol out and came to my assistance; we got out of the building and my policeman came along and I told him to arrest one of the ringleaders, and in a short time everything was quiet. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Were you mayor of the town at that time?-A. Yes, sir; mayor at that time. Q. How many policemen had you — A. I only had two; but the one I called upon was a very good one, and he had a revolver and a hickory stick, and he used it. The citizens then held an indignation meeting. AN INDIGNATION MEETING. I voluntarily went to this meeting, and made this statement. Here is the way it is published in the Clarion: IIon. H. P. Hurst, mayor of Summit, came voluntarily before us, and stated that on Thursday evening, the 23d day of December, he and Mr. Bedmond were in the market 94 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. house, when several citizens from Amite came in, and one of them drew a knife on Redmond and cursed and abused him outrageously. He (Hurst) ottempted to prevent this abuse of Redmond and protect him, having been requested by General George, chairman of the democratic executive committee, to protect all republican officials from Amite County. A general row was the result of uy interference in behalf of Redmond. After the difficulty was over, everything seemed to be quiet; he, as a citizen of the town of Summit and a friend to Mr. Redmond, advised him to leave the town, and to remain away until the excitement was over. He did not tell Redmond that the peace-officers of the town could not protect him from the citizens of Pike County. He does not believe, and so informed Redmond, that the peace-officers of the town could protect him if he was attacked by a mob from another county; and that he has good reasons to believe that he will be attacked by a mob from Amite County should he remain in Summit. He advised Redmond to leave for the good of the community, and that he. is satisfied that he cannot live in Liberty. They didn't like this statement of mine. They thought it was a terrible thing that they could not assassinate a man. Mr. Garner also made a statement which was reported in the same paper, as follows: Hon. T. A. Garner, who was at the time a member of the town council and now mayor, came before us voluntarily, and made in substance the following statement: I went to Mr. Redmond, in the presence of the mayor, on Sunday, December 19, and asked him to leave the town during the excitement; that he had been treated kindly by some of the first citizens of the town; and that he ought to leave for. the sake of peace. I.had good reason to believe that there would be trouble if Mr. Redmotnd should remain in the town, but I am satisfied that he would not have been molested by any citizen of Summit. I will state further that Col. Moses Jackson, a prominent citizen of Amite County, called on me and asked what the citizens of Summit intended doing about Redmond living in the town. I told him that the people of the town did not intend to disturb Mr. Redmond. Colonel Jackson then said that ifthe citizens of Summit did not make Redmond leave the town, that the citizens of Amite County would come here and make him leave. I do not remember whether Colonel Jackson requested me to see Redmond and advise him to leave or whether I volunteered to do so; that it was understood that I would urge Redmond to leave. The committee that was appointed by the indignation meeting was composed of prominent republicans and democrats. Mr. J. C. Lamnkin was chairman of the committee; he is a prominent young lawyer there. There were two republicans on the committee, Charley Beam and W. [I. Garland, jr. The other members of the committee were Col. W. L. Patten, Col. William Hamilton, and E. Enos. The committee concluded not to make any report at all. Mr. Enos then drew up a petition, and went around, and got it signed by a great many citizens of the town, saying that there had been no disturbance there except of a personal character, and that Redmond didn't run away from the town; and they published it in the Clarion. It was not true, and Mr. Lamkin and Mr. Garland had a meeting called, and they drew up a set of resolutions, and published a true statement of the facts which I have read to you just now. Garland had that also published in the Clarion. But before Redmond left that night he telegraphed to Shaughnessy, asking for protection. Shaughnessy then telegraphed to Washington for troops, and they were sent down; and then the State made a great howl about it. They sent a legislative committee down here to investigate, and I gave this testimony before that committee, [holding copy of testimony in manuscript in his hand,J which the committee can have if they so desire. By the CHAIRnMAN: Q. Is it substantially the same thing that you have testified here before us ~ -A. Yes, sir; it does not differ from what I have testified here. Q. Then it will not be worth while to embody it in our testimony. When did you and Mr. Redmond leave —A. He has not left yet; he said he would wait until the troops get there. He has been through his district, attending to the discharge of his duties with a commis TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 95 sioned officer and two or three men several times since then. I am sure he could not go there alone. In tact, the people of Amite County have told him so. CAUSE OF HOSTILITY TO REDMOND. Q. What do you understand to be the objection to Mr. Redmond; the reason for the hostility — A. I think the whole thing is this: the reason came out before this legislative investigating committee when they went down there. At first they sat with open doors and allowed any one to be present who chose to be. I was there, and heard some of Moses Jackson's testimony, and the only thing that he could allege against Redmond was, that when he was assessor, Redmond had four or five years before that raised the valuation of his property five or six thousand dollars, and Jackson never could forgive him for that. JACKSON'S CONFEDERATE RECORD. Jackson didn't like me any too well. He was perfectly willing to have me killed, but as he had accepted a position on my staff he didn't like to see it done, and so had requested me not to send him to Rose Hill on the day of the election. He had no animosity against me particularly, but he had been captain in my father's regiment, and had been cashiered for insubordination, though he was afterward re-instated, and was a lieutenant-colonel when the war closed. CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS TREAT NORTHERN MEN KINDLY. He is the only confederate soldier that has taken any active part in these things. I will say this, that confederate soldiers genera-lly treat Northern men kindly, and when they meet them on the street they are willing to extend to them the courtesies of life. These men who created the disturbance down there were never in the Army. The two leadingl spirits in Rose Hill had substitutes in the confederate army, and they refused to pay those substitutes, alnd one of them was sued by his substitute, and he employed my father to defend him, and he gained the suit, and never paid the substitute. All these hot headed secessionists kept out of the war, and they don't know what war is. PRESENT CONDITION OF A1BITE COUNTY. Q. What is the present condition of affairs in Amite County?-A. I understand that there is great excitement there, and that whenever they take a notion that they do not want a negro or a white man there They go to him and tell him to leave; and, if he don't leave, he is apt to get hurt. Q. Were you a revenue collector for the State or for the United States.?-A. For the State. Q. You have never held any office under the United States Government?-A. Never under the United States. I have never taken any part in politics. It has got to be so corrupt here in this country that I am really ashamed to act on either side. WHY PARKER AND OTHERS WERE OBJECTED TO. By Mr. CAMEBPON: Q. What objections did they make to Parker and the other men who were driven out, other than Redmond?-A. I understood from Parker there was a killing occurred in the southern portion of the county. Col. Moses Jackson's nephew, John Jackson, and a young man named Legant, from Louisiana, killed a negro in that neighborhood. The negro was obnoxious to the people there, and they whipped him on one occasion before that. They went to his home on this occasion to give him a whipping, 96 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. and the negro would not take it, and they shot and killed him; but before he died he made a statement, and said that Legant and John Jackson were the ones who shot him. There was considerable excitement down there, and they knew that this Jackson was a notorious character, and everybody was afraid of him. Parker could not go down there to arrest him and nobody else wanted to. A short time after this murder, there was a political meeting called by the republicans, and Parker, Yeandie, the chancery clerk, and several other republicans went down there for the purpose of making a colored man by the name of Hill give up his nomination for supervisor from that district. Hill had become very obnoxious to the people down there in that portion of the county, and they didn't want him to run. Parker knew that there would be trouble there unless Hill came down from the canvass. They persuaded Hill to withdraw, and Parker got the republicans to nominate a young man named Germany, who was a democrat, in place of Charley Hill; but when Parker and the others went down there, this Jackson crowd hearing of it, and fearing that Parker might arrest Jackson, got seventy-five or one hundred men under arms that day, and they refused to let them go through the lines. Parker was halted on a bridge and ordered to go back. Colonel Jackson, the uncle of this young Jackson, was in command of the forces, and he permitted Parker and the others to go around through a field to the meeting, and they went and had the meeting. Parker came back, and wrote what had occurred to Governor Ames, and wanted the governor to offer a reward for young Jackson. When this letter reached Jackson here, it was published, though how it got out I don7t know; but the publication of that letter put the people of Amiite County against Parker. From that time they had no use for him, and they hate him worse than the devil. They went for him on every oceasion on account of the publication of this letter. They got up a petition stating that the facts stated in that letter were not true, and they made Mr. Yeandle sign it. If he hadn't signed it they would have made him leave the county. Things got from bad to worse from that time on. PRESENT STATE OF AMITE COUNTY. Q. What is the present state of Amite County? —A. Well, these clubs are composed of ruffians, and are about the lowest type of low white men. They have no education, and are sort of desperate characters. They have formed themselves into what they call a central club, and they meet there now once a month, and they pass all sorts of laws for self-government. One resolution I recollect that they passed was that any man who hired a negro should be held responsible for the acts of that negro; if the negro stole anything, that they should inflict punishment upon the man who hired him for what the negro had done. I attended only one club meeting while I was there, and that was three or four days before the election. H. H. BRatcliffe got up on that occasion and offered this resolution: EMPLOYERS OF RADICAL NIGGERS TO BE TARRED AND FEATHERED. " Resolved, That we tar and feather every white man who hires radical niggers." Of course the club had too much sense to let that resolution pass, as the negroes were all radicals, and they voted it down; and after that the club expelled Ratcliffe because he would not turn off some negroes who were working for him who had become obnoxious to the community there. Rateliffe is a farmer, and a man of considerable means, or at TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 97 one time he was. He is a sort of independent fellow, and he thought he could control his own affairs better than this club could for him, and so he kept his negroes. NEGROES RUN OFF AND WHIPPED. The club people went there one night and shot the negroes' cabins full of holes, and ran them off and beat one or two of them terribly. iatcliffe then wrote a letter to Judge Hill, United States judge, and stated the circumstances that had occurred, and asked him what to do. Some of these fellows, learning that he had written such a letter, followed Rateliffe and got hold of this letter. They met him on the road and asked him not to send the letter, and he said he would, and that he was going to report every one of them. And they said,' We know how how to stop you; if you don't get in your wagon and go home, we will finish you right here; " and Eatcliffe got in his wagon and went home. Young Safford, who is here as a witness, told me this, and he got it right from tateliffe's lips. I understand that Yeandle, who had been allowed to remain in the county, because he had signed the letter of which I spoke, has since then been waited upon and asked how long it would take him to settle up his business and leave the county. I don't think there are any of the counties in the southern part of the State so bad as Amite. NUMIBER OF DEBMOCRATIC CLUB-MEIMBEERS. Q. What number of persons are understood to be connected with this central club?- A. I suppose they have in that county some eight or ten well-organized clubs, and I suppose that they number at least 500 men that would go with their leaders-with Moses Jackson or any man who was the leader of those clubs. HOW THEY GOT ARMS. Q. Are they armed — A. They stole all my militia guns there. They went to the houses of the militia-men and made them give them up the day after the election. This legislature appointed a committee to investigate what had become of the Mississippi State arms, and they didn't investigate that portion. Q. What report did that committee make — A. They didn't make any report in regard to that section. They knew very well that the mob had them. Q. What report did the committee make as to the disturbance in Amite County?-A. That it was without cause and foundation; that the difficulty was purely a personal one. RELATIVE WHITE AND BLACK POPULATION OF AMITE COUNTY. The CHAIRMAN. The white population of Amite County by the census of 1870 was 4,196; the colored population, 6,777. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Do you understand that those difficulties were purely personal?A. No, sir; I don't think there was anything personal about them. CAUSES OF DIFFICULTIES IN AMITE COUNTY. Q. What is your opinion of the cause?- A. Well, these fellows down there took a notion that they wanted to manage their own affairs, I suppose, and they thought that Parker and the other republican officers there had too much influence with their party, and that the republican majority was too great there to be controlled while they were in the county. 7 MISS 98 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —-AMITE COUNTY. Q. To which party do the persons connected with the central club belong — A. To the democratic party. POLITICS OF THE WITNESS. Q, What are your political opinions — A. I have never been mixed up in politics in my life; I have always scratched my ticket. In my county the sheriff is an old confederate soldier, but a republican, and I have always voted for him. I have always voted for iMr. Collins, who was beaten in the last election. Mr. Travis, the sheriff, was elected. He lost an arm in Virginia. My father was a Whig and a Union man when the secession movement started here. He was one of the seven who voted against secession when the State seceded. SECESSIONISTS IN THE WAR. I have noticed, not only in my county, but all over the State, that the secessionists were the last men to go into the war and the first to get out when they did go in. Colonel Johns, whom I have spoken of, is a democrat, and fought through the war. Colonel Nelson was a Union man. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Did your father go into the confederate army — A. Yes, sir; he raised a regiment. While he was serving in the field he was elected judge, and resigned and came home, and was on the supreme bench of the State when the surrender took place. MURDERS OF NEGROES UNPUNISHED. Q. Has the State government made any effort to suppress these disturbances?-A. It has not. Down there in Amite County they think nothing of killing of a negro, because nobody ever attempts to arrest them for doing it. Last Sunday night I learned they went to the house of a negro named Deshields, and called him to the door. Deshields would not go, and his wife went, and said that he was not in the house. When his wife went to the window she saw a man dodging around the corner; and she went back and told Deshields that there were some men there, and he got frightened and lifted up a plank in the floor that he had loosened before that to make his escape, and got under the house and attempted to crawl out the back way; and they ran upon him, four of them, and shot him to death. Q. What were they, white men or black men — A. White men. They went off, and there has been no attempt to ferret out who they were. Q. What other murders or shootings have occurred there — A. That is about the third or fourth killing since the election. There was one negro killed on the day after the election. I was asked this morning by a gentleman to give him the address of Reuben McKendrick, and I told him that was the last thing that I could tell him, as he was not in this world, from the best information I had, and that it was the general impression that he had been killed. Q. Was he a representative from this county? -A. Yes, sir; from Amite County. Q. A colored man?-A. Yes, sir. Q. How long since he disappeared?-A. Several weeks. Q. Has any person been arrested for any of these murders or assassinations — A. No, sir. There was a reward offered by Governor Ames for Jackson, who started all this difficulty on the border, and he was at the meeting of the clubs when I carried this letter of General George's. I saw him, and spoke to him there that day; but the sheriff made no attempt to arrest him, and I don't suppose that he will. TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 99 HOW TO STOP MURDERS. I will state, that when I came up here and saw General George, he said that if those people down there didn't be quiet he would call for troops that it is an outrage on the State, and that he didn't think it ought to be permitted to go on any longer. I think if troops had been sent there, and the United States marshal had been instructed to arrest those men, that the trouble would have been stopped before now. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. You have evidently thought about and considered this matter very closely and carefully.-A. I have; I think I have thought more over this than almost anything else in my life. Q. Do you think that by a stern, vigorous, and honest administration of the power of law that thing can be stopped — A. I think that assassination would stop in a mouth. I think that is the only way that they can control it. Q. Are you well acquainted with the people of that section, and with their feelings?-A. I am as well acquainted with the habits and feelings of the people in that country as anybody. Q. If the authorities of the State of Mississippi shall do their duty by this community there that you have described, as they are empowered by the laws of the State to do, can they stop this state of things — A. If they would do it, they could. Q. This condition of affairs that you have spoken of existed in 1875?A. Yes, sir; but I have never known it to be as bad as it is now, I think. Q. The things that you have described in regard to Redmond and the rest occurred in the fall of 1875?-A. Yes, sir. Q. That was under one State administration?-A. Yes, sir; under Ames. Q. And then a new administration came on, on the first of last Jannary ~?-A. Yes, sir; the officers were installed then. These men who are known to have committed these murders have never been arrested. Young Jackson has been there in town several times, and the sheriff has made no attempt to arrest him at all. Q. And that, neither under the administration of 1875 nor under the administration of 1876, have any stern and prompt steps been taken to put an end to this matter — A. No, sir; no steps taken whatever. Q. But you believe that, if the laws of the State were efficiently executed, order can be secured by the laws of the State —A. Yes, sir; but I will say this: that I don't believe that the sheriff of Amite County now could get a posse to arrest these men. Hence assistance would have to be brought in from elsewhere to enforce the laws. Q. You know, of course, that by the laws of the State the governor can call the whole force of the State to his asssistance if he will ask for it — A. Yes, sir; but I don't think, even if they were arrested, we could get ajury to convict them. Q. Have you any statute by which the State 0an change the venire and remove the case from one court to another — A. No, sir; the defendant has that privilege, but the State cannot do so. Q. What portion of Amite County would you include in this region that you have described as in this lawless condition?-A. The thing first started in only a very small portion of the county'; just one township. 100 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. Q. That is down in the southwest corner, next to the Louisiana line?A. Yes, sir. Q. It is in this locality, this East Feliciana district, where this man Powers makes it his headquarters?-A. Yes, sir. If Powers had staid away from Mississippi, I don't think there would have been as much trouble as there has been. I reported the thing to thegrand jury here, and they paid no attention to it. I have no doubt that the people of the country would think it a god-send if he was out of the country. Q. He is a dangerous character -- A. Yes, sir. POWERS'S LIFE DURING THE WAR. Q. Describe his life during the war.-A. Powers, when I first knew him, had charge of what we call buttermilk cavalry. Most of his men, I think, were deserters from the confederate army-the fellows that wanted to keep out of the fighting. He was speculating all the time in cotton. He was in the habit of tolling all the cotton that came into Baton Rouge, and if the owners of the cotton didn't pay what he demanded of them as toll, he would confiscate it all. There was a Northern man came down there about the time that I returned from the Army of the Tennessee, which was in 1864, I think-My father, hearing that I was sick, came up there to see me, and see if he could not get a furlough for me; but I was under age, and could not get a furlough. So I took my discharge, with the expectation of coming back when I recovered. I was then only 16 years of age. A short time after I returned home I got acquainted with a good many of Powers's men, one of whom I had known before I went into the Army. le had been a schoolmate of mine..He told me just what sort of fellows Powers had under him that they never did any fighting, but watched around, and when a Federal scout came down from around Port Hudson they would kill him. As I was going to say, this Northern man bought a large amount of cotton, and he was overtaken by Powers on the Port Hudson road. This man had a very fine pair of alligator-skin boots on, which Powers took a fancy to, and he made him pull them off, and took them himself, and wore them around the country for a long time. But that was not the worst of it. He took this man and put him adrift on a log in the Mississippi River, without boots or hat on, and he was picked up near Fort Adams by some parties in a skiff, and brought aboard a Federal gunboat. Q. Then this man is a ruffian and an outlaw? -A. Yes, sir. Q. And he has his place of residence in Jackson, La.?-A. Yes, sir. He is drunk a part of the time. He flourished around Clinton, La., principally. NO LAW IN THE LOUISIANA BORDER. Q. Has he never been held amenable to the laws of Louisiana at all?A. No, sir. If Louisiana has got any law I don't know it. I was over there a short time ago, and it seems to be utterly without law or order. Q. This section of the country is remote from the railways — A. Yes, sir; entirely. That is the great trouble. There is no chance to get out there at all. Q. It is sparsely settled — A. Very sparsely settled until yon get down toward the river. Around Jackson, La., it is rather thickly settled; but I don't think that Powers lives in Jackson, but about eight miles from there.JACKSON'S GANG. Q. How many men in the State of Mississippi are the chiefs and rulings'sp,,irits of this condition of affairs down in the lower end of TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 101 Amite County?-A. Well, it is not easy to say. I could not possibly tell you how many. I suppose if you picked out ten or fifteen of those desperate characters, the whole thing would stop. Yes, and I would go further than that, and say that if Jackson and Powers were arrested, this whole thing would stop. I told the United States grand jury here that if they would arrest those two men, the whole thing would quiet down. General Dedrick, the district attorney, took down my testimony, and said it was the strongest case he ever listened to; and yet they refused to indict. My testimony was also corroborated by Dr. Straun; who was with me on the day of the election, and was on my staff also. Q. Would you mind giving the names of these ten or fifteen men whose arrest, you think, would put an end to this business — A. The next worse man after Powers, down in JLouisiana, is Moses Jackson, who is the head of that club in this State, and then Dr. Tom Jackson, his halfbrother, who was cashiered from the army during the war, and he was the first man in the county, the first citizen, that joined the republican party. He was Parker's best friend on every occasion, until beaten by Barrett. Jackson was a delegate here yesterday to the democratic State convention. He lives eight miles below Liberty. He has never done anything until recently. Q. What share had he in these transactions that you have mentioned — A. He seemed to be one of the moving spirits in getting up the excitement against Parker. He asked me what I would do in the event of their trying to make away with Parker. I told him I was able to protect him. He promised me to let them alone until after the election. {, Jackson is the man whom you consider to be really the chief outlaw in Amite County?-A. Yes, sir; the president of the club there. I donlt know that at heart he is a bad man, but he has no sense. He has managed the thing so badly that he has got these desperate characters stirred up and cannot control them at all. Q. Were there disturbances until after the election I —A. I just spoke of those disturbances that occurred in the southern portion of the county and the animosity that was excited against Parker. That was in October that Parker went down to make a colored candidate withdraw from the campaign. This killing occurred at Rose Hill, in October some time. Q. Do these desperadoes, such men as Frank Powers, care whom they shoot or whom they kill or whose property they take?-A. No, they don't. Q. Are they not, then, simply robbers — A. They are nothing else but robbers; they are. regular thieves and robbers. That is what I have looked upon Frank Powers as all the time. Q. That is Frank Powers's character there T-A. Yes, sir. Q. That is his reputation on the Mississippi side — A. Yes, sir. He comes into Mississippi and these Mississippians uphold him and side with him. Q. Are not these men a terror to the property-owners and tax-payers of the county — A. They are. The good citizens down there are actually afraid to open their mouths. I might bring a hundred men here from the county that I might name that know more than I know, but the committee could not get a single thing out of them for the reason that they know very well that the mob would get after them it they testified. 102 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. Q. is this a question of political party or a question of law and order? -A. I think it is more a question of law, because they have got no white republicans down there now, or if there are any they would be afraid to own it. A MEXICAN STATE OF SOCIETY. I imagine this state of things there is something similar to Mexico. I have never had any experience in Mexico, but from what I have read and heard of that country, anybody who can. get fifteen or twenty desperate fellows at his heels can do as he pleases; and that is about the way it is down there in the lower part of Amite County. They have organized clubs in every community. This thing has spread itself, like a contagious disease, all over the county. They have selected the worst characters, too, for this central club, and they go there and do just what they please. If the editor of this paper, the Southern Herald, comes out with something that they don't like, they wait upon him and tell him that he must do as they want him to. Q. It is mob-law — A. Nothing but mob-law, and in its worst form, too. Q. You spoke of Pike County — A. There has never been any disturbance there except what was caused by the drunken rowdies from Amite County. Colonel Jackson, who is a man of no sense or caution whatever, lets everything out, and he told me that when Frith and Green went back to Amite County they tried to stir up all these clubs. Q. Tell us who Frith and Green were.-A. Frith is nobody; Green is a worthless, drunken fellow. They have since then kicked him out of the clubs for drunkenness and insubordination and attempt at riot. Q. Are they, then, in any degree above the low desperadoes of any place?-A. No, they are just about the same, only they are men that have no courage to do anything themselves. Q. Have they any property?-A. No, sir. Q. Any character —A. No, sir; that is the trouble with all these fellows. They have got so poor they are just desperate and don't care what they do. They have lost their property in the war, and since then have been idle, and lying around the bar-rooms drinking whisky, and getting poorer and poorer every day. A man from Amite County told me that he had seen some of those low fellows there with new horses and guns and pistols and saddles that they had taken from the people in Wilkinson County during the last fighting. Q. How many miles from the railroad is Liberty — A. 24 miles to Liberty and 16 miles from there to Rose Hill. In that region there are some terribly bad characters. [Referring to the map of the State.] Q. Show what you call the lawless portion of that county.-A. Talbot is about as bad as any of them-Rose Hill and Centreville. Q. Taking the rest of the county outside of these three, four, five, or six townships, do you consider it in a state of law and order -A. The communities in the rest of the county are perfectly quiet. There are some bad men there in many of the precincts, because they have got delegates to the club from every precinct in the county. A decent man would not go into that club. Colonel Johns and Colonel Nelson, and men of their character, would not have anything to do with it. Q. In that county, could you give us any idea of the number comprised in what you term the bad element — A. If you will take fifty characters out of there, I would say that the county was pretty free from that element; but then these fifty characters control at least three or four hundred more. Moses Jackson could get probably 500 men to fol TESTIMONY OF H. P. HURST. 103 low him anywhere. When this trouble occurred in Wilkinson County, they told me that there were three or four hundred men went down there. Q. There are something over four thousand white people in Amite and six thousand and some hundreds of black people. —A. Yes, sir. Q. Taking out these fifty men that you believe control these other three or four hundred men, what would be the character of the rest of that community — A. Law-abiding, I should think, and in favor of peace and quiet. But I do not think peace will ever be restored in that county until these leaders are controlled. These fellows stay down there on the line between Mississippi and Louisiana, and they have couriers and can tell when any one is coming after them and will immediately cross over the border. Of course you cannot follow them there and take them without a requisition; and have got to get an officer to go there. Q. You stated that after these things occurred at Liberty, the legislature sent down an investigating committee, and you used the phrase "' the State made a great howl about it?"-A. 0, no; I meant some of these democrats in Summit made a great howl about it because they got down upon Redmond. IUNITED STATES TROOPS OBJECTED TO. Q. Did they object to the investigation?-A. No, sir; to Redmond's bringing these troops there. Q. Who made objection to them?-A. All of them. Q. Do you say that there was a committee of investigation appointed -A. Yes, sir; the business of the committee was to ascertain whether Redmond was justified in sending for these troops or not. Q. It was the presence of the troops that caused them to object?A. Yes, sir. Q. Was there any report made —A. They made a report that Redmond was not justified in sending for troops; that the difficulty was a personal one, and that there was no evidence that he had been driven from the county. Q. What evidence did they have before them of that fact — A. I testified to that fact before them, and Mr. Garner and others testified to the same thing. Q. Cn the other hand, what did they prove — A. I did not hear all the testimony. They finally got to squabbling whether they should sit with closed doors, and sat after that with closed doors. Q. What became of your testimony? —A. They have it here, I suppose. Q. Was any action taken on it here by the legislature?-A. Well, sir, I think they reported that Redmond was not justified in sending for troops. Q. Who composed that committee —A. The subcommittee came there. It was composed of Messrs. Roan, from Copiah County; Shattuck, from Wilkinson County; and MeNair, from Lincoln County. JACKSON'S BAND. Q. Has this Moses Jackson a band of his men?-A. This club; he is its president. Q. Who is Legant?-A. A man in Louisiana; keeps a store just across the line. Q. Of the same class as this man Powers — A. He has no influence, but he is a desperate character. He is not very well known in that 104 MIISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. county, as he has not been there a great deal. He is great friend of Jackson's. WILLIAM DESHIELDS IS ASSASSINATED. Q. What was this man Deshields, that you speak of? —A. William Deshields was a colored man, and a member of the board of supervisors. He was considered a very bad negro. He went to the sheriff a short time ago and wanted permission to organize a republican club. The sheriff advised him not to do it. As I'have before said, last Sunday night a party of white men went to his house, called him out, and shot him dead. There was no clew to the murderers, and no one was arrested. Q. Was he re-elected last fall — A. No, sir; there was not a republican elected on the ticket in Amite County at the last election, except one. Q. The board of supervisors control the finances of the county — A. Yes, sir. Q. This William Deshields was one of that board?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Of what was that board composed? —A. Four negroes and one white man. Q. Were any of them fit for the place? —A. No, sir; all ignorant men. Q. You spoke of a row at the election in PRose Hill, owing to the fact that some one had discovered a black man in the act of putting two votes doubled together into the ballot-box?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who was the inspector that opened the tickets as they were handed in?-A. This man Haynes, that the democratic club put in. Q. He opened the ballot V FRAUD AT THE ELECTION. A. Yes sir. I demanded of the inspectors that they should throw out that box when they came to count the votes, but they were overawed next day by the mob and would not act. It was a fraud, no doubt about that, at that particular box; everybody is willing to concede that. There are generally about four hundred colored votes and two hundred white votes. It usually returned about two hundred republican majority; but these desperate white fellows got to ridi'ng about nights and shooting into the negroes' houses; but the negroes were in a majority on that day. The whites came to the polls armed; but the negroes came unarmed. Q. What was the number of votes that were changed by that man being at the polls and by this misconduct?-A. Do you mean Powers coming in there V Q. Was that not after the election?-A. No, sir; there were forty or fifty negroes that hadn't voted. Q. How many men had Powers with him?-A. I don't know; I didn't count them; I was jerked into a room by a friend of mine, a Texan. He and I had been in the same brigade in the war. His name was Bill Linsy; he was deputy sheriff at that box. Q. Where does this Col. B. F. Johns live?-A. In Liberty. He is is representing Amite County now in the legislature. Q. You spoke of him as a very worthy man — A. Yes, sir; I don't know of a man that stands higher in the State than he; a temperate, moral man in every respect; and a perfect gentleman, highly educated, and a good lawyer. Colonel Nelson is also a man that is thought al great deal of. Q. Colonel Johns was in favor of raising a force of white men, and TESTIMIONY OF I. P. HURST. 105 resisting this mob, as you term it? —A. Yes, sir; he said that we should raise the men and make a stand, and whip Powers; that it was a great outrage for a man like Powers to come there into Mississippi and interfere with the election. Q. Johns is a leading democrat —A. Yes, sir. Q. Are the views of Mr. Johns concurred in by the property-owners and tax-payers of the county — A. They are; but this mob rules everything. They would not let Colonel Johns speak; and talked once of making him come down from the canvass because he was too liberal for them. He was the editor of the Southern Herald. The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Safford was summoned here from Amite County, and it has been suggested to me that if he testifies and testifies truthfully, he will be imperiled when he goes back. I want to know what you think about it, and I-would like to have Mr. Bayard and Mr. McDonald hear what you have to say about it. The WITNESS. I think he will. I don't think it would be safe for ame to go back if they knew what I have testified. The CHAIRMAN. I think I will not call himn; I do not want to take the responsibility. The WITNESS. This club appointed a committee to wait upon everybody who came up here.and testified before the grand jury to ascertain what they testified to. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. How many men took part in this attempt to compel the men who had testified before the grand jury to divulge their testimony?-A. I expect that Colonel Nelson can give you the names of the men who waited upon his nephew to learn what he testified to before the grand jury. Q. How many are there concerned in that?-A. You see I have not been there since the election except to carry General George's letter down there, and I know nothing of what is going on except what is told me by men who come from there. RESPONSIBILITY FOR THESE OUTRAGES. Q. I am endeavoring to ascertain who and how many of them there are who are responsible for these outrages. Am I to understand that the greater portion of what you have said is what others have said to you?A. No, sir; I have told you just what I know, and I am now trying to keep from telling what others have told me. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. You spoke of a sub-committee of three who were appointed to investigate the Redmond affair, and you mentioned the gentlemen who composed that sub-committee; were they republicans or democrats — A. Two democrats and one republican. McNair and Shattuck wrote this testimony for me and handed it to me. It was copied from my testimony taken down there. Shattuck is a liberal republican and McNair is a democrat. Q. How many persons are understood to be connected with these clubs of which you have spoken — A. Each club comprises fifty to seventy-five men, sometimes more. Of course they could not get that number of men to follow them, for some of them have got too much sense to go into such a thing. They selected their worst men to do these things. Jackson could get four or five hundred men at any time, I suppose, if there was any row kicked up out there between the whites and blacks, 106 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. which is the principal cause of the disturbances there. But you can't get these men to go and fight white men. They wouldn't go and fight their equals; none of them would do it. They are all cowardly unless they have got numbers to impose on you. SAFETY OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. Q. Do you regard the colored people down there as being safe from attacks of these desperate characters?-A. Not if those fellows take a notion to make away with them. If they don't like a negro, and he don't leave the country, he is pretty apt to be killed. That is something very difficult to prevent, because you don't know when they are going to do it. There is a large stretch of country there which is thinly settled, where these fellows can dodge about, and it is almost impossible to know when they are going to go for any one. AURELIUS S. PARKER- AMITE COUNTY. JACKSON, MISS., June 15, 1876. AURELIUS S. PARKER sworn and examined. RECORD OF THE WITNESS. By Mr. CAMERON: Question. Where do you reside — Answer. Now, in New Orleans. Q. Where did you reside during the year 1875 prior to the. month of November?-A. In Liberty, Amite County, Mississippi. Q. How long had you resided there — A. Since May 20, 1869. Q. What public office, if any, did you hold in that county?-A. I was appointed, when I went there, by General Ames, who was at that time military governor of the State, as sheriff, and in the November following I was elected to the legislature, and held that office for two years; and also held the position as sheriff until the election for county officers. In 1869 there were no county officers except appointed ones, and there was no provision made for an election; consequently, we elected only members of the legislature under the new constitution, and that was when I was elected to the legislature. This legislature made provision for an election of county officers, and when that election came on I ran for sheriff again, and was elected. Q. Then you held the office of sheriff from 1869 up to what date — A. The 1st of January, 1876. Q. When did you leave Liberty, Amite County? —A. I left there on the night of Tuesday-the first Tuesday of November. THE CONDITION OF AMITE COUNTY. Q. You can state what the condition of the county was during the last political canvass prior to the election, as to its being orderly or disorderly?-A. You mean the canvass of 1875 t Q. Yes, sir.-A. Its normal condition had been peaceable and orderly until within a short time previous to the election, and the only disturbance then was the visiting of the houses of colored men by white parties in the night. TESTIMONY OF AURELIUS S. PARKER. 107 COLORED MEN ADVISED NOT TO REGISTER. Q. What was generally done in those cases — A. It was their custom to call the colored man out and ask him if he was going to register. This commenced shortly previous to the registration, which was probably about forty-five days before theeelection. If a colored man said he was going to register, they advised him not to. If he was still determined in his statement that he was going to register, they would tell him that if he did register he could not vote. But this had no effect, as it was the first time that this thing had happened in the county, and they had no fears.. After the registration they continued this same thing, and told them that they could not vote; and if they were very persistent that they were going to vote, they would threaten them that they would take their lives it they voted, and that they could not vote under any circumstances whatever. THE LIVES OF PROMINENT COLORED VOTERS THREATENED. In some cases they would tell the colored men, " You had better dig your grave on Monday"-the election was on Tuesday —' You had better spend Monday digging a grave for yourself if you intend to vote, for you will not be allowed to live." Q. How general was that threat throughout the county — A. In about half the county. These visits were made to the more prominent negroes' houses-to the houses of the officers of these negro clubs. Threats were made also very generally, and without any hesitation, that if any republican officers or republican candidates were elected that they would not be allowed to live and hold the place. I have heard such threats as that myself; not addressed directly to me, but within my hearing, where they were met together in little knots or crowds and were talking loudly. Q. Were these visits made to the negroes during the night — A. Yes, sir; in every case nearly. In fact, I don't know of a case where they made a visit in the day-time. The parties who made these visits were not known by the colored men whom they visited. They would come from a neighborhood like this and go seven or eight or ten miles, where they were not known, and visit negroes that could not recognize them if they should come close to them; and so they changed about through the country. Q. Where were you on the day of the election — A. In the town of Liberty. Q. Were you a candidate for office —A. Yes, sir; for sheriff-a candidate for re-election. Q. What occurred in Liberty on election-day, in the evening, with reference to the election — A. Nothing at all, sir. We had as quiet an election in the town of Liberty as they have ever had there, I reckon. THE CENTRAL (DEMOCRATIC) CLUB FORMED. Q. What induced you to leave the county —A. Some six or seven weeks previous to the election! there was a call issued for all men who were opposed to the radical republican party to meet in Liberty on a certain day. That meeting was on Monday, two weeks previous to the election, I think; however, I am not positive. Some four or five hundred people came into town under that call and organized what they called a Central Club, and they held their meetings in secret. They took down the names of all the persons present. They held a meeting on M onday and arranged to meet again two weeks from that time. They passed some violent resolutions there, but I didn't learn what they were. 1C8 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION~ —AMITE COUNTY. They had their first two meetings in the Masonic lodge-room, but at the third meeting there was too large an attendance for that hall, and they met in the court-room, over my office. They passed some very violent resolutions on that occasion. ORDERED TO LEAVE THE COUNTY OR BE SH-OT. Q. What was the nature of those. resolutions?-A. Most of them were aimed at me personally more than anybody else; but, of course, they were opposed to other republican officers. There was one resolution, in particular, that they should take me out of my office and tar and feather me, and instruct me to leave the county; and if I didn't leave the county, then the next time they would take me out and shoot me. I learned from W'. IL. ovey, a democrat, that that resolution was passed. He has always been a particular friend of mine; we had always bad a great many business dealings. I think he is a strict democrat, but he voted for me at this last election, notwithstanding all these acts of the democrats. At that time he staid in my office, because he thought he might bring influence enough to bear to.prevent them carrying out any of these threats. I told him that they never could do anything of the kind to me. He had made up his mind that if they came down there he would help me out; and that was the reason for his remaining there. By his coming down-stairs and informing me of this resolution after it had been passed, and he not being a supporter of myself politically, I considered that the information was positive. AN EFFORT FOR AN ARRANGEM!ENT OF DIFFERENCES. All the district nominations in the county had been made previous to this time, but in one instance we wanted to make a change. We had nominated a colored man in the third district by the name of Hill, who was obnoxious to the democrats, and justly so, I think, for he was a very ignorant man, although there were no charges of corruption against him, or that he had done any wrong act officially. I went to Centerville, the headquarters of the democracy of the county, and consulted with the leading men there, democrats and republicans, and told them we were going to withdraw Hill. I told them that if they would name a man whom I thought was honorable, and who would treat me right if he was elected-I like to have courtesy extended from one officer to anotherI would try and have him nominated. They wanted me to name a man, and I named a man named German, a democrat, and they said they were satisfied with him. AN ARMED FORCE RAISED TO PREVENT THE MEETING. A meeting was appointed, on Saturday to carry out this card, and nominate German. In the mean time the democrats had raised a force of men at this place where the meeting was to be held, which was fifteen miles from the county-seat. They stationed these men all along the road, and declared that I should not hold this meeting. But I started out with Mr. Yeandle and another gentleman to attend the meeting, and as we got within about three miles of the place where the meeting was to be held, we were stopped by two pickets. They halted us in military style, and I aIsked what they meant. They said, "' You can't come up." I said, I will come up," and I rode right up to them, and asked them,' What does this meanl'? They said, "We have got some men back here, and you shall not go down to hold this meeting." After talking a while with them, I told themn it was no use, we were going; that we must go; that we had no arms, no guns; that I had my pistol in my TESTIMONY OF AURELIUS S. PARKER. 109 pocket; and that neither of the gentlemen with me had any arms. I requested one of them to take a note to these men that were armed, telling them the object of the meeting. They took the note, and Moses Jackson, the leader of the men there, came back with the messenger, who had taken the note; and, after some parleying, he consented that we should come down within about a mile of that point, and then take a road that run off to the right, and take a circuitous route around to the point we wanted to reach. We could do nothing else, so we consented to that arrangement. Jackson said if we went down the regular road he would not guarantee that we would not be killed, but if we would go the other way he would go down with us and protect us. We had to do that or back down. We went there and had our meeting, and we put up the man that we had agreed to, and withdrew Hill; and German's was on our ticket, and we voted for him on election-day without a scratch of the tickets. Under these circumstances, I had become pretty sure that they meant to do something if the election went contrary to their desires. THE ELECTION TO BE PERMITTED, BUT REPUBLICAN OFFICERS TO BE DRIVEN AWAY OR KILLED. But they determined at about the last of their meetings before the election that they would not molest us until after the election. If we carried the election they would conduct us beyond the boundaries of the county or kill us. It came, too, in such a way that there could be no doubt about it. They had detailed six men to kill me, provided I was elected. On the night of the election I remained about the courthouse until 12 o'clock, or some time after that, before I left the county. There were a great many white men coming into town, but no colored men, except those who lived in town. I consulted with Colonel Johns, who is a democrat and the present member of the legislature from that place, and with Colonel Nelson, and with other gentlemen, as to what was going on; I was suspicious, of course. They told me that there was an arrangement that all the democratic clubs through the county should come into town in the morning armed, and in case the republicans were elected they were going to lay hold of us in some way or other. We talked the matter over for an hour or two. Colonel Johns said that, if he could get twenty-five reliable white men to back me, he would resist them when they came in the morning, and that they should not be allowed to run over the town in that way. Many of these men that were expected in the morning were from Louisiana. I don't know how many, but a good many of them. I asked hin when they expected these men, and he said they didn't expect them at all before sunrise, but they might come in at any moment. I asked them what they advised me to do. Colonel Johns said he would go out and see what he could do about raising some men. He lid doso and failed. He said there was not a man that would stand by him, and it was decided that we should leave and stay away a few days. Mr. Yeandle, who was the chancery clerk, arranged to go into the country and stay with some friends of his, and Mr. Rledmond and Dr. Barrett and myself arranged to have horses hitched up and to go to Summit and go over to Jackson. We would remain there for a while, and let the thing blow over. They said that it was useless to undertake to fight that crowd; that we three men couldn't defend ourselves against them. If we staid and were killed, it would do nobody any good, and the negroes, who stood up for us, of course they would be killed; and we considered that we had no right to in 110 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION AMITE COUNTY. volve anybody in our difficulties. I have made it a point not to involve the negroes in any of these political difficulties. I never have done so. We left about half-past 12 o'clock. They had not closed the registrationbooks at that time, and were still counting, and no one knew that we had left except Colonel Johns and a few of them that were with him. WITNESS CANNOT LIVE THERE, AND CANNOT SELL HIS PROPERTY. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Have you returned to the county since — A. I have been there twice since then. Q. Have you returned there to reside? —A. No, sir. Q. Why not?-A. Because I don't consider that I could live there. I own 160 acres of land in the worst part of the county-where these worst people live-and I can't rent that land to black or white. They say nobody shall live on that land. One of these men, who belongs to the Central Club, offered me a small price for the land, and I accepted the offer, but he withdrew his offer. I offered it to another gentleman at the same price, and they told him it he bought it he could not live there, and none of his family should live there; and he wrote me from New Orleans that he didn't wish to invest. He is a man of wealth and good standing, was born and raised in the county, and stands No. 1 in every respect, except his politics, which is republican. THE DISTURBANCE AT TOLER'S PRECINCT. Q. What disturbance, if any, occurred in the county on election-day, from your own knowledge or information?-A. The only disturbance at the polls anywhere in the county was at Lose Hill precinct and at Toler's precinct, near Jackson's place. There was a colored man at Toler's who was appointed United States commissioner or United States inspector, that there should be some one to attend the election in the interest of the Representative to Congress. Thisman was a school-teacher in the neighborhood, and there was a white man appointed as United States inspector on the democratic side. A man named Thompson came there with arms, and tried to drive this colored man out, so the man stated to me, and the other registrars corroborated his statement. Thompson insisted on this colored man getting out, but the other parties interfered, and finally persuaded him to put his gun away and let this colored man alone. That was the only disturbance at that place except loud talking, which didn't amount to much. THE DISTURBANCE AT ROSE HILL. Q. What was the disturbance at Rose Hill — A. I have only the statements of parties who were there. In the first place the democratic registrars and additional parties induced the republican registrar to withdraw so that they could appoint an outside man. Then they raised a pressure on one of the democratic registrars who was a moderate man-Dr. Straun, a physician of the place, a finely-educated man. He is a man of high temper and he felt insulted, and he got up and said that he didn't want to hold a position where he could not be in fellowship with gentlemen, and they could appoint whom they pleased; and he withdrew. That was in the morning. The election went off quietly, I understand, until late in the evening, when Colonel Powers, from Louisiana, with a lot of men, came into town. He said that they had been in Wilkinson County and that they had made one man draw down; I suppose withdraw, they meant; and that they now came there to regulate that precinct; and they created a disturbance and commenced to fire TESTIMONY OF AURELIUS S. PARKER. 111 and got up a great confusion and frightened away all the voters about the polls at that time. I suppose from fifty to seventy-five colored voters were driven away from the polls. They were there at the polls ready to vote when the disturbance commenced, and they fled into the woods and other places. What real personal violence was done to any one I don't know. THE CENTRAL (DEMOCRATIC) COMMITTEES. Q. How many democratic clubs are now understood to be organized in these counties — A. I don't know, sir. They have what is called the central committees, who have been holding their meetings there up until the present time, in the county. At first they held them once in two weeks; then they held them every Monday; and then they got down to two weeks again. I don't know how often they are held now. THE OBJECT OF THE COMMITTEES. Q. What object e-A. They state that their object is to be a sort of a county legislature or regulators. They attempt to supervise and regulate things generally. They passed a resolution that any man who employed hands, should be held responsible for the depredations of those hands; that sufficient provisions should be left on their places so that the hands should not be compelled to steal, and that the owner of the place should be present himself occasionally and give the place his personal supervision. That was published in the Southern Herald, a paper which circulated everywhere in the county. They regulated everything in that way. The club appointed an editor to take charge of the Southern Hearid, and they put a man in there and he run it a little while, and he got to see that the course they were pursuing was not good policy and showed a little sense in his editorials, and they requested him to withdraw by aresolution. But he has large and influential family connections and friends there, and they could not force him to resign and he is still running it. His name is Henry Cappel. ORDERED TO LEAVE THE COUNTY FOR POLITICAL REASONS. Q. What reason, if any, did they assign for requiring you to leave the county?-A. Political reasons; never assigned any other. Q. What reason did they assign for requiring Redmond, Dr. Barrett, and Mr. Yeandle to leave — A. I don't know of any reason, except a political one. They claimed that I, as head of the republican party in the county, controlled the colored vote, and that we all worked together to control the colored vote, and that the colored vote should not have control hereafter; that they were going to carry the election by fair means if they could, and by foul if they must. That was said openly by many democrats. They have never accused me of stealing any money, or doing anything wrong in my life. No such accusation as that ever came to my ears. On the contrary, Judge Smiley, who is now judge there, says I am the best sheriff that he ever knew in his life; and he is a democrat. Q. How many members of the legislature were elected from Amite County last fall? —A. One representative and one floater. There is a surplus in each county-we are classed with Rankin County-and we elected a floater. Q. Who were elected — A. James E. Jager was the floater. Q. What was his politics — A. Democrat; and Col. B. F. Johns was elected-straight democrat. Q. Any senator elected from that county?-A. No, sir; we had no senatorial election at this time. We elected one two years ago. 112 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. NOT SAFE FOR REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS. Q. Would it be safe for Mr. Redmond to go back to Amite County to reside?-A. I don't think it would. Q. Do you think that he could perform his official duties there without military supportt?-A. As United States collector of internal revenue? Q. Yes, sir.-A. I am not prepared to say, for this reason: I have not been in the county but twice since the election. Parties of men had waylaid the roads at night when I had been in the country speaking, and expected me to come into town. In neither case did I know until after I had got home. I had come home in a different direction from what I went out. I held a meeting eight miles from town across the Amite River, and I returned home before night, because I had an engagement to meet some gentlemen on some business in the town; and patties laid out there, expecting me at the river bridge, until 12 o'clock at night. Some colored men came and told me after I got to bed that they were there. I went down, but they had gone. They had broken down a man's field and fed their horses there. There had been, I should think, thirty horses there. IHOW THE COLORED VOTERS WERE INTIMIDATED Q. You may state whether or not these outrages had the effect of intimidating the colored voters.-A. They certainly did, sir. I am satisffed that for a month before the election there was not a week-day or a Sunday that colored people didn't come to my residence or to the courthouse, and tell me of these visits to their houses, and ask my advice as to what. they should do, and-did I think they would be killed, and all such inquiries as that. Of course I encouraged them all I could. I will state as my candid opinion that there were no less than five hundred men who lay in the woods the greater part of the night before the election. They would stand in line at the polls, and drop asleep standing up, on account of not having had sleep the previous night. These democratic clubs were organized into squads, and each of these squads had two anvils. They would go to a little rising place in the road, and put these anvils downland shoot them off ten or twelve times, and shoot their shotguns, yell, and go on, and stop a mile perhaps farther on, and repeat the same thing again. We could hear it in every direction from town, and it sounded just like war times. The colored people, when these squads would be approaching them, shooting and yelling, would of course imagine that they were going to kill them, and they would slip out and get into the woods, and lay hid until morning. In the morning they came in one at a time, and found out no one had been killed. This was done on the night before the election, and finding out that nothing serious had been done, and that this was only a trick to frighten them, they came up to the polls and voted, and we polled a larger vote than we had polled before since the war; both democratic and republican. COLONEL POWERS' REGULATORS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Then this disturbance that you speak of, and this intended intimidation, failed in its effect as to keeping them from voting s-A. Yes, sir. Q. They got their votes in on the day of election — A. Yes, sir; except in this precinct of Rose Hill, where there was some disturbance on the night of the election. TESTIMONMY OF. AURELIUS S. PAEKER. 113 Q. We have had before us a very intelligent witness, and I believe a very worthy one —General Hurst-who spoke of the condition of affairs across the line in Louisiana, where there were a lot of desperadoes under the control of one Colonel Powers. State to the committee whom this man Powers is, and what effect he has had in producing this condition of things in the county of Amite.-A. Colonel Powers, during the war, had command of a regiment of cavalry that was called Buttermilk Cavalry, in our neighborhood. They were scouting and raiding around the county, and he had always a bad reputation for running cotton through the confederate lines. His reputation was, I think, very bad. He is a leader of what is called the Regulators, in the parishes of East Feliciana and Saint Helena. There have been a great many negroes killed through these counties; anfd they have killed some of the county officers at Clinton, in the parish of East Feliciana, and have run the rest away. Included in his organization were some men from Amite County, and they were in sympathy with him in getting rid of republican officers. The understanding was, that should they want Powers on our side of the line they would call on him and he would come prepared to assist them in doing anything they might require to be done. On this election-day they sent for him. General Hurst asked Powers why he had come there, and he said that they had sent for him. Q. Have you the means of knowing the extent of this band of outlaws under Powers?-A. As to their number? Q. Yes. sir.-A. No, sir; I have not. This Central Club that was organized in Amite County prosecuted their business with closed doors, and expelled any one who was not a member of the club, no matter what party he belonged to. After having several meetings of this Central Club they appointed a committee of fifty, who themselves transacted the business which was subsequently ratified at the Central Club meetings. SIX OR EIGHT HUNDRED MEMBERS IN AMITE COUNTY. Q. How many in Amite County do you think are embraced in these outlaws?-A. I should suppose six or eight hundred men. The reason that I think so is this: This thing started in the Thick Woods or Rose Hill precinct, and was then extended into other parts of the county. They organized these clubs in each precinct, and then they formed this Central Club; and there are certainly six or eight hundred men embraced in these clubs. SOME OF RINGLEADERS. Q. How many men do you embrace in the ringleaders? —A. I can give you the names of several of them. Col. Moses Jackson, who is president of the central club and of the committee of fifty; Moses Robinson, Walter L. Hogins, C. P. Frith, Seaborn Reynolds, William Gunlby, L. B. Robinson. If those men are not leaders now they were for four weeks before the election. They occupied the position of president or captain of those clubs. There are others that I cannot give the names of. lMoes Jackson is the great mogul of the county. He works in connection with Powers over the line. Powers is chief over the line in Louisiana, and Jackson is chief in Amite County. Q. Do you believe as a fact that if Jackson and these other men whose names you have given were arrested and punished these things would cease — A. Yes, sir; I have no doubt of it. SOME DEMOCRATS OPPOSED TO THESE BANDS. Q. What is the feeling, do you think, among the better portion of the 8 MISS 114 MISSISSIPPI ELECTlON-AMITE COUNTY. white people of Amite County in regard to Powers coming over there?A. I think they would be just as much opposed to it as you could be or I could be, or anybody else in the world. There are democrats there who are as fine men as live in the world; they are opposed to this in every way, and would stop it in every way except by force; but when it comes to force they will have nothing to do with it. They are willing to give advice and counsel, and did exert themselves in that way before the eleci'ion, but they were powerless, as these fellows engaged the sympathy of the young men and boys. Q. In the canvass of 1875 did you have any trouble — A. No, sir. NO TROUBLE BEFORE 1875 ON ACCOUNT OF THE PRESENCE OF TROOPS. Q. Did you have any trouble, or were there any personal threats made against you before that canvass?-A. In the first canvass of 1869 there were threats without number, but at that time there were troops and there were other little squads at various county seats. Although there. There was a little squad of fourteen men in Amite County; there were threats I didn't regard them as threats which amounted to anything. There were never any threats of consequence until 1875. Q. Then this state of things began during the canvass and continued as you have stated?-A. Yes, sir. Q. How long since you left Amite County — A. The last time I was in the county was on the 17th of March of this year. I went up there to attend court, but there was no session of the court. Q. You were not there during the winter — A. No, sir. Q. State who composed the board of supervisors in Amite County, prior to the election of 1875.-A. One was C. D. Sprich, a republican; they were all republicans at that time; I don't remember the others' names. Q. Was he a white or a blacki man?-A. A white man; there were two white men and three colored men. Q. Were they fit men for their place.-A. They were not educated men, I will state that; but I will states also that there were men in the democratic board who were no more fit than they. Those men would compare favorably with the average of the supervisors that we have had since I have been in the county. Q. Were not those supervisors men of bad character — A. No, sir. Q. Had they not been indicted?-A. There were all sorts of charges trumped up against them after they were elected. Q. They were elected in 1873?-A. Yes, sir. BOTH BOARDS INDICTED. Q. You say that charges were trumped up against them; were they not indicted?-A. They were indicted in September, 1875, for having made some illegal appropriations. As the board of supervisors, they paid all the bills in the county. They are awaiting trial yet. At the March term we had no court. Q. Were they illiterate men — A. The colored men were. I will state in connection with that that the democratic board who were in power previous to this board were also indicted )y the same court and jury that indicted these colored men. They took the code and went back as far as they could under it until the statute of limitations intervened. Q. When was that democratic board elected?-A. In 1871. Q. Did the county go democratic at that time f-A. No, sir; that democratic board had three democrats and two republicans. TWe elected two republicans and they elected three democrats. TESTIMONY OF AURELIUS S. PARKER. 115 Q. The board of 1875 was composed of five republicans? —A. Yes, sir; of whom three were negroes and two whites. All these negroes had white fathers, some now living there. WHY PARKER LEFT THE COUNTY. Q. When did you leave the county? —A. Between 12 and I o'clock on the night of the election. In the morning these clubs all came from every precinct in the county, to the number of six or seven hundred men. This club that came from the Rose Hill district, where General Hurst was on the day of the election, came in their shirt-sleeves, armed with knives, pistols, and guns, as were also all the other clubs. They galloped their horses around the square and dismounted, and, leaving their horses, jumped over the fence into the court-house yard yelling "Death to carpet-baggers," and ran into the court-house wherever they could get in. They searched the court,house for me. Then they sent to the hotel where I had been boarding. I had sent my wife away three weeks before the election, because she had become so frightened as to prevent me from attending to my business. They went there, and the madam. told them that I hadn't slept in my bed that night. They then detailed parties to scout in the country, and they soon ascertained that I had left town with these other gentlemen. Then they detailed squads to scour the county, and guarded the roads leading from town night and day for three days. The people from town provided them with provisions, and they had their little picket fires at night, and kept up that thing for three days. They seized the jail and took the keys from my deputy, who had been with me for three years, a confederate soldier and a brave man. They took the keys from him and appointed another man to take charge of the jail. The colored man who was feeding the prisoners was run out, and they put in another colored man to feed them, and they held the town expecting that I would come back with a crowd of negroes. That was their excuse for it. They destroyed some property at the court.louse and they ransacked everything trying to find something belonging to me about the office, and destroyed some of my private property, but it didn't amount to anything. Mr. Safford, this young man whom you have got here as a witness, was the clerk for the county registrars during the time when this was all going on. He was at the court-house when they ran into the court-house after me. TWO YOUNG MEN HELD IN JAIL IN DEFIANCE OF LAW. There are two men in jail there now whom they arrested that day. They are accused of creating an insurrection, or attempting to create an insurrection. What else they are accused of I don't know. They are committed to jail in default of giving five thousand dollars bonds apiece. I advised them to get a lawyer to draw up their papers, and go before a judge with a writ of habeas corpus, and get their bonds reduced. They did so, and Judge Smiley reduced their bonds to $300, which they gave and came out. They were threatened immediately that if they didn't go back they would be assassinated. Their bondsmen were also threatened and told that they must withdraw from their bonds. They came to town and consulted with the leading lawyers, and they advised them to go back to jail, and they are now there. There has been no court yet to try them. TWO COLORED MEN SHOT. Q. Who were the persons that made these threats?-A. Moses Jack 116 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE CQUNTY. son. When they arrested them they shot one man and killed him — shot him dead. There was an old man who was foolish. He was born in that way, and they said something to him, and he began to talk back, and they began to beat him. His brother, who was there, said, " You cannot beat him;" and they shot the brother and killed him. His name was David Johnson. Q. Were they not indicted for it — A. There is one man under indictment for doing that shooting and one as accessory. Q. When will they be tried?-A. They were here at the last term in April, and their cases were continued. Q. Are they under bail — A. Yes, sir. Q. What would be the effect if Moses Jackson were indicted and punished — A. I think if Moses Jackson alone were indicted and punished it would have the effect to prevent anything more of that kind being done in the county. I HE REGULATORS TAKE ARMS FROM THE NEGROES AND THE MILITIA. These same parties, to the number of four or five hundred in Amite County, just armed themselves and went over to Wilkinson County, and I have been told by a man who saw them that they came back with guns and pistols and horses, &c., that they had taken from the negroes as trophies of war. In the mean time they have got these guns that were issued to the militia under General Hurst. I instructed the jailer, to take the ammunition that we had there and hide it that night, and he took it to a house in the outskirts of the town, where a colored man lived, and put it in there. When they broke open the jail and found it was gone the next morning, they caught the jailer and made him tell where it was, and they stole the ammunition and the guns. This legislature appointed a committee to investigate the matter of those State arms-where they were. They came down and found out all these things, and they declined to report, and never will report, for the reason that they found that their friends had stolen these arms. Q. Have you seen any report made to the legislature?-A. Not of that committee. Q. Do you know what that report is — A. I understand that there was no report made at all. I tried to see what report they would make about those arms, and I have been watching the papers to learn, but I have not seen any report made. The adjutant-general of the State ordered those arms turned over to the State, but they were not turned over. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. What do you understand to be the facts in this Wilkinson County riot?-A. When the excitement occurred in Wilkinson County, some two or three weeks since, they sent couriers into Amite County. All these clubs moved right across into Wilkinson County. Whether they were there when those negroes were killed I don't know; but they came back with new horses, mules, guns, and pistols, that they had captured there, and they have got them yet. TESTIMONY OF J. R. STROTHER. 117 J. R. STROTHER-AMITE COUNTY. JACISON, Miss., I June 21, 1876. J. R. STROTHER (colored) sworn and examined, PERSONAL STATEMENT. By Mr. CAMERON: Question. Where do you live? —Answer. In Amite County. Q. How long have you lived there.-A. I have lived there three or four years. Q. Where did you live before you went there — A. I have lived most of my life in Holmes County; then I have been at Holly Springs since the surrender. I was there going to school. Q. Is there a colored school or academy at Holly Springs?-A. Yes, sir; the State normal school and the Shaw University. Q. State whether you attended or graduated at either of those institutions.-A. I graduated ait the State normal school. Q. When did you graduate?-A. I graduated, the 3d of this month was two years ago. Q. What have you been engaged in since that time principally?-A. Teaching. Q. Where? —A. In Amite County. Q. Where were you during the last political canvass, prior to and on the day of election I-A. I was in Amite County. Q. in what part of the county?-A. In Liberty, the county-seat. AMITE COUNTY DURING THE CAMPAIGN. Q. You may state anything that occurred within your knowledge in Amnite County during the political canvass, in regard to the canvass.A. During the political canvass I was a candidate myself for the legislature, and in canvassing in the county we met with many difficulties, and on going to Rose Hill, one of the precincts, before we got thereI didn't see them, but it was reported that there were about five hundred democratic people there armed at Rose Hill precinct, to prevent us from going there and speaking. So we went around another way, through the woods, and got to the place where we were to speak. Before the election they had taken this advantage. INTIMIDATION BEFORE TIE ELECTION. I don't say that there was any intimidation on the day of election; but on the night before the election the democratic clubs all over the county went all night long-that is, went in the houses of the colored people and run them off, and fired guns all over the county that night, and ran colored people out of their houses; ran some in the woods, and some didn't get back-hadn't got back the next day when the polls closed. And on the mo:ning before the election, on the day of the election, I had went to one of the precincts, Tickpaw, which is about sixteen miles, and it being such a distance I had to start very early, in order to get there early. Q. For what purpose did you go there? —A. To see how the voting went on; and I met a great crowd of people returning home about an hour before day. Q. White or black?-A. White. I didn't let them see me; I hid myself. 118 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. Q. Were those men whom you met at that time mountec and armed or not?-A. I couldn't tell whether they were armed or not in the dark. but they were mounted. Q. How many (lid you estimate the number to be?-A. There was about a dozen I saw together. Q. How far from Liberty did you meet those men? —A. About nine miles; it was very near the nine-mile post. Q. Go on and state what occurred at Tickpaw.-A. During the election at Tickpaw-there was nothing said much until that day-I went on there and asked some of the gentlemen why was the riding and cutting-up so during the night before, and they pretended to me that they didn't know anything about it. I told them that I met several of them, and heard guns myself before I left Liberty, even, and that was sixteen miles from there. They said there was nothing at all in it, and of course I couldn't say anything more, and didn't say anything more about it. THREATS AGAINST REPUBLICAN VOTERS. There was a little cutting-up there that day, but it didn't amount to much. Mr. Reynolds got up during the voting and went out, and I heard some say that they stopped several from voting that day; they' told them there that if they went to the polls there that day, and voted the republican ticket, they should not live any more on their places or eat any more of their meat and bread. COLORED VOTERS KILLED. Q. Who told you this?-A. I didn't know the gentleman that heard them say that. Before the election, down in the precinct of Rose Hill there were two colored men killed. Q. Who were they — A. I couldn't give the names of the persons. One was killed afterwards; William Deshields was killed sirde. He was one of the leading men of the club of colored people. Q. For what reason did you understand these colored persons were killed before the election?-A. The only reason I heard for that was because they stood up and contended for their rights to vote the straight republican ticket-for their political opinions, and nothing else. The white people were armed and riding in clubs together, and they would meet all these colored people and get into a talk with them, and, as some people would speak their opinions out boldly, they started a fuss; and it required a great deal of prudence on the part of the colored people to keep out of difficulty. They went in at night and shot this man; and the other, they killed him in the day-time. RELATIVE STRENGTH OF THE RACES IN AMITE COUNTY. Q. About what are the relative numbers, white and black, of the population in Amite County — A. The white is about 1,000, and the colored is 1,300. Q. The voting population, you mean?-A. Yes, sir; the voting population. REPUBLICAN TICKET COUNTED OUT AND REPUBLICANS RUN OUT. Q. What was the result of the election in that county last fall? Which ticket was elected —A. Well, in fact, the republican ticket was elected, but they counted us out, because on the day of election, afterwards at night, there was such threats put out that the republicans had to leave, and the next morning there was not a republican in town. Q. Did you hear any of those threats yourself ~-A. Yes, sir; I was there when this man, Mr. Hurst, and several of them from Rose Hill, with the sheriff, and Mr. Redmond, and Barrett, and Parker, and all had TESTIMONY OF J. R. STROTHEE. 119 to leave. I think every one left that night except myself, and I hid; and the next morning before I got up and came out there was a crowd in there then. They told me that we should not stay there. THREATS AGAINST REPUBLICANS. Q. Who told you?-A. The democrats told me right to my face, that, in fact, they were not going to allow us to be elected, and if we were elected they would not let us stay there. They were going to run the last one of us out; that is, the leading republicans, the white men particularly. They said that they didn't have anything against me; that it was the " carpet-baggers" they hated, and that they hadn't anything against me personally only that I belonged to the republican party. Personally they couldn't say anything against me at all. I had been a teacher there in the county. I went backward and forward from home during my attendance at Holly Springs; that was in'71-and, in fact, the truth is, the republican party was elected there without a doubt. I didn't see this myself; but it was stated that there were seventy-five men kept away from the polls at Rose Hill. They commenced firing right at the polls. Q. You don't know anything of that yourself — A. No, sir; I didn't see that. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Where did you sleep the night before? —A. I slept at a gentlemal's house named Peter Safford, where I was boarding. Q. In the town of Liberty " —A. Yes, sir; my own place. Q. How far is that place from Liberty? —A. Not more than three or four hundred yards. NIGHT-RIDES OF THE DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. Q. How do you know that the clubs of the democratic party spent the night before the election in riding about the county — A. I heard them in the night when I got up about morning, because I started at one o'clock, and I heard the guns then; and others around me heard the guns and spoke to me about it; and I heard the guns myself when I was lying down, and when I got up to start they were still firing. Q. Whom did you see that night?-A. I met about a dozen men; but I couldn't recognize any of them; but I knew they were white people. Q. Where did you see them — A. On the Tickpaw road. Q. You were on horseback?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And they were on horseback — A. Yes, sir. Q. And you passed close by each other? -A. Yes, sir. I rode down a hill and got off my horse, and stood and held my horse until they passed by. Q. Did you see any other men that night — A. lNo, sir. Q. Did you see any more men on horseback that night, in the county, except those twelve?-A. No, sir. Q. What knowledge have you that those men were riding all over the county that night — A. Because I heard guns in different directions all over the county. Q. Did you know who the men were — A. No, sir; no more than I supposed they were democrats. ABOUT THE COLORED MEN KILLED. Q. Have you been injured yourself at all personally in the county?A. No, sir; 1 have not been injured myself. Q. Do you know by whom the two colored men were killed prior to 120 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-AMITE COUNTY. the election down near Rose Hill — A. No, sir; we were never able to prove who it was. They tried to arrest Moses Jackson; but they never did get him arrested. At that time the democrats were urging us: They says, "You go and arrest him." They said that they couldn't do it. Q. Where were you when that took place — A. I was at home at Liberty. Q. How far away from the scene of this killing — A. From where they were killed it was about nine or ten miles. Q. Then, what you know of it is what you learned from others — A. Yes, sir. Q. You know nothing of your own knowledge — A. No, sir; I know nothing of my own knowledge about it. Q. Were you at any other polls on the day of election than in Liberty?-A. I was at Tickpaw. I went to Tickpaw in the morning, and stayed there until late in the evening. Q. Where did you vote that day?-A. At Liberty. I got back in time to vote at Liberty. NO DISTURBANCES AT THE ELECTION. Q. Did you notice any scenes of disturbance at Liberty before you left, — A. No, sir; I left there very early. Q. How long were you at Tickpaw. —A. I staid thsre until 2 o'clock. Q. Did you observe any scenes of disorder there? —A. No more than I mentioned about Mr. Reynolds. Q. Did the people vote there — A. They veted. All voted that were there; but there were quite a number that were not there. Q. Did you see any one there prevented from voting.-A. No, sir. Q. What time did you go back to Liberty — A. I don't know exactly when it was, but in time to vote; before the polls closed. Q. Did you stay there that night — A. Yes, sir; I staid there that nightI ABOUT THE REGISTRARS AND OTHER ELECTION OFFICERS. Q. Do you know who were the registrars of that county — A. Yes, sir; I know them all. They are Mr. Kendrick, a colored man, and Mr. Ratcliffe and Mr. Garough [or Garron. j Q. How many of those were white -A. Two of them. Q. How many were republicans — A. There were two said to be republicans; Kendrick and Mr. Garough. Q. Do you not know that they appointed all the judges of election through the county?-A. I did not know that they did. Q. Do you not know that that is the law-that the judges of election are appointed by the registrars — A. I did not know for certain. Q. You do not know whether that is so or not? —A. No, sir. Q. Then you do not know whether the judges of election through the county were republican judges —A. No, sir; I don't know whether they were. There was a little dispute about it. I don't know certain, but I know that they had two white and one colored man to every poll. Q. I am speaking more in reference to their politics — A. I think the sheriff had a hand in the appointment; that is, he gave his advice. Q. Who was the sheriff — A. Mr. Parker. Q. A republican 1-A. Yes, sir. Q. A candidate for re-election, was he not?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who was the circuit judge of that district V —A. Smiley. Q. Who was the chancery clerk — A. Judge Osgood, a:man at Woodville. This name is given as " Garron " by Mr. Redmond. TESTIMONY OF S. P. HURST. 121 Q. Do you know that they were both republicans?-A. Osgood is; Smiley is-the circuit judge. Q. When was Smiley appointed?-A. He has been there some time; he was there when I went there. Q. The sheriff was a republican-Mr. Parker — A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you not know that the registrars were appointed by those three officers —A. Yes, sir; I remember it. I never paid particular attention to it, but I know this about it: There was some little dispute about it, that he didn't appoint men of their party. There was some little dispute among the people about that; but it didn't amount to anything. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Where did you sleep that night after the election?-A. I slept at this same man's house that I mentioned before-Mr. Safford's. There was about five hundred people came that morning, yelling like wild folks. S. P. HURST-AMITE COUNTY. JACKSON, 3Iss., June 22, 1876. S. P. HURST (colored) sworn and examined. RECORD OF THE WITNESS. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Question. Where do you live?-A.'I am now living here, [Jackson.] Q. Where did you live in November, 1875?-A. In Amite County. Q. Were you acting deputy United States marshal in November, 1875 6 -A. I was, sir. Q. Did you go to summon some witnesses in Amite and Pike Counties at that time — A. I did, sir. Q. To appear before the United States grand jury in Jackson, here — A. Yes, sir. WITNESS IS ADVISED NOT TO GO TO AMITE COUNTY. Q. Will you state anything that occurred while you were in the execution of your duties — A. After I got to Summlit-as far as Summit -- subpoenaed General Hurst, and he advised me not to go to Amnite County, as a colored man, and I persisted in'going. I told him I had determined to go, and he produced a letter written by General George to certain parties in Amite County, and he told me that the parties had refused to listen-to obey that letter-and under such circumstances he would advise me not to go. I also consulted with Captain Garland, and other prominent citizens of the place. They also advised me not to go, and if I did go to go to some other prominent leading democrats there; and I did as I was directed, and before I got there I was met by some men. I could not identify them. I did not know them. Q. What prominent democrat did you go to?-A. Colonel Johns. Q. For what purpose — A. For the purpose of finding out the condition and state of affairs in that county. Q. Who is Mr. Johns — A. I learned then that he was the democratic chairman of the executive committee. Q. What did you go to him for —A. To learn the condition of affairs in his county. I told him that I was informed, and I had met several men, Dr. Barrett, Captain Parker, and a host of others, that had been driven out of the county, and I was down there in the discharge of my duties as deputy marshal, and I wanted to know of him 122 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —AMITE COUNTY. whether or not I could go there with safety. Captain Johns told me that he did not think that I possibly could, for on the day of the election, and the day following that, there had been a great deal of excitement. I told him that I did not feel disposed, unless he thought I could get through the county unmolested, to risk my life. He told me that it would be risky, that I would be met by some of the crowds that was raiding through the county, and up at Centerville, and they might take me for a spy. I told him that I would like to receive any information from him whatever that would carry me through the county; that I was quite anxious to get the witnesses before the grand jury; that was my instruction from the marshal. RECEIVES A LETTER OF PROTECTION. He told me, " If you are anxious to go, 1 will write you a few words to several gentlemen at Centerville, who will see that you are protected while there. I would advise you to be very careful how you go through the county;" and so he wrote me a letter, and I have got the letter now. LIBERTY, MISS., Novem'ber 16, 1875. Messrs. L. G. CHAPMAN, T. N. L. ANDERSON, and others of Centreville: GENTLEMEN: This will be handed to you by S. P. Hurst, deputy United States marshal, who visits your place in discharge of his official duties. You will confer a favor on myself by showing him the consideration due the office, and by protecting him against either insult or injury, for even the action of a drunken crowd at this time may be construed into a grave charge against the whole community. I write this at his request, because at a distance he has heard very bad stories about Amite County. Let him see for himself the falsity of the charges. Yours, respectfully, B. F. JOHNS. I would say in regard to his writing it at my request, that I only asked Colonel Johns that if he thought that, I would be glad under the present circumstances, after having been advised by reliable men and prominent men, to secure anything that would safely carry me through the county, and I suppose he considered that as a protection to me. WITNESS IS STOPPED BY A SQUAD AND USES THE LETTER. When I got about five miles and a half from Centerville, making my way to Houston, to another gentleman I was to subpoena there, I was stopped again by five or six men. I suppose they bad come up from Louisiana, it'-being close on the line; but I was not certain; I could not identify them at all. They questioned me as to my business, and they inquired after the republican officials who had left the county, and I was asked if I knew or heard of a man being shot at Rose Hill, and General Hurst being run out from there by his militia. I told them that I had. I told them that I was in hopes that I would not be molested, and they did not make any attempt at all to make an assault on me, only I was stopped and put such questions as that. Q. Did you show them the letter you had — A. Yes, sir. Q. Who were the gentlemen to whom that letter is addressed; are they democrats in that county — A. I am not very well acquainted with them. I suppose they are democrats, as Colonel Johns isone, certainly. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Whose deputy were you — A. Captain Lake's. Q. What process was given you to serve — A. To subpoena witnesses before the grand jury. Q. Did you find them — A. I did, all except one. TESTIMONY OF PHILIP HAUGHTON. 123 Q. And you made your service?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And returned home — A. Yes, sir. Q. Without injury in any way — A. No, sir. Q. Were you disturbed in any way?-A, I was interpreted by some of the first crowd that I met very rigidly. WALTER L. HAYNES-AMITE COUNTY. JACKSON, Miss., June 24, 1876. WALTER L. HAYNES sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. Where do you reside — Answer. In Amite County, about four miles above the Mississippi and Louisiana line. Q. Anywhere in the neighborhood of Rose Hill -- A. About four miles from that. Q. What is your occupation — A. I am a farmer. FRANK POWERS. Q. Do you know a man by the name of Frank Powers, who lives in Louisiana?-A. Yes, sir; I do. Q. Is he a white man — A. Yes, sir. Q. Does he come much into Amite County?-A. No, sir; I think once or twice, or two or three times. Q. Do you know what his reputation is in that community as to peace and good order — A. I think very good, sir. Q. Do you know whether Powers, to-day, holds any appointment under the State government of Louisiana — A. Yes, sir. Q. What is his office?-A. Tax-collector of the parish of East Feliciana. Q. By whom was he appointed — A. By Governor Kellogg. PHILIP HAUGHTON- CHICKASAW COUNTY. PERSONAL STATEMENT. ABERDEEN, M]SS., June 26, 1876. PHILIP HAtUGHTON, (colored,) sworn and examined. By Mr. CAMERON: Question. Where do you reside — Answer. At Okolona, Chickasaw County. Q. How long have you lived in Chickasaw County — A. I have lived there ever since the surrender. Q. Where did you live before the surrender?-A. I lived at Ed. Haughton's, in Monroe. Q. In Monroe County? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Where were you for a month or two before the election last fall -- A. Well, I was in town there; stayed in town some time. ARMED MEN AT THE ELECTION. Q. Where were you on election-day? -A. I was on the ground in town, at the church. 124 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICASAW COUNTY. Q. What did you see there that day —A. That day I saw a great many men with their arms. Q. White men -— A. Yes, sir. Q. Well, what did they say or do?-A. They were whooping and hollering around there, "Boys, get your guns! get your guns!" — riding around and hollering. Q. These white men said this? —A. Yes, sir. Q. About how many were there on horseback —A. light smart little coop of them, I can tell you. It kind of looked distressful there, and I did not have time to count the number present. Q. You can count some?-A. 1 can count a little, but I could not make it out that day. Q. When they said "'Boys, get your guns!" what did the men on horseback do?-A. They then came charging down the street. Q. Were there any colored people there?-A. Some were at the polls, and the rest of them was up to the church from where they gave us orders to go in small squads. Q. Gave orders to whom; the colored people -A. Yes, sir. THE COLORED PEOPLE RUN WITHIOUT VOTING. Q. When these white men came charging down upon them, what did the colored people do — A. They commenced breaking, and they commenced running. Q. Why did they commence running? —A. Well, they seed them come charging down with their guns. They did not have any protection noway, and they thought it was better to be getting out of the way if they meant what they said. Q. You may state whether or not the republicans were frightened and running away; tell us all about that.-A. That is as much as I know about it, because I was not there very long. I was there when they came charging down and raising the alarm, and I got out of the way. I went to the 1polls, but I cleared myself away from there. Q. Did you see any other colored men get out of the way — A. 0, yes, sir. Q. A good many?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know whether any colored men left without voting — A. Yes, sir; a good deal of them left without voting. ONE GUN FIRED THROUGH JACK ADAMS'S HAT. Q. Did you hear any firing at all?-A. Yes, sir; I heard the report of one gun; that was on ahead of me as I was leaving-down to the lower box as I was gwine out. Q. Did you attend any republican meetings before the election?-A. 0, yes, sir. Q. How many did you attend — A. Every time that they came on and called the men together. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Who fired the one gun, Philip — A. Well, sir, I don't know. Q. You heard but one fired? —A. That is all. Q. Anybody hurt there?-A. They shot a hole through the top of a man's hat. Q. Who was he — A. Jack Adams. Q. Anybody injured — A. No, sir. Q. How long were you there — A. I was going on behind them and I overtaken them. That was when they was showing me the hat what was shot there. TESTIMONY OF E. D. HALL. 125 Q. That is all that you know of the hat being shot?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you vote that day?-A. Yes, sir; I put my ticket in there. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Did you vote before the white men came and charged down there - A. They were just about coming when I was coming to the polls. Q. Was Jack Adams a colored man — A. Yes, sir. Q. A republican?-A. Yes, sir. E. D. HALL-CHICKASAW COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MISS., June 26, 1876. E. D. HALL, sworn and examined. PERSONAL RECORD. By Mr. CAMERON: Question. Where do you reside — Answer. Okolona, Chickasaw County. Q. how long have you resided there — A. I have resided there about five years-six years since I come into this State; I came in February, 1870. Q. Where did you reside before coming to this State — A, I resided in Milwaukee, Wis. Q. How long did you reside there?-A. I had resided there about five years previous to coming here. Q. Of what State are you a native?-A. I am a native of the State of Vermont. I came from Vermont in 1838 to Wisconsin. I was one of the first settlers of Wisconsin. Q. What business are you engaged in at Okolona —A. I am now deputy collector of the revenue. Q. How long have you held that office — A. I have held that office about three years. Q. What other office, if any, have you held in this State —A. The office of postmaster at Okolona. Q. How long did you hold that office?-A. About two years. Q. Where were you during the political canvass last fall?-A. I was in Okolona. Q. You may state how the canvass was conducted in your county; what was done —A. I don't really know much about the canvass in the county, for I was in the office. I attended two or three republican meetings, and but two or three. I did not go into the country at all. THE WHITES ARMED BEFORE ELECTION. Q. State anything that came under your observation?-A. Well, I discovered that there was a good deal of preparation for the election by the white people, in supplying themselves with arms, &c. Q. State what you discovered in reference to that matter.-A. 1 discovered that they brought in at one time quite a number of repeatingrifles, and I understand that they were brought for the white people there; that they had made up a fund and got them; and they were brought up fiom the depot and put in the bank, and they were delivered out from the bank to various individuals in the village. Q. White men — A. White men; yes, sir. 126 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION- CHICASAW COUNTY. SCENES AT THE POLLS. Q. Democrats?-A. Yes, sir. I was one of the judges of election on election-day. That is the reason that I know about what took place on election-day. Q. Very well; go on and state that.-A. I took my place at the polls, in charge of one of the boxes, and the election was opened quietly and peaceably, and went on quietly and peaceably all the forenoon; and about 1 o'clock, I think, or perhaps a little after 1, we had a recess to eat lunch. It was brought in to us. There was a large crowd around in the streets, and a good deal of talking. I did not pay much attention to it, though. I heard some pretty loud talking, and I went to the door. 1 saw a colored fellow on a horse talking with one or two other colored men that were horseback; and the rest of the crowd were in the street. There was a little huddle of colored men right up next to the building. About all I heard after I came to the door was that " You must disperse your men up there in five minutes, or we will be after you." Q. Who said that?-A. Some white men; I could not tell who said it. It was said to this man on horseback, this colored fellow, and he immediately wheeled his horse around and started off in the direction of the colored church. Let me explain a little: I had counseled the colored men particularly previous to this to be very careful on electionday, and not be around the polls in any great numbers; that they should come, a few of them, to the Tolls peaceably and vote, and go right away, and get out of sight-get away. NO POWDER SOLD TO REPUBLICANS. Q.'Why did you give them that advice? —A. Because we apprebended difficulty. We knew that the white men were armed in the town, and we knew that the colored men were not armed; that they had no arms, and they had refused for two or three weeks previous to this time to sell the colored men or a republican a pound of ammunition of any kind. Q. The merchants in town — A. The merchants had. I myself, to test the matter, went around and tried to buy some ammunition, some cartridges, &c., and I was refused. My son went around also, and they would not sell him a.ny. Q. What reason did they have for refusing to sell you ammunition?A. They did not give any reason, only that they had not got any. When this colored man started back toward the church there was a great deal of excitement, and I saw Colonel Mcintosh — A WHITE COMPANY IS FORMED AND MARCHES. Q. Who is he'.A. Col. Bob McIntosh; and he said to themn, " Fall in, boys! fall in! God damn it, fall in!" And he walked up and down on the street, right in the center of the street, and they immediately formed in company order, of about, I should think, fifteen or twenty men, armed. I took notice of their arms, because a short time before this there was a number of boxes of State arms stored in a store-house there belonging to the State, and that had been broken into and the arms stolen, and it was charged that the colored men had stolen these arms. I noticed, when they fell in, that about half of them were armed with these State arms, some of them with bayonets on. When they had got about fifteen or twenty men in line, either Colonel McIntosh or Tip Noe says, "March!"; and they marched right up the street in the direction of the church. I stood in the door and seen them; and after they left they were falling in from other directions on both TESTIMONY OF E. D. HALL. 127 sides of the street. They went on, I should think, in this way until there were as many as thirty or forty white men. They marched out of sight of me, and after they went out of sight-you see I could not see the church, it was very hilly-I heard firing over there; and that is about all I know of that transaction. I then went back to the polls, and after a while we went to voting, and they came back. I did not see them when they did come back; and I do not know what took place up there: only from report. IT FIRES VOLLEYS AND THE COLORED PEOPLE RUN. Q. You may state the reports.-A. My son was at home at his house, which was in sight of the church; and when he heard the firing he went into the upper part where he could look out, and said he saw them going for the church; that there was 100 or 200, perhaps, there. Q. Colored people?-A. Colored people. They were gathered together there to keep out of the way, and were lying around on the grass, and there was some in the building, though most of them were out of doors. There were some women and children there. They were eating their lunch, some of them, and some were at leisure, &c. When these men came in sight, why they began to fire their volleys, and the black people began to run; and he says it reminded him of a dog's going into a flock of sheep; they ran in every direction for the woods just as fast as they could run. Q. What effect, if any, did that demonstration Ihave in driving the colored people away and preventing them from voting?-A. Itfrightened them so that they did not dare to come to the polls. There was a little huddle of people right around the polls when this thing took place, and part of them had not voted; but a part of them came in and voted afterward; but I have no doubt that some ran away and did not vote at all, for after that happened a few came and voted, and then there was no colored men around any more. RPELATIVE PROPORTION OF TIE VOTERS. Q. What are the relative numbers of white and colored people in your county — A. It is about equally divided; there are about as many colored men as white men. There is a majority of republicans, white republicans and colored republicans, in the county. Q. Who was elected to the legislature last year?-A. I don't remnember now; I ain't took any thought about the election since. Q. Do you know whether a democrat or a republican was elected?A. A democrat was elected, of course. The republicans did not elect anything. WHAT OVERTON HARRIS SAID ABOUT DEMOCRATIC PLANS. Q. The democrats elected the whole ticket?-A. Yes, sir; they elected everything. It is well understood, and it is not denied by any intelligent white man there, that they intended to carry the election. Overton Harris, one of the wealthiest men living in the county, was in to our place a few days ago, and was describing the matter to me, and says he, "Why, we calculated to carry the election. We expected to carry the election. It had got to be carried. If men had got to be killed, they had to be killed. We could not submit to this nigger rule any longer. We were bound to carry the election." Q. Is he a leading democrat of the county?-A. He is a strong democrat, but he is not so active as some. He is a very old man and a very active man for his age, and is doing one of the largest planting businesses of any man in the county, and a very wealthy man, and he represents the sentiment of the democratic party. 128 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —CHICASAW COUNTY. TREATMENT OF NORTHERN EMIGRANTS. Q. Have many Northern emigrants come into that country?-A. No, sir; there is not one-quarter as many as there was when I came six years ago. Q. Why have they left — A. Because they were ignored and ostracized and cut off from any social or any other enjoyments or privileges. Q. For what reason were they ostracized — A. Because they were republicans. Q. Not on account of not being men of good character?-A. Not on account of being good citizens. I came down, my son and I, for the purpose of planting, or farming, as we call it North. We bought a farm and we went on there, quiet and peaceable, and were entire strangers in the country. We minded our own business and attended to our own affairs, said nothing about politics, took no part in politics, nor anything else, and we were just as much alone as though we had been in Kamtschatka. There was not a white man came into my house in three months. They paid no more attention to us than as though we were iegroes. Q. Is it generally so with persons from the North?-A. It was more so at that time than it is now with us, because I have been there now so long I have got well acquainted with everybody, being in the postoffice, and minding my own business, and having no difficulty with anybody, and now I get along very well. There are a great many people that are social with us and treat us kindly. I have a daughter that has married down here since I came, and that has kind of took the wire-edge off a little, perhaps, and we are recognized a little more on that account. She married a Southern man. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. You came there six years ago — A. Yes, sir. Q. [low long were you engaged in planting there?-A. I went there in February, and we raised our crop and staid there until fall, and then, when we sold our cotton, we sold our farm and expected to leave the country; picked up some of our things and expected to leave as we did not like the state of affairs; but at that time the people in this country -were disfranchised and many could not hold office, and the post-office was held by a woman there, and it was very badly managed, and there was some few that had got acquainted with me wanted that I should take the post-office there, and I was induced to take it; and my son he went into the revenue-office; and we have staid. That is the reason why we have staid. Q. You then became postmaster one year after you got there — A. Yes, sir. Q. How long was it before your son became revenue collector — A. I don't recollect, but 1 think about a year or a year and a half. Q. Before you got your office —A. No; I don't know; he had got into the revenue office; he went in as a clerk in the first place, and I don't recollect exactly when he went in. Q. You are his deputy — A. No; my son and myself are both deputies of Colonel Shattuck, the collector. Q. Who was injured in this firing at the negro church?-A. I don't think there was anybody hurt; I don't think they intended to hurt anybody if they could avoid it. Q. How old a man is Mr. Overton Harris? —A. He is pretty near seventy years old, I think. TESTIMONY OF ISAAC LUCAS. 129 BLACKS REFUSED WORK UNLESS TIHEY VOTED THE DEMOCRATIC TICKET. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Do you know anything of planters or farmers there threatening to discharge their hands unless they voted the democratic ticket? —A. I never heard them do it, but I have heard of it. A great many colored men have told me that they were told that they must leave; and there is one colored man that has now started, yesterday morning, for Oxford, summoned there as a witness before the grand jury. He is a representative man and a very good man; one of the best workers we have got anywhere. He had been on a plantation for a number of years, and there was a large number of hands on that plantation and around there. The white men they got together and passed a resolution that they would not employ any colored men that voted the republican ticket. He started and went around on the Mississippi bottom to see if he could not find places for them; and he did find places, and went with two loads-twenty-eight of them down, I think, he told me yesterday, to the Mississippi bottom; and he also, I think, found some of them places up near where I live with a very good man that is a neighbor there to me. There were a good many that were driven off; they would not have them because they voted the republican ticket. ISAAC LUCAS-CHICKASAW COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MISS., June 26, 1876. PERSONAL STATEMENT. ISAAC LUCAS (colored) sworn and examined. By Mr. CAMERON: Question. Where do you live — Answer. I live in Chickasaw County. Q. How long have you lived there ~-A. I have lived there, as near as I can come at it, about 8 or 10 years. Q. Where did you live before you went to Chickasaw e-A. I moved out of Monroe into Chickasaw. Q. Out of this county ~-A. Yes, sir. Q. Where were you the night before the election last fail — A. I was at home. DEMOCRATS RUN PEOPLE FROM THEIR HOUSES AT NIGHT. Q. Go on and tell us what you saw that night.-A. Well, sir, the night before the election they were running the people from their houses. Q. Who were — A. The opposite party, the democratic party. Q. How did they do it?-A. Well, sir, they done it by slipping to their homes with arms, and going in and searching; and they put out threatening that they allowed to kill all the radicals; they allowed to have this election or wade in blood. Q. Did you hear these threats yourself?-A. Yes, sir; I heard these threats myself. Q. Who made them — A. Well, sir, a Mr. Carlisle is the one that made them. Q. What is his first name — A. Lawyer Carlisle, a lawyer in Okoloma. THREATS TO CARRY THE ELECTION OR WADE IN BLOOD. Q. What did you hear him say —A. He said they allowed to have this election; that they allowed to carry this election or wade in blood; they allowed to do it. All the men said that Mr. Bob Mcintosh made 9 MISS 130 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICASAW COUNTY. such expressions as that. I heard them, and frequently we could hear the men on the streets there talking that way, and I did not know who they were. Q. You heard other white men make such threats? —A. Yes, sir. Q. You say you heard a good many other white men — A. Yes, sir; but I don't know who they were. They were standing about in squads talking. It seemed that they wanted the black people to get the threats of what they intended to do. Q. The night before the election were the men that you have spoken of as visiting the colored men, on horseback — A. They were horseback, riding out in the country and all around town, and running the people from their homes. Q. Were they armed?-A. Yes, sir; armed with pistols and guns; shooting and going on with a mighty outrage fuss. Q. Did they say what would happen if the colored people voted the republican ticket — A. They said they would kill them, and they could not stay in the country. Q. Did they speak that out loud?-A. Yes, sir; they spoke that out. I heard these remarks made openly. REPUBLICAN BLACKS DISCHARGED. Q. Do you know of any colored people being discharged from plantations because they would not vote the democratic ticket? —A. Well, Harry Hill ran them out of his; but after the election was over he persuaded some of them to come back, and some of them, I think, did go back. Q. How many colored men did he discharge?-A. There was Mose and one fellow they called Burrell Bonney. Q. About how many in all?-A. There was two left, and the women. Now, I knowed that. I don't know how many more did leave; but they said they run them all off; but I know that two left, and the women, EFFECT OF THREATS OF DISCHARGE. Q. Was it generally understood by the colored people that unless they voted the democratic ticket, or did not vote at all, that they would be discharged from the place where they were at work; what was the understanding about that down there?-A. Well, sir, the general understanding was this, that if they voted the republican ticket they should run them away from the place and give them no occupation at all. That was the general understanding, and the general thing a good many of them said was, "Well, if I vote they will run me off, and I will lose all my labor;" and that was the general thing. Q. What effect did that have on the colored people; did it keep them from voting, and did it cause some of them to vote the democratic ticket — A. It kept some from voting, and some would try and attempt to vote; endeavor to go to the polls and vote anyway; and some would not vote at all on account of losing their labor. Q. Do you think that many colored people were frightened so that they were good democrats-are they democrats down there, the colored people, any of them — A. I will say this: There is some of them oversuaded to go with them, you know; and then others that did not want to go with them, but they tried to force them with them, you know. THE WITNESS HAD A NIGHT VISIT. Q. Did these men who were riding around, as you have stated, go into your house — A. Yes, sir; after the election, Tuesday night, they came and scared my wife and children mighty near to death, and I ran out and ran under the house myself. That was Tuesday night. TESTIMONY OF ISAAC' LUCAS. 131 Q. How man men came to your house —A. As near as I can giveI could not say zactly how many men, but there was six or seven; somewhe..re in that neighborhood. Q. What did they say or do when they came to your house?-A. I was laying on the bed when they came there, and I heard somebody coming, and I asked my boy to go to the window and see who was coming. It was rather dark and he could not see; and as he was looking out of the window lie said, "Here they come, right here in the yard;" and they came right to the door and lunged against it just like they were going to bust it open. When they done that I jumped up myself and ran out and went under the house myself. When I got under the house they saw me, and one man went into the house and searched the house, and the others made me come out from under the house; and they says, " Who is this?" and I says, " Itis Isaac Lucas.' Says they, " Well, we don't want you; we are hunting for somebody else." Says I, " Wells you followed me about and tried to bust in my door, and, after the threatening that has been, I thought how you come to take my life, after I heard so many threats." Said he, " No, go back, you ain't going to be hurt; we are after some person else." Q. Did they tell you whom they were after? —A. No, sir, they did not tell me. THE ARMED MEN ON ELECTION DAY. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Was Mr. Carlisle and Mr. Bob Mcintosh on horseback and armed; did you see them among these people —No, sir; I did not see them horseback and armed. Q. Where did you hear them making these statements, Isaac e-A. On the street. Q. Did they make them to you — A. They made them, sir. right in my presence. Q. Who were they talking to —A. To the colored people; to men that they knew and to other men in their presence for them to get their voice. Q. Mr. Harry Hill you say discharged some men? —A. Yes, sir. Q. What did you say about his trying to persuade them to return 0?A. After the election was over he persuaded Mose-Mose Wheeler, they call him; I think Mose Wheeler; at any. rate it was "Mose;" I don't know whether he got Bonney back or not. Q. Did he try to persuade other men to come back or not?-A. I don't know whether he dlid or not. Q. You say that neither Mcintosh nor Carlisle were among these armed people -A. I did not see them. Q. How many armed mounted men did you ever see there together during this last canvass — A. I saw, I recollect, as near as I can come at it, about thirty men; may be a little more. Q. Where and when ~-A. They were marching right over the town, right over to the church where the black people were all, and they were coming down in columns to get a chance at the box; and they marched right up the main street, right west to the church; and when they marched up over there I heard their guns shoot twice. Q. How do you mean-two guns shot — A. I heard the voice of two reports. Q. Was anybody hurt — A. No, sir, nobody wa'n't hurt from these guns; but there was a hole shot in a fellow's hat-I didn't see that thing. Q. Do you know who shot.his hat — A. No, sir. Q(. Did you known the man whose hat was shot e —A. Yes, sir, I know him well. 132 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. ISAAC BELL-CHIICKASAW COUNTY. ABERDEEN, Miss., June 26, 1876. PERSONAL STATEMENT. ISAAC BELL (colored) sworn and examined. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Where do you live — Answer. In Chickasaw County, in the town of Okolona. Q. How long have you lived there — A. I have lived there seven years, going on eight. Q. What do you do ~-A. Well, sir, I farms. I have been farming on one place there, called Captain Moore's place, Allen Moore's place —for six years in succession. Q. Do you own any land —A. I own a small lot in town, about threequarters of an acre, I reckon. Q. The land you cultivate you rent?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you take any part in the election last fall — A. Yes, sir. REPUBLICAN TICKETS TAKEN FROM COLORED MEN AND DEMOCRATIC TICKETS VOTED. Q. What part did you take, and what do you know of the proceedings?-A. I was appointed by the republicans living in the town of Okalona, and by the mayor of the town, as a policeman to tend the election during the day. I seed a fraud that was practiced upon the election. Q. What was it — A. I seed men take tickets away from other men and I seed armed men come rallying around the ballot-box from up above the grave-yard down to the lower box, and scattering men who was fixing the votes. I seed the other column which left from down there went up to a place near the Baptist church, in Okolona, perhaps may be a quarter of a mile, and perhaps a little farther, and ran these men away from there what was there, and who wanted to go down and vote. Q. Who were the men you saw taking the tickets away from the other men?-A. Well, I saw one man that I asked what his name was, and they called him Mr. Snoddy, I think. Q. From whom did he take the tickets?-A. Two colored men; I could not find out who they were. I inquired a long time, but I could not find out who they were; but he took two tickets away from these two colored men, and gave them two democratic tickets, and I watched him and seed him shove them along up to the box, and he staid there until they voted them tickets. Q. Did you hear him say anything to them — A. I heard him ask them what sort of tickets they had, and they did not care about showing them to him; and he said, "What sort of tickets you got. " and they told him that they had the republican ticket. He says, Let's see;" and he pulled one man's hand out of his pocket that he had his ticket in, and told him that that was not the ticket he had to vote; and then he did the same thing with the other man, and he gave them a democrat ticket and told them that that was the ticket that they must vote. I watched him particularly-stood and looked at him. He got them two men right before him and carried them right on to the ballot-box, and never let them away until they voted that ticket. Q. Did you see Mr. Snoddy with any other colored men that day — TESTIMONY OF ISAAC BELL. 133 A. Yes, sir; I seen him go up to another crowd, but I could not tell whether he taken that crowd or not; but I only speak of what I knew. I did see him take these tickets away and give them two persons democrat tickets. MEN DRIVEN FROM THE POLLS. Q. You spoke about seeing some men driven away from the polls?A. Yes, sir; I saw the police right at the polls. Q. Who were the men that were engaged in that and what did they do — A. Well, sir, some of them was my friends and friends of the white republicans. I will tell you just exactly who these was. One of them was the man I live with, Captain Moore, a friend of mine, and has been for the last six years. Me and him always got along like brothers; and another was Mr. Carlisle, and another was Mr. Porter, another friend of mine, andMr. Tip Noe, and Mr. Mcintosh-he did not have no gun, but he was general of the crowd. Q. Is he a lawyer there?-A. Yes, sir; Lawyer McIntosh-~Robert Mcintosh. Q. Anybody else?-A. I saw two of Widow Van's sons, that are just alike so I don't know them apart-Professor Poor, who is a Baptist, and he cursed me; and that's the reason that I looked at him good. For he is a man of the same church I was in, and going along and cursing me. Q. What did they do — A. They came on up the street. Q. By the way, did they have any arms — A. 0, yes, sir. IOW THE COMPANIES WERE ARMED. Q. What sort of arms?-A. There was about two companies of them. One, company had thirty-two-shooters they said; and one company had double-barreled shot-guns, with wire-twist-buck-shot; and the other company had these Enfield guns. Q. How many were there of these men altogether. —A. I reckon there was sixty or sixty-five. Q. In all — A. In all. Q. What did they do — A. They came on up the street shooting. COLORED VOTERS RUN. Q. Shooting their guns?-A. Yes, sir; three of the guns was fired, and that drawed the men's attention-those who was starting down to the ballot-box; and I told them that they had better go away; that they would get shot. When they commenced shooting these men started to run, and headed right toward Mr. Tucker's. I reckon there was about one hundred in that squad. Q. Were they colored men — A. Yes, sir; all' colored men there. They run up toward Mr. Tucker's, and some police met them around at the corner, and tried to get them to go back to the ballot-box; and they said they would not; that they could not losq their lives on account of voting: and they could not get them back. These men sent word to them that they would give them five minutes to get away from there, and if they did not that they would kill them right there. HOW THE ARMED COMPANIES ACTED. Q. What was the object of that; do you know anything about it?A. Yes, sir; a man named Houston, and at the same time a boy by the name of Henry Anderson in town there, and Mr. Noe, and Mr. Pollard, came down there; Mr. Pollard had one of those shooters that shoots cartridges, about thirty-two shots, Ireckon. Theycame down there and asked Henry Anderson what was these men doing there. Henry told them that the men there wanted to keep out of the way and keep them 134 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. from raising any disturbance with them until they could get a chance to vote. He went off and Houston followed him on down. He went down and told Mr. Mcintosh-so Houston says-that.there was three hundred niggers there. Mr. McIntosh said at that time-1 never heard Mr. McIntosh say this, but this is what Houston saysQ. Who is Houston?-A. Houston Farrish [or Parrish.] He said, "That won't do boys; get your guns!" and they got their guns. I met them with their guns right on the plank walk; and Mr. Noe said to me, " God damn you, you ain't attending to your business." I said to him, "I am a policeman and my business is all over the town to attend to this election." Says he, " Go on and tend to your business." I said,' I thought I was tending to my business." I went on and I met another man who was behind this squad, and he poked his gun up in my breast and said to me, " God damn you, what have you got your melish out here for." I did not say anything, and I walked on down the street to the ballotbox, and when I got there there was several citizens asked me,' What shall we do " I said, " Try to vote if you can." By the time I got down there I heard another yell, and I looked across toward the graveyard and seed this cavalry company coming in. They came right down by Colonel Carlisle's house, yelling and waving their guns as they rode by the upper ballot-box, and rode on down to the other box, and these men that was there commencing to vote, they broke and run. Q. Who broke and ran? —A. The colored men. THE VOTING SQUASHED UP. Q. How many were in that lot? —A. There were about ten right there, crowding at the polls to get in, and they broke and run when this cavalry went by there waving their guns and hurrahing, and they went home. So that squashed up all the voting there, and I went home after all the voters were squandered. It seemed like they came there for a regular battle, and I did not stay any longer than I thought it was necessary for me to stay. Q. Did you hear anything said at any time by white men about carrying the election! —A. Yes, sir, I did. THREAT OF "FAIR MEANS IF WE CAN, BUT WE ARE BOUND TO HAVE IT ANYHOW." Q. What was it — A. I heard this gentleman, Mr. Moore-he says to me the night before the election-I worked there on his place, and that night he called me off aside and asked me what way was I gwine to vote. I says, "Captain, I never fools anybody; I always have voted the republican ticket, and I never have voted a scratched ticket in my life. All the fighting I does in the republican party is to fight the ticket before the nominations is made; but after the nominations is made, all my fight is gone." He says, " Now, I will not ask you to vote with me, but you just go off and have nothing at all to do with the election." I says " VWell, captain, I can't do that." He says, " Well, I think it is best for you, because we are agwine to have this election; we mean to get it by fair means if we can, but we are bound to have it anyhow.' It seemed to me there was an understanding betwixt him and Mr. Carlisle, for I seed Mr. Carlisle the next morning, and he asked me what Mr. Moore had said to me. I told him that he had told me not to have anything to do with the election. He says, " He gave you mighty good advice. You had better go off. If I was you, I would not have anything to do with the election." We talked together, and after a while I told him, says I, "Now, Mr. Carlisle, I always tries to be honest with everybody; if you ever see me vote a ticket to-day, it will be a republican ticket;" just that, and he went off and left me. TESTIMONY OF ISAAC BELL. 135 ONE HUNDRED AND TEN YVOTERS BUN OFF. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. How many cavalry were there^ —A. It seems to me like there was about 25 or 30 cavalry. Q. Were they armed — A. All of them had guns but one. I looked at that one good, and I wondered what he came for. He had a mule, and did not have any gun. Q. How many colored voters were driven away by these military proceedings?-A. Well, I suppose-I think, sir, there was near 100 men that run away from the upper place where they was, to keep from being intimidated; there might have been more; and to my knowledge there was ten or twelve that ran right away from the box that I was at, not saying anything about the lower, box. I don't know what left there. In my judgment, there was 110 mei run from these two places, I have estimated, that did not have a chance to vote at all. Q. Have you talked with any colored men since and inquired whether they voted or not?-A. 0, yes, sir; I have inquired of a great many of them. Q. What have they told you?-A. They told me that they could not vote; that they could not lose their lives to vote. I knew men right there at that time that never has failed to vote, and they did not vote because they were feared that they would get killed right there. COLORED PEOPLE NOT ARMED. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Were the colored people armed or not —A.:No, sir; they were not armed. Q. Do you know about the colored people in your county, to what extent they have arms, own pistols or guns ~-A. Yes, sir. Q. What do you say about that. —A. Them. people has got less arms, I reckon, than any that is anywhere around.. We have always charged them to come quietly and peaceably, and I always have been a kind of leader in the republican party. I told them, "' Now, men, these men don't want nothing but just one fire; I don't care whether you shoot at them or not, they will kill you dead no use to talk about it." ABOUT THE STATE "MELISH." By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Have you held any other office than this of policeman under the mayor -?-A. No, sir; I was appointed by Governor Ames as captain of the melish, and that is what a great many of them had against me. Q. When were you appointed by Governor Ames? —A. By this last legislature that went out. Q. Had you raised a company —A. No, sir; I had not raised my company. Q. Had you any company organized when you were appointed — A. No, sir. Q. Did he send you a commission — A. I received a letter from the legislature advising that I was appointed a captain over the melish. Q: Did you never enroll a company?-A. No, sir. Q. Did you speak to them about getting a company up?-A. I did say once or twice that we were authorized to get up a company of melish, and we were trying to organize. I reckon I got about twenty names, but after that order was countermanded-by some means or other-I disbanded them. Q. Did you get any arms?-A. No, sir; got no arms at all. 136 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. Q. Any arms sent up there to the sheriff by anybody else e —A. There were some arms sent there some three years before, when we started to get up a melish; and they thought that it was raising animosity, and the colored people in our county never will do nothing that they think will raise animosity. We desire to live in peace and harmony up there, and whenever we start anything and we find it is doing harm we stop it. We started a militia about three years before that. Q. Where were you when the polls opened that day?-A. I was right down at the polls. Q. Was the election opened just as usual?-A. Yes, sir. Q. How long did it go along quietly? —A. There was no disturbance, only men persuaded, up until about 3 o'clock, i reckon. HOW A COLORED MAN WAS VOTED. Q. You say you saw men taking tickets and voting men?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did they do it by just going up and giving them their ticket? Was it done in a good-natured way? —A. No, sir. He asked them, "Let me see your ticket;" and the man hesitated to show his ticket, you know, and he taken hold. of the man and pulled his hand out of his pocket, and the man had a republican ticket in his hand; and he told him that that was not the ticket he was to vote. I think to my judgment that he forced the man to vote the ticket that he desired him to vote. Q. Did he use any force to him or threaten him —use any arms or anything of that kind?-A. No, sir; I did not see him use none of that. Now, people don't need as much as that to give up anything. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. They don't need any threats — A. Don't need any threatening to give up anything. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. How many people were around the polls then — A. At the lower polls I suppose there were about thirty or forty people around at that time. Q. How many white and black — A. They were mixed up well Q. Who was this man you saw taking tickets from these men — A. Mr. Snoddy. That was what they told me his name was. I inquired about it. Q. Was he a man you knew? -A. I knew his face, but I did not know his name; he is a man that always comes to Okolona. Q. How long did this election go along quietly that day?-A. Well, if you call that disquietly-do you call that quiet? ABOUT THE FIRING. Q. I was not there and I did not see it.-A. It went on in that way until about 3 o'clock. Q. And then what happened at 3 o'clock; what was the first thing you saw that made a disturbance — A. The first that I heerd that made a disturbance was the firing of that gun. I did not see anything until I heerd that, and when I heerd the firing of the gun then it caused me to look, and I seed it. Q. Who fired that gun?-A. I seed the smoke out of the foremost rank. I don't know who fired it. Q. How far off from you was it —A. I suppose when they fired that gun they was about as far from me as from here to the well right out here. Q. One hundred yards — A. I suppose a little over one hundred yards. TESTIMONY OF ISAAC BELL. 137 Q. As far as across the street — A. About eight times as far as across the street. Q. About two hundred yards — A. I suppose so. Q. What people did that firing come from-what company —A. It come from the foremost company. Q. And that company was a company of white men and democratics?A. Yes, sir. Q. How many of them — A. I suppose there were about fifty, perhaps, of that company. You remember I told you about another little squad I met after that; and after that I met a squad of cavalry. Q. How many in the cavalry-twenty-five or thirty?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And what other infantry company — A. A little, small crowdProtessor PoorA BAPTIST CLERGYMAN'S REMARK. Q. Is he a Baptist clergyman. —A. Yes, sir. Q. And was he the one that swore at you as he passed by?-A. He told me to take off my badge. He said, " If you don't take off that red ribbon, damn you, your head will be on the ground." Q. Was Lawyer Carlisle in that squad?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Was Mr. McIntosh — A. Yes, sir. Q. Was Mr. Pollard?-A. Yes, sir. Q. They were in a little squad by themselves?-A. No, sir; they were in the main body of sixty. Professor Poor was in thatlittle squad behind the others; it seems he did not get his gun in time. Q. Did you, or did you not, see some colored men on horseback in front of the polls that day before this company came up — A. Yes, sir. A SOLITARY HORSEMAN. Q. How many?-A. I seed one. Q. One man on horsebackl —A. Yes, sir. Q. You say there was but one?-A. I did not see but one. Q. You must tell what you saw.-A. That is all I saw. Q. Was there any difficulty between that colored man and anybody in the crowd — A. Yes, sir; but I did not see the difficulty. I did not get there in time to see the difficulty, but I heard about it. This boy, Henry Anderson, was on a horse, and went down there to ask them what way would they want the black people to vote. They came up there every once in a while and asked what was they up there for. Q. Who asked?-A. Mr. Pollard and Mr. Tip Noe; and they came up there grumbling several times. It seems like they wanted to raise a disturbment. Henry went down and asked them what way would they wish the colored voters to vote; "Any way that you says I will have them come and vote that way;" and Pollard charged his gun and set out to kill this Henry, and Mr. Savage Cluford seized the gun. Houston said that he presented the gun at Henry, and would have killed him if Mr. Cluford had not taken the gun. I saw them turning about in the street. Q. Who was that man who tried to take Pollard's gun from him?A. Mr. Savage Cluford. This Henry asked me to go back and scatter these men. He says, "These men will kill them if we don't get them away from there." I went up there as fast as I could go, and before I got there and came back to the box again they commenced that difficulty. JACKSON ADAMS'S HAT AGAIN. Q. Who was hurt by this shooting -A. A man by the name of Jackson Adams was not hurt, but he came very near getting killed; he 138 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-TCHICKASAW COUNTY. had a hat just like this one [a high-crowned black felt hat] and he had a shot put through his hat. Q. Did that come from the shot you heard first, or from those that came afterward — A. From the shot I heard from the front company. Q. What shot did you hear after that — A. I heard two or three shots. Q. Where was the shooting — A. In the ranks. Q. At whom — A. I don't know who they were shooting at. Q. Jackson Adams's hat was hit by the first gun you heard?-A. I don't know whether by the first one. Q. I thought you said that the first shot you heard must have gone through Jackson's hat — A. I said I heard only three shots; one of those shots went through Jackson's hat. Q. Did any of these shots hit anybody -A. No, sir; I don't think none of them shots hit anybody; ne'ver heard any one say anything that anybody was hit. Q. Did you see anybody injured there that day in their person — A. No, sir, no more than what I have said to you about running from the polls. Q. That is not personal injury? —A. No, sir; not violently used in any way. Q. Were you at any other polls during the day than this one?-A. I was at both of the polls; went from one to the other. Q. Anything happen around the other one T-A. No, sir; only I saw some strange talking down at the lower polls. Where these men ran away from them was at the upper polls, at the mayor's office. I was not there then. W. E. WEDDELL-CHICKASAW COUNtTY. ABERDEEN, Miss., June 26, 1876. PERSONAL RECORD. W. E. NVEDDELL sworn and examined. By Mr. CAMERON: Question. Where do you reside e-Answer. I reside in Okolona, Chickasaw County, Mississippi. Q. Of what State are you a native — A. Of Virginia. Q. How long have you resided in Mississippi —A. About sixteen years. Q. Did you take any part in the late civil war; and, if so, in what capacity?-A. I went out at the commencement and remained to the end. Q. In the confederate army f-~A. Yes, sir; in the confederate army. Q. What position, if any, did you hold — A. I went out as a private and returned as a lieutenant. Q. What is your occupation now?-A. I am now editor of the Prairie News, published at Okolona. Q. How long have you edited that — A. Well, sir, I have been editing that since 1869; the spring, I think, of 1869. Q. Where were you during the political canvass preceding the election in your county? —A. In Okolona. Q. Did you. take any part in the canvass — A. Yes, sir up to the middle of October. I was then stricken with neuralgia of the eye, and TESTIMONY OF W. E. WEDDELL. 139 had this left eye closed; and from that time on I took no part in the canvass. I never got well until about the 1st of December. Q. Where were you on election-day — A. I was at my residence in the town of Okolona. Q. Did you, during the canvass or on election-day, see any military companies in the streets of your town?-A. Yes, sir. Q. You may state what you saw in reference to those companies.A. As I said a minute ago, I was attacked with neuralgia of the eye and was confined at my house; and while I was in my room my servantgirl came running in and said they were fighting down town. ARMED MEN AT THE ELECTION. Q. When was that — A. It was the day of the election; I think about 1 o'clock, as near as I can recollect; and just about that time I heard a tremendous whooping and hollering, and I went on my back gallery facing the main street, and as I got there I saw a military company marching from behind the buildings passing up the street, going west. Q. White men -A. Yes, sir. Q. Were they armed?-A. Yes, sir; they all had arms, every one of them, and were marching at shoulder arms. Q. About how many were in that company —A. As near as I could guess from where I was, I should say there were thirty, perhaps thirtyfive, may be forty. They passed on up to a house, and some one came out. I think it was Mr. Carlisle's residence, and he came out and said something to them which I couldn't understand-I was too far off-and they took off their hats and gave two or three shouts and then passed on up the street toward the colored Baptist church, and presently I heard a gun go off, and afterward I understood that they shot through a colored man's hat, but did not hurt him otherwise than shooting him through his hat. They passed on out to the church, and I coulun't see any more; but I understood that they scattered them. In the mean time they, the colored people, were scattered all over the country, just running in every direction. I saw a good many come up through my lot and through other lots adjoining. Q. These colored men who had been at the colored church?-A. No, sir; they had been down street where the polls were; they were running toward Tallibonela Bottom, about a mile north of the town. What they did at the church I don't know only from hearsay. Q. Did you see a cavalry company in the town the same day?-A. Yes, sir. Q. State what you know with reference to that company.-A. To the best of my recollection, about fifteen or twenty minutes, and it may have been a little longer, after the passage of the military company west on the main street, I heard again a very loud noise, whooping and hollering, and went again on my back gallery, and just about that time there was a cavalry company came in in their shirt-sleeves, and whooping and hollering and swinging their guns about, coming in at full speed, and rushing up the main street toward the colored people that had congregated in the mean time on the main street; and there was another stampede took place in the same direction, toward Tallibonela Bottom. EFFECT OF THEIR ACTS. Q. What effect did that military display have, if any, in scattering the colored people and preventing them from voting — A. The colored people knew nothing about the military, and when they came rushing in, hearing these reports-there was a very large number of them-they 140 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. scattered for self-protection. The air was full of reports and various kinds of rumors. Q. State generally what those reports were.-A. They were that they would not be permitted to vote, and if they attempted to vote they would be killed. I also saw some men riding up on the same street that I live on about that time-a military company passing up the street riding at full speed. Each one had a rifle, and they were going toward the colored Baptist church. I heard that they went to the church and searched around there; but I didn't hear that they committed any depredations about the church. THE STATE ARMS SEIZED. Q. Do you know of any State arms having been received at that town; and, if so, what was done with them?-A. Yes, sir; there were four cases of State arms, to the best of my recollection, shipped there in 1873 by Governor Powers, now ex-governor. It was for the purpose, as I understood then, of organizing the militia. Two cases were deposited in a grocery-store belonging to E. M. Walker. I think it was, perhaps, three weeks before the election that these cases were taken out and carried down on another street back of a brick warehouse in a gulley. The path that I travel home every day when I go to my meals passes through this gulley; and I found the cases the next morning lying in this gulley. The cases were bursted open and the guns all gone. Well, I saw Colonel Shattuck, the internal-revenue collector there, and told him about those arms being taken out, and advised him to write to General Packer, the adjutant-general of the State, and tell him that the guns had been taken out and that he ought to collect them up; that I didn't think either party had any right to them, and they ought to be taken care of; and he did write to General Packer, but General Packer never paid any attention to them, and the guns were never collected up. Those guns I understood-now, I don't say this myself-were seen on the streets and belonged to that military company that marched up the street that day. Q. Was it or not reported that they had been stolen by the colored people —A. That was the report that they first put out; that the store was broken into and the guns taken out, and it was supposed to have been done by the colored people; but any one that saw the store and the way the doors were fixed knew it was impossible to break into the store and get them out without somebody knowing it; and the doors were not injured or anything of the kind. About that time they received-I don't recollect how many cases of repeating-rifles. They were brought from the depot and deposited in the Okolona Savings-Bank, and from there the parties to whom they belonged came down and took them out the next day, I think, after they were received. I don't know whether they were the Winchester rifle or what they were, but they were a repeating-rifle. REGISTRATION-PAPERS TAKEN FROM THE BLACKS. Q. What, if anything, do you know or have you heard in reference to armed men taking registration-certificates away from colored voters?A. Well, sir, all that I know about that is from what others have told me. Judge Pollard, who was formerly chancellor of the district in which I live, was one of the judges of election at Houston, the county-seat of the county of Chickasaw. I think that he said that he took a memorandum of them, and I think there were one hundred and sixty, to the best of my recollection, of registration-papers taken from the negroes round about Houston. TESTIMONY OF W. E. WEDDELL. 141 Q. By whom, as you understand — A. By armed men riding around that night. I think it was on Saturday or Monday night preceding the election. I understood that it occurred all over the country the same way. To the best of my recollection there were six organized companies in the county on the day of election. These companies, as far as I could understand, didn't belong altogether to the county of Chickasaw; parties came from other counties. Chickasaw has a small republican majority, not more than, perhaps, 250 or 300. Men came from Lee County into Chickasaw on the day of election. There was a whole train-load from Lee County passed down about nine o'clock on the day of election past Okolona to Egypt, a station seven miles south of Okolona, on the Mobile and Ohio Railroad; and some depredations that were committed in Chickasaw County I understand were done by these men from other counties. NO DANG-ER FROM THE NEGRO. Q. What did you understand the duties of these military companies were; what were they for?-A. There is only one motive that I can see, and that was to control the election. That is the only motive that they could have had, that I could see. They couldn't have had any idea of trouble with the negroes, because anybody that knows anything about the negro knows that he would not have made any trouble. Q. Hence that there was no danger whatever — A. No, sir; no danger in the world-because the negro has no arms, in the first place; and, in the second place, they refused to sell him powder or shot, or any kind of ammunition, for a long time before the election; and many white republicans-I never tried it myself; but I know others that did try it-couldn't get any, and the negroes couldn't get it at all. Q. Were you waited upon by a committee, who requested you not to publish an account of these proceedings — A. Yes, sir. AN EDITOR INTERVIEWED. Q. State the facts in regard to that.-A. Well; sir, there was a gentleman said that he had been requested by a meeting of some of the leading men of Okolona to call on me, and to know what I was going to say in my paper in reference to the election. I stated to him that I did not know what I would say; I did not know as I should be able to say anything, as I was then sufiering very badly with my eyes, and couldn't see out of one of them at all; but if I did write anything I should give an account of what I actually saw and knew to be facts. He asked me, "' What did you see?" I related to him just about the same as I have related to you now. He remarked to me, " Then you have seen the worst." I told him that I did not know anything about that; that I did not propose to take hearsay testimony at all; that I was going to give a true version of what came under my own observation-what I saw myself. He went on then, and said that the excitement was running high, and that it would be very imprudent to launch out into anything that would offend the people there; that there was danger in it, and that he would advise me to just be as moderate as possible. I was waited on that same night by another gentleman, a democrat, by the way, and a personal friend, and he told me that I was liable to be assassinated at any time, and advised me to be on my guard. He did not state anything about where he got hLs information from or anything of that kind, but said, " I tell you as a friend to remain at home and be on your guard." Whether there was any danger or not, I cannot say. I know this, that the feeling was very bitter and very vindictive. I have been a citizen there for the last sixteen years, and I have always 142 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. conducted myself in a gentlemanly manner, which democrats and republicans and everybody else will testify to. Nobody can say anything derogatory of me; and why they should threaten me with assassination I don't know.. know that I never gave them any cause for it. DEMOCRATS ELECTED. Q. Who was elected to the lower house of the legislature of this State from your county — A. General W. F. Tucker and a gentleman by the nalme of-he lives at Sparta, and I forget his name. Q. Both democrats?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What counties constitute the senatorial district with yours?-A. The counties of Chickasaw and Monroe, Q. Who was elected to the senate from those counties, if any one?A. Col. Reuben O. Reynolds. Q. A democrat — A. Yes, sir. Q. Is the district republican — A. Largely. Q. Is your county republican?-A. Yes, sir; our county is not largely republican. I think on a close vote we have from 250 to 300 majority in the county. Monroe has given on a fair vote sometimes as high as 1,200 republican majority. LABORERS' CONTRACTS FORFEITED BY VOTING REPUBLICAN TICKET. Q. Have you seen any contracts entered into by negroes with white persons by which the negroes agree to forfeit their rights, whatever they may be under the contract, in the event they vote the republican ticket? —A. Yes, sir. Q. State the nature of those contracts, and how general they were in the county.-A. The first intimation that I had that there were such things in existence was last winter, I think it was-perhaps along in January or February-and I published it. I gave notice through my paper. I wrote an article on it, warning the people of the county not to enter into any such agreement or arrangement with the freedmen; that it was wrong in both theory and pratice, and probably would finally lead them into some difficulty. I advised them in a gentle spirit; and I never heard anything more about it until, I think it was last week or week before last, when I happened to get hold of one of the original contracts. I had heard it from a gentleman from Tennessee in the first place; or rather I heard it through Colonel Shattuck, the revenue-collector there. The Tennesseean had been down to Buena Vista, and while he was in the store of U. S. Williams there, a gentleman came into the store and asked Mr. Williams for a blank contract; and he told him he ditdnt have any blank contracts on hand; that they were all out; but that he could come there to his desk and write one; that he would tell him what it was: and this man came to Okolona, and told Colonel Shattuck what was in it. It was just a common laborer's contract, except down at the bottom; about three or four lines from the bottom it went on to state, as near as I can remember, that I further pledge that I will vote as the land-owner; and, in case I fail to vote as he does, I forfeit all my right, title, and interest to the said crop.' LEADING REPUBLICAN BLACKS DISCHARGED AFTER ELECTION. Q. What information have you as to the extent to which these contracts were entered into by the freedmen.-A. My understanding is that it was general, all over the county, because the democrats there have their clubs, and they have been publishing part of their proceedings-making them public-directly after the election; and they first TESTIMONY OF W. E. WEDDELL. 143 went in and discharged all the leading colored republicans of the different clubs in that county. Q. The persons by whom they were employed discharged them?-A. Yes, sir; discharged them, and said they were not to hire those people at all. Q. Did they discharge them before the election?-A. No, sir; after the election. They discharged a great many of them; and then they got up these contracts pledging those men that they did hire to vote as the man from whom they rented the lands, and in case that they failed to vote that way that they forfeited all their interest in the crop. ABOUT THE FORFEIT CONTRACTS AGAIN. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Is this newspaper of yours published weekly? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you ever published in that paper a copy of these contracts that you speak of — A. No, sir; I never got hold of a copy until a week or two ago. Q. How many such contracts have you seen —A. I have seen but one genuine copy. Q. Was that signed by two parties — A. Yes, sir. Q. Who showed it to you — A. It was shown to me by a man by the name of T. L. Jordan. Q. Between whom was the contract made?-A. It was made between, I think, T. D. or J. D. Paine and Gay Brand. The witness was T. J. Paine. Q. How long did that contract last?-A. For the year 1876. Q. For labor at so much a month?-A. No, sir; for half of the crop. Q. What do you know of the existence of other cases of that kind?A. I heard it, as I said awhile ago, from a, gentleman that was at Buena Vista- this Tennesseean came up and told Colonel Shattuck, the revenue-collector, about U. S. Williams having these contracts, and this man, a farmer, calling in there aid wanting to get one. Q. Who is this man who has the blanks for sale?-A. It was Williams that had them. He came in there and asked U. S. Williams for one. THE ARMIED MEN AT THE ELECTION. Q. From your back gallery on the day of election could you command a view of the polls?-A. Right near where the polls were-yes, sir. Q. Of the polls toward which this military company proceeded — A. Where they organized it. They organized it in front of that poll. Q. You had not seen this military company preceding its appearance at the time you mention?-A. No, sir; I could just see when it emerged from the buildings. Q. Did you see or hear of any cavalry that day in town?-A. Not until that cavalry company came in there. Q. How long after you had seen this military company?~-A. I suppose about fifteen minutes. Q. Do you know what it consisted of-the cavalry company — A. It consisted of men mounted. Q. I mean what number.-A. I could not tell. Q. You did not see them yourself —A. 0, yes, sir. I should judge that there were about twenty-five or thirty of them. Q. How were they armed?-A. Some had shot-guns, and some had navy pistols. Q. Do you know any of the parties composing that company — A. I know the man that led them. Q. Who was he — A. Capt. W. G. Stoval. 144 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. Q. Where does he live?-A. He lives at Okolona. Q. Were you ever yourself a member of any of these companies?-A, No, sir. Q. You spoke of their purpose: have you any knowledge of their purpose whatever, xcept as a mere matter of surmise of your own — A. Well, sir, I haee no definite information except what transpired under my own observation, and what I have been told. CAVALRY VISIT THE REPUBLICAN CLUBS BEFORE ELECTION. Q. By any of the members?-A. No, sir; not by any of the members; some of the other citizens. To the best of my information, a cavalry company visited nearly every republican club in the county the night preceding the election. Q( You have informatlion to that effect — A. Yes, sir. Q. From whom derived?-A. Derived from various parties. Q. You desire the committee to believe that as a fact — A. I just state it for what it is worth. I cannot tell whether it is a fact or not. It is merely a report; I believe it. Q. Did that cavalry company, headed by W. G. Stoval, visit every republican club in your county?-A. No, sir I didn't say that. They were visited by cavalry companies. I understand that there were six cavalry companies in the county. Q. Had you seen them?-A. No, sir. I know of one other company, and the captain of it, that operated in the western portion of the county. Q. Give ushis name.-A. W. B. McDowell. THE MILITARY AT THE ELECTION. Q. Who was in command of the military company of thirty-five men you saw marching at 1 o'clock p. m.. —A. Col. J. W. McIintosh. Q. Was Mr. Carlisle in company with them —.A. No, sir; not when I saw him. Q. Did he go with them?-A.. I do not know whether he did or not. Q. How far is his house from the poll?-A. I suppose about one hundred and fifty yards; and mine very little farther, except he lived on one street and I on another. Q. Do you know whether he went to the polls, or whether he had been at the polls?-A. No, sir; I do not know anything about that. Q. Did he come out of his house — A. He came out on his front gallery. Q. How far was that from you -A. Just one square-not one square, because the house sits back in the lot. Q. You could not hear what he said to this company — A. No, sir. Q. They shouted and passed on, leaving him there?-A. To the best of my recollection they left him there. I did not see him there afterward. Q. Who was Judge Pollard? -A. Formerly the chancery judge of the seventh chancery district of the State of Mississippi. Q. Does he live in Okolona ~-A. Yes, sir. - Q. With which political party does he affiliate?-A. The republican party. REGISTRATION-PAPERS TAKEN FROM REPUBLICANS. Q. It was he who told you that one hundred and sixty registration. papers had been taken from negroes f-A. To the best of my recollection; I would not state positively that it was one hundred and sixty. Q. When did he tell you that — A. Just after the election; and that he permitted some of them to vote from whom they had taken registration-papers. Q. Was he judge of the election. — A. Yes, sir. TESTIMONY OF W. F. TUCKER. 145 Q. Who was it called on you as a committee to know what you were going to say about the election?- A. General W. F. Tucker. Q. Who was the second person who called?-A. I do not like to tell that if I can get out of it. Q. What would be your reason — A. The reason'as that he requested'that his name should not be connected with it. He was a demodrat himself, and he was a merchant there, and he said it would injure his business, and he requested me not to give his name. Q. Was not W. F. Tucker a democrat, too?-A. Yes, sir; but this other man is a merchant there, and he told me as a friend, and requested that I should never say anything about it. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. He went confidentially to you — A. Yes, sir; he told me confidentially. Mr. BAYARD. I don't know that I care to put you to any inconvenience on that account. The WITNESS. I can tell you privately. Mr. BAYARD. 0, no; it is not a public affair, and I don't want to annoy you. The WrrNEss. It would not annoy me, but it might annoy him. W. F. TUCKER-CHICKASAW COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MISS., June 27, 1876. W. F. TUCKER sworn and examined. GENERAL STATEMENT. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. Where do you reside I-Answer. At Okolona, Chickasaw County. Q. What is your occupation?-A. I am a lawyer, sir. Q. How long have you resided in Chickasaw County — A. I have resided there for thirty-six years, I think. Q. Where was your home prior to that — A. I am a North Carolinian. by birth. Q. Were you in Mississippi during the election of 1875?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you take an active part in that canvass — A. Yes, sir. Q. On which sides. —A. I was one of the democratic candidates for the legislature. A FAIR ELECTION-NO FRAUD-NO INTrMIDATION. Q. Will you give us a history of the canvass; make a short statement?-A. What do you wish to attract my attention to particularly T Q. The committee is charged with the investigation of the fact whether there was intimidation and fraud in the election in Mississippi in 1875. and whether people were prevented by those means from the exercise of the elective franchise particularly; and it has been alleged h-ere by witnesses from your county, both colored and white; several colored meln have been called on and have stated the condition of affairs in Chickasaw, and have spoken of some disturbances that occurred at the election; please give your statement as to these things.-A. I have only got this to say with regard to the fairness of the election: First, that it was a fair election so far as my knowledge goes; if there was any fraud or intimidation in the county I certainly didn't know of it, and I 10 MISS 146 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. never heard of it. I have heard it charged, but I have never known an instance in the county. As far as I know every man voted just as he chose. There was on the part of the democrats a very strong effort made to carry the county. It was made because e were compelled to overthrow therule of the negro which was becoming unbearable. The county officials had not been satisfactory and our representatives to the legislature had brought disgrace upon our county and upon our State, and we had determined, if it was within the power of mortal man, to carry the election, and we worked with all our might and main to secure that end. We accomplished it, though, by hard work and fair means, as far as I know, and I think anybody who charges otherwise either does not know the facts, or purposely misrepresents them. Q. The name of a gentleman has been mentioned, Mr. Carlisle, a lawyer, as having been there; where is he now — A. At Saint Louis. Q. A delegate to the democratic national convention l-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know J. R. McIntosh — A. Yes, sir. Q. Where is he — A. His father was thrown from a buggy last Sunday morning, and has been speechless ever since, lying in the very agonies of death almost. OKOLONA ON ELECTION-DAY. Q. Were you at the polls at Okolona on the day of election -A. I was there from 11 o'clock; I got there about 11 o'clock. I made a speech the night before some twelve miles off, and didn't get back until 11 o'clock. Q. Was you there about 1 o'clock?-A. No, sir; I had gone home to dinner. I live a short distance out of town. You refer to the fracas at that place e Q. Yes, sir.-A. It was alleged that there had been such a thing. This party was just returning as I got into town. I went immediately to the polls and I found the voting going on quietly as usual. It was at the Baptist church where it was alleged that this thing occurred, though there was no collision, as it was reported, for the white people did not go within two or three hundred yards, perhaps, of the church. When I got there they were just returning and the voting was going on, and never was disturbed at the polls. In the course of the afternoon, though, after that thing occurred, I was informed that the sheriff of the county had gone to the polls below-the one I was not at at that particular time-and had told the colored people that they could not have a fair election, and to go home. Q. What was his name — A. James B. White. Q. It was said that a colored man had gone down there, using his name, and told them to disperse and go home e I went to him and asked him if he had said so. He said, upon the contrary, he had told them that they all could vote, and to stay and vote. I know that everybody was allowed to vote just as they pleased, and nobody was driven from the polls. On the contrary, everybody was told that they could come and vote just as they pleased. DEMOCRATS MADE VERY STRONG EFFORTS TO PREVENT INTIMIDATION ON THE OTHER SIDE. So far from there being any intimidation on the part of the democrats, there was a very strong effort made to prevent intimidation on the other side. Hitherto we had allowed the negroes to control their own color and vote them just as they pleased; but at this time the white people said that they should not force colored men any longer to vote the republican TESTIMONY OF W. F TUCKER. 147 ticket if they didn't want to. It was an effort on our part to prevent intimidation rather than to intimidate anybody. Q. Isaiah Bell, a colored man, has testified here that he was a policeman at the polls that day. Did you see him?-A. No, sir; I did not see him at the polls that day. Q. How long were you at the polls that day t-A. Well, sir, I was at the polls some two hours in the morning from the time I returned, and was there from half past 1 until they closed. SAW NOBODY TAKE REPUBLICAN TICKETS FROM NEGROES. Q. Did you see while you were there any such thing as a white man taking tickets from the negroes and insisting upon their taking democratic tickets in their place f-A. I saw the ordinary means of electioneering pursued by both white and colored. Each party proposed to vote as many on their side as was possible, but I never saw anybody take a ticket away, and I know it did not occur. Q. What military company is this which has been stated by several witnesses to have turned out that day and come to the polls somewhere about 1 o'clock-one witness said 1 o'clock and another said 3 o'clockbut at the time that the disturbance took place at the polls at which Isaiah Bell staid as policeman, it was testified to have been apparently without cause. I want to know whether you know anything of the cause of the appearance of that military company on the street.INCENDIARY REPUBLICAN SPEECHES. A. Yes, sir; I know the cause, as alleged; I was absent myself. It was alleged that a colored man —in the first place I will premise by saying that the public mind was in a feverish state; there had been incendiary speeches by a number of republicans in the county, in which they threatened the lives of the white people. Now, a man who was running against me for the legislature, and was a leading colored man of the county, was asserted to have said that they intended to carry that election if they had to cut off the head of every democrat in the county. I did not reply to that charge until I heard it from those who heard him state it, and then I did charge it upon him as being an incendiary himself, and that he was a man who made incendiary speeches. I know of other speeches of the same sort. General McKee came up there and made an incendiary speech, in which, I was told by those who were present, that he told them they must go to the polls every man and vote the republican ticket, and carry it if they had to wade through blood and hell to carry the election. Chancellor Frazee, who lives in my town, made speeches of the same sort, and so did Mr. Hodges, who was running for the senate, and who lives in this town. COLORED MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS. The colored men had organized companies and had been drilling by night. They had bought ammunition and attempted to buy more, but they could not get it, because when it was found that they were organized and proposing to buy ammunition, they stopped selling to them. That created a feverish state of excitement all over the county, and it was anticipated that something serious might occur, and as a necessary consequence they were ready to take offense, and to place themselves on the defensive. RUMORS OF NEGROES MASSING. It was stated that quite a large number, from three to four hundred colored men, had massed themselves at the Baptist church, which was 148 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. about half a mile from either of the polling-places, and that they were sending men to vote spurious tickets, having the registrar's certificates of other colored men-men who had gone to the Bottom; and that they voted, also, upon registration-papers of men who were dead. A patrolman was sent out to investigate, and he did so to some extent; but he came back without discovering anything. They told them to disperse and go down town if they wanted to vote; that the streets were free, and it was improper for them to be massing up there and creating a disturbance; but instead of dispersing, a rumor came that they were massing in larger force. I was not present, but that was the explanation that was given to me on that morning when I came in; that they were distributing arms and ammunition up there. I cannot say that there wasa military company; I have heard that there was, and that that company was called out; that all the whites were asked to fall in. It was understood that there was danger from the colored men; that the lives of the citizens, ant women, and children were in danger, and everybody fell.in that could get something to fight with. When they went out and found that the negroes were dispersing instead of making a fight, they quietly turned around and put away their arms. A CAVALRY COMPANY IN TOWN. Q. What do you know of a cavalry company — A. I know that there was a cavalry company, and I know a good many members of it. I cannot say that they were cavalrymen, but they were mounted men. Our district is divided into two beats. One of the polling-beats is at Egypt and the other at Okolona; and when it was reported down town that the negroes were massing at the church, and that arms and ammunition were being distributed, and that a collision was inevitable, (supposed to be,) that company was telegraphed to, and they came as fast as their horses would bring them. They came rapidly, dismounted, and quietly dispersed through the town. No man was driven from the polls, and not a word of violence was used at the polls, for I was at the polling-place at the time when they dismounted. The colored men just voted on as quietly as the white people did. Q. Were you at the polling-places after this disturbance ~-A. Yes, sir. NO INTIMIDATION THEREFROM. Q. As a matter of fact, was there any such intimidation, whether intended or not, from the presence of this military company or cavalry company, that the colored men went away from the polls, and could not be induced to come and vote — A. No, sir; most certainly not. I was at the upper polling-place, and when they came in I made it my personal business to see that the thing was fairly done. There was an effort made by some of the colored men to get them away. I went to one colored man who was attempting to disturb them, and told him to just go away. I said to him, "Are you a voter here? He said, " No; I am not." I asked him where he was from, and he said he was from Louisiana. I told him, You are creating a disturbance here; you are trying to get these men to go away from the poll, and they have got a right to vote, and you have got no right here if you are not a citizen of the place;" and I just opened a way for him myself, and put him outside. I told the colored men to " go on and vote. You shall vote as you please. This man is attempting to make a disturbance here for nothing." Q. As a matter of fact, after that affair at the church was over, do TESTIMONY OF W. F. TUCKER. 149 you say that the election resumed its ordinary appearance, and they went on voting as before — A. Yes, sir; when I came back they were voting, and the men were just returning and dispersing around through the town. When I went to the polling-places they were voting on, and continued to vote until late in the evening-two hours, at least, after that thing happened, I presume. Q. Was there any disposition on the part of the people or on the part of these military companies to disturb the election in any manner, or prevent persons from exercising their free choice in voting'-A. So far as I know, there was not. I don't imagine there could have been, because there was no such advice given. I suppose I am as much responsible for the tone of feeling in that community as any other one man, for I used my best efforts to influence it, and I never gave any such advice; on the contrary, I advised peace and order always; and I never heard of any man giving any such advice. A FAIR AND PEACEABLE ELECTION. Q. As the result of this canvass and experience, are you prepared to say that the election in the county was a fair and peaceable one in all respects; that everybody that wished to vote had an opportunity to vote freely?-A. Yes, sir; I can say that every one that wished to vote did vote. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Do you know the person from your county who is foreman of the grand jury at the United States court in Oxford — A. Yes, sir; I know him well. Q. Have you written him a letter?-A. Yes, sir; I have.* Q. Relative to his duties there — A. Yes, sir; in part. Q. What was the nature of that letter -A. It was just a friendly letter. He is a man who has studied law with me and to whom I am very much attached, and it was written in the kindest spirit, a most friendly letter, and in it I stated the reports that had reached our town in regard to the supposed action of the grand jury, and the feeling of the people in regard to it, and gave him my advice. Q. I wish to ask you whether you did not say in that letter that if indictments were found against persons in the county you would hold him personally responsible — A. No, sir. Q. Or words to that effect?-A. No, sir; nor words to that effect. I can tell you the language I used, which could not be tortured into~anything of that sort. I used no such language as that; on the contrary, I am his friend, and it was in his interest and in the interest of peace and quiet in the county that I wrote him. He knows I am his friend, for I have been his friend always. I said to him-he is a lawyer and might have plead the privilege, and need not have gone on the grand jury if he had not been disposed to do so-I said to him, "You occupy the position of foreman of the grand jury by your own choice; you haven't been compelled to occupy it, and you may rest assured that if indictments are found against the people of this county you will be blamed for it, because you occupy this place voluntarily; and you can imagine how pleasant it will be to reside in the midst of, say, (for I didn't know how many indictments would be found,) one hundred or two hundred persons who will charge you with having been the author of their political persecution, as they deem it, and whether you advise it or not you will be considered responsible." * See page 150 of " Documentary Evidence" for report of this grand jury and a certified copy of Mr. Tucker's letter to the foreman, Mr. Frazee. 150 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. Q. Did you say to him in that letter that you should hold him personally responsible if any indictments were found against persons in that county?-A. No, sir; most emphatically I did not. Q. Or words to that effect -A. No, sir; nor words to that effect. If anybody has stated that before this committee, he certainly did not see the letter, because it didn't state any such thing as that, and he stated what he knew to be false if he says it of his own personal knowledge. ABOUT MR. FRAZEE. Q. Have you heard Mr. Frazee speak in the campaign — A. Yes, sir; I have heard him speak. Q. Did he in your presence use any language that you considered incendiary?-A. By no manner of means. He had given up the election when I heard him, though I didn't hear his first speeches. Q. Where did you hear him?-A. At Buena Vista, the night before the election. I replied to him at Houston, and at Atlanta, and at Buena Vista. Q. He did not use any incendiary language in those speeches — A. No, sir. Q. Did you advise him at Buena Vista that he was in peril and that you could not protect him?-A. No, sir; I didn't. Q. Did you give him any advice in regard to his personal safety?A. No, sir; he thought he was in peril, and lie told me if I hadn't gone with him he would not have gone. I told him I knew nothing about it, but if there was any collision there that he would be likely to suffer; but I said, " There is no danger of a collision unless your people bring it on." He had agreed, upon what I said, to go. I said this and nothing else, because he thought he was in danger, and I didn't believe that he was in danger myself. We went over in a buggy together, and if I hadn't gone with him he would not have gone, he said. After we had reached that point he asked me if he was in danger, and I told him that he was in no more danger from our people than I was; that the only danger there was that there were some very bad negroes there who had threatened the people, and I told him that if those bad negroes had the influence to bring on a difficulty he would be in danger and not otherwise; and he said that he knew that he could control his people, and it it depended upon their commencing the difficulty that there was no danger, and he would stay. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Mr. Cavett stated that he had seen the letter but had not noticed it very much; but it was to the substance that you had told the foreman of the grand jury that if indictments were found against your people under the election laws you would hold him personally responsible.-A. I have just got this to say about that; that it is an infamous falsehood, if he stated it positively. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. When was this letter written? —A. It was written some two or three weeks ago. Q. Who was the gentleman to whom it was addressed — A. W. D. Frazee. Q. Was he the foreman of the grand jury at that time — A. I understood he was. Q. You understood he was?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And you wrote that letter to him understanding that he was foreman of the grand jury of the United States court — A. Yes, sir; I did. Q. Are you a member of the bar — A. Yes, sir. q. And you wrote that letter f-A. Yes, sir. TESTIMONY OF W. H. HOUSTON. 151 W. H. HOUSTON-CHICKASAW COUNTY. ABERDEEN, Miss., June 27, 1876. W. H. HOUSTON sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. Where do you reside e-Answer. At Okolona, Miss. Q. What is your profession?-A. A lawyer, sir. Q. How long have you been living there? -A. Since 1872; I went there from Saint Louis, Mo. Q. Were you there last fall — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you take any part in the political canvass — A. I did not, excepting two speeches that I made. Q. With which party did you act — A. With the democratic party. Q. Were you there on the day of the election — A. Yes, sir. Q. At the polls — A. At the polls all day; I was there as special policeman, detailed on duty. Q. Under whose appointment -A. Under the appointment of the mayor there; that is to say, more correctly, there was a party of us appointed; I did not know anything about it at the time, but I was informed by others that I had been appointed, and that I was on duty and would be expected to serve; and I never inquired further, but acted, and no one questioned my authority. I am not prepared to swear that I was absolutely appointed, because I never saw the appointment. THE POLITICAL CANVASS-THE REPUBLICAN SPEECHES. Q. During the canvass had you any knowledge of violence or threats of violence tending to interfere with the exercise of the right of suffrage in your county?-A. Well, sir, I was appointed on a committee that was to divide time during the congressional canvas between Mr. Money, our candidate and Messrs. Little and Powers. Q. There were two republicans running against one democrat?-A. Two republicans against one democrat; and after the division of time had been effected, I was approached first, I think, by Mr. McKee, probably as a friend of Governor Powers, and asked if it would be safe for them to make such speeches as they desired to make. I told him most assuredly that it would be; that the people were not disposed to make difficulty at that time; that they were more indifferent about political matters than I had ever seen them, and they certainly would not make a personal matter of anything that they might say politically, and that they could just make any speeches they pleased. He said there were some drunken men who might make a disturbance. I said that it could not be so, because we had a marshal who would take care of them. I was then approached by a friend of Mr. Hill's, I don't remember his name, and the same question was asked and the same reply was given. Mr. McKee then made a speech in which I understood him to say, and that was the understanding, as they informed me, of a number of others-in winding up his speech he appealed to the colored men to vote the republican ticket; that they must vote the republican ticket; that the republican party had freed them-making the usual speechand " Now let me lay it to you in charge to vote at this next election, and carry the republican ticket triumphantly through if you have to wade through blood, death, and hell to do it." We all thought it was 152 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTYstrong language at the time; and Mr. Hodges from this place and Mr. Mills made similar speeches, probably not so violent, but advising them to what we thought desperate action. Q. Do you state these speeches as an illustration of the intimidation of the whites?-A. I want to state this as a precedent. Soon after that, Chancellor Frazee of the republican party made a speech there, in which he stated that he had fought four years for the confederacy and deemed it to be right, and was now ready to fight again to carry this election. I did not hear that speech, though. Q. Mr. Frazee is on what side?-A. The republican side. Just after that I understood there that the colored people of the county had organized a company and elected Isaiah Bell their captain and some other man their lieutenant We still, though, hoped there was nothing in it; but a few days afterward there was a party of them, probably a dozen or two dozen, seen drilling. That was the first evidence we had that there was such an organization. We then began to fear that they, being ignorant and excitable, were going to pursue the policy that had been indicated to them. Soon after that the country negroes informed us from all parts of the county that the negroes had proposed to beat the democratic party, and they had threatened them with death if they voted the democratic ticket, and they called on us for protection and asked us if'we would protect them, and we replied that we would. Some men there on Jolley's place came in and we furnished them with arms to protect themselves. NO VIOLENCE OR THREATS DURING CANVASS OR AT ELECTION BY DEMOCRATS. Q. Was there any violence that you know of, or threats of violence, tending to prevent the free exercise of the right of voting in the canvass or on the day of the election — A. I know of none, sir, except such as I have mentioned by the republican party. THE BAPTIST CHURCH DISTURBANCE. 4. On the day of the election there seems to have been a disturbance created, according to the account of several witnesses, and that a military company or a company of men under arms, an infantry company, and also some cavalry-men, charged down the principal street of the town and over in the direction of the Baptist colored church, and although no one seems to have been hurt-a man is stated to have had a shot put through his hat-yet the effect was a stampede of colored voters, and that they were driven from the polls and were afraid to come back; state whether the facts are true and what they mean.-A. There was a body of men under arms; I was among them myself. I1thought at the time that I was acting as a peace officer. THE NEGROES DANGEROUS —THE WHITE PEOPLE NERVOUS. Q. Just state the cause of that?-A. We had heard there, and we at the time thought that it was reliable, that there was some danger of bloodshed on the day of the election; that the negroes were excited and that they were dangerous. To prevent difficulty, the white people all through the county were requested not to mass, and that the officers would see that the negroes did not mass. In the morning, tolerably early we found the negroes in the Baptist church, right in the heart of a little negro settlement there, and that they were gathering there all the time. The white people began to be very uneasy and nervous about it. DEAD AND DEPARTED NEGROES VOTE BY PROXY. We commenced to hear that they were voting fraudulently; that they TESTIMONY OF W. H. HOUSTON. 153 had the registration certificates of dead and departed negroes-those who had gone to the Mississippi bottom and other places; and that as fast as a negro voted he went up there, changed his clothes, got another registration paper and came down and voted again. The' people got somewhat incensed about that, and requested that an officer would go up there and see about it. They had an officer there of their own on horseback, whom they sent down and we communicated with him, and told him that they must not mass there, but come on down town and vote; that there was no use in massing there if they wanted to vote. He went back and said that that would be done. THE COLORED CROWD DISPERSED, AND HOW. Toward 11 or 12 o'clock it had not been done, and the rumor then spread and gained general credence that they were not only there massing, but that they were arming. We then saw the officer again and told him what we had heard, and that the people were very much excited about it, and that they must disperse at that church; that they could go down town and vote if they pleased; that everybody was uneasy. His reply was not entirely satisfactory. We then told him that we would give him ten minutes in which to take them away from the church, and at the end of ten minutes it was reported to us that they were determined not to leave; and those of us who were on the police halloodd to the others to fall in and go up there. At that time my partner, Colonel McIntosh, also came to the front; he was one of the leading men there, and seeing that we were bound to go, put himself at the head of us and startedQ. How many of you were there — A. I don't know; I suppose between twenty-five and fifty. Q. What sort of arms had you?-A. Military guns, sir; good guns;and marched up probably two hundred and fifty yards toward the Methodist church. Just there one of our men's guns went off accidentally, so it was claimed. There were two negroes in front of us, and the gun shot behind me; it was in my rear, and the negroes were in front of me. When the gun went off they broke and commenced running in different ways. They were evidently frightened. We hallooed to them to come back and vote if they had not voted; that there was no danger, but they seemed to pay no attention. Q. Were either one of them hurt — A. No, sir; neither one of them. I think it highly improbable that the ball went within fifty yards of either one of them. We then went on farther and passed through a little run before we got within sight of the church, and we there met Senator Shirley, a colored man and a republican, and some others going from the.direction of the church toward the direction of the polls. We stopped and asked him what was going on up at the church, and he said, " Nothing, I believe;" and Colonel McIntosh asked him if he had voted, and he said he had not. He (Colonel Mcintosh) said, " You better go On down, then, and vote." Just then we saw the colored people leaving the church and striking across the fields. Colonel Mcintosh asked him if these people that were leaving the church had voted, and he said they had. We then passed him, and went up twenty-five yards farther, perhaps, and stopped and sent a man on ahead. We were then within easy reach of the church, perhaps two hundred and fifty yards. The man who went ahead to the church found no one there, and came back and so repoited. We then returned to the neighborhood of the polls, and each man dispersed, carried his gun home, or disposed of it in some way; at any rate, there was no longer any guns seen. I went 154 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. back to my place as special policeman, and my position was down at the lower poll, the one nearer the depot. Soon after I took my position there, Houston Parrish came up very excitedly, riding a mule, and hallooing to the negroes. to leave; that they could not have a fair election; that the white men were going to kill them all, and that they better go home. There was at that time, I suppose, as many as thirty or forty-I don't know-crowding around the polls; the sidewalk was full of colored voters. As soon as he said that I jumped out in the street and called his name. I said to him, "You can't say that here; if you repeat it I will have you put in jail; you can't interfere in that way with this election." I said to the men, " There is no danger in the world; if you came to vote, stay and'vote; if you want to go home, go home; no man has threatened you, and if any man does threaten, and you will report him, it is our duty to arrest him, and it shall be done." There were as many as ten of them that did not leave t'he polls, but staid and voted; and they voted there until the election closed, some of them voting until the last of the election. I think there were no efforts made to force any man to vote on that day the democratic ticket, except from persuasion. There was, of course, a great deal of that done. But we were uneasy and guarded all the time; nearly every one was expecting that before night there would be bloodshed. NO FORCE USED TOWARD COLORED MEN AT THE POLLS. Q. Did you see anything like force exhibited toward colored men in the way of taking their tickets from them, and compelling them to accept democratic tickets — A. No, sir; nothing of that sort. Q. Was anything of that kind done within view of the polls —A. No, sir. Q. It has been stated something like this, by Isaiah Bell: he spoke of a Mr. Snoddy that he saw constantly taking tickets from republican negroes, and putting democratic tickets in their place.-A. There are two voting-precincts in town. Q. This was the one where Isaiah Bell was.-A. I cannot tell which one that was. Q. It was the one nearest to the church, I think, from what he said.A. I was a good portion of the time at the other one; my station was at the lower poll. Q. You can only say you did not see this thing?-A. I did not see that. Mr. Snoddy was not a politician, and had taken no part up to that time in the canvass, and has taken none since. Q. Did you know Professor Poor, a Baptist clergyman?-A. There is no Baptist clergyman there of that name. There is a Professor Poor there, a farmer; I don't know as he is a Baptist. Q. Is he a clergyman — A. No, sir. Q. Was Mr. Carlisle in that party of men who marched up the road — A. Yes, sir; be was there. Q. Do you remember that as you passed up to Mr. Carlisle's house he came out and said something, and then the company moved on — A. No, sir; I remember that he came out; he was at the house. That is a mistake; Mr. Carlisle came out and the company shouted, and I think Mr. Carlisle said nothing. He came out and joined us, and if he said anything it was some commonplace remark, such as " I will be there as soon as I can get there," or some such remark, which made no impression upon me, and I was very near him at the time. The company did shout, though, when he joined us. Q. Mr. Carlisle did join the company?-A. Yes, sir. TESTIMONY OF W. H. HOUSTON. 155 Q. Went up with you — A. Yes, sir. Q. And returned with you?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you put up your arms and go back to the polls?-A. Most of them did not go back to the polls. Those who were on duty as officers went back. Q. As a matter of fact, was there anything at the polls after that at all to prevent the negroes from voting if they wanted to?-A. No, sir. There is one thing I might state in explanation of our nervousness which preceded this election. We had a little town election a month or two months preceding, and one of our colored brethren, Wes. Owen, wanted to vote the democratic ticket, and I was near the polls that day; and as he started from the crowd of. negroes who had been talking to him, one of them shouted to him, "If you vote that democratic ticket I will knock your head off." He had then started toward the polls-he was just across from the polls, when he hesitated and looked around to the crowd of negroes that were just back of this one that hallooed to him, and who had commenced advancing up to the one that said he would knock his head off. At that moment I stepped out and said, " If you attempt that here there will be somebody else's head that will be hurt." At that he turned on me and replied, " Who is going to do it, sir?" and I stepped out then and said, " You cannot hit him with a brick; if you do I will do it;" and I stooped to pick up a brick as I said it. Mr. Buchanan, one of our merchants, who was near us, stepped up to me and stooped down and touched me and said,, "This man has gone; say nothing more." I looked up and he had gone back into the crowd of negroes. That was seen by several citizens. and it made us feel that there was danger that they would, or that it was probable that they might, use force to carry the election. That was in the election preceding this one, and had nothing to do with it, only it was so closely preceding it that we remembered it and commented on it. NO NEGROES FOUND AT THE BAPTIST CHURlRCH. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. How many negroes did you find at the Baptist church when you went up there — A. I found none, sir. From the number that left, though there may have been a good many of them that left before we saw them, but when we sent this runner ahead there was no one in the church at all, and we could see them leaving. I don't know how many. Q. You say that you understood that they massed there?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What do you mean by that — A. That they were congregating there, and that the number was increasing all the time. Q. Did you see any of them with arms in their hands -A. No, sir. NO ARMED NEGROES SEEN BY WITNESS. Q. Did you see any of the negroes that day with arms in their hands — A. I did not; no, sir. Q. How many negroes do you remember seeing in town that day, at a rough estimate — A. They were coming and going all the time; and the same negroes were passing from the church down and then from there back to the church and back again, so that it would be almost impossible to tell. Q. I do not expect you can be very accurate, but you can tell whether you saw 50 or 500, perhaps -A. I would not say that there were as many as 500, but I don't know. Q. None of them had arms in their hands — A. Not that I saw. 156 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CHICKASAW COUNTY. Q. You say a company of armed men, from 25 to 50, more or less, started up toward the Baptist church; that as they were proceeding there two colored men were in advance of them, and a gun in your ranks was fired, whether by accident or design you don't know, and these two negroes ran, and when you got near the Baptist church you saw that the negroes were dispersing and going across the fields %-A. Yes, sir. NOTHING DONE WITH INTENT TO INTIMIDATE. Q. Yet, notwithstanding that, you swear that nothing occurred on that day to intimidate or prevent them from voting — A. Well, sir, I did not swear that; I did not say that; I will just state what I did say: that there was nothing done to intimidate them; whether there was intimidation or not, there was nothing done with that intention nor with that view, nor for the purpose of intimidating them. Q. Then you do not say that nothing was done which might not possibly have intimidated them; all that you mean to say is that nothing was done with the intention of intimidating them? —A. So far as I know my understanding was that nothing was done that did intimidate any voters. I never heard it claimed to the contrary by any one who professes to know, or that these colored men who were there were prevented from voting. ABOUT THE ARMED WHITE COMPANIES. Q. You have stated that there was an infantry company, such as it was-I do not say that it was a military organization-and that there was a cavalry company, you have stated that also — A. No, sir; I did not. Q. Did you see any cavalry company there that day e Other witnesses have stated that there was a cavalry company there.-A. I will state this: that after we had gone back and dispersed the rumor cameQ. Did you see a cavalry company there that day?-A. Yes, sir; but I think it was after the polls had closed. I would like to explain why it was there, because I happen to know. After we had dispersed some little time, a runner came in seemingly very much excited, and said that the negroes were massing in an old field near there, and that there were large numbers of them. We telegraphed at once to a distant portion of the county to a cavalry company that we were uneasy and to come immediately to Okolona, and they came; and before they got there we found there was no use for them; that it was a false rumor. As soon as they got there we told them so, and I think they went to the livery stable and put up their horses at once, and went to the hotel and got supper, and then left town. i don't think they were there more than half or three-fourths of an hour. Q. How far was that old field in which it was reported that the negroes were then massing from the place where you were — A. About half a mile to a mile. Q. How far was this cavalry company from the town — A. I don't know exactly where they were. The point to which we telegraphed was about nine miles, I think. Q. How many did that cavalry company consist of, as near as you can recollect?-A. Probably as many as sixty. Q. Did you see them when they came into town?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were they armed — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you send any person to the old field where you heard the negroes were massing — A. I did not; we found it was a false rumor in the course of three-quarters of an hour; we did not send any messenger out. TESTIMONY OF W. H. HOUSTON. 157 Q. Did you make any effort to ascertain whether it was true or false before you telegraphed to the cavalry company — A. No, sir; I think we telegraphed first, and then made an effort to find out. The first thing was to send the telegram. Q. You allowed the company to come there, and after coming there you informed them the rumor was false -A. Well, sir, we couldn't well prevent it without sending some one on horseback to meet them, and we thought we might as well let them come on in. Q. You telegraphed for the company before you had made any attempt to ascertain whether the report was true or false -A. Yes, sir; and got a telegram back that they had started before we learned that the rumor was false. Q. Did the cavalry company come quietly into town, or did they come hallooing and swinging their guns -— A. There was no swinging of guls, sir; and, I think, no hallooing. They came in on a round trot; came very hurriedly. Q. You swear that there was no hallooing — A. If you will let me get through~-I think that they came into town in a round trot, and I think, without hallooing; that is my recollection; but as soon as they came up within sight of us, we all shouted, and I think it likely they did; I don't know, but I think that they replied to us; but they had not got into town when we saw them, when they got within reach of us; they had to pass through a considerable portion of the town to get to us. Q. How did you know that that cavalry company was located at or near the place you telegraphed to? —A. We had been anticipating trouble, and we knew pretty much where every man was in the county of Chickasaw at that time. Q. You knew it because you anticipated trouble, and knew where that cavalry company were stationed?-A. We did not, as far as I know, know exactly where they were, but we knew the nearest telegraph point at which we could reach them. MARCH TO THE BAPTIST CHURCH. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. I understand you to say that your partner, Mr. McIntosh, saw that your company was determined to go up to the Baptist church?A. Yes, sir. Q. And seeing their determination, he put himself at the head of the company?-A. Yes, sir; I think he probably called to them to fall in. Q. Then he did not see that they were determined to go until he told them to fall in — A. Yes, sir. If he had not put himself at the head some one else would. He was not among the first to call " fall in!" but when he said that, most of them were there ready to fall in. Q. You started up to the Baptist church about three o'clock ~?-A. I don't remember the hour; it may have been about that hour. Q. How far was that church from the polls?-A. I don't know, but I suppose it was about 500 yards. Q. You marched to the Baptist church — A. No, sir; we went within probably 150 or 200 or 250 yards of it. Q. Did you go more than half-way from the polls to the church — A. Probably a little more; not very much more, though, I would imagine. Q. How long were you going up there, attending to matters there, and returning to the polls -A. It seemed to me a very short time, but I took no account of it. Q. Well, was it an hour before the whole thing was over?-A. It did 158 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. not seem more than a half-hour, though I suppose it was more than that it may have been an hour; I don't know. Q. Then you returned — A. Then we halted there, and sent a man up who went and returned, and reported that they were not there; then we returned. Q. Then you returned to the polls?-A. Then we returned to the polls; that is, not all of us. We marched back into the town and dispersed, many of us going down to the polls;.I went down to the polls, and quite a number of others; not all, though. Q. Did you put your guns away?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you put them up before you came to the polls — A. Some brought guns belonging to persons living on the other side of the polls; they were carried home. Q. What did you do with the other guns -A. They were carried home before they got there. That was the only thing I saw of guns near the polls, in going up and returning in the street. There were some guns that came from the far side of the polls. Q. Were these guns owned by the men themselves — A. Yes, sir. Q. They were private property, purchased by them — A. Well, sir, that is a matter with which I am not familiar. Q. You do not know where any of the guns came from?-A. No, sir. Q. Then about what time did you get back and get your guns all out of the way?-A. Well, sir, if it was an hour, it was 4 o'clock; and if we were only gone half an hour, it was about half past 3. Q. What time did the polls close that night?-A. I don't remember; 6 o'clock, I believe. It closed at the usual hour by State regulation. Q. When did you hear the rumor that these negroes were massing out in the field-after you came back?-A. About an hour afterward, I suppose, or an hour and a half; some little time. Q. That would be about 5 o'clock; half past 4 or 5 o'clock?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Then after hearing the rumor, you telegraphed to this cavalry company, nine miles distant, and they came there and remained there until the polls had closed?-A. My recollection is that they came there after the polls were closed. Q. You said that they only staid an hour or two?-A. They went and took supper and went home. Q. Did not they come over before the polls were closed?-A. My recollection is that they did not. Q. When did they come there then — A. I think that it must have been going on between 6 and 7 o'clock; I don't know; there was certainly very little, if any, voting going on. If the polls were open, most of the votes had been cast at that time, because when the voting was going on I was down at my station at the polls; and at this time I was not there. E. H. STILES-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. JACKSON, MISS., June 21, 1876. EDWARD H. STILES sworn and examined.,PERSONAL STATEMENT. By Mr. MCMTLLAN: Question. Where do you reside?-Answer. In Claiborne County, Misissippi. TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 159 Q. Name the town you live in.-A. I live in Port Gibson. Q. What is your profession — A. I am a lawyer by profession. Q. How long have you resided there?-A. I was born and raised about thirteen miles from Port Gibson, in Claiborne County, Mississippi. Q. Were you residing there in 1875, during the canvassof that year IA. Yes, sir; and all my life. I have lived in Claiborne all my life, with the exception of about four years when I was at school in New York. Q. Are you familiar with the occurrences which transpired during the campaign of 1875 —A. Yes, sir; and with those that took place before then. Q. Will you state fully your knowledge with regard to what occurred during that campaign? —A. I think probably, Judge, that it would expedite matters if I would start a little back of that point. It would obviate the asking of a good many questions. AN INTERMARRIAGE AT PORT GIBSON. In 1874, some time, I won't be positive as to the day, a saddle-colored member of the legislature, named Haskins Smith, married a young white girl, named Ellen Smith, residing in Port Gibson. She ran off with him and was married, I think, in Vicksburg. There was, of course, a good deal of talk, particularly among the lower class of people, about this thing of his marrying that girl. It created a good deal of excitement among them, but I think the more sensible people of the community concurred in the idea, that if she wanted to marry him it was her business; but among the riff.raff of the population there was a great deal of talk about injuring him in some way. The impression then got out among the colored people that Haskins was to be hurt in some way; and it is said that when he came back here, which he did in probably a month or such a matter, he came on the streets with some five or six, may be eight or ten, colored men; that I don't know anything of, though, personally. Whether they were armed or not I don't know, and I don't suppose anybody else knows. THE WHITE LINE ORGANIZED-ARMS SENT FOR. The whites seemed to think that was a kind of dare; but whether a dare or not they considered that as a pretext for organizing the White Line and for arming. They organized a White Line, and they sent on by a merchant in our town named Marcus Bernheimer to New York and ordered a number of breech-loading rifles-breech-loading muskets. I think they were, the old Army Springfield muskets improved, made over, with bayonets, and a lot of fixed ammunition. " EVERY MAN TO BE WHITE MAN OR NIGGER."I They organized their White Line and they proclaimed then and there that they proposed from this time out that every man should either be a white man or a " nigger;" they proposed to draw the line right there, and that a man should be one or the other. THEIR FIRST VICTORY. Our municipal or corporation election came off in December of that year, and about that time-I think it was in December-by their threats of business ostracism and abusing everybody and calling them " niggers," 4; albinos," &c., that dindn't belong to the White-Line arrangement, they succeeded in bringing into their organization nearly every white man, and then they put up the White-Line ticket in that corporation election. That was the first White-Line ticket I had ever heard of in the State. 160 MISSISSIPPI' ELECTION —-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. I don't know whether it was the first or not, but it was the first I can recollect of. Although the whites greatly outnumbered the blacks in Port Gibson proper, in the corporation, we had always managed to carry the corporation election by a number of whites going with us. But before that election they were so intimidated-they openly said that they would do anything, it didn't hardly matter what, to carry it. They had so arranged it as to have parties there to report these people as they voted, and everybody was considered a radical, or as they phrased it a " nigger," that didn't vote the open democratic ticket. Such being the case, I saw there was no chance of the republicans carrying that corporation election unless it was by shrewd management. So I went off in the night and had some tickets printed at a distance. We nominated a good ticket, and they did not know that there was a ticket in the field until 12 o'clock on that day. I proposed to let the democrats vote their ticket and get through at 12 o'clock, and then at 12 -we proposed that our side should come to the polls and crowd the polls, and thus give the white people that wanted to vote with us an opportunity of voting without its being seen how they voted. TMIE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR MAYOR RESIGNS. But some one where we had the tickets printed found out about it, and telegraphed to the democratic executive committee, and I think it was spread all over town on the day of the election. I then saw our candidate for mayor; he was very anxious to run, and very anxious to be mayor, and all that sort of thing; whether he was intimidated or not I cannot of course say, but I know that he was very anxious to be mayor of that town, and I know he was pretty certain of the election if he held out. Yet I know he incontinently resigned at once; came out in a card resigning and disclaiming any connection with the republican party, and so on. I advised the colored people then-inasmuch as we had no showing in the world of carrying the ticket, because I know those white people that wished to vote with us would not dare to come up and vote, as there was no opportunity of their voting without everybody knowing that they voted the republican ticket-not to go to the polls at all, and they did not do so. That day, too, was the day they had some trouble in Vicksburg; and after they got through voting they got a telegram from Vicksburg that they wanted help from them, and they turned out with their WhiteLine company with muskets, bayonets, &c. They got down to the Gulf — I do not know whether they got to the Gulf, but at any rate they got to the cars; but pretty soon they came back saying it was all over. That was the last of that. THE TAX-PAYERS' LEAGUE-BONDSMEN RETIRE. Then they organized what they called the Tax-Payers' League, along with the White Line, and they began then to persecute republican officials. I call it persecution; it was nothing else. For instance, they succeeded in running one of the bondsmen that was on the bond of the sheriff-in getting him to throw up his position entirely and retire from the bond. Then they came before the board of supervisors and insisted upon his making a new bond in $20,000, and appointed a time for him to have his bond made up. They then went around the country and denounced anybody that went on that bond. I went out and made his bond for him, and made a very good bond; TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 161 but I had to go out in various parts of the county to do so. After I got back to Port Gibson with the bond some of the most responsible men in the county came there and said that they would have to go off that bond. The fact of the business is they had been waited upon by a White-Line committee; but anyhow we succeeded eventually in making his bond, and he went on discharging the duties of his office. THE BOARD OF SUPERVISORS PROSECUTED. The next move of the Tax-Payers' League then was to employ an attorney to prosecute the board of supervisors, if they could find anything against them. They appointed a committee for the purpose of employing this attorney. The attorney employed was J. D. Vertner, of Port Gibson. He went poking aroun mn h s and fn among the books and found, aong other things-Idon'tknow what, but onecharge that hefound was thatat a certain special meeting the board of supervisors had voted themselves pay, which they were not authorized by law to do at special meetings. There was no question about that, as the law said that when they held a special meeting they were not allowed to vote themselves compensation, and they had voted themselves $5 a day for compensation-that is, the regular compensation for a regular meeting. He made an affidavit against one of the board; a jury was summoned, three white and three black; the three white men were prominent merchants there in Port Gibson, and they acquitted this man on the same charge on which they tried the next one. The next one happened to be the president of the board. They were trying him before the White-Line mayor. He appointed the secretary of the Tax-Payers' League to summon the jury, and the Tax-Payers' League went and summloned two of the committee that had employed this attorney, and the balance of the jury were all members of the Tax-Payers' League. This president was tried before them and, as a matter of course, convicted. He took an appeal to the circuit court, but eventually came forward and paid the fine. The rest took an appeal, I believe, at the last term of the court, and they were acquitted. CAMPAIGN ORGANIZED-" FAIRLY IF THEY COUDD, FOROABLY IF THEY MUST." That was one thing that, of course, excited some little feeling. It came time to organize a campaign, and they held a democratic meeting in the town of Port Gibson. I would not be positive now about what time prior to this, but at that time, and at all other times when I have heard democratic speakers make speeches in the county, they have openly and plainly admitted that it was their purpose to carry the election, fairly if they could, but at any rate that they intended to carry itforcibly if they must. They proposed to carry it at all hazards; they didn't propose to be ruled by niggers, scalawags, and carpet-baggers any longer; that thing had played out. I remember very distinctly, at that particular meeting that I am alluding to, where they organized, I think, about the first meeting of the campaign-it was the first grand meeting to ratify their nominations-I think it was at that meeeting, Mr. Vertner told an anecdote about a fellow grubbing in the hedge, or somewhere, for a hedge-hog, and some one asked him what he was doing there, and he said his family was out of meat, and he must have meat at all hazards; and he applied that to them: he said that they had been out of office a long while, and that they intended to get into office; they must have " meat," and they were bound to carry that election at all hazards. 11 MISS 162 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COTINTY. SPIR.IT OF THE SPEECHES. That was the spirit of their speeches throughout. They denounced everybody that did not affiliate with them, it did not matter who it was, as being albinos or niggers, and all that sort of thing; and they got up a great excitement in the county-a tremendous excitement, and I think more than they anticipated getting up. At that meeting particularly I remember Thomas Y. Berry, who is now chancellor; he was at that time, or at least I think he was-he seemed to be the leader of the democratic party there, although not nominally the leader, made a speech there, and he took the ground, which was vociferously cheered, that there was no one in the county of Claiborne that did not go with the White-Liners that was not a nigger; and he took the further ground thrthtat niggers were a sort of species of ape, and went on to show it from the Scriptures. There was a good deal of excitement before that. These Tax-Payers' League held their meetings, I think, probably, every Monday night, and then they had some other things during the week-this White-Line arrangement. Both organizations were secret; in neither organization would they permit a republican to go at all, because I know I had the impudence to present myself to get into the Tax-Payers' League. I told them that I was as big a tax-payer as a good many of them, and felt as much interest as any one in honest government, and proposed to put down thieves and robbers as much as any of them; and I wanted to know if there was anything against these county officers, and if there was, I would pitch in and go for removing them as soon as anybody. But they said I would not be permitted to become a member of the Tax Payers' League unless I would subscribe t t he objects of the organization. I told them that I wanted to know those objects first; but they would not let me know them, and consequently I was marked out. The democratic candidates had been nominated in July some time, though I am not positive about that now. It may not have been until August, or possibly September. At any rate when the republicans got their candidates nominated, and before they got them nominated they were going around the country and holding their little conventions and their meetings, &c. ARMED DEMO3CRATS AT REPUBLICAN MEETINGS. The democrats were in the habit of going armed to their meetings They would go to the number of some eight or ten-twenty may be, and sometimes more than that. There would generally be some four or five from Port Gibson, and all the white men that they could muster around. These invariably went armed; they invariably had their arms conspicuous; they invariably or almost invariably, at least apparently, seemed to go with the object of stirring up a row, and having some cause for disturbance. The consequence was that it took us pretty near all the time to keep from having riots and' preventing violence. I do not know of my own knowledge, because I was not there, but at one meeting it was said that they went there with a wagon-load of arms; just went thirty or forty of them with a wagon-load of arms, and it was all that the republican sheriff could do to prevent a row there on that day. They went to Bethel at one time where I attended a meeting. I went there to make a speeeh-a little precinct in our countyBy Mr. CAMERON: Q. A republican meeting — A. A republican meeting, yes, sir; and a gentleman well known in the county, Benjamin Humphries, came up TESTIONYt OF EDWARID 11. STILES. 163 to ime-there was a crowd of democrats there who seemed to have a good deal of whisky about them, and he seemed to have a good deal in him, I think about fas nuch as he could carry-he said, I Mr. Stiles, come here now, sir, we propose to have a division of time here." Said I, "MIr. Humaphries, I suppose you are familliar with a declaration that I have made repeatedly here in this county, that I am willing to meet any democrat in the county, or from anywhere else, in the discussion of republican principles. Although I do not consider myself able to meet the giants of the democratic party, yet, at the same time, I trust in the justice of my cause. and I am willing to meet them in that spirit." I said, "1 want to know, though, who your men are that you propose shall meet us in discussion;" and he says, 6 That is none of your business, sir, we will furnish the men to meet you." I said, " All right, we will divide time with you." lie said, 1 It is well you. do, sir; if you don't do it you would be killed or murdered, sir." I said, " I want it to be understood that if anybody calls me a liar I won't resent it here at al, but will simply make a personal matter of it after the thhing is over. I don't pretend to control this meeting; I was simply invited to come here to make a speech. As far as I am concerned, I am willing to divide time with any speaker you have got; but if there was anything that would prevent me from dividing time at all it would be that threat of yours." I then went around among the republicans and finally succeeded in getting them to divide time, although they were, many of them, very much opposed to it, for the reason that the democrats whenever they got a chance to divide time were so terribly abusive and personal in the character of their discussions, because, really, there was no difference in the platforms of the republicans and democrats in this State; there was a little distinction, but a distinction without a difference; and there was no fault that they could find with the republican party as party except to denounce its officers and members as men; and the republicans were restive under that, and they did not want to yield to any discussion at all, but they finally agreed to it, and I announced it and told them that one of our speakers would lead off, and he did so, and then one of theirs, or two oftheirs; and they filled up the time in some way, so that before I got an opportunity to speak they all left the ground-the whole of them. They showed every disposition there to have a row that they could, but I think the republicans were in such numbers that they thought it was not very prudent; still, they went around when the crowd collected and attempted to get up side-issues with two or three parties there. I thought they had no business there, but they went in accordance with a resolution, recommended by the Clarion and adopted by their White-Line party, to attend republican meetings, and denounce the falsehoods, &c., that were supposed to be uttered by republicans; and where a democrat would go to a meeting and find that a, republican said something that he thought was not true, or that he did not particularly like, he would call him a damned liar, and all that sort of thing; and consequently that would be likely to kick up a row. DE31ICRATS PRETENDED TO GET WONDERFULLY SCARED. Things went along that way for a while, and finally the democrats pretended to get wonderfully scared. They circulated all kinds of rumors all over the county, to the eiect that the republicans were rising and were arming all over the county; that they were going to march on Port Gibson and burn the town, and do this, that, and the other. 164 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. THEY ARM, AND HAVE GUARDS OUT EVERY NIGHT. They had guards out every night. They went out practicing shooting every day with their breech-loading guns, and they sent off and got a hundred of these Smith & Wesson pistols of the Russian pattern, that you can, by touching a spring, break them in the center and throw out the cartridge-a very effective weapon. A good many of them wore these pistols habitually around their persons, so that you could see them; and they had also leather belts around them, to carry their fixed ammunition in. They kept out sentinels at night, and our little town looked like a garrison in war-times, almost for months. TRICKS THAT ARE VAIN. I didn't dare to leave the town any time for fear of some riot that I might prevent by being there. For instance, our band started to go out to lHazlehurst, in Copiah County, to a political meeting out there. They had been sent for by the sheriff of that county, who wanted them to go there-a darkey band. They went out, and a person-I think I know who the man was, but at the same time, as I have no legal proof, I would not like to mention his name-circulated a report to the effect that the band was going to Copiah County, followed by six or seven hundred darkies; that they had been sent for by Sheriff Matthews to just clean out the town of Hazlehurst; and the consequence was that the white men of Brandywine turned out that night and picketed all the roads, but nothing took place. The band had passed fortunately before they put out their pickets, and consequently nothing was done. This same man, in my judgment-now I am pretty confident that I do not do him any injustice by something that transpired afterward; in iact I feel satisfied that he was the one, because I know his tricky nature and disposition-he sent a rumor, that met the band, to the effect that when they got back to Magruder's store they were going to be attacked by Port Gibson White-Liners-would certainly be attacked. That was on Sunday. He sent this rumor all the way up into Copiah County, where the band was, so that it would meet them up there and have the effect to get/a lot of darkies along with the band. There was quite a crowd of country darkies attracted by the music. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. I would like to have that man's name.-A. I would not like to give his name, as I have no legal proof; no proof at all except my own suspicion, and as I am dealing with a man's reputation I would not like to have it said that I have stated that in reference to him. I don't think it would be hardly right to do it, that is all, and I had rather not do that. But some one did it; the rumor must have originated with some one. There was a lot of darkies, a crowd of course collected by the music, following the band just like you have seen little boys following after a band of music in the streets in town. These men when they got to Linden, where the line was between Claiborne and Copiah, were told by the band to go back, but they had heard this rumor, and they said they were going to go along and protect the band. Finally, though, when they got down some little distance into Claiborne they did prevail on those men to go back, and they went back. But they had not gone far on the road toward Magruder's store before they were met by quite a crowd of darkies, who said that they had heard this rumor, and they concluded that it was best to go along with the band. I presume those darkies were armed; I think they were; I know there were a good many of them armed, and I suppose most of them were. Those who were not armed with shot-guns were armed with revolvers. Some of the revolvers I saw and some I didn't see. TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 165 ALARM IN PORT GIBSON. Then a rumor was sent down to the effect that the band was coming to town with a large force of darkies-some thousand darkies, with the evident intention of burning the town of Port Gibson. That caused the White-Liners immediately to rush to arms and get their horses and sally out to meet these armed men. I happened then to be in town, but I did not know what the trouble was. They told me that they had received word that two thousand men were coming into Port Gibson with the intention of burning the town. I told them, "Gentlemen, I propose to lead the crowd that goes out to meet that band; I want to be the first one killed in that row myself." I ordered my horse and jumped on him, and I did lead the crowd that wet out. We got to Magruder's store, and there we found the band and a crowd with it, too. The band halted, and I insisted then that one of the democratic leaders should go with me on horseback and we would meet this band and see what we could learn. We went up, and when we got within fifty or a hundred yards, or such matter, I saw them deploy their skirmishers. We got up pretty close, and I heard some one halloo, " There is Mr. Stiles; it is all right if he is there." ARMED NEGROES MET. I rode up to the leader of the band and asked him what they meant. Said I, " What do these armed men mean t " He said that they had been notified in Copiah that they would be attacked at Magruder's store, and " these men concluded that they would come along and see us by Magruder's. We did not believe the report was true, and tried to get them to go back, but they would not go backl;' and, said he, " I never thought it until I got here and saw the glitter of those muskets at a distance, and I then thought it was true, and I was preparing for a fight." I found that he had prepared for a fight. He had his skirmishers out, and there was a little chaparral, a little woods, off to the left, and I found that they had stationed a lot of darkies behind that chaparral. The consequence was that the White-Liners would have charged right on the skirmishers that were sent out, and these fellows would have closed in around them, and I think they would have pretty nearly cleaned them out. I told the White-Liners then that they ought to congratulate themselves that I was along with them, because I kept a good many of them from getting hurt. That was on Sunday. The next day, Monday, there came into town Captain McLean, with about fifty or one hundred men, I believe, from the Rocky Springs precinct, well armed with shot-guns, &c., and they said that they had been notified that the sheriff of the county wanted them. THEY DISPERSE AT ONCE. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. You ha.ve not told us what became of this crowd of negroes.-A. They dispersed at once, sir, when I told them to disperse. The leaders and, in fact, they all, said that they had simply come along to protect their band; that they thought it was going to be attacked at McGruder's store. There was no trouble at all; they just went along and I told them, that is the colored people, that they would not be hurt, to go along; and they all dispersed at once in apparent good humor. 166 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. Captain AfcLean told us that he had received information that the sheriff wanted him there to protect the jail; that the darkies were going to release the prisoners in jail. I went oat to meet him, too, and came into town with him. We gave him his dinner there, and he went off home with the crowd, well satisfied, well pleased. CONTIN-UED ALAR "MS OF NEW INSUJRECTIOqNS-"A KIND OF RELIC." This thing kept up; to tell you the truth there was continued alarms, and the White-Liners turned out in the mmiddle of the night and ir the day-time; and rumors were continually in circulation to the effect that the darkies were coming into town to destroy the whole town, and they would turn out and have a terrible excitement, Sunday or any time. I fully understand now, although I didn't at the time quite understand, for I thought probably some people were scared —my experience before the war was to the effect that the southern people here in Mississippi would get scared sometimes by rumors of negro insurrections, and they would pitch in and have a terrible excitement over it, when the darkies had no more idea of rising than anything in the world; and I thought it likely that was a kind of relic of that; I thought probably they were a little excited about it, and that they did really think, some of them, that the darkies were going to kick up a row and come into town, &c.; but now I feel certain that it was a planned thing; that it was got up with the express view and object of intimidating the colored people-the colored voters; to give them to understand, " Now we are always ready and we are armed, and we are going to put you down with a high hand." Their speeches and everything indicated that. RUMOR OF JIM PAGE AT THE HEAD OF A THOUSAND DARKIES IN APRMS. They turned out frequently and repeatedly, and finally this turningout business was broken up in a singular fashion. There came a rumor one night about midnight-the town was quiet-and suddenly I heard a terrible noise of horses and men charging around. I was so much accustomed to this excitement that any little noise that way disturbed me, and I sprang up at once and went out and tried to find out what was the matter. I found the men arming in hot haste. They were going out to meet Jim Page, an old colored man there in the county, and a very sensible, clever darkey, too, the former sheriff of the county. I-e was reported to be coming into town with a thousand darkies, with the avowed intention of burning the town, and they were going to go out and meet him and have a fight. I told them, says I, " Gentlemen, I have rode around a good deal with you, and I don't care particularly to go with you to-night, but if you can't get some leading republicans to go I will go along with you; but I think you ought to send some leading republican along with one of your leading democrats to see whether this is a fact or not. The democrat would be perfectly safe, because they are not going to fire into a republican. If no one else will go, I will mount my horse and go." I had been out the day before making speeches, and I didn't care to go if I could help it. I asked them to give me a few moments to consult my republican friends, and I saw Tom Richardson, a colored republican there, and he volunteered to go. Capta,in Kearney, who was one of the captains of the White-Line men, if not the captain of it-I never could exactly ascertain whether he was the real leader-he volunteered to go with Richardson, and they started out. They had picketed all the roads in the mean time. TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 167 JIM PAGE IS FOUND, AND HE " WANTS TO FIGHT BAD." They went on down to Jim Page's house and halted, and Page came out of his gallery in his shirt, and he demanded what they wanted. Tom Richardson hallooed out,," Jim, do you want to fight 1 " He said, "'I do want to fight; I want to fight bad, and if some of you will come up here I will fight you —waking uip a man and bringing him out here in his shirt-tail to attend to your damned nonsense! " It seemed so ridiculous that Captain Kearney and they all laughed and went off. After that they never turned out any more, and I think the whole thing was broken up by that ridiculous thing. I then went off to Nathelz for a week, thinking that everything was all right. I had to go there to attend to-my official duties as district attorney. I really believed that the excitement was genuine at that time, and I went off; the thing seemed to have died away, and everything appeared to be quiet. I got down to Natchez and staid there a week or so. JOHN J. STI'TH AND WIFE RUN OFF. I don't know wha.t took place while I was gone. I cannot say anything at all about what caused the renewal of the excitement. I don't know, but I received a notification from the sheriff of the democratic executive committee in Natchez, who was a personal friend of mine, that John J. Smith had been runaway from Claiborne —from Port Gibson-he and his wife. I asked him if he.had it from a reliable source, and he said, I think, that he had it by telegraph. I immediately jumped on board the boat and came up.to Port Gibson. W.hen I got to Grand Gulf I found it was true, that John J. Smith had been waited upon by a committee aLd notified to leave the town of Port Gibson. That was what was said. Of course I did not see that myself, and could not swear positively, but I had it from men on both sides. In fact, they said how he and his wife had left in great haste; that Mr. Smith was so badly alarmed, as I was told by a democrat, that he would not stay in Grand Gulf at all to wait for a boat, but went over on the Louisiana side to wait for a boat. So I think he must have thought tha tthings were pretty urgent about that time, or he would not have done that; and he, at any rate, thought that violence would have been offered to him or he would not have left in that way. I got on board the cars. The day I got there was the day appointed for a republican mass meeting, a grand mass meeting just before the election. That was on Saturday, and the election was to take place on Tuesday. I came up on the cars, and I appealed to the conductor, whom I knew very well, and requested him to stop his train just opposite where the barbecue was to be held, so I might get off and go across there, and be there as soon as possible, because I heard all sorts of rumors. "YOU WON'T HAVE A FAIR ELECTION." I met my friend, Judge Speed, of Vicksburgh, at the Gulf, and we had a long talk, and among other things he told me that our party was going to be beaten, &c. I told him that there was no danger of that if our men were allowed to vote-if there was to be a fair election. He said, "' You won't have a fair election." He said there was going to be trouble there to-day; that he apprehended that to-day. That was Saturday. He said there would probably be a row between the whites and blacks; that the whites were very determined, and they did not propose to allow any speaking. I told him I did not place much confidence in it, but still I thought if they had that sort of spirit I had better be getting up there, because there might be a row, and I mnight prevent it. 168 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION- CLAIBORNE COUNTY. A COLORED PROCESSION ATTACKED. I got off the train, and when I got there the republican procession had reached the ground-a procession of about two thousand colored voters. On their way through town they had been attacked by the White-Liners; in various places as they went through town the white men had struck them over the head with sticks and cursed them, and applied all sorts of opprobrious epithets to them, and did everything in the world to provoke a row there in town-a difficulty there in the town. I had told the colored people in all my speeches through the county and at all their clubs that it was better for them to keep the peace at all hazards; that they would have no earthly chance in the event of a conflict between the republicans and the democrats of that county, none in the world, and it was a matter of vital moment to them to keep the peace; to submit to anything rather than have a row. That was my advice to them. I told them, "'This thing will not be tolerated long, surely, because the United States Government is not going to submit to this thing long. You have your constitutional rights; you have a right to vote, and surely the Government will see that you are permitted to exercise this right; and it is better for you to submit for a little time, because the Government will certainly come to your aid." Well, under that state of the case they just marched like heroes right through the town. They paid no attention to the democrats when they would strike them with sticks, and all that sort of thing; they paid no attention whatever, but they janst went through town and came out to the grounds. THE DEMOCRATS TURN OUT ON HORSE AND FOOT, ARMED. The democrats were so infuriated at the determined aspect of the colored people, and the way in which they had treated them, -that they mustered, I suppose, to the number of about five hundred. But, in an excitement like that, a man might exaggerate a little, and when a man was a little scared a thing might look a little big. They came certainly in larger numbers than I could muster for a thing of that kind. I counted two hundred and fifty or three hundred horsemen, and maybe one hundred and fifty or two hundred footmen. I never made any accurate count, and never attempted to estimate them, except just simply by what I could see around. They were all armed with breech-loading guns, and with these United States Springfield muskets, made over to load at the breech, bayonet, &c. They were armed with these Smith & Wesson pistols, after the Russian pattern, and they were some of them armed with these Spencer rifles. They came there, and I certainly could not imagine that people in this age and in this generation would act in the way that they did. I met them, and after they came there every white republican got up and left at once. I never saw a single one of them there after I got there, because they.had seen what took place in town. They thought that these men had come right there and were going to have a fight right off, at once. I did not think so. I thought at first it was " bluff;" tlat I would be able to stop them. When they got, I suppose, within about fifty yards, maybe, of the meeting, I went to them, thinking that I could stop them, and could prevent them from going; and I appealed to them, and I told them that I could not think that they would propose to go there and disturb our meeting. I asked them what they meant by coming there with arms, and all that sort of thing. TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 169 THEY AVOW THEIR PURPOSE. I was answered, that they came there for the purpose of showing the nigger that he could not rule the white men any longer, and they told me right square out that me and my sort could not rule them any longer. They said that they had stood this thing long enough. There was so many talking at once I could hardly repeat what they did say, but that was the sentiment expressed, and numbers of them spoke it. THE SHERIFF HAD TURNED OVER HIS OFFICE TO THREE DEMOCRATS. I found, what I did not know before, when I got there that day, that the sheriff of the county had turned over his office entirely to three prominent democrats, and had declared himself unable to keep the peace, and that he could not be responsible and he would resign his office; and they had persuaded him not to resign, but to turn it over to them, and they would keep the peace. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Were they among this crowd?-A. Yes, sir; they were there. Maj. James S. Mason was one of them; he was one of the men to whom the sheriff had turned over the office-a very clever, nice gentleman, but'a strong democrat, I tell you. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. Who were the other parties? —A. John Burnett and J. C. Kennard. I would not be positive whether it was John Burnett or N. S: Walker, but it was one of those. They were very prominent citizens. They were to run the sheriff's office and keep the peace. The sheriff was unable to keep the peace alone, and these men were understood to help him and back him in doing so. I appealed to them-I appealed more particularly to Major Mason, because I had always had the very highest esteem and regard for him, and I believe that he had for me. I went to him and appealed to him for God's sake to help keep the peace, and to allow us the privilege which all American citizens had of making speeches. He said, Well, I did not come here with the view of keeping the peace; the time for keeping peace has passed; I cannot keep the peace, and there is no use in talking about it; I cannot do anything, even if I had ever so much disposition to do so." That was just about the way he answered me. He said, " The best thing you can do now is to just disperse this meeting; it is the only way to prevent a row." DEMOCRATS FOUND IN LINE OF BATTLE. I looked around and found that they had already got up there and got down off their horses and formed a line of battle there, and I found that there were lots of white people, and they were all armed with weapons of various kinds. I looked around and saw one man darting out of the line and going in among the colored people and talking to them, and cursing and abusing them, and then running back to the line as though he had been assaulted in some way, trying to get his friends to rally and start a shooting in some way, and get up a difficulty. I saw Capt. N. S. Walker walking very rapidly, and I hailed him. I knew that he was a man of influence, and I attempted to stop him, but he said, "I have not got time now; I am going right down." I passed through a crowd going down to interview Sprott, our candidate for sheriff, and there was danger of a difficulty. He said he was going down there in hopes to get down in time to prevent it. This Sprott is as clever a gentleman as you ever saw in your life. He is now our superintendent of education, confirmed by the democratic senate here. That shows what kind of a man he is. I went down with 170 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. Mr. Walker then, started down with him, rather, and I saw a man named Bernheimer, a brother of this man Bernheimer that I have spoken of before as one of the merchants there in town; I saw him rushing in among the crowd half scared to death. He was blowing, and cursing, and ripping. Q. What was his first name?-A. I am not positive. It was one of the Bernheimers, a young fellow; I don't know but it was Louis. A crowd began to gather around him at once. He and some darkies were talking, and I saw it was necessary for me to interfere right away, and I rushed in between them, and I looked at Mr. Bernheimer, and, said he, Mr. Stiles, you don't blame us." I said, " I do blame you for making a damned fool of yourself, as you are doing now;" and it quieted him down. DETERMINED TO HAVE A ROW. I then turned around and saw a man named James Wiley y; he was charging and going it-seemed to be appealing to the people there as though the darkies were immediately going to charge on them. The darkies, it seems, concluded that the best plan would be to get a little farther back, and they had fallen back. Wiley rushed up in a terribly excited manner, and says, "What does that mean? Stop them men! stop them, if you can!" I said, "There is no occasion for excitement here at all." I saw they were determined to have a row. Major Mason had assured me that such would be the case unless the darkies dispersed; and I concluded that that would be the best plan. There would be no possibility of making a speech, as a matter of course, in such a state of excitement; and I thought there could be no good object attained by attempting to hold a meeting; that they would never listen to me five minutes. TH-E COLORED PEOPLE BREAK UP AND GO HOME. So I told the colored people that the best plan would be to break up and go home; and they did sO. They didn't seem disposed to want to give the colored people time to get away from there, but would run around and say,' What are you stopping here for." or " What are you doing here?" and all that sort of thing. MANY DEMOCRATS PITCHED IN AND ATE MORE THAN THE REPUBLICANS. After having driven the colored people from their dinner, I noticed a good many democrats did not scorn to partake of that dinner. I would not have done it under those circumstances, it appeared to me, but the democrats pitched in, and I think they ate more than the republicans had done, for they had had no opportunity of eating. THE TOWN PATROLLED ALL NIGHT. They went back to town. That was Saturday night. That night they patrolled the town all night. They had pickets out on the various roads. I wanted to get a dispatch to Governor Ames and let him know the state of things. He at one time apprehended a great deal of trouble there in Claiborne, from the tone of the leading democrats. At the time there was talk of the governor organizing a militia if he could not get United States troops here. I told him that I did not want the militia organized in that county, for I wanted to avoid having a row between the whites and blacks; but if it could not be avoided, and if he could not get United States troops at all to protect us, I supposed we would have to organize a militia. The governor told me, " I think you can TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 171 get United States troops." Then I told him, " No; I -don"t want those United States troops until I see it is absolutely essential, and then I Will want them at once." So I sat down and wrote to the governor a detailed statement in reference to the matter, and sent it across to him by a courier. I had to send the courier to Dr. Sprott's, that he might give it to another courier out there, so that there would be no one missing from town; for if there had been, these democrats would have suspected something probably. I sent a courier out to Dr. Sprott's. The courier could not go out there in the road, and he had to take across the field to avoid these pickets. When he got to the doctor's, the doctor immediately mounted a man and sent him across to Governor Ames with a dispatch, and I thinly the governor got it some time on Sunday. He rode all night to get here. I received no answer to that dispatch at all; no troops were sent. ARMED DEMOCRATS RIDE THROUGH THE COUNTY. That day, Sunday, I am credibly informed, though I don't know the fact myself, because, of course, I did not see it-I could not leave town, and did not dare to leave town, for fear some row should occur in town, so that it would be necessary for me to be there and use my influence to put it down-I was credibly informed that leading republicans were hunted for all around, and that there were bands of.democrats riding all over the county, armed men, riding all over the county, that day, on Sunday, in the various precincts. Among others, I am told that they went to the candidate of the republican party, whose name is W. II. Goens, I think-I am not positive, but that is the way, I think, he spells his name-he was on the republican ticket for the position of assessor. I was told that Dr. W. D. Bean, Dr. W. P. Hughes, and other democrats, went armed and hunted him up, found him, and presented pistols at him, and made him sign a document, addressed to them, in which lie stated about to this effect:-(As I did not anticipate coming before this committee, I did not bring any documents at all along with me. When I left home I had no idea of going to Jackson, or anywhere else; I was simply going into Warren County, and, while there:, I heard that a friend of mine wanted to see me in Vicksburg, and when I got there, I heard that I had been summoned by the committee.) A REPUBLICAN'S FORCED RESIGNATION. The document, though, was to this effect: GENTLEMEN: The undersigned respectfully resigns his position on the republican ticket as candidate for assessor. He proposes to devote himself to the educational interests of the country in future, and requests the assistance of all good white men, &c. W. H. GOENS. Dr. W. P. HUGIES and Dr. W. D. BEAN. He signed that documen a'd that that was struck off on handbills immediately and posted all over the county. I think this thing was done some time on Monday morning; at any rate, before election-day this letter of resignation was posted all over the county. I do not believe that it was a voluntary, genuine resignation, as he was a sensible man; and if he wanted to resign his position voluntarily as a candcidate he would not have addressed his resignation to W. P. Hughes and W. D. Bean, members of the democratic party, but would have addressed it to myself as chairman of the republican executive committee of that county, or to the republicans and citizens of the county directly; he would have certainly done that. HUNTING REPUBLICANS ALL THAT DAY. On Monday the same things were stated-that they were hunting 172 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —CLAIBORNE COUNTY. influential republicans. W. 1). Sprott, I know, did not sleep in his house. I know from him, and I know from others. My messenger, for instance, could not find him at his house, and it was some time before he could find him, as he was hid away in the cotton-house. He, apprehended that they were going to kill him; and there were all sorts of threats of that nature rite. I heard that they were hunting republicans all that day. I don't know whether it was so or not; I did not see any of them. EVERYTHING JUBILANT ON ELECTION MORNING-. On Tuesday morning, the day of the election, I got to the polls, I suppose, about 9 o'clock. They had been voting, I reckon, about an hour when I got there. When I got there everything was jubilant; the democrats were all in good.humor; they were all so, and all in very good humor; and to my surprise they were not in a hurry about voting. They did not seem to want to go to the polls at all; they seemed particularly anxious that the colored people should vote, and they were rushing them in there by scores, and they were voting lively. The colored people seemed to be doing all the voting. I was surprised at that, and I stood there and I watched it a little while. After some time I walked up and went past the barrier and went up to where the democratic challengers were sitting. One of them had a little book, I suppose probably the size of that, [indicating,] in which he had written every voter in the precinct, and he was recording the voters as they came down-whether it was a democrat or republican vote. THE DEMIOCRATS GOT MAD. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Who was he?-A. J. D. Vertner, brigadier-general now, I believe, by appointment of Governor Stone. James A. Gage was the other challenger. The republicans had no challenger there, I found. I just took the position myself, being chairman of the county executive committee. I then walked right up and began to look on myself. The aspect of the crowd atonce changed; instead of being jubilant, and agreeable, and jovial, and all that sort of thing, as they had been, the democrats seemed to get angry all at once. Now, I will leave you gentlemen to draw your own, conclusions, just as I did. I could give you the conclusion, of course, that I came to in reference to it, but I don't know that it would be any evidence, and I don't know that it would be worth while to mention what it was. But they got mad and immediately began to push and crowd. Seeing how things were going, seeing that -the darkies were crowding and the white men were crowding and everything was getting up into a perfect jam, I went up to Captain Walker, who was commanding the outside police force there, and made a proposition that the voters be formed in two lines; that the whites be formed in one line and the darkies in another, and to let one white man vote and then a darky, and so on. But the Clarion had particularly said to them that this thing of forming in a line was not going to be tolerated any longer, and that they would not tolerate it there. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. That is the paper published here-Mr. Barksdale's paper?-A. Yes, sir. They said that very thing; they used the expression of the Clarion; they did not tolerate it there and they would not tolerate it, and I could not get them to do it. I said to them that it looked to me like there was going to be a row, but that this was their own affair; that I had told them how they could manage it without a row. Pretty soon one of the republicans said, " There is going to be a row, if the TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 173 republicans don't fall back; let the republicans fall back and let the democrats vote." I said, " Now, captain, you can have no excuse; let the colored people fall back entirely and let the democrats do their voting." He seemed to think there could be no objection to that, and he started off to execute it; but before he went he said, " Why don't Ed. Jones do it? ",-Ed. Jones was a prominent republican there. Well," said I,' Captain, he cannot do it; there must be some one with authority." Said he,' Well, I will go and attend to it," and he went to attend to it. In a minute or two I looked off and saw a crowd of about, I suppose, three or four hundred colored men coming in on horseback; they were marching, and had a flag in front of them-a large white flag. Ed. Briscoe, who was the candidate against me for the position of district attorne)~-I have got to tell the whole story, I suppose, though I do not like to do it-he immediately holloed out, " Put down that flag there; what are you damned fools carrying that flag for; don't you know you are not going to be hurt 7. I suppose he went over to see about it; I don't know about that, but in a few minutes afterward he came back, and it struck me that maybe Walker was having some difficulty keeping these colored men back about that time; and I knew that I had influence with them, that anything I told them to do they would do it promptly, and I approached to the barrier with a view of telling them to fall back. When I got there my attention was called to the excitement there then. This man-W. T. Magruder, I think his name is-was standing at the opening where the voters passed through; he came into this barrier and was standing there, and a man named Ben. EHumphries, jr., was standing on the other side of it, and there was nobody going through now except democrats. There were a few democratic darkies there, and they had some sort of badge on their coats-a blue ribbon or something-and they were going through, though the balance of the darkies were not going through. I noticed particularly the attitude of Mr. Magruder. The darkies were all on the left and the whites crowded on the right going into this barrier. A CANDIDATE BECOMES PROFANE. I noticed the attitude of Mr. Magruder and noticed his words. He was throwing his arms backward violently and saying, " Get off of my back-there is fire on my back; damn it, get off of my back!" and he struck back and hit them in the face. I was satisfied that there was going to be a row, and I rushed out among them to make them fall back. Just as I was about to do it I noticed this man Briscoe, who was running against me for district attorney, he was gesticulating with both hands and talking, and the amount of it was this-" These damned niggers shall not vote for these God-damned scoundrels; we have stood this thing long enough and ain't going to stand it any longer." A PISTOL IS FIRED-TIIE 3BULLETS BEGIUN TO WHISTLE. Just about that time a pistol was fired. I could not see who fired the pistol, but I believe I know who fired it, just as anybody would know by common rumor, but still I would not like to say who it was unless I knew positively, or had some evidence of it; I have no evidence of it. In an instant I believe there were probably fifty men just firing in all directions. At first I holloed to the colored people not to run- "Don't run! don't run!" I thought it was a bluff; that is what I thought at first; but just about the time I said that the bullets began to whistle around me and I thought the best plan for me was to be getting into the house, that it was safer in the house than outside. I saw only one 174 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. republican there besides myself, and not a single white republican but myself. I thought-well, I might be a target; while they might not think of shooting at me now I might get shot if they got to shooting' in earnest. So I stepped back and got up on an old chair that we had been sitting on, in front of this window, and stepped over through into the court-house. I had not been there a second, however, not five seconds at any rate-it did not look to me it was any time at all hardlybefore the shooting was over. THE DARKIES BROKE. The darkies broke and ran just as soon as the shooting commenced. As soon as the shooting was over I jumped back out of the window and made for the barrier. When I got there-it was only a step or two, fifteen or twenty feet-I found that all the democrats were scattered all around everywhere with their pistols out. THE DEMOCRATS FORMll IN LINE. A horn blew, and just at that second they all broke, or a good many of them did; some few staid around, but the majority broke in an instant and ran across the street to a point commanding the place where the voting was, commanding the road there, and formed a line on the corner across the street, with their guns. A CANNKON LOADED WITH BUCKSHOT COMI1MANDS THE ROAD. Now, I amx told, and I think it can be shown without any doubt-I am satisfied that it could be proved by the democrats themselves-1 have been told by numbers of democrats that there was a cannon there. and that that cannon was pointed so as to command that road, and was loaded with buck-shot, and that canisters were made of tin to hold them; that they were made by a Gernlan named Sehaff, who was a tinner; that he fixed up these shots, and the ecnnon was loaded with them, and that it comimanded that position.' ID. MAG- UDER ADVISES T E CROWD TO KILL THE WITNESS. Just about that time, while all this excitement was going on, I heard a man halloo out-stop, there is another thing before that, though: Just about that time, while all this excitement was there, and all the people were wild with excitemlent, there were a number of these demo. crats around-not a great many of them, but quite a number of them. Dr. T. B. IMagrudLer — I think that is his nanme-made a speech, and to hear his speech a good many of the'"White-Liners" broke their line there and came up with their guns and pistols, and one thing and another, and he addressed the crowd to get them to kill me. He told them,' There stands the man who is responsible for all this; there is the scoundrel who is responsible for all this bloodshed. I knew his father, and I knew his mother, and I knew his grandfather, and I have known his family for years and years; I respected and loved them; they were good people, but he has disgraced his people; he has disgraced his kindred; he has gone back on his race, and he ought to be killed; kill him now; do not let such a man as this live on the face of the earth." He went on in that kind of strain. Just about that time a fellow named Dr. Riser-that is, I was informed afterward that that was his name, though I did not know who it was at the time-of course I was pretty badly excited by Magruder's speech, which was a very eloquent speech at the time, I thought, and I was afraid it was going to affect me, and I was watching him more than anybody else. About this time this man Riser called me a "God-damned son-of-a-bitch!" TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 175 and said'Let's go for him anyhow;7 and he came chatrging towards me. Capt. N. S. WTalker, a good friend of mine, I saw him run across in front of me, and in the direction whence I heard the sound of that man helloing, and, I am told, he pulled out a pistol and pointed at the head of this Riser, and said, " Now, you scoundrel, if you say another word I will blow out your brains; " and I saw Riser running off. It all transpired in a great deal less time than I can tell it; almost instantaneous these things were. Col. J. S. Mason and some one else-I am not positive who, but anyhow Mr. Mason-ran up to old Dr. Magruder and grabbed him and persuaded him to keep still, and took him off and talked to him, and said how desperate and foolish it was, and so on. I did not believe that I was in any danger at the time, except from such men as Magruder and Riser, because I heard a good many democrats saying right there, "Not much you don't; we will fight for him," and speaking in that way, meaning me; and I believe that if they had attempted to assault me there would have been a row amongst themselves right there. MAG-RUDER ADVISED THE DARKIES TO COIE ARMED. In a moment or two the darkies came back and wanted to vote. Well, I told them, " There is no use in your attempting to vote here now, for if you do there will be difficulty; the democrats are determined to carry this election anyhow, and there is no use talking about it." The darkies had come to the election unarmed, entirely unarmed, by my direction. W. T.'Magruder, the very man that attempted to kick up this row at the polls, and the very man that had holloed and thrashed his hands back and struck the darkies in their faces, was the man that had sent runners around and attempted to get the darkies into Port Gibson armed, and advised them to do it, or tried his best to get them to do it; and it absolutely required all my exertions on Monday, just simply because of this action of Magruder's, to'get the darkies to come into Port Gibson without their arms. I told them it was perfect folly for them to think of it. Well, they came in, on account of my exertions, utterly unarmed. They had been searched, because they had a darkey and white policeman, and they searched them to see that they did not have arms, and they knew that they were unarmed at the time that they fired those shots. NUMBER OF NEGROES KILLED AND WOUNDED. Well, Mlr. Mason and others succeeded in preventing Magruder from making his speech, and the thing seemed to quiet down. I told the darkies that there was no use in attempting to vote, and a good many of the democrats felt enraged at me for telling thenm so. I said, " You can give no assurance that these darkies can stay here and vote without being shot into; you have already fired into them and murdered one man, and have wounded six others right here; what guarantee have I got that you won't kill the balance of them if they come here and attempt to vote? No republicans can vote here. There is no possibility of carrying this election, because if you see we are abou.t to beat, you will pitch in and shoot us down as you have before. I would not vote myself if I had not already voted." COLORED PEOPLE ADVISED TO LEAVE. Col. J. L. Kennard, who was at the time chairman of the democratic executive committee of the county, and, I believe, a man sincerely desirous of peace, and desirous that every man should have a chance to vote — honestly believe that he was sincere in it, and with one or two exceptions I believe he was the only man that really was so desirous; I 176 MISSISSIPFI ELECTION — CLAIBORNE COUNTY. think that Colonel Mason was, but I do not think that he made the exertion that Kennard did-he is a good man and a true man, and when he says anything you can rely upon what he says. I went to him and said, " I have advised these colored people to go away." He said, i' I have done this same thing myself. I fear that if they attempt to come back and vote there will be a repetition of this shooting; and I advised them that way. I am responsible for that. I said it to them, and I am willing to stand by it. They cannot vote, for if they come back here there will be another row, and I do not want to see the colored men killed for an election." I said, "I just feel that way;" and I told the darkies to go away, and that there was no more voting to be done there that day. EXCITEMENT ALL OVER THE COUNTY. The excitement was all over the county, though, on that day. There were various rumors and reports of people being shot at. That night, after the counting of the votes in the Port Gibson precinct — think the Port Gibson precinct was the only one counted that night-the republican registrar, W. B. Andrews, the only one who was a republican, for the democrats bought up the other republican, a fellow named Leon L'Ange, and the other was John McC. Martin, who was a democrat and a very good man. L'Ange had no business on the board at all, but they appointed him, and he was for sale to the highest bidder. He was on the board, appointed as a republican, and sold out to the democrats. A CAJEON. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. What was his color?-A. He was a mixture. Tat is hard to tell you what his color was. I believe he claimed to be white, but he did not look like it. He is what they call a cajeon (?) in Louisiana. They are a kind of mixture of Mexican, Negro, Indian, and Frenchman, all mixed up, and don't know hardly what. I invited the republican registrar to come around and stay with me. I had a room back of my office in Port Gibson, where I staid when I was in town, and I invited him to come around and stay with me. He said, " Not much! I am too old a man to be caught that way. I don't stay with you, by a long chalk." Finally, however, he was prevailed upon to go with me, and went around. Somehow he had a presentiment; he says,'I cannot stay here; there is no use talking about it. There are men on the street here to-night that are going to do some damage, I know, in some way; they are determined to do it." I said, " I don't think there is any danger." Says he, " We must not stay here." I told him I did not see any danger; that they were feeling pretty good after having carried the election. He said he knew there was danger from the way that they had acted. I finally concluded to go with him, more to humor him than anything else, because I did not apprehend any danger at all. But it seems that there was danger, for John McC. Martin, the democratic registrar, came to me in the morning and told me that there had been a crowd gotten up, and that they were going to wait on me and force me to leave; that the crowd had done some desperate things, and among others, they intended to make me leave, and to go to my office and hunt me, and he persuaded them not to do it. I have heard from others that they did go to my office; that they went there, and if they had found us in there there is no telling what they would have done. HOW THE GOVERNMENT DETECTIVE ACTED. There is a fellow there-a legerdemain man, he pretended to be, TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 177 but what he was I cannot tell you, and I don't remember his name; I don't know as I ever knew it-he came there and had a few little tricks with balls, and one thing and another, that he performed. He got a hall there and had performances in that. He went down to the democratic White-Line meeting and told them that he was a White-Liner from Vicksburg, and belonged to the White-Line crowd in Vicksburg; and that being so, they admitted him to go into their White-Line League, and he had got into all their secrets, &c. He acted in the most singular way I ever saw a man act. The court-house is situated on a square, and directly opposite to the court-house on that square is a row ot little buildings, which have been burned since, where there were the democratic headquarters. They occupied a portion of them; and there was the Standard office at that time, which was their headquarters, commanding a full view of where the election was to be held. Next to that was a tin-shop, and into that this legerdemain fellow would go, and for what reason nobody ever knew; and he acted like a crazy man; and I don't know what he was, unless he was what people called him, a Government detective; that was what was told to me afterward. He went in there into that tinshop, and instead of doing as anybody else would have done that wanted to look at the election-sit in the door and look on-he shut the door tight and put up a kind of screen in the window, just so that he could look over and see what was going on, who was there, and see the whole thing. THE UNITED STATES AGENT. When Governor Ames got my letter with reference to the conduct of affairs down there and with reference to the breaking-up of our republican barbecue by armed men, he showed it to General Warner. Warner, it seems, had an idea that it would have a good effect to telegraph to me-supposing, of course, that I would know how to use it-that there were United States agents there in Port Gibson watching matters...So he telegraphed to me at Port Gibson, "' United States agents are in your town watching matters." Supposing that he had sent it fbr that express purpose, I showed it confidentially to one or two democrats, knowing, of course, that they would spread it all over, everywhere, in strict confidence. So far from having the effect intended, it infuriated them, and they set to work to find out who those agents were, and their suspicions fell on this legerdemain man. That night they got at crowd and they went for him; they met him, on the street and they were going to hang him, and some of the more moderate among them succeeded in prevailing upon them to just drive him out of town and let him go, if he would go right away; and he said he would; and he went down the road atilting, I can tell you. He did not wait for the cars or anything; he just went tilting like anything. J. D. Vertner, in relating the circumstance to me, expressed only one regret in reference to it, and that was that he had not his pocket-knife along with him. so that he could cut the scoundrel's ears off. That was the same crowd that wanted to go for me; and I understood they wanted to go for Sprott that night, too; but Mr. Martin told me that he prevented this crowd from going after him. Mr. Martin is a near neighbor of mine, a sort of family connection. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Is he a democrat? -A. Yes, sir; a bitter democrat. Still, I have always had every confidence in him; we have always been warm friends, and reside within three squares of each other, and he has been a very good friend to me. 12 MISS 178 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —CLAIBORNE COUNTY. NO REPUBLICAN VOTES CAST AT PEYTONA —-AND WHY. The next day Major Mason told them that if they took any steps to run me away from there he would go and carry his whole family with him; and some of the others did the same thing after they saw Mason take that stand-after the major had come out and took the stand he did. Q. Was that after the election -A. Yes, sir; that was the next morning; the election was held on Tuesday, and on Wednesday night we had'not got a full return of the county election; but still they were satisfied that they had carried the county, as they well might be, because in the district of Peytona, which generally gives a republican majority of 700, there was not one single republican vote cast-not one. Now, I know nothing about the matter myself, because I was not there; but that is where this man Goens, that they went and forced to resign, lives. I, of course, did not see the election there, and do not know about it; but 1 heard that the whole Peytona democracy turned out armed, and they went there and told the darkies that they must vote the democratic ticket; that they could not vote unless they voted that ticket; and the darkies just thought, if they could not vote their own ticket, they would not vote at all, and they left. That was the state of things, I am informed, in Peytona, and I believe it was so. ON E FAIR ELECTION. Rocky Springs was the only precinct in the county, in my humble judgment, where there was a fair election. Captain McLean, a man of influence up there, and a fair-minded, honorable gentleman, had sufficient influence over the roughs there to keep them quiet, and I think they had a pretty fair election in that precinct. BALLOT-BOX STUFFING AT GRAND GULF. In Grand Gulf they attempted to play the same game that they had in Port Gibson, but the darkies there would not pay any attention to my advice to go to the polls unarmed, and they came armed, and the consequence was that they mustered a larger force than the democrats, and they concluded to allow them to vote, and said that they would fix the boxes afterward. They voted all right, and they attempted to stuff the boxes; but they did it in such a bungling way that, instead of putting in the democratic tickets of the precinct of Grand Gulf, which anybody that had any sense about them would have done, they put in democratic tickets from Port Gibson entirely, for the city and beat offices,.and all that sort of thing; and of course that was too plain an attempt,.and the democratic inspector just came out and stated under oath that these tickets had been put in there alter the voting was done; that the ibox bad been stolen in the night and packed. Notwithstanding that,.those votes were counted. BALLOT-BOX STOLEN AND BALLOTS BURNED AT BETHEL. At Bethel the democrats, just as they were commencing to count out the votes-and probably they might have counted a few of them; I don't know-came in, burst open the door suddenly, and rushed in and put,out the lights, knocked the clerk over, and jerked up the ballot-box,.and away they went with it; and they ran out to some place in the roadI don't know how far it was, but some little distance from the polls-and there they burned the ballots, leaving the ballot-boxes there. ARMED BAND AT BRANDYWINE. In Brandywine precinct, I am told, they were all there armed,just as at Bethel and at Grand Gulf, Peytona, and Port Gibson; all over TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 179 the whole county they were right there at the polls armed-armed bands, and no concealment about it at all. ELECTION A PERFECT FARCE AND FRAUD. Q. Who did you say were?-A. The democrats. The republicans generally in the county did not arm at all, but went to the polls without arms, except at the precinct of Grand Gulf. At Rocky Springs, where the election was held fairly, they were armed; but through the influence of Captain McLean, and possibly of some other men up there, the colored people were allowed to vote, and to vote as they chose, without being questioned; but in the other precincts it was a perfect fraud and farce, the whole thing. MILITARY PREPARATION AT PEYTONA. At Peytona, I was told-and I was told not only by republicans but by democrats-that they not only went there armed in the usual way, with these Russian pistols, but they had a trench dug, probably three or four days before the election, commanding the place where the polling was held, and they had their arms stacked there as we used to do in war. times in fortifications, and they came there and practiced, I am told, to see which could get to that trench first from the polling-place. The idea was that if there was a difficulty they were to run to this trench and grab their arms, and then they would have everything their own way. BALLOT-BOX OPENED AT BRANDYWINE. There was also a crowd of democrats at Brandywine, who came down there from Copiah County, armed, with a view of intimidating the black voters. I am told, too, that at that precinct, although I know nothing about it myself, the democratic inspector took possession of the box and carried it off to a democrat's house near by, and kept it several hours, the republican inspectors not being permitted to go there at all; and I understand, too, that he had a key to fit that box. There was a democrat that told me that. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. Give his name.-A. Hervey Shannon, candidate for justice of the peace there, and was elected. Q. Who was the democratic inspector there — A. The democratic inspector there was J. D. Fairley, who is well known to the people, and I think he is a fhir man, although he is a democrat. He has said that he would not have anything to do with a patent election like that, and declined to serve, so I am told. He swore he would not have anything to do with it at all. A DEMIOCRATIC JOLLIFICATION. That was the case, no doubt, throughout the county generally. As a matter of course these Port Gibson democrats immediately calculated that they had carried the county, so they determined to have a jollification meeting that night, Wednesday night after the election; and they had a kind of jollification meeting, and had a few bonfires and one thing and another. Unger and Bridewell, two republicans, who had come up here to see if they could not get Governor Ames to send some troops there-they had started on Saturday, very soon after I had sent my letter-had got home and came to Bridewell's house, which was probably a half a mile from Port Gibson. They held their jollification meeting, and were going on, and I went out and listened to hear what they said. They were rejoicing, of course, over the election. Finally one democrat jumped up on the stand-I do not know what democrat that was; I 180 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. would not be positive whether it was James Rollins or whether it was Walter Magruder, but it was one or the other of those parties, and as I had heard James Rollins talking about doing this thing, I am rather inclined to think it was Rollins —jumped on the stand and proposed to them to go out and deal with Unger and Bridewell. They had a good deal of trouble to prevent it; the meeting was hugely in favor of it; they wanted to go down and attend to them right at once. Captain Kearney, a leading democrat, and one of the captains of this crowd of men, told them that he would not object to going down there to deal with Bridewell and Unger if it was not for the fact that there was an old lady there, old Mrs. Bridewell, and he would not stand that; that he would protect her himself. He might have said that to quiet them, I don't know how that was; but the result was they did not go there. REPUBLICANS THREATENED WITH DEATH IF THEY CONTESTED. A few nights after that they had heard from the State and had heard definitely from the county, so that they knew that it had all gone their way, and the consequence was that they had another big jollitication meeting; but in the mean while there had been some talk among them that probably this thing would be contested, and that they would not have as easy a time as they thought in getting the offices; so they went to see the leading republicans to prevent them from contesting, and threatened them with assassination, and told them squarely that they would kill any man that attempted to contest this election. They did not make any bones about it. They waited on Sol. Unger, the republican candidate for chancery clerk, in his office, and they told him openly that they understood that he was contemplating contesting this election, and that if he did he would do it at the risk of his life. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Give the names.-A. As I was not present and I did not see this thing, I don't know. One of them was Ed. Briscoe; who the others were I am not prepared to say, but my impression is that one of them was Ed. Briscoe. I would not even say that on oath, because I do not absolutely know; but they were prominent democrats, at any rate. They also waited on James Page, candidate for treasurer, and told him that it would not do for him to attempt to contest this election; if he did, he would be killed, or anybody else that attempted to contest it. I think probably I was the only one that could have contested it safely, because a number of democrats were really anxious that I should do so, but I declined to do it. I told them that they had elected an incompetent man for district attorney and they might have the benefit of him; I did not propose to contest it; it was no interest to me to be district attorney down there, and I did not intend to contest it at all. The night they had this meeting they made speeches, and in the speeches they denounced anybody that attempted or thought of contesting that election, whether it was fair or not; whether it was fair or not, it was best, and they would find it was best to let this thing alone. They came out in an address to the people of the county, which they read at that meeting; 1 have a copy of the address at home, and if desired I will send it to the committee. I can send also that copy of old man Goen's resignation if the committee want to see that. ENEMIES IN WAR, IN PEACE FRIENDS. In this address, they urged the people to show that the white people of the county, having been lords of the soil and being now the lordsof the realm, and having got their rightful supremacy again, were capable of TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 181 ruling, &c., and concluded with this sentence: that they would show to us, as to the rest of the world, that they were enemies in war, and in peace friends. They had a lot of fellows disguised as Indians. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. When did they have this meeting — A. I don't remember the date of the meeting; but as soon as they had ascertained that they had carried the State. They called these men, disguised as Indians, Modocs. I know some of them that belonged to that thing. One of them was the candidate for treasurer against Page; he was the newly-elected treasurer. And they had a banner on which they had inscribed, "If they contest, send for the Modocs." I thought that was pretty significant. NO CONTEST THROUGt INTIMIDATION. By their intimidation, and the general feeling of insecurity that prevailed all over the county, and the feeling that these men were desperate, and knowing the desperate way in which they had got possession of the offices, and the way in which they acted, and put these devices on their banners, they succeeded in so terrifying the republicans that they did not absolutely dare to contest, and they did not contest the election at all. ACTION OF VERTNER. There are some things I omitted; and one thing I omitted-I don't know that it makes any difference, but it was to the effect that J. D. Vertner was the democratic challenger at the time I voted, and a man came up and voted a ticket which he had closed in his hands, and he would not allow it to be opened, and Mr. Vertner made this remark in a very supercilious way, "All these damned scoundrels from the North, and these damned scalawags, they come up with a closed ticket. A gentleman comes up and votes an open ticket." I just stepped up and said, Do you see that ticket. Do you see what it is?" And he said, "Yes;" and I then voted. He thrashed around and had half pulled his pistol out, and then looked at me and seemed suddenly to change his mind, seeing I was utterly unarmed. I went there entirely unarmed; as a matter of course I would not come there armed after having advised them to go unarmed; and seeing that, I suppose he thought-well, he just laughed, and said that he could not expect anything better of me. When this shooting began, the moment the first pistol was fired, Vertner, pulling out his pistol, jumped over the barrier, and ran for the telegraph-office with his pistol in his hand, and telegraphed to General George that everything was all right there; that there was nothing that amounted to anything; that all was peace; and that they would resume the voting, &c. He did that at the time the first pistol fired. I expect that is about all that I have to state in reference to the election. NEGROES MUST VOTE FOR DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE OR BE DISCHARGED. There is one thing that I might mention. The democratic club held a meeting, and passed a resolution to the effect that, now that they had carried the election, it behooved the darkies to vote for them and pledge themselves to vote for them, and any darky that did not pledge himself to vote for the democratic nominees in the presidential election, (this next election,) they would not employ him at all; not only that, but anybody else who employed him would be discountenanced. I never saw that resolution, but I have been told by others 182 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. that have seen it that it was published in the Clarion. I have no doubt about it, and you could probably find it among the files of the Clarion. I am not positive whether I have seen it or not, but I am satisfied that there was such a resolution and that it was published in the Clarion. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. At the time this shot was fired upon election-day, the first shot that. you speak of, were the whites on one side of the polling-place and the blacks on the other -A. At one end of the court-house was the window where the voting was going on, and at that end a little fence ran out. Over here [indicating] were the democratic headquarters commanding a view of the polls. In this fence was a kind of gate leading in for the voters to pass through. At this corner [indicating] the darkies were all massed up against this wall trying to get in that gate, and the whites were over here [indicating] trying to get in. There were some few whites scattered around among the darkies. THE SHOOTING AND ALLEGED OBJECT OF IT. Q. Did you see where the pistol was fired from?-A. I saw a number of pistols fired. I am just as certain of this as I am of anything at all, that it was not the design of the leaders-and in fact I have been told so; Captain Kearney told me that the purpose was this: their idea was to go up) there and crowd the polls and not allow the darkies to get into line-anything of that sort; to go up and crowd the polls and let these democratic darkies and the white democrats vote, and then come round after having voted and get into this pushing arrangement, the object being to delay and use up as much time as possible, and vote as few darkies as possible in that way on the day of the election. He said that they did not calculate to kick up this row. I am positive myself that they did not design to kill anybody, and I don't think that there was any man there who did not regret that there was anybody hurt at all, their idea being to fire a few shots and scare them at the time. I was not so well satisfied of that at the time. There were a good many of them who shot up in the air, but a good many shot down in the crowd. I saw that myself. The shooting was perfectly wild, apparently. Q. Where was the first shot fired' —A. In a little crowd that were jarmmed around this man Ed. Briscoe. Some say that he fired the first shot; some say one and some say another. I saw this Lewis Bernheimer; he was an excitable fellow. I think he was all of a tremble, and he had his pistol out, and I think he fired it. Some say that he did, and I believe it myself. They were all jammed up there together and he was there when the pistol was fired. CASUALITIES OF THE FIRING. Q. State the result of that firing as to the destruction of life and' wounding of persons.-A. There was not a republican or a negro that fired a shot at all; every shot that was fired was fired by democrats. A good many of them were fired in that way; if they had done it with a desire to kill anybody of course they would have killed a good many more, for the republicans were massed, and when they ran off it was in a perfect mass. The result was one colored man killed and six wounded; some say more, but I am satisfied as to six. NUMBERS PREVENTED FROM VOTING. Q. About how many colored persons on that election-day were prevented from voting?-A. In the town of Port Gibson alone, there were some eight or nine hundred. In the precinct of Peytona there were, I TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 183 suppose, about 200 democratic voters, and we have always carried that precinct by at least 700 majority. We have been in the habit of carrying our county by 2,500 majority; we carried it at the election of 1873 by that number. Q. Is that about the usual majority — A. From 1,800 to 2,500; it depends upon what interest is taken in the election. POOR WHITES DARE NOT BE REPUBLICANS. Q. What is the relative proportion of blacks and whites in Claiborne County?-A. About three to one, approaching that. Q. Are the blacks generally republicaus' —A. Nearly universally, and the whites as universally democrats; because the class of white men who would be republican, if they dared, do not dare to be, as they are people that are dependent. The merchants, and such men, as a general thing, are democrats, and the poorer ones are dependent upon them, and the consequence is that they rule them with a rod of iron. Q. Have the republicans had control of the government of Claiborne County for some years past?-A. For the last six years; ever since the latter part of 1869 the republican party has had control of Claiborne County. CHARACTER OF THE COUNTY ADMINISTRATION. Q. What has been the character of the administration of affairs in the county, financially and otherwise — A. I have been pretty familiar with the afflirs of that county for years, and I do not believe there ever was a more successful management of county affairs than there has been under the republican regime, since we have had control of it. As an evidence of that fact, I will say that John J. Smith, now in the senate, was sheriff there, and afterward, when the republicans got possession ot the, county offices, we kept him in sheriff all the time, because he was very popular; he made the most efficient sheriff that the county has ever had, and any democrat that will come here, if he is disposed to speak fairly about it, would do him justice, notwithstanding the fact that they were bitterly prejudiced against him. Mr. Smith did some very foolish things, I think; but he discharged the duties of his office to the satisfaction of everybody; there is not a democrat that could come here but what would say that he made a most faithful and efficient officer. When we went into office our county warrants were selling at forty cents on the dollar. If you could find a man who was very anxious to get county warrants for some purpose, you could manage to get that by hawking them round. We found a debt of between ten and twenty thousand dollars in the county. I cannot state the exact amount of the debt, but it was a large debt for that county. When the late republican treasurer, James Page, turned over his office to the democratic treasurer, you could not buy county warrants at all at any price; there were none to be had; and he turned over $20,000 in the treasury. That shows, t think, a pretty good exhibit. And, besides that, when we took possession we found everything dilapidated; the court-house dilapidated, the bridges all down-burned by the confederates during the war-and all that sort of thing, and we had to build a good many very expensive bridges. There was one bridge there that cost $29,000. We had to build it in that expensive way on account of the creek, it being such a terribly bad creek to bridge. We had to fix up the court-house, and do a great many things; had to be to a good deal of expense; and we not only paid for all that, but turned over $20,000 to the democratic treasurer. 184 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. Q. The county buildings were in good condition when you gave up the control — A. Yes, sir; all in good condition. CROSS-EXAMINATION. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. I believe you have stated that you had no personal knowledge of what occurred anywhere at the polls, except where you were on the day of the election?-A. No, sir; I don't know that I have any personal knowledge anywhere else. Q. You spent the day, the second of November, in Port Gibson e?-A. The day of the election? Yes, sir; entirely. I was there the whole day. Q. Have you any personal knowledge of what occurred anywhere else through the county than at that place?-A. I do not think I have. Q. And a great many of your statements have been made upon information, and I think there were very often occasions when you have spoken of matters without stating whether you knew them or had it from hearsay ~-A. It is possible, sir. Q. In relation to the facts attending the election, have you any personal knowledge whatever, except of such as occurred at the polls at Port Gibson t-A. I think not, sir. Q. How many polls were there in that town?-A. Only one. There had always been three polls in the town before; but for this election the registrars fixed that up and had it in that way, against my protest. Q. The county had been, prior to the election of 1875, strongly republican — A. Strongly republican; very strongly republican. Q. And as a consequence of that all the officers belonged to the republican party A —. Yes, sir; nearly all of them. Q. Which ones were not republicans?-A. There may have been one or two justices of the peace, or something of that sort, who were not republicans; and the deputy sheriffs, they took those largely from the democrats. Q. That is a matter of personal appointment by the sheriff and revokable at his pleasure?-A. Yes, sir. The surveyor, I think, was a democrat, too, and possibly some other minor officers; but the majority were republicans. Q. What is the proportionate population of the county, blacks to whites — A. I could not tell you exactly, but I think it is about three to one. WHO THE COUNTY OFFICERS WERE. Q. The census shows 3,390 whites and 9,966 blacks. Now, tell me who was your circuit judge.-A. Our circuit judge was a man named Uriah Millsaps. When I was first elected district attorney, it was called the third district. Our judge appointed by Governor Alcorn was a man named Abel Alderson. His conduct was such that I was compelled to prefer charges against him to the legislature. I did so, and he was impeached and removed, or at least resigned on account of those charges. He would have been impeached if it had not been for that. The district was then consolidated with the fifth district, and Uriah Millsaps, who was judge of the fifth district, presided over it; and all of the counties which had been in the third district were put into the fifth. Q. What was the character of Alderson's offenses — A. They were so numerous that really I could hardly tell you. I have got a little pamphlet which contains all my charges, which I could send to you. Q. Were they for corruption and dishonesty —A. Yes, sir; I TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H-. STILES. 185 charged, and I think I proved, utter imbecility, incompetency, &c., and interference with the district attorney in the prosecution of cases in the State. Q. Who came in his place?-A. UTriah Millsaps. There was no judge appointed in his place; the district was consolidated with another. Q. Judge Alderson was a republican, was he not?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who was your chancellor in 1875 - A. E. G. Peyton, jr., son of Chief-Justice Peyton. Q. Who was he appointed by — A. Governor Alcorn. Q. Was he a republican. -A. Yes, sir. Q. Who was your district attorney t-A. I was myself. Q. Who composed your board of supervisors?-A. The first board of supervisors was composed of white republicans appointed by Governor Ames as provisional governor of the State. Q. Name the supervisors in 1875.-A. Those in 1875 were Hiram Fisher, Frank Shannon, two white men; and three colored men, Samuel Carrick, Peyton Turner, and-I declare I have forgotten the other one. Q. They were all republicans, of course?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Your sheriff was a colored man?-A. Yes, sir; he was a colored man. Q. What was his name? —A. Thomas Bland. He was personally liked, I think, in the county, by both democrats and republicans. Q. Who werethe bondsmen of your sheriff in 1875?-A. I could not tell you now; I cannot remember; he had a number of them. John J. Smith, our senator from that district, was one, I think, and I think a colored man named Montgomery, living in Warren County, who was worth about fifty or one hundred thousand dollars, was another; but I am not sure about that. I assisted in making his bond, but I do not remember now. I was on his sheriffs bond myself. Q. Who was Haskins Smith?-A. He was a colored boy that was elected to the legislature there in 1872. Q. Where did he come from ~-A. He was a native of Claiborne, I think. Q. The board of registrars are appointed by the chancellor, the circuit judge, and the sheriff, each nominating one?-A. Yes sir. Q. Who appointed this Leon L'Ange T~-A. I am not positive who appointed him. The board of registrars as first appointed consisted of W. B. Andrews, a man named Levy, and a democrat named Borum. *The democratic executive committee when they got together seemed not to be pleased with Borum, and they told me that they wanted another man appointed; that Borum did not suit them; he was ademocrat, they admitted, but he was not the democrat that they wanted. They objected to him because he was clerk to the chancery clerk; that was one thing, and they had other objections to him, some of them very good ones, and one was that he drank occasionally; they could not trust him. They recommended a nman named Martin, a very respectable man. I told them that I would get Chancellor Peyton to appoint Martin; and I told Chancellor Peyton the objections to Borum, and he appointed Martin. Levy would not serve; I was absent at the time, and somebody, I don't know who, recommended L'Ange, and he was appointed. Q. By whom. —A. I don't know by whom he was appointed, whether by the judge or the sheriff, but he was appointed by some one of them, and he was looked upon as a republican. Q. Martin you speak of as a respectable man — A. Yes, sir. Q. Those registrars have the appointment of the judges of election 186 MISSISSIPPI ELECTIONk-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. all over the county?-A. I think they have; I believe the late law does give them that authority. I think the law says that they Ahall do it in the event of the board of supervisors not doing it; but at any rate they appointed them throughout the county. RETIREMENT OF GOENS. Q. You have spoken of the retirement of a gentleman from the republican ticket?-A. Yes, sir; W.. Goens. Q. Where did he live?-A. In the Peytona precinct; he had been teaching school there for a good while. Q. He published a card, which you say you have, withdrawing himself — A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you any personal knowledge of the circumstances attending the signing of that paper — A. None in the world, sir, except hearsay. Q. Whether there were pistols pointed at his breast, you have no personal knowledge at all?-A. No, sir; none in the world; I know nothing in reference to that except hearsay, and the card being addressed to democrats instead of being addressed to me as chairman of the committee, or to the people. Q. That created suspicion in your mind that something was wrong iA. That confirmed me in my opinion of what I had heard before, that these things were so. STUFFING BALLOT-BOXES AT GRAND GULF. Q. You spoke of ballots being stuffed in the box at Grand Gulf. Have you any personal knowledge of that whatever, or do you speak of it from hearsay — A. I will tell you exactly what I know of that. W. B. Andrews left town, leaving me in his place to see to the counting of the ballots. He was the registrar. He said he was perfectly disgusted with the election, and if they could get anybody to act for form's sake and look after it, he would not stay; he would go home. Q. He would not stay, although it was his duty?-A. He said he was disgusted. I staid and attended to it, and looked over it, and saw the counting of the ballots. When that precinct was brought in, the republican inspector came-one of them-and told me that he did not want to swear to the returns. I asked him, "Why?" He said that the ballotbox had been stuffed and that he had refused to go on with the count down at the Gulf, and that they bad brought it up to Port Gibson. I then went to the democratic inspector and asked him if that was a fact, and he said, "It is so." Q. Who was he — A. His name was D. V. McAlpine. He was one of the democratic inspectors there. He went on to say-these werthehe circumstances-that he took possession of the box and went into somebody's store there, (I don't know but into his own store, may be,) where he had a bed, or where they have a bed, and went to sleep. They had not finished counting at that time. The next morning when they began to count the ballots they discovered these tickets in there. They knew they had not been voted in there, and he said at once that the box had been stuffed while he was asleep; that some one must have got in there and got the box and carried it out and stuffed those ballots in it. One evidence to prove that the Grand Gulf box was stuffed was this: there were other tickets in there, a number of them, that belonged to another precinct-to the precinct of Port Gibson. The tally-sheet was gone, too; that was another thing; and he had put the tally-sheet into the box. He positively swore to that, and returned it on oath that that was a fact. Q. You had it from this inspector — A. Yes, sir; and I know that he TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 187 would not tell anything that was not so. I am satisfied about that. As to who stuffed it I don't know positively of my own knowledge, but I think I do know in a certain way; yet I have no legal evidence of itnot now. Q. This man told the facts you have stated -.-A. Yes, sir. The only positive witness who saw the box stuffed was run away. Q. You have spoken about a citizen of Port Gibson, one Mr. Mason; what was his occupation there?-A. He is now editing the Reveille. He has been an editor for a long while, and was a prominent merchant there in the town for a long time. Q. What is his standing in the community?-A. The best in the world. No man stands higher than he does. Q. Do you know him personally?-A. Yes, sir; and I have the highest regard for him. Q. A man reliable in his statements -A. Yes, sir; anything that he would state of his own knowledge. Q. I meant to say, anything that he stated would be reliable — A. Yes, sir. Q. And Mr. Vertner, of whom you spoke?-A. I don't think he would state anything on oath that was not true. Q. You think he is entirely a reliable person — A. I think so, sir. OTHER PRECINCTS. Q. Have you any knowledge of matters at Bethel except from hearsay?-A. Nothing, except what I related that took place before the election. Anything that took place during the election I have no knowledge of. Q. You spoke of certain events at Brandywine precinct; have you any knowledge of them except by rumor and hearsay — A. No, sir. Q. You spoke of the removal of a box by Hervey Shannon? -A. No, sir; he did not remove it; the democratic inspector removed it. Q. Where was this?-A. At Brandywine. Hervey Shannon was a candidate for justice of the peace on the democratic ticket. He was the one that informed me, and I had been informed by others, that the box was taken off and kept at a democrat's house for a good while, and the republicans were not present. Q. Was not that election under authority of a majority of republican judges, as every other election in the county.?-A. No, sir; it was not. Q. Were not the republicans in the majority on the board of registrars?-A. My opinion is that Leon L'Ange was bought by the democrats of the county; that was my view of it. I think so, in the first place, because of his universal action against the republicans in everything; and I think so, furthermore, because he said at Port Gibson immediately after the election that he had played a very.important part in the election, and that the election was due to hiem; another thing, he was appointed deputy sheriff by Mr. Drake, who was elected as sheriff. Now, Mr. Drake would never have appointed a character like L'Ange, if it had not been agreed upon beforehand; and he discharged him just as quick as he could get any pretext for doing so. They appointed a majority of democrats throughout the county. Q. At the Brandywine precinct there was a majority of democrats as judges — A. I think there was. Q. That is your personal knowledge?-A. No, sir; I don't know who the democratic inspectors were there except one; I don't know that or my own personal' knowledge, but I understood that J. D. Fairley was one. 188 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. Q. Are you able to say, of your own knowledge, that there was any dishonesty connected with the Brandywine precint or not ~-A. No, sir. INTENTION OF THE FIRING AT FORT GIBSON. Q. In regard to affairs on election-day at Port Gibson, you described the events that preceded the firing of this pistol, and I understood you to say that you did not know by whom that pistol was discharged-the first one — A. No, sir. Q. Did I understand you to say from what you learned, both before and after or at the time of this occurrence, that you did not believe it was the intention that any one should be injured there?-A. I felt satisfied of that since, sir. At first I thought it was a bluff, and I immediately holloed to the darkies not to run; but afterward when I saw a good many firing in the air and some firing into the crowd, and when I saw that some of their pistols were directed toward the colored men, and pretty soon the balls began to strike the court-house right near me, I thought things were getting a little serious. ABOUT THE MAN WHO WAS KILLED. Q. Who was the person shot and killed?-A. An old colored man, whose name I have forgotten. I didnot think of it when I was testifying in reference to that. I thought his name was not of importance, and did not mention it, and I cannot now remember his name. He was an old, innocent, inoffensive colored man there. Q. Where was he standing — A. I don't know, sir. He was running at the time he was shot. I think he was shot, and probably ran twenty yards before he fell. I don't know that of my own personal knowledge, but that is what all say. Q. Did you see him after he was shot?-A. No, sir; I did not go to see him at all. Q. Have you any personal knowledge of his being killed at all — A. I know he was killed. He was buried that same evening by the democracy; they turned out to his funeral. Q. Do you know what his politics were?-A. I do not know what his politics were. ABOUT THE WOUNDED. Q. Who were the persons injured otherwise?-A. There were a number of colored people that were injured; they were all colored people that were injured. I could not tell you the names now, but they were all from near round Port Gibson, within two or three miles maybe. There were two that I remember now, the others I do not remember; an old darky named Wyatt and his son, they were both wounded and Wyatt, I talked with him about it afterward, and saw where he was wounded. I think he was shot in two places. He showed me his wounds at any rate, and seemed to blame me for it because I had not armed the colored people; because I had told them to go there unarmed. Q. How many were wounded to your knowledge?-~A. I am pretty certain that there were six at least besides the one that was killed. Q. That is of your own knowledge?-A. No, sir; I cannot say that itis of my own knowledge; I only saw those two, and those are the only two that I can remember absolutely about; but I am positive of it as I am of anything that I did not see myself. ABOUT THE CANNON USED AT ELECTION. Q. How about that cannon of which you spokel?-A. There was a cannon that belonged to the democracy. They kept it for firing salutes. There was no concealment about it at all. That cannon was loaded with TESTIMONY OF EDWARD H. STILES. 189 tin canisters that were filled with buckshot. The canisters were said. to have been made by Schaff, who is a White-Line tinner there. Q. That you have no knowledge of beyond your information?-A. No, sir; I never went to look at the cannon, although I know they had a cannon there. Q. Did you see the cannon that day at all?-A. No, sir. Q. Have you any knowledge whether it was loaded that day at all — A. No, sir. Q. Was it, in point of fact, fired that day, to your knowledge?-A. No, sir; it was never fired that day. Q. Are you able to state who had it in charge?-A. No, sir; I am not. Q. Who was Capt. N. S. Walker, who stopped the talk of Magruder and Riser?-A. Capt. N. S. Walker is a very nice gentleman, born I think in the State of New York, West Winfield, N. Y., and he came to Claiborne County some eight or ten years before the war, and was a captain in the confederate army. He is a freemason there, as I am. Q. Was he a democrat or a republican — A. A democrat; a very strong democrat, but at the same time a very warm personal friend ot mine, besides being bound to me by masonic ties. ABOUT THE MAGRUDERS AND KENNARD. Q. Mr. Stiles, what influence had Dr. Magruder-with which party did he act f-A. I had always had a high opinion of Dr. Magruder up to that time. He was looked upon as an old-line whig; belonged to the same party as my father, and was in the same church and everything, and I had been taught to look up to him, but it kind of looked that day as though he was crazy. Q. With which party did he act — A. He was a bitter democrat. Q. What influence had Dr. Magruder with the negroes that enabled him to go around and induce them to come there armed — A. This was not Dr. Magruder; this was W. T. Magruder. He had no influence upon them; but the darky race is a superstitious race anyhow, and he would go round and tell them, " There is going to be trouble; the democrats are going up there armed, and you had better be armed," and so on. The darkies came to me and said that W. T. Magruder was advising them to do thus and so, and I told them not to pay any attention to his advice. Q. And you took some pains to give them contrary advice?-A. I took some pains to prevent it. I had difficulty in preventing their coming armed on account of this. I was busy two days to prevent that thing. Q. Who is Col. J. L. Kennard --- A. Chairman of the democratic executive committee at Port Gibson. I have a higher regard for him than for almost any one of the democrats, for I believed that he was sincere all the time, and desired to have no difficulty, and to have a fair, peaceable election. THE WHITE-LINERS. Q. Did he join this organization called the White-Liners — A. I don't know whether he belonged to it or not. Q. Do you know how many members were in that organization?- A. I could not tell you that. I could show you, though, a document which would tell you; that is, their constitution and platform. Q. It was all published — A. I think that they published it. Their meetings were not public, they were private; no one was permitted to go into their meetings. Q. Do you know what they did there — A. I do not. 190 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. Q. VWas the oath published with their preamble and resolutions IA. No, sir. Q. You are sure of that fact?-A. No, sir; but I presume not, from the fact that it was reported that they were bound in that way. Q. Have you any personal knowledge of that fact —A. No, sir; I went in there one night —-- Q. Was an oath presented to you. to be taken?-A. No, sir. I was in there one night, and I was told this: that unless I signed their constitution, or whatever it was, unless I was in favor of the objects of the organization, I could not stay there, and that I would be requested to leave. I told them that I did not know what their objects were, and I would like to see what they were, that I might be in accordance with them; but I was not permitted to see. I believe Major Mason told me that the object was to preserve peace and all that sort of thing. He said that the object in getting up the White Line was to preserve peace; hat they had a constitution, and that everything was writen out, which they did not publish. Q. Did he tell you that it was a secret or oath-bound organization?A. I don't know that he did, but I got the impression at any rate that it was, and I believe that it was now. Q. Have you any knowledge on that subject — A. None at all except what I have heard from others. PERSONAL STATEMENT. Q. You spoke of persons visiting your room the night of the election after the election was over?-A. 1 have no personal knowledge of their having gone there at all, but I heard that they did go there. Mr. Martin came to see me, and others told me the same thing; but Mr. Martin came to me the next morning, and told me that he prevented them from waiting on me and ordering me to leave, or doing me some harm. Q. Where did you go there that night afterward — A. To the house of a republican. I went where I was satisfied that they would not suppose I was. Q. Was your room that you left behind you locked? —A. I think it was. Q. Was that broken open — A. Not that I know of. Q. Was anything in it disturbed l-A. Not that I know of. The office was the office of Thrasher and myself; we were in partnership, and we staid there. I staid there but very seldom unless he happened to be absent, and he was absent at this time, and my intention was to have staid there. 1 do not know that I went into the office again for two or three weeks afterward. Q. Iid you find anything to show that persons had been there in your office disturbing it at all? —A. I do not know that I did. I think I left town the very next day and went out to my place. I do not think I went there for a week or more. Q. Have you personally experienced any injury? —A. None in the world. Q. And you have stated all you know personally in regard to these subjects — A. I think I have stated everything I know. TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 191 J. D. VERTNER-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. JACKSON, MIss., June 23, 1876. J. D. VEiTNER sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. Where do you reside?-Answer. At Port Gibson, Claiborne County. Q. What is your profession?-A,. That of a lawyer. Q. How long have you resided there — A. Since my birth, with the exception of an absence of perhaps eight years; I left there before the war and resided in a free State. Q. Have you resided in Port Gibson from 1875 and up to-this time — A. Yes, sir. Q. The attention of this committee has been called to the election of that year, 1875, in reference both to the canvass and to the occurrences at the election, and I would like to ask you to give a statement-a history of the canvass, in short, if you took an interest in it; state with which party you acted, and what was the general history of the canvass and of the election itself.-A. Yes, sir; I acted very prominently in the election as one of the executive committee and also as president of a club in the town of Port Gibson, which was a central point. It would be at great length to give you a history of the campaign. Q. It has been stated at length here by Mr. Stiles.-A. I would like to ask, before I proceed, whether he has been before this committee to retract some of his statements that he made yesterday as to matters of tact, which he promised me to do? Q. I am not aware of it.-A. One of those statements affected myself. THE INTERBIARRIAGE CASE. Q. Did he state that to you?-A. Yes, sir. Our campaign opened, I think, in the month of September, about two months before the election. Just prior to the opening of the campaign, however, an incident in no way connected with politics occurred, which produced a very bad state of feeling between the whites and blacks. It was not the marriage of a negro with a white woman, so much as the incidents connected with it. There was such a marriage in the county, and while the white people took no part in it whatever, the parties being of humble origin and not in the society of the place, yet the father of the girl felt himself very much aggrieved, the boy having been reared in his family and brought up with the girl. The lather was a desperate man, and he threatened to kill him. I myself overheard no such remarks on the part of the negroes, but a gentleman of respectability informed me that they had threatened to burn.the town and wreak vengeance on the people if a hair of that negro's head was harmed by Mr. Smith. Q. Smith was the father. —A. Smith was the father. Q. State the names of the persons married.-A. The boy was a negro by the name of Haskins Smith. The girl was the daughter of William Smith, who kept the public hotel of the place. The boy, while a member of the legislature, was a boot-black in the hotel and a waiter, and continued there during the time that he was in the legislature, waiting on the table during the recess, and finally he ran off with this girl. It created some impression upon us, but of course was beneath our notice; but these remarks which were said to have been made very publicly - Q. You say the father of the girl was very much excited — A. The 192 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. father of the girl was very much excited, and the mother has never re covered from the shock that she received at the time. The father in that exasperated state of feeling proposed to kill the negro whenever he returned. He was a very good negro, and held in very good esteem by the white people. The negroes here, Haskins's friends, seeing him with a shot-gun, gathered round his hotel en masse. I saw myself the excited crowds that gathered there from day to day. They were absent during all this time-the man and woman who were married. The negroes made a great many threats, according to hearsay, but we paid no attention to them. On Sunday, about one week after the occurrence, the negro was brought back to the place by prominent negro leaders, among them the black coroner of our town, who is now in this jail, the leader of a band which has been sent to the penitentiary for burglary. They went down with carriages to bring the negro back. The negro protested against it, saying he had outraged the feelings of the family and preferred to remain where he was; but they took him by force and brought him into the village on a quiet Sunday, with four or five young men armed, and they paraded our streets, up and down, with this negro, who had offended the feelings of this family in their midst; and then, not content with this, they followed our young ladies, and went to our grave-yard where our parents are buried, and trod all around there, and marched back. THE WITNESS THREATENS THE COLORED PEOPLE. I told the sheriff-a colored man-by the eternal gods, if ever again such a thing were repeated, blood was thicker than water, and we would kill the last son-of-a-bitch; that if ever such insults were heaped upon us again we would not stand it. He told me that they started from the jail with side weapons and that he expostulated with them to go back, and said that he had lost control of his people. THE WHITES ARM. We, seeing that aggressive spirit, and being insulted on the streets frequently, instantly called a meeting; it was totally disconnected -with politics; and we armed ourselves thoroughly and completely; that is, the citizens generally. There were 80 of us, with, perhaps, 80 guns. PROPORTION OF THE RACES. Q. State the proportion of the black population compared to the white in your county? —A. Our population is twenty thousand, I think, by the recent census. There are fully three to one, if not a little more. I think there are about one thousand white voters-eight or nine hundred white voters-and about four hundred who have not been in the habit of voting until the last election. That wasthe first event disconnected with politics, but which brought about a very excited state of feelings in our midst; that was the occasion of our arming and nothing else; it was totally disconnected with any politics. There are two radicals who have always affiliated with that party in the town, who joined with us in this organization of men, armed. DISGRACE TO BE CONNECTED WITH TH-E REPUBLICAN PARTY. Q. State their names.-A. One of them was a Mr. Gordon. I would not be certain about the co-operation of the other party with the radicals; he had not received office and I will not mention him, for, although elsewhere it might be a favorable mention, yet in my country it is considered a disgrace for a white man to be connected with the republican party, and I will not, therefore, mention him. He received TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 193 office from the General Government, though not from the State government. Our democratic club was in session when this meeting was called, and it was adjourned by me. The matter was mentioned; I remember rising and suggesting that it be disconnected totally with our club as a political organization. That meeting was adjourned, and another was subsequently called, and the arms were purchased, and there was not a white gentleman of any party in the town who refused co-operation in the arming of the citizens. TWENTY YOUNG MEN AT A REPUBLICAN MEETING. If my memory serves me correctly, I think the next event that occurred producing any excitement or having any violent aspect, was the attendance of about twenty young men at a republican meeting in the neighborhood of Oakland-Bethel. There were men in our community who were making inflammable speeches, or it was so reported, and they attended for the purpose of hearing them, and they did report them as of an inflammatory character. They were completely badgered by the negroes at the meeting and very much insulted. It, however, produced no trouble. AN ALLEGED INSULT BY THE NEGROES. But on the following Sunday evening a band of negroes, affiliating with the republican party, left our town-or perhaps it was Friday evening. There was a protracted meeting going on at the lMethodist church, I remember. This band, in passing out of the town, stopped before the door of the Methodist church, while the services were about Qne-half finished, and struck up a tune within twenty steps of the door of the church, and played out their tune; and that created an intense excitement among the gentlemen present; but no one of them left the chnrch. This band was going down to attend a- meeting in the neighboring county to re-enforce the negroes there. There were, perhaps, thirty of them. They played their tune in front of the church, and went out of town in that style. RUMORS OF NEGROES ARMING. On Saturday, I think it was, while they were out, we had rumors that arms had been purchased in Memphis by the colored people in our county. There was a good deal of excitement up there, and a great many of our people, who for the last eight years have been completely intimidated-our white men-so much so that it was very difficult to get them up to the duty of their manhood in some of these excitements which threatened the peace of our community. However correct the rumors might be I do not know, but Mr. Botto, editor of one of the papers there, subsequently telegraphed me that it was true that they had purchased guns, but not as many as we had heard; that they had purchased fifty-seven guns. That, in connection with another rumor that the negroes were returning to Port Gibson with 200 negroes in their company —whether armed or not I do not know; I do not remember that that was reported to us; but it was reported that on Sunday this band were returning into town with 200 negroes. The excitement was already very intense from the insults, as they took it-whether they meant it as an insult or not, I am not able to say; but they did stand in front of the church and play a tune; and when asked afterwards about it, did say that it was in compliment to Judge Baldwin, who is our democratic delegate at Saint Louis from my district-a very improbable story. 13 tMISS 194 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. ACTION OF THE WITNESS AND HIS FRIENDS. Owing to the excited state of feeling arising out of the manner in which they left the town, we thought it best that they should not enter the town with the 200 men, and I went with eight armed men —Mr. Stiles rode side by side with me, and told me that this ought to be stopped, and that under no circumstances ought they to be permitted to come into town. I was unarmed. Mr. Magruder, a particular friend of mine, was unarmed, and Mr. Briscoe, who was in charge of the gentlemen, was unarmed; and we went for the purpose of stopping their entrance into town, owing to these facts. This band was composed of loud, insulting, overbearing negroes, who were very loath to return, as Mr. Briscoe reported when he asked them to do so; but finally agreed to do so. All those who lived alongside of us, near town, went through peaceably, and the others-there was not more than sixty when they got within sight of us, as far as I could remember-it was a very large crowd, and most of them who had been following the wagon turned back, and others of the negroes told us that there were about seventy more that had dropped off on the way, and that they had not meant anything by coming into town. We explained to them our object in coming out to meet them; that it was in the interest of public peace; that Mr. Bland, the sheriff, said he had no longer any power over them; and that this was in the interest of peace. That was the only instance that had a very violent aspect. By Mr. McDONALD: Q. How many white people went out to meet them — A. There were eight with the exception of Mr. Stiles, Mr. Briscoe, and Mr. Magruder, making eleven altogether. ANOTHER VIOLENT ASPECT OF AFFAIRS. The next thing having a violent aspect was on the following Monday, when Captain McLean, who held the office of justice of the peace under the republican party, in the neighborhood of Rocky Springs, who now also holds that same office under the democrats, and a very good man, and an intelligent citizen, hearing that there was a disturbance at Port Gibson, from the fact that they had seen us go out armed, he and others had started, and on Monday, about noon, while the court was just adjourning, they came into town, perhaps twenty-odd. I counted about that many; I donlt know whether I counted all of them, for they had scattered, some of them-all with shot-guns; and the sheriff went forward and met them, and Captain McLean said that he had heard there was a disturbance, and that he had come down to tender these men. Q. And this Captain McLean was a republican — A. I do not state that of Captain McLean. I say that he held this office under republican rule in the county. They were favorably disposed toward him and he was elected, and he had the office of justice of the peace in his neighborhood-the only intelligent one that there was under their rule. A NEGRO ARRESTED. They dispersed- the sheriff told him that they could disperse and return home after dinner; and the negroes gathered in knots and were extremely excited over it, and insisted upon a fight and a row, and one of them as I passed h-em-I knew him well; he had been a client of mine; they were gathered'n knots around the court-house, and there were, perhaps, two hundred negroes in town gathered about the court-room. At every court they lay around during the session of the court, some as witnesses, and some as jurors, and some hoping to be called upon the TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 195 juries, and they come there in great numbers, on that day particularly so. As I passed through, the leader of one of these crowds made use of the remark, " By God, we will give these damned sons-of-bitches hell before this election is over." I stopped him, and the sheriff at that instant, while I was speaking to him, came up-he had heard the speech, or it had been reported to him-and arrested him. I asked him to release him. He carried him to jail, and I followed him up and begged him to release himn; that we would take care of ourselves. EXTREMELY INSULTING NEGRO MAN AND GIRLS. He was extremely insulting, and while I was talking to him another negro ran up and put his hand on my shoulder, shoving me aside so rudely that I pulled out my pistol, and he was very excited at that, and ripped out an oath at me. He was instantly arrested and carried off. This negro I found afterward to be a very silly, simple fellow; seemed to be almost simple-minded; and he told me that he was a good democrat before he left the town-seemed to be completely silly. Another crowd I passed through made use of a similar expression, and there appeared to be such an excited state of feeling that we armed ourselves and placed a guard outside of the town every night. The ladies were in a great state of excitement. The negro girls about the house were making use of remarks such as-that they had better behave themselves; that the white women were in their power, and that they were vastly in the ascenidency. They were very insulting, and many of them were discharged, and the ladies were doing their own house-work The whole community was in a very feverish state of excitement-more fear than anything else; and the sheriff himself joined with us in thinking it necessary that we should put out a guard at night. Q. The sheriff was a colored man and a republican — A. Yes, sir; he was a colored man. The Vicksburg affair had occurred some time before, and this gave a coloring to all these things, and our community were very greatly disturbed; a great majority of them were fearful, and we kept out a guard for perhaps one week after that, until we were satisfied that there was no danger, and then it was disbanded. TIIE NEXT EXCITEMENT. The next excitement that occurred was on the day of the parade, about three or four days before the election, and several speakers were announced, and a very violent man, whom I consider deranged, Dr. Sprott, was reported as making very violent speeches-harangues; and in one instance was reported by a negro as having carried his Enfield rifle to a political meeting, and had it standing by him as he made his speech, which was a very incendiary harangue. Another negro, a member of the board of supervisors, was reported as making such speeches also. Colonel Patterson, who had gone over to that party, having lost his standing with us, told me, when I asked him the truth of what I had heard-that he had pulled out his pistol and laid it beside him when he was speaking-confessed that it was true, and expressed his regret for it. These things were going on at their meetings, and there was a very high state of excitement, and threats and rumors were constantly brought to us by the negroes. A MIDNIGHT ALARM. I was aroused one night at 12 o'clock by a negro coming to my house and reporting to me that on one of the plantations the men were then up-it was about 12 o'clock when he left, and I suppose it was about 1 o'clock when he got there to my house-the negroes were up on Judge Stamp's place, one of the populous negro districts of our county, and 196 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. that they were carrying on in such a manner that it had frightened him, and he said that he wanted clean hands. He said they were gathered with their shot-guns out, and were speaking of coming in town to teach the white people a lesson, and so on; and that at the quarters the young men were loading their guns and talking very badly. The same messages were brought to us from various parts of the county. I know another instance, of my own personal knowledge, where these rumors were brought to us by colored people. A young man came through the swamp eight miles at night to report what was going on in the quarters of his mother. Upon examination we found that there were some young men who were cutting up a little in their quarters, but no such thing took place as we feared; that is, that they were coming in in a body that night. The rumors were of such a nature that we mounted the night-guards again, and kept them out from that time until the night of the election. MORE INSULTS. The third day before the election this great gathering of the radical party took place, and we thought that as they had advertised that they would have 1,500 horsemen in town, besides the fact that I had been insulted at every corner in our own parade, as were other gentlemen-when we had made our first parade there we were thought to be saucy; I did not pass a single street corner that some negro did not apply some epithet, and other gentlemen told me the same thing. That was our first great parade of mounted men in the town, and this was their counteracting one, in which they had informed us that they would outnumber us three to one, and I presume that they did. There was an immense gathering of them, and we thought from their previous conduct in town and various overbearing demonstrations to us that it would be better that we should be protected by our own friends coming from other towns. We advised them to come. I did not count them, but I (do know that in the first parade that we had we brought out the white strength of our county; we had about 450 odd men. This parade was a smaller one-I don't know the exact number, but it was smaller than the first. There were, perhaps, about three of the negroes to one of our horsemen. LADIES ALARMED. We urged our friends, as a measure of safety to us, to come into town. I, myself, was the first to propose that, and I did it because there seemed to be such a general apprehension of danger among the ladies, and the community, and I told them that, moreover, we ought to go to this meeting; that they came to our barbecues, sometimes two or three hundred strong, and that we ought to attend these meetings and get at the truth of these reports. MAG-RUDER LASHES A NEGRO OVER THE HEAD. When they assembled, we followed them out for the purpose of keeping order in the place. We thought the excesses to which they had gone before would not be borne, and that it would bring about a general difficulty in our community, which we were anxious to avoid. No difficulty occurred in the parade that day until a gentleman, just in front of me — saw it-was riding from a side street, brought his horse in front of the band-wagon, when one of the Page negroes, I think, cried out to him to get out of the way, and applied the epithet " You damned white son-of-a-bitch." This young man could not reach him, but some other negro near him evidently got into conversation with him. I did not hear what passed between them, but the result of that conver TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 197 sation was that young Magruder, the man who had rode up in front of the band-wagon, lashed him over the head with a whip that he had riding with; and he was somewhat separated from the body of the men that was opposed to him. This band-wagon came up, and Magruder went forward. He is a very excitable young man, and when he struck the negro with the whip, instantly pistols were drawn by these negroes in the band-wagon; and at the same time ours were drawn. I had out my own, and I was in charge of a very small squad of men. The others were on horses, and I was on foot at the time; had not followed the crowd-; and that was the way I happened to see it. TIE PROCESSIONS COLLIDE. But we begged them to be cool and deliberate, and Captain Kearney, who was in charge of our men, a very cool man, held his men in check, and very soon order was restored, and the parade continued. Our streets are but few, and as they marched up one street we marched up another. We met them at another corner near that part of the town where there is a large negro settlement. Now, this is hearsay entirely, from Captain Kearney and others-I am sorry that my witnesses are not here to-day-those on that point-but both white and black tell the same thing in regard to this. When they met on that corner, the band-wagon being in front, where these Page negroes were, who are the most boisterous, we came together again on that street, and the two processions collided there; and the negroes were so excited that they jumped out of the band-wagon and said, "' By God! if you mean fight, we will have it;" and they ran into their houses and came out, five of thlem, with their guns on their shoulders; and instantly some of our men ran back —some of them were not armed at all-aud got their guns. We expostulated with them, and said you must take them back. They said, no, that in front of the procession the negroes had arms, and they were unarmed themselves, and they wanted to keep their guns; but in about five minutes these negroes had again put up their guns, and these gentlemen then replaced theirs, with the exception of three of them, and them we could not prevail upon to put up theirs. They said that there was an evident desire on the part of the negroes to start a difficulty, and that they were going to be prepared for it when it came. I offered one of them a pistol that I had, and he gave up his gun. ARMED HORSEMEN DRAWN UP IN LINE TO HEAR REPUBLICAN SPEECHES. We went out then to the barbecue grounds, and the speakers, all of their own accord, left the grounds. We were drawn up in perfect order, and in order to get more perfect control of the men I suggested to Major Mason, an elderly gentleman, that they be drawn up under their separate commands so that order might be more rigidly enforced. We waited for the speaking to proceed, but their villainy made them cowards, and this man Sprott, and Unger, and others left, and the colored people remained. Our men were drawn up in line, and when they went near their tables, or anything of that kind they were ordered back; and the speaking might have progressed with perfect impunity. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. They were ordered back when they went near the tables — A. Our men were ordered back. Mr. Stiles came up and got into conversation with some democrats. There was a suggestion made that he make a speech, and that I or some one else among the democrats should answer him. I said, "No, sir, you, can proceed in your speaking after your own way; this is your barbecue, and you can proceed with it in your own way." And finally, that being the answer they got as to the 198 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. democrats making any speeches, Mr. Stiles got up, and instead of making any speech, he simply invited them to dinner; he said, "I will make you a speech, the best I ever made in my life, and that is to invite you to dinner," addressing the colored people. They went to dinner and ate their dinner and dispersed. That was the history of that parade-day. ABOUT THE PROCESSIONS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did the white men at any time rudely break through the parade of the colored people — A. The only time that they collided was at that; time.-Ah, there is one other point: after these shot-guns were brought out I am told-and that was repeated afterward by both black and white -Captain Kearney, who was a very dispassionate man, said he saw them with five guns; he did not know that there was any more; but after a short time they were replaced. That, however, created an intense feeling, and indicated a purpose on their part to have a difficulty, and it was fully expected, though very much regretted. Many of our men who were unarmed dropped out of the procession, and the feeling became so intense about that time that the colored people sent word to us that they would leave and go to the barbecuegrounds if we would draw up in such a way that they could do so. We had blocked the streets then, and they would have had to have wheeled on their track-and there were an immense number of them-and they wanted this street unblocked, and said that if we would arrange ourselves so that they could leave town that they would leave and go to their barbecue-grounds. Captain Kearney drew the men off, and they deployed upon one of the side-streets to allow them to pass. ABOUT THE NEGRBO ASSAILED. As they passed, I am sorry to say that there were some young men who jeered at those who lived on their plantations; but only in one instance was there anything like violence, and that was a personal encounter between a young man and one of his own servants who lived with him, and who had joined in the procession. This young man-he isl scarcely twenty-one-rode up beside him and snatched his hat off. That was the only act of violence that occurred after that. Their procession was not broken into other than that instance of the man's hat being snatched off. He was instantly called back; one gentleman went forward, Captain Kearney, I think, and he ordered him back. Q. Were there any blows struck, men breaking through the procession rudely, and interfering with its marching? -A..Not a bit of it. The first insult that passed came from this colored man. We were determined that such a crowd of men should not come into that village, and we ourselves be unprotected. For that purpose we brought our men there, and I heard Captain Jones threaten to shoot any man in his command who disobeyed his order; that he had been placed by their order in command of them, and he intended to command them. Mr. Stiles, if he states that, stated an absolute falsehood, and he knew it. He was not even there. WITNESS GIVES ANOTHER WITNESS THE LIE. Q. Mr. Stiles, as I remember, stated that the procession of the black people was broken through by the white people f-A. Did he state it of his own knowledge. Q. Yes, sir; he says that they broke through the line of the procession of the blacks, cad that they struck them over the head, and that they bore it under his admonition patiently; and, to use his phrase, TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERt.1NE 199 " they marched. like heroes,"-A. He is a liar, for he got off the cars, and came to that barbecue after the procession was over. lHe was not in, the county; he came from Vicksburg or Natchez and got off the cars, and came to these grounds; and if he states that he tells a lie. He, moreoves Lr, stated something in regard to thatelection, that he, himself, had promised to retract. Q. At the time you went out to this pla e did the white people eat up the dinner of the black people _- A. Nobody touched it, sir. NO W-HITE MEN EA1T DINNEr' AT THE BBEBECUE, Q. Did anybodvy interfere with it in any way? A. Never, for a single instant, sir. I was there all the time myself. He then was there for the first time on that day. There was not a single instance in which a white man got a particle of that dinner. In fact, they were twitted with. the fact that we had always invited them to dinner, and rthat they did reciprocate. There was a rope stretched around the table, and there was not a white man that transgressed over that line. A few white men went in the e to talk with sonme colored peopl1, andd they were called back. They never partook of any of it. I st0'ate on my oath that there were not three white gentlemen that got a morsel to eat at that dinner, and they did not desire it, either. By the CRAIRMAN: Q. Wsat Mtr. Stiles sad was about like this: h e said there were some white people who were not ashamed to go to the tables and eat.-A. No, sir; there was not even any table spread. It was dealt out of a little booth. I said to one of the colored people, " Why donIt you spread a table'? " And they said, "b These corn-field fellows would steal all we had and get away with it." The tables were not even spread, If Mr, Stiles states that he saw anything of that kind I pronounce it unqualifiedly false, for he was not even there in town. By lMr BAYARD: Q. Do you rememtber any conversation that day between. Major James S. fMaason and 1Mr. Stiles, in which Mr. idason stated that the white republicans had better tell the negroes to go aciway, for he could not answer for the consequences f —A. I did not hear it. NEGROES LEAVE THEI BE HEIINT A VETRY SULLETN MOOD. Q. ~Was there any occasion for such a. relma-rkl-A. Therewas no more intention of doing violence to the negroes thatn to a band of sheep; not a particle. We all dispersed after they had had their dinner, and they left in a very sullen mood. They left, some of themi with sullen countenances, and marched back through the town in squads-they marched in small squads, but in order-and odr men went on to town after they had left the grounds and dispersed: and nothing else occurred that day. 3MORE BUMORS OF NEGROES ARMING. Rumors, of course, flew thick and fast to and fro on each side, I have no doubt. Rumors came to us that night and the next night, and the town was in a perfect state of excitement from that time on. I think the night of that parade was the third night before the election, and rumors were being constantly brought to us from all sections of the county that, under the influence of the feeling enerndered at that meeting, the negroes were arming, and that violent threats were being made. These reports were brought to us by negroes. I stated out of order of time-this negro brought me, I thinik, that very night-tthe third or fourth night before the election-word that they 200 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORiE COUNTY. were arming, and that very threatening things were being said. The people were il a high state of excitement. The sheriff himself thought it was best that a guard should be kept, and he consulted very freely with us, and guards were put out. Little squads of negroes were seen in various points in the countyso reported to us-some with shot-guns, and some without; and, in one instance, three hundred were reported to be in one open field from a certain neighborhood; and it was from this place of Judge Stamp's. ELECTION DAY. This excitement continued until the very day of the election. We called a meeting of our town club, in which it was debated whether we would go to the polls with arms or not, and it was decided not to go armed. It was reported that the negroes were bringing arms in and stacking them at a certain house near town; and rumors flew thick and fast, I suppose, both ways. We had about 130 or 140 voters in the town of Port Gibson, and then the suburbs would make us, perhaps, 200 white voters, and we were opposed by 1,000 colored voters in that district, if I mistake not, that usually voted at that poll. I think it was the most populous poll in the county. We felt very apprehensive, from the rumors that were brought to us, and kept out these guards all night long. We urged them not to go to the polls with guns, but some gentlemen, out of precaution, felt that they ought to take guns. We urged that nothing of the kind should be done; that we could leave the arms where we could reach them readily, in case of danger, and that on no account should they take them with them. We had been uniformly crowded at the polls, and kept back to such an extent that our people would become disgusted and leave, and I suggested, myselTf to them that we should sleep near the polls that night, in order that we might be there early the next morning, and that the history of the past should not be repeated, and get our votes in at the beginning; that we had better be there on hand. We leift our guns, though, not where we slept, but at a different point; about seventy guns, I think there were, all counted; we did not have all we had purchased; we left them at a place up street, and left a guard of two men with them, and we went down, about thirty of us, and slept near the polls; and in the morning when the voting commenced we were on hand before the country people had come in, and we commenced the voting with our men near the polls. The voting proceeded quietly. Some of the republicans who were in the lead-colored people-came up and voted. I kept tally. Mr. Stiles told me that he stated to you that I was a challenger, but I was not employed in any capacty, except voluntarily keeping the tally, and Mr. Stiles stood by me the entire time, except that just before the difficulty he was at a little balustrade that surrounded the poll, and that was the only instance he ever was from me up to the commencement of the difficulty. A QUIET ELECTION. The voting proceeded quietly. We had on our tally-sheet about twenty odd republicans, I think, who had voted; somewhere in that neighborhoed, and as they passed in and out they would pass jokes with me. One was a colored preacher and barber, and a little of everything, and he made some joking remark, as he passed me, and matters proceeded quietly. I do not suppose an election on the face of the globe was more quiet and more orderly; every man was taking his turn. TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER, 201 The negroes outnumbered us at the polls very largely, perhaps about seventy or eighty. About 12 o'clock there came from two opposite directions two bands of negroes miarching two by two, with a leader; and after they came up and joined the crowd, which made them largely in the ascendency, I iema-rked to a gentleman who was with me, " Well, I suppose we are outnumbered here about two to one nowY After that company came 1p, miarching in order in that way-it looked quite military-like-a negro who was in the crowd, and was a very uproarious negro-now this I am stating just at this point from hearsay, from a colored deputy appointed by Tom Bland; this colored deputy told me the origin of that difficulty Q. What was his name?-A. A negro by the name of Van Morris, they called him-I do not know what his real name was-who lived with Mr. Morris. This difficulty occurred when Mr. Stiles stood near me. We stood apart from the scene of the difficulty at its inception, as he acknowledged to me since. He says that he went around there and came back instantly, but he acknowledges that the first pistol was fired before he went around. ORIGIN OF THE FIRING. The orign of that difficulty I did not see; I was only told the originwhich made the basis of the dispatch of which Mr. Stiles spoke-by a colored deputy, in connection with a white one who was wi'h him at the time; and he said that the difficulty occurred in this way: after the two companies of colored men came up, this uproarious young manhis name escapes me now, I know him very well —he was pressing a young white man before him, and the young man expostulated, and he said they cursed each other, and a great deal of violent language was used. But a colored man stepped up to this other colored man who was pushing the white man in front of him and told him to stop, to fall back, and he says, "Who in hell are you, that you tell me to fall back? and displayed a pistol that he drew half-way from his bosom. A friend of this colored man, he says, pulled his pistol out in full from his pocket, but did not use it. It was grasped by young Mr. Burnett. The fellow had cocked it, but did not use it, as it was grasped by young Mr. Burnett, and in the struggle the pistol exploded, and then he said that he, Mr. Magruder, and Mr. Miles, and others fired their pistols in the air. The crowd of colored people ran in the direction of the house where we heard they had stored their arms. That was the direction that they would naturally run, as it was in the negro part of the town. As I jumped up and ran out, a ball passed some distance in the air over my head. I (lid not see a single negro fire myself, but a colored man told me that this one who had drawn out his pistol first ran across the street, ran back of the jail, and fired his pistol back twice as he raln; and that may have been one of those balls that passed over my head. The crowd were extremely excited, and the gentlemen ran immediately for their gun. I went for mine and got it. I did not go immediately to the telegraph office, but did within a very short time afterwards, The thing got around and the sheriff came down instantly and summoned the whole crowd as his posse; made a sheriff's posse of them immediately. There was one young man who is very excitabl;e, and he threatened to go towards the end of the town where the negroes had gone, saying that they had stored their guns in the houses there and that they evidently meant difficulty, and that they should be met, and he was in favor of meeting them. He and three or four other young men started, 2 02 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. but Captain Kearney went forward with two or three men and ordered them back on penalty of being shot. Qo How ma'ny persons were shot there on that occasion?-A. There was one very harmless old man shot in the melee. He had taken no part in it whatever, and it was very much regretted. It was certainly an accidental shot. He was an old man, an extremely inoffensive man. By Mr. CAMtERON: Q. A colored iman — A. Yes, sir. He was shot, and I.heard at the time that three, maybe four or five, were hit, but I don't think the number was as large as that. There were several that were struck about the clothing by spent balls. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. To the best of your knowledge and belief, and of your knowledge, (I would rather take that if you have it,) from whom did those shots come that were fired; were they fired exclusively by white people, or by white and colored people both?-A. As I said to you, further than what was told to me by this deputy I do not know. The crowd was between'myself and the seene of this difficulty, which was somewhiat back but when I went around to inquire in regard to the difficulty, what I have given you is what was given to m:e by a colored deputy. I telegraphed that towards evening to General George in answer to an inquiry as to the cause of the difficulty. Q. How long after that firing in which these persons were more or less injured did you telegraph to General George of this affair f-A. That occurred towards 12 o'clock; I telegraphed towards four or five o'clock. Q. How long after?-A. About five hours. WITNESS TELEG4RAPHS FOR A HUNDRED 1MEN. Q. I suppose it is that that 3r. Stiles desires to correct - A. But I telegraphed instantly for fifty men from two separate towns. We were very apprehensive at the time from all that we had heard. I consulted one or two gentlemen, and they told e that theythought it wa best that we should havre more men than we had; thatwe were greatly outnumbered in the county. The apprehension was so great that they insisted upon my sending a dispatch, and I left some men who were armed and went up to the telegraph-office, and that was the first time I wa.s gone that day -about fifteen minutes. Q. It was stated by Mr. Stiles, that as soon as this pistol-shot was fired you jumped up and, with your pistol in your hand, you ran right over to tthe telegraph-office and- telegraphed General George that the thing was al osver and quiet was restored. eMr. MIMVI LLAN. I think this is what Mir. Stiles testified: that 1M. Vertner, immediately after the events stated, started and went towvard the telegraph-office, and, as he supposes, he telegraphed to Mr. George, because a telegraph-dispatch was sent to Mr. George. That is my recollection of Mr. Stiles's testimony. A. I telegraphed to two or three points — think it was three pointsfor fifty men each and I left the ranks to do that. We had taken our arms and just filed across the street. We -did not pursue the colored people at all, and we inquired into the matter, and after learning — knew nothing of the origin of the difiaculty up to that point at all; but after, I think, standing about five minutes with the men-our wires had always been cut previous to that — suggested to them that out of abundant precaution, I had better telegraph to one or two points and ask some aid. TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 203 The wires, usually, in every excitement, had been cut. I think not a single difficulty ever occurred that they had not been cut, and as we feared that they would be cut, I telegraphed to Hazlehurst, to Vicksburg, and perhaps to another village. I did not go to the telegraphoffice until some gentleman suggested it to me, and I then conversed with two or three others, and we thought it would be necessary to get them there by night if we could. Toward evening-I forget whether General George sent a dispatch asking the cause of the difficulty or not, but my present impression is that it was in answer to a dispatch that he sent me that I reported to him after going around and speaking to this colored deputy and the white deputy, who was present, and to several who corroborated them — spoke to two colored men who had seen this colored man running and firing, and they said that he was there, but that other than that they had never seen any colored nmen fire. ABOUT THE ARMS AT ELECTION. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) Did you remain under arms the rest of the day.A. No, sir; we put our arms up within five minutes after they were taken out, and we went back to the polls. I went back and got my tally-sheet, and quite a crowd of colored people came up. The full history of the origin of the difficulty was not known among a great many of the colored people as among ourselves, and they came back; it seems to have gone abroad how the difficulty occurred and under what circumstances, and the colored people came back in quite a mass up the street: and MIr. Stiles finally went out and told them to disperse, that the election would amount to nothing. Mr. Tom iRichardson was another I overheard — overheard him tell them the same thing. Q. At the time those people came back was there anything to prevent the quiet continuance of that election for the rest of the day " —A. No, sir; this committee is not more safe than these people would have beer if they had desired to cast their votes. Q. You say that the arms had been put away -~A. Yes, sir; entirely, COLO(RED PEOPLE ADVISED TO G-O AWAY. Q. Was there any exhibition of force after, that day — A. No, sir;. none whatever. I went in connection with some gentlemen to a crowd of colored people, two of w horl were clients of mine, and there were very kind relations between us, and I asked them if they had voted. Some of them had voted-two or three of theim-and others replied that they had not, and I urged them to go and cast their votes; and the leader spoke up with a very dogged reply, Go home! go awa!y and said that he would like to see any of them go back there and vote. He was a man who lives just on the edge of our place, a farmer, and he controls quite a number of hands. Q. Was he a white man or a colored man -A. A colored man. CONSIDERABLE APPREHENSION AMONG THIE WHITE PEOPLE. Q. Were there any other scenes of violence and confusion during the rest of the day — A. Nothing whatever, sir. There was considerable apprehension among the white people, so much so that we kept out our guards that night. Q. Did you, during that election, and before this firing and the breaking up of the crowd, see a man named Magruder standing with his back to a number of colored people, throwing his arms back violently so as to strike them in the face, and saying, " It is so hot on my back," or expressions of that kind, to keep them back, and trying to keep them back by striking them in the face?-A. NTo, sir; I saw nothing of the kind. 204 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. Mr. Magruder, I think, was one of the deputies that day, a deputy of Tom Bland, for preserving order. The sheriff had on the ground ten white and ten black deputies. NO INTIMIDATION OF THE NEGROES AT ELECTION OR BEFORE. Q. Did you see during that day, or do you know, during that day, of any action of the white people intended to intimidate the negroes and prevent them from freely casting their votes -A. Nothing that came to my knowledge; not in the least. Q. I will extend that question through the canvass. Were you aware, during the canvass, of any intended intimidation or any actual intimidation of negroes to prevent then from exercising the elective franchise?A. No, sir: none whatever. The negroes were treated with the utmost consideration. The only act of intimidation that occurred during the election, that came to my knowledge, was an informal thing, not gotten up by the party around town, but by some gentlemen who, I think, sent a message to Mr. Smith-at least he reported to us that they had done so-Mr. John J. Smith-he reported that he had received a message that he must leave the place. ONE ACT OF INTIMIDATION, BUT AN INFORMAL THING. Mr. Smith was a man pretty objectionable to the community. He flaunted his negro mistress in the face of our population in his buggy, and had left his mark upon negro children there, and had grown rich upon us, and of course he was very cordially despised. Q. Who was he ~-A. A carpet-bagger, who came there from Vicksburg and left us with, perhaps, fifty thousand dollars-a rich man. He came there in 1868, under an appointment, I think, then, of the military. Q. What offices did he hold -A. He came there from a Vicksburg hotel, where he was insolvent and had gone into bankruptcy, and he held the position of sheriff. Mr. Ferguson had been sheriff and resigned it because it did not pay him, and Mr. Smith was appointed. That was the occasion of his coming to our county. He vwas then afterward elected to the same office for three terms, one after the other, and he got very rich. He came up here and did what he could to aid the passage of the banditti resolutions of the legislature. In our town election we succeeded in carrying it, and he came up here to the legislature and succeeded in having our charter amended so as to deprive us of power. Our town weigher had been appointed by the town board, and that he had taken away from us, and endeavored to strip us of every little insignificant privilege and to heap revenge upon us for having carried the town election. Very bitter feelings were entertained toward him, and I shared them myself, to a very large extent, I confess. But a few young men, without any authority, sent some message to him that he had better leave. There never was such a thing visited upon a negro in the county. He waited upon Captain Kearney-sent for himI was in with Captain Kearney when the message came, and he went down to talk with Mr. Smith, and Mr. Smith asked his advice. Captain Kearney told him that there was a general state of excitement between the two races, and that he could be of no service one way or the other by remaining there, and that he had better leave the county. He said, 4 Mr. Smith, while you are perfectly safe here now, if violence does occur, they, looking to you as the father of this bad feeling between this people, they looking upon you as the instigator of it, if any difficulty occurred, naturally you would go by the board;" and after that Mr. TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 205 Smith left the county. He returned, however, after that to attend to his business. He was there, I think, about four days after this, and then has been back twice since. Q. Was he a married man?-A. He has married since, sir; since he left there. He married a lady of Indiana, I believe. Q. Do you say he lived openly with a black woman there?-A. Yes, sir; and has children by her. I was engaged by her in prosecuting him because he had refused to support one of her children. He had two children by her, and he had settled some land on one of them. But the Sear had expired within which she could bring her action, and I told her that nothing could be done. H-IY A HORN WAS BLOWN. Q. After this firing had stopped at the polls do you remember whether a horn was blown as a signal?-A. Yes, sir; that was arranged. I was present at a gathering of gentlemen who represented these guns that were to be placed in this house, and in case of any difficulty that was to have been the signal. SPEECHES ON ELECTION DAY. Q. You say the guns were promptly put away?-A. Yes, sir; Colonel Mason made a speech. He was called upon to make a speech, in which the young men were urged to do no act of violence. We feared that anything might bring on a difficulty in the high state of excitement, and we were anxious to avoid it. Q. Did Dr. Magruder make a speech, and Dr. Riser? —A. Do you mean a public speech? Q. I mean a public speech.-A. Dr. Magruder is not in the habit of making public speeches. Q. This was a speech on that day in which Dr. Magruder urged them to kill Stiles.-A. Well, sir, Mr. Stiles and Dr. Magruder had some personal conversation, as Mr. Stiles himself told me; he came to me and stated it and asked me if I thought it was becoming in a man of Dr. Magruder's age-he is a man of seventy-odd years; and Stiles said that he had directed his conversation entirely to him, and told me himself that Dr. Magruder said that he, Stiles, ought to be killed. Q. Did Dr. Magruder make, to your knowledge, any public speech during that day?-A. No, sir; there was no speech made. Q. Did Mr. Riser make a speech there?-No, sir; he is a very hotbrained, loud-mouthed man, but I heard him make no speech. (. Do you know Captain Walker — A. Very intimately. Q. Do you know anything about Captain Walker going to Mr. Riser and stopping him in his speech — A. I do not know anything about it. Captain Walker is a most excellent gentleman, who lives with us; that is, he has made it his home with us since he was a young man. Q. Do you remember Col. James S. Mason and others rushing up to Dr. Magruder, and interfering with this alleged speech, and saying that there were democrats there who were ready to protect Mr. Stiles — A. No, sir; I knew of this matter between Dr. Magruder and Mr. Stiles, as M3r. Stiles stated it to me himself in conversation. The Magruders are all an impulsive set of gentlemen but very good citizens; and I suppose they feed and control about two or three hundred colored people, and are very popular with them. T'HE DEMOCRATS ORGANIZED ON THE WHITE-LINE BASIS. Q. Was there anything said or done there by you and your friends to cause the colored men to go from those polls in case they wanted to stay?A. Nothing whatever, sir. You asked about an act of violence; if any 206 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. thing else occurred during that day: I perhaps ought to state to you — I did not think of it at the time-that there was an act that might have been violent, from thedemonstrations. Wehadorganized ourpartythere upon what we termed a " white lineL basis. Although it was not popular in the balance of the State, yet we felt that it was the only hope for us. They were so frightfully corrupt that nothing but an out-and-out white-mans party would possibly have any good effect, and we organized on that basis. THE GOVERNMENT SPY. We had a club which was not secret, but whenever gentlemen came up we asked them to enroll, and on one occasion there came a very curious, keen-eyed stranger, and I being president of the club called for the enrollment of all those who had not been enrolled who desired to enroll themselves, and this gentleman requested that we would enroll hi-m. A German who was there vouched for him, and the matter passed off. He remarked that he belonged to the White Line of Vicksburgh, but I took raeans to ascertain the falsehood of that, and had my suspicions aroused toward this man. He was a IRussian, but had learned our language thoroughly, and reminded me very much of war spies. He attracted considerable attention among a few of us. I thought nothing of it, however, until I saw a dispatch by accident: the telegraph-operator was away, and I was receiving dispatches from General George a day or two before election. tHe had advised me of the cartel between himself and Mr. Ames, and urged us to be forbearing, and to keep that cartel to the utmost in our county; and we were receiving dispatches from other points. I went into the telegraph-office to get a dispatch-a gentleman who staid in my office had remarked to me that there was a dispatch for me-and there I saw a dispatch from one General Warner, stating to this Stiles that spies were in Claiborne watching us. I presumed that this man might be one ofAmes's spies himself. I noticed the dispatchit was lying on the top of mine. There were two or three others in cipher, directed to two republicans there from other republicans who were off, and they were addressed in cipher to republicans who were there. I kept the matter to myself, and watched this stranger. I found in him some other trifling falsehood about some other matter. He pretended to be a juggler, a trickster, and took up his quarters with the German, right opposite where the polls froml time immemorial had been held-with a simple-hearted German who kept a tin-shop there, and who had vouched for him. On the morning of the election I noticed that the windows, which were open before, were covered with tin-the lower part of them with paper; one window covered with paper and the other with tin-so high that a man could not look into that room and see any one. I noticed him about 5 o'clock in the morning, when a gentleman ran suddenly up with a gun on his shoulder-some young man from the Grand Gulf district-and told me that a body of armed men were marching in on one road, and that they were in a high state of excitement; that fifteen men had deserted them at a point where they were to go to the polls, and there was great excitement in the neighborhood. I told him that we were receiving similar reports of armed men approaching our town, and could not spare any men. This man came out halfdressed and heard the conversation, and asked me where he could get a gun. In about five minutes I was called upon again, and I walked to the TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNERo 207 door. This room where we were staying on the night of the election was just nest to the tin-shop. This stranger came up where I was and heard all that was said. He then asked ine if there was any excitement. I turned to him and looked him full in the face, and he quailed under it a little. I looked at him for some time before answering him, and he quailed under the look, and I then asked him whether this Ger mian was sober; that he was a very silly, foolish fellow, half crazy, and that he might start a difficulty, and that we would be glad if he would keep him sober. It was reported to me that day that for about two weeks there had been a spy in our democratic club. I remarked to the gentlemen that he was welcome to all that he might gain there. And that was another fact that fixed it that this man was a spy of Mr. Ames, satisfactory to my mind. That night when he came up to a crowd of gentlemen with whom I was talking, I turned and caught him by the collar, and said, "You dirty dog, to be a spy of the dirty government of Mississippi! You leave this town in ten minutes." He had followed me to such an extent that I had got sick and tired of him. He wheeled without a moment's notice and walked down to his quarters, and he did leave that town; and I know nothing more of that man than that. After it was over, a crowd of young men then assembled and were very excited over it-that spies should be sent there-and they marched down toward the quarters where he was. I went in front of them, telling them that they should not harm him, for we would have no difficulty with him. One of them was drinking, and I went up to the crowd and begged them to allow me to go down for the purpose of getting the man's notes: during the day I had seen him continually going in and out of this building, and had noticed that he was taking notes. Under that pretext I got them to wait one moment, to give me time, and I went down and urged him to leave at once. I believed that these young men were intoxicated with the excitement of the election, and all that day, and I feared that something might befall him if he did not leave. THE WHITE-LINER'S ENROLLED AS A SHERIFF'S POSSE. Q. Was this association of yours a secret one?-A. No, sir. Q, Nothing of the sort?-A. No, sir. Q. Were they enrolled as a posse by the sheriff on the day of the election — A. When they came out with the arms. I had and have still in my possession his order making Captain Kearney a deputy, and ordering him to summon these men as a posse. Q. They were acting at that time under the orders of the republican sheriff of the county ~ —A. That was after we had assembled. Q. After the firing began and the excitement took place there — A. Yes, sir; and after they had come out on the street. Then it was that Captain Kearney was made the deputy. They went back and put their arms up, and then it was that Captain Kearney was made deputy. He was captain or lieutenant of this company. Q. After you came out with the arms, and for the rest of the day, were you on the ground there -~A. All that time until nightfall. POST-ELECTION SPEECHES, Q. Could Dr. Magruder have made any public speech, haranguing the multitude, without your knowing it?-A. No, sir. Q. Did he make such a speech —A. No, sir; not in my hearing. I was there on the ground all the time, and would have heard it. Q. Do you remember Dr. Piser making a speech, and calling on the 208 MISSISSIPPI ELECTIO —CLAIBORNE COUNTY. people to kill this man Stiles, and calling him a son-of-a-bitch, or something of that sort?-A. I did not hear it, sir. Dr. Riser is a very impulsive man, and if Mr. Stiles were to tell me he heard him say it, I would not deem it very much out of the way; he is a cracked-brained sort of a man in his talk. I would not like to be held responsible for all that any one would say on such an occasion. CHARACTER OF THE WITNESS. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. You regard yourself as one of the most careful and considerate men in your place in public affairs —A. I think I am, sir. ABOUT MAGRUDER'S SPEECH. Q. How many persons were there present' on election-day when there were the most there?-A. I should judge that at one time they numbered about four hundred and-odd men, merely judging, however, from those who had voted and the crowd that stood off that had not voted; that was when those re-enforcements were there. Q. When was that-before the firing or after it —A. Before the firing. Q. That was only a short time before the shots were fired —A. The firing occurred within five minutes after those two companies of negroes came up from opposite directions. Q. You made what some people might call a speech, perhaps, when those young men were intending to go after this spy, or whatever he was; you demanded of them to desist?-A. There were only five in the crowd; two of them were young men that would not be a pride to any conimmunity-they were drunkards. Q. If anybody should say you made a speech to these young men you would not think that it was very much of an exaggeration —A. According to the object that they had in saying it. Q. From what Mr. Stiles said it didn't seem to me anything more than that-I did not understand him to state that Mr. Magruder had made a public speech-in the course of the remarks that were made Mr. Magruder made such and such remarks to the people around him. Mlight that not have been so, and you not have heard it in that crowd during that day?-A. Yes, sir. Mr. BAYARD. It is as distinct as anything in my mind that Mr. Stiles said that Mr. Magruder got up and made an excited speech, in which he called on the crowd to kill that man, and was called upon by Mr. Mason and others to stop. The WITNESS. Mr. Stiles was as safe there as in any community on the face of the globe. WITNESS'S OPINION OF MR. STILES. Q. (By the CHAIRMAN.) How is Mr. Stiles regarded there among the people?-A. If you ask me that I must answer it. He was debauched by Mr. Josh. Morris; he came out of the army after having made a very bad soldier, and having run in one engagement. He, therefore, fell under the ban of the public. I was not in the army myself. I was opposed to slavery and moved to a free State after I had finished my education at the college of Princeton, New Jersey. I came back at the instance of my mother, who was in very delicate health. She and my sister were in California; and although I was in sympathy with my own State, and made some effort to get back here myself, I had an invalid mother in California, and we remained in Californira during the war. When I got back to Mississippi that was the standing of this young man you speak of, and he fell a very easy prey to that thing. TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 209 Q. Does he enjoy the confidence of the people as a man ofintegrity?A. He does not enjoy the confidence of my people to the least iota. We feel kindly toward him, however; we have not felt otherwise than that. His affiliation with the negroes, with the lowest characters, and his reported affiliation with colored wenches, and all that sort of thing, has not given him a very good standing among the gentlemen of my community. I have seen him in association with men-he seemed to think it was necessary to associate with every low negro, and placed himself on a level with the lowest; he did that continually; and his associations among white men were also of the very lowest character in his party. NO GENTLEM3EN TO REPRESENT THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. We have never yet had a gentleman to represent the republican party in my county. It has been the men who have gone to the dogs that have usually gone into the republican party. That has been the history of that party there. Q. Is it not true that all men who act with the republican party, that party being composed mostly of negroes, are in great disfavor with your people ~ —A. Of those who act with that party there it is truethose who would come here and act with the negro party and foist them upon us for no other purpose than to seize the offices here, which they did, and squandered the county's money, and raised the taxes to an outrageous extent. As an instance of that, on a little piece of property which belongs to us the taxes were increased from $28 to $135, its value having decreased all the time. It was very natural that we should have this feeling toward these people. TWO ARMY OFFICERS WHO ENJOY SOCIAL FAVORS. Q. Has there been any person in the republican party in your section of the country, whether native-born, or a man from the North, who has enjoyed the favor of the men with whom you are associated — A. There are two there. Captain De Courcy and Lieutenant Chance, of the United States Army. The latter is an avowed republican, and his family are too. They are estimable people, and he is a gentleman from the heel of his foot to the crown of his head. He is invited to our houses freely, and no man could be more highly respected. But he does look down upon that class of people, and he begs us not to consider him as an affiliator with such people as come here, and by the influence which they exert upon the ignorant negro run us into ruin for the sake of; their own personal aggrandizement. Captain De Courcy is also invited everywhere freely by us. I gave him a supper, and it was commented upon; but I did it from no policy, for he was a gentleman. Q. Both of those persons you speak of are officers in the Army - A. Yes, sir. Q. They take no part in politics as partisans?-A. Except to take their side of the question. Q. They simply express their views when talking with you or other gentlemen — A. Yes, sir. SINISTER MOTIVES ATTRIBUTED TO PARTISAN PREPUCLICANS. Q. They take no part in the politics of the country?-A. No, sir; but if all of a sudden they should abandon the Army and take part in the politics of Mississippi, we would consider there was a sinister motive. This prejudice does not arise out of the fact that they are republicans at all, but it arises out of the fact that they have fastened themselves upon us to govern these poor ignorant creatures that are totally dependent upon us, and who were perfectly safe in our 14 MISS 210 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. hands, and who would vote with us but for that, and who are perfectly friendly with us. We have no object antagonistic to their interest, except we do not believe in foisting men utterly ignorant into office. There was one intelligent colored man that was on our ticket, in whom we have taken great interest, and we have tried to have a ticket in which those of the better class of colored people would be interested with ourselves. I was a free-soiler, and I was opposed to slavery. My grandfather was a slaveholder, and left me property in slaves, and I could have owned themn; but I freed them of my own accord, and I went to a free State. I have no prejudice against them whatever. Q. You were speaking of one colored man that the democrats had great interest in.-A. Yes, sir; we put him on our ticket. A DEMOCRATIC NEGRO OSTRACIZED BY HIS PEOPLE. Q. VWhat happened to him — A. He was ostracized to such an extent that he got back among the negroes in a hurry. 1 tell you that it was positively dangerous for any negro to pronounce himself a democrat in my county. The intimidation is totally the other way; many and many a negro would have joined with us long since but for that fact. I have five or six negroes on a plantation that I venture to say will vote side by side with me always, because they are released from that intimidation that formerly existed. In other words, they have been taught that when they raise a storm they will suffer the consequences of it, and that they cannot cope with a white man in such a case. They are dependent upon me for every morsel they eat. Q. That is pretty well understood, that they are so dependent, is it not — A. Yes, sir; but I furnished them everything when they were voting the radical ticket. I have been furnishing them mules, and I have bought and paid for them out of my own money. Q. You are to enjoy a share of the crops, I suppose — A. No, sir; not at all; they were merely to pay me for the mules. I do not even charge them any profit upon the goods I get them. They were all old servants, -all my own hands. I have lost money by them every year. I merely charge them interest upon the money. Q. How is it that your servants have learned this lesson, that if they raise a storm they would suffer from it?-A. From the intimidation that existed on the part of their own race toward them. HOW THE NEGROES HAVE BEEN RELIEVED FROM INTIMIDATION. Q. How have they been relieved from that intimidation f-A. They have been relieved from it recently in Wilkinson County, where the negroes attacked the white men and raised a storm over their own heads. They have been relieved from that in our county, because in their various movements toward us and aggressions, by this arming of four or five negroes one Sunday evening and marching over the graves of our parents, and similar cases, they have aroused at last our own feelings, and we are determined to protect ourselves; and these people have got some confidence in us, that we are not going to allow them to be intimidated. Q. What do they understand would be done in case you felt yourself called upon to move against these negroes who intimidated this minority?-A. If met with personal violence they expect protection at our hands. They have been threatened with that, and they expect protection, and would get it. WHY THE WHITE PEOPLE ORGANIZED BEFORE ELECTION. Q. What led to the organization and assembling of the white people of Port Gibson on Saturday, the last day but one of October — A. It arose TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 211 out of the apprehension of the people that, owing to all these excitements that existed prior to that, our people in town were at the mercy of a large horde of barbarians that wanted to get control. The sheriff, a colored man himself, said he had lost control over them. We had always been quiet before, but owing to this excitement the apprehension was very great indeed that we would have trouble, and for self-protection we urged our men to come into town, but urged them to be under the strictest discipline, and to be guilty of no act of violence. Q. But as a matter of fact there was a difficulty, which you have called a collision, between your procession and the colored procession? —A. Yes, sir; only what I have already stated. Y. You have said that there was a collision — A. I cannot call it a collision further than I have stated, that one of our young men, after having been called a son of a bitch, struck the man who called him so. WERE THE NEGROES ARMED Q. As a matter of fact, were the participants in that negro procession armed to any extent that day?-A. I saw some with side-arms, but to what extent I could not say. Q. They had no muskets or guns visible — A. No, sir; nor did we ours until these five negroes brought out theirs, as Captain Kearney told me. NECESSITY OF WHITE INTERVENTION FOR SELF-PROTECTION. Q. I want to ask you, in all soberness, if it is not your opinion to-day that if you had abstained from any participation in that parade in your village on the last Saturday of October, and had allowed the negroes to march through the street and go to the ground where their barbecue was, and have their dinner and listen to their speeches, the whole matter would have passed off without any danger or injury to any person in the place — A. No, sir. I conscientiously, and with the fear of God and my solemn oath, tell you that I do not think it; that I was instrumental in getting up the force to come to that town for no other purpose.than self-protection. Q. I was not asking you your purpose. Do you not think that if you had left the whole thing to them the thing would have passed off without any trouble?-A. No, sir. Q. What foundation do you rely upon for the opinion you have expressed — A. We would have been subjected to insult during that parade, as we had always been on such occasions in the past. There were very many bad, boisterous negroes who generally led them, while our boisterous people did not generallyvlead us; and they would have come back into town, and I think would have been overbearing toward people on the streets, and it would have brought about a difficulty in which we would not have had a fair showing. Q. Where were your guns that day i-A. At our homes; nowhere else. NUMBER OF WHITE FIG-TTING-IEN ON PARADE. Q. How large an assemblage did you have out that day of fighting-men capable of bearing arms?-A. WVe had, as I have stated, in the neighborhood of three hundred. I didn't count them. I merely judged that from the fact that there was a less crowd than we had had at our big parade. We had one large parade on horseback, and this was a less crowd than that. I do not think there were over three hundred mounted men, and then in addition to that there were fifty-odd footmen. Q. Were not those people all armed with side-arms — A. No, sir. Q. Were they not generally so armed? —A. I expect a majority of them were. 212 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. Q. How was it with yourself — A. I had a pistol. After it was reported that these negroes had brought these five guns out, there were eight or ten-not more than that, a very small number, they had guns at different points-went to get their guns, and they came back, and I went forward and urged them to put them up-the others we heard had been replaced-and they did so with the exception of two or three. One of them complained that the negroes had side-arms, and that he had nothing himself except his gun; that he was going to keep that; that they meant to have a difficulty from their actions, and that he proposed to keep it. I offered him my own pistol, and he put his gun up. But another, subsequently, who had no gun, got a gun, and there were three guns that were carried for the rest of the day, but only three muskets that were on the ground at the barbecue. Q. If it had not been for your expostulations and those of Mr. Mason and some others, what do you think might have happened that day?-A. If those, united to the expostulations of the colored men among their own people, had not prevailed, there might have been a collision; but the first blow, the first aggressive movement, would have come from the larger" crowd. Our people were much fewer in numbers than the negroes. They had about three to one of us, and we were, in common language, pretty much at their mercy. We had never yearned for a difficulty; we had tried to avoid it. They were also preaching and expostulating with their own men. This expostulation on our part that I spoke of was nothing more than an appeal to those men who brought those guns out. THE BARBACUE GROUNDS. Q. Where were the grounds on which the barbecue was held; how far away situated, with reference to the village — A. I do not suppose it was more than from a quarter to a half of a mile out from the village. Q. How far were the grounds from the nearest residence of a white person — A. It was on the ground of a white gentleman, a Mr. Wise, a democrat. Q. How far was his house from the ground?-A. It was rented to some tenants who were working-people-Englishmen, I think. That was about a quarter of a mile up the hill, and the white citizens were living on the edge of the town, scattered around. Q. So it was from a quarter to a half mile frbm any large number of residences of white persons? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Your force went over to the grounds?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What led you to go there?-A: As I stated, it was for the purpose of hearing these speeches that would be made. They had attended our barbecues, but we had never attended but three of their barbecues to my knowledge. I attended one of them-two of them; this one and another. Q. Was it to be a joint debate -A. No, sir. WITNESS'S OPINION OF THE REPUBLICAN SPEAKERS. Q. Who was to speak — A. This Dr. Sprott. Q. Is he a citizen of Port Gibson?-A. He is a citizen of Port Gibson; a very bad man; a man whom we regard as a perjurer. Q. He was one of the speakers — A. Yes, sir; he was to have been one of them. Q. Who else was to speak?-A. Mr. Montgomery, Mr. Unger, and a man named Bridewell-so we heard. Q. Who is Mr. Unger?-A. At the time he first accepted office under the radicals he was about 18 or 19 years old. He is older than that TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 213 now. He is a very bad character, a character you would not associate with. Q. Who is Mr. Montgomery?-A. A man for whose lowness of character I have no words to express; a man' who ought to be in the penitentiary to-day; a man who goes abroad and draws drafts where he has no credit, nor funds to pay his bills, to get his horse out. These facts are notorious. He is a young man without any character on earth, an idle vagabond who does not work, but who went over to the radical party, as he told me out of his own lips, to receive office; and I taxed him that he had done so at a radical meeting, and he dared not deny it. Q. Who is Bridewell?-A. It is notorious that he is living with a colored whore in the county. Q. When did it first become public that he lived with this woman -- A. Long before he went over to the radical party; and she left him before he went over, I think. Q. Any other speakers at that meeting —A. I don't recollect any other. Q. Do you mean to have this committee understand that you-in the position of a gentleman occupying a high place in the community, and associating with the best people there, and having around you three hundred of these white men-went there to this barbecue to hear tour men whom you have described: Sprott, a forger; Mr. Unger, a man whom you have described as a very bad character; Mr. Montgomery, a man so low that you cannot find words to express your feelings and opinions in regard to him; and Mr. Bridewell, a man living in open adultery with a black woman of well-known ill-fame-that the reason of your going to that place was to hear those four men — A. It was reported to i u that they were making speeches of a most inflammatory character. This man Patterson, who was another one of the speakers who were to speak on that occasion, took his pistol out and laid it before him, in a speech which he made very early in the campaign. This man Sprott was reported to us as making incendiary speeches, and in one instance as having a Winchester rifle by him on the platform when he was speaking; and we determined to go and hear for ourselves. POSITION OF THE WHITE FORCE AT THE B3ARBACUE. CQ. What position did your force take w then they got upon the ground?A. They mere drawn off in separate companies-these various clubsand were placed in charge of the presidents of their clubs, except in the instance of mine. Captain Kearney was the leader of our town club, at my suggestion. They were kelt under control completely. However frightened the darkies may have been, I don't profess to answer for that, or however frightened those white-livered men among them may have been. 1WHITE-LINERS PROPOSE TO ATTEND BARBACUE IF IT FRIGHTENS DARKIES. Q. You think that this presentation of force on your part might have,fightened the darkies and the white-livered men — A. It might have,done so; I don't undertake to answer for that. If it does, we propose to attend their barbecues. Q. That is to say, the same general course of proceeding may be ex-;pected in the future~-A. Yes, sir; if they pursue that same course we expect to pursue the same course. Wherever a public meeting is.announced we shall exercise the privilege of an American. citizen in attending.,). To what extent did the men who were organized and armed in 214 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. clubs in Port Gibson go over the county during the canvass?-A. Do you mean armed. ABOUT ARMED MEN RIDING OVER THE COUNTRY. Q. Yes, sir; riding over the county in the night-time or day-time.A. I don't know of any men who went over the county armed at all, except on the night of the election. As I have just stated to you, the whole county was in great trepidation, and the white people were expecting to be attacked, and they were very fearful because of the great excitement existing on account of this parade. I heard of the Peytona club as having a guard out in anticipation of an attack from the blacks, and they got together and remained out, I think about forty or fifty of them, until morning, but they didn't take their guns to the polls, though. Q. Did you take part in an expedition that on one occasion called up a man named Page, who was in bed, at night — A. No, sir; I know exactly how that occurred. A rumor was brought to us by a young man that, as he passed by Page's house, the negroes were met there, and that there was considerable excitement among them. Q. About what time was that with reference to the election?-A. I think it was two days before the election, if I mistake not. I would not undertake to give the exact date, but it was within a very few days of the election. Q. WVere you as much alarmed in the village at that time as ever?A. We suffered a great deal of apprehension there in the village on several occasions before the election during the excitement. I know of no such instance except this one you speak of, and the one in which we went out to meet the band. In this case, Captain Kearney was sent for when this young man came in and reported a considerable excitement at Pagers. It was some time before he was gotten, and he sent out to ascertain the facts. They got there rather late, and found nothing of the men. They woke up Page and had a talk with him, and came off. Q. Did not find any bands of negroes in hostile array — A. No, sir; there had been negroes there, but they had gone off. Q. As a matter of fact, did you ever find that any of these rumors, with the exception of the expedition on Sunday, that you have given us some account of, where there was a band of music, were true; have you ever found any assembly of negroes?-A. The Grand Gulf negroes, as a notorious fact, carried their arms, and 15 of them were seen by a friend of mine, who, I think, is as truthful a man as lives, marching along the road to the polls with their guns; and he stated to me that there were 15 men in his neighborhood-the Big Black -who were so frightened that they did not go to the polls; I know, as a fact, that many of them living in that section didn't; and, upon inquiry, I found it was owing to the excited condition of the negroes around there. These negroes were seen to go to the polls, and they stacked their guns in a house; one of these Page boys ran down suddenly and gave some message to them, and they ran to this house and came out with these arms, and the white men then armed themselves, and there was considerable excitement; which, however, soon was allayed. POSSIBLE RESULTS IF THERE HAD BEEN NO DISTURBANCE. Q. I do not ask you now who is responsible for these disturbances, but if there had been no disturbances and every man had gone to the polls and voted that (lay, how different would the result have been from what it was — A. Well, I cannot undertake to say, for the reason that the negroes on the various plantations were announcing themselves TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 215 to those who employed them as ready to vote the democratic ticket. There were whole families that had so announced their intention to me four or five days before the election, and one of them a considerable time betore that-there was a very large family of them; there were five or six men in their family. I had befriended their father, who was charged with some crime that would have sent him to the penitentiary if he had been convicted, and I defended him without charge, and was at some expense; he was an old rean I had known very well; I heard he was not guilty, and he said he was not-came to me before the election and told me that he and his sons proposed to vote the democratic ticket; that they had thought over the matter and that they could see no good in supporting these foreigners in office, and that they proposed not to do it. We had one colored man, (a mulatto, named John Wooley,) who is a splendid fellow, and who, I think, would compare most favorably with almost any man; he has affiliated with the democratic party since its first organization after the war. He said there was a considerable nuinber in his neighborhood who would vote the democratic ticket. Mr. Magruder, who controls some three hundred negroes, said that a large number of his people would vote the democratic ticket; they had a club on his place called the colored democratic club. A gentleman asked me to make a speech to the colored people, and I told him I was sick of addressing the negroes, and that I was determined never to make an appeal to the negroes in this condition of things; that they would raise the " bloody shirt " and the past, and it was no use trying. Owing to these facts and the assurance of my own people, I believe that the majority of negroes to-day would vote with us in Claiborne, as I believe I am a living man, if it were not for the representations to them that we are hostile to their interest and would put them back. They are ignorant, and believe that we would pass such laws that they would be worse off than in slavery; and some of them are so ignorant that they even believe that we would put them back into slavery. But, if it were not for their fears, which are operated upon by such men as I have described, who are anxious to get places, I believe that they would vote with us, and that there would not be a ripple on the political surface. Q. How many votes were cast at your poll? —A. I really have forgotten the number. PROBABLE NU3IBER WHO DID NOT VOTE. Q. How many persons were there who might most probably have voted at that time, who did not vote — A. As near as I can estimate it, there must have been at least two hundred there. I am only giving you an estimate; I have no data to go upon except merely my eyesight, as to the crowd. Q. Two hundred who did not vote — A. There may have been something over that, but I reckon it was about that number. They came back after leaving and undoubtedly would have gone on with their voting, but they were approached by Mr. Stiles and Mr. Tom Richardson, a colored man, and others, who said to them, "Go back, men! Don't you vote!" They could have voted with perfect quietudeif they had chosen. Three of them did vote; I kept the tally-sheet, and three colored republicans came up and voted after that, and others were urged to come and vote, The difficulty was a matter to be regretted, a matter of accident such as might occur anywhere, not intentional at all, and the death of the colored man was purely accidental. .216. MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. ABOUT XR. STILES AGAIN. By Mr. ICMILLAN: Q. It is your opinion that they would have been permitted to vote — A. 0, yes, sir; undoubtedly it is my opinion, and I think unquestionably that no harm would have befallen them. Q. Is not Mr. E. H. Stiles regarded by the majority of the citizens of Claiborne County as an honest and honorable man — A. By the white men? Q. I will just put that question to you: Is he not regarded as an honest and honorable man by the majority of the white citizens of Claiborne County?-A. I answer emphatically, no! I will give myself as one that don't regard him as such. It is a very personal answer; I am called upon to state it, but I am loath to answer it. Q. Was he the prosecuting attorney of that district — A. Yes, sir; and he made a very good one, too; a much better one than the democrats have elected. Q. Was he not, in your judgment, an honest, capable officer?-A. Of my own personal knowledge I know nothing reflecting upon his administration as district attorney, except his constant leaning toward republicans whenever they were involved in their rascalities; I never could get an indictment against them before the grand juries that he controlled. With that exception, I regarded him as a very capable officer. much more capable than the democrat that has been elected, for that matter. Q. Did he not discharge his duties impartially while district attorney, and prosecute malefactors without regard to party affiliations?-A. I said, sir, that so far as the administration of his office as district attorney was concerned I know nothing against it except the mere fact that I could not get indictments against certain parties, these radicals, before the colored grand juries, and he coltrolled the grand juries. Otherwise than that I know nothing. Q. Did he not prosecute malefactors without regard to party affiliation? -A. He did, sir; in my county assuredly. I have heard complaints in other counties. Q. Did not the people of Claiborne County, without regard to party, have confidence in his integrity as an officer and man?-A. As a man, not as much as you could put in a thimble. Q. As an boficer — A. No, sir; ChiefJustice Peyton tells me that he is a man of great duplicity. Q. 1 am not speaking of Chief-Justice Peyton's opinion: have not the people of Claiborne County, without regard to party, faith in his integrity as an officer and as a man? —A. As an officer, as far as Claiborne County is concerned, I think that he did discharge his duties. As to his integrity as a man, we have no faith there, sir-the majority of the people of Claiborne County. They have kind feelings, though, for the young man, and think that he made a great error. STILES TURNED HIS BACK ON HIS PEOPLE. They have no faith in the honor of any man who could turn his back upon his people with his record, and go over to the radical party for the sake of getting office. ~We do not honor him, because of his affiliaion with these negroes; we do not honor him, because of his duplicity. He led some of my friends to believe that he was not even coming here to testify. I am giving you now the impression of the people in regard to these things; not my own individual impression merely, but what I have gath TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 217 ered from the general public in regard to this man. They feel kindly disposed toward him; they pity him; he was young when he made those errors, and we certainly regret it, but we have no respect for the man as a man at all; not only because of his pretending to be a great friend of the negroes merely to accept office and get it, but because of his public and notorious intercourse with those people, and his affiliation with the lowest of negroes, as well as the lowest of white radicals, and all of that; and we believe that a man like that gets tainted, and we haven't that confcence you suggest in him as a man. Q. You have referred to Mr. Stiles's duplicity in reference to his coming before this committee; do you know that Mr. Stiles first learned of the presence of this committee in this place when he was in Vicksburg on business?-A. 1 heard that a gentleman by the name of Redpath had telegraphed him from Washington City to be here; I beard that he had a dispatch to be here long beforehand. Mr. Stiles was out in the country taking some testimony about the time you gentlemen came down; somewhere, I don't know where, but I think at Vicksburg. Q. Then there may have been no duplicity there —A. I know nothing about that; I was only told that he was leaving the impression up in Claiborne County that he did not wish to come here to state so and so, and yet he is here as a willing witness to state facts that are not facts. Q. Do you not know that he was subpoenaed before this committee — A. I heard so, sir. Q. Do you know what Mr. Stiles has testified to before this committee? —A. I know something of it, sir; you asked me questions based upon it. Q. Did you hear his testimony?-A. No, sir. Q. Did you hear it read?-A. NTo, sir; I have not heard it read. WHY WITNESS WOULD HAVE SHOT AINY NEGRO WITH THE IMPRESSION HIE HAD'WHEN HE STARTED. Q. Mr. Vertner, when you left the polls on the day of the election did you run toward the telegraph-office with a pistol in your hand?-~A. I ran in that direction, but 1 did not go there immediately; I went there about four or five minutes afterward. Q. Did you fire your pistol that morning?-A. When I jumped up I fired it off. Q. Why did you do that — A. Because I was under the impression from what we heard that the negroes were going to a certain place where they had their arms stored, and I don't hesitate to say that had I been present in that crowd, with the impression I had when I started, I would have shot any negro that I met going that way. Q. Were you armed with a gun on the day of the election?-A. Yes, sir; I brought my gun out as did the others after that occurrence. Q. Were the arms in the town collected the evening prior to the election and deposited in the Odd-Fellows' hall — A. I would not say whether they were or not. They were, however, stored in a building on the public street, a store that was not occupied. They were stored there in case they might be needed. ABOUT THE CANNON AT THE ELECTION. Q. Do you or do you not know whether the democrats had a cannon on the day of the election — A. I think that had been sent off; they had it during the campaign, but I think it had been sent off before the election. It may have been there, though, for aught I know. Q. And loaded with buck-shot?-A. I know of no such fact at all. 218 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAIBORNE COUNTY. WHITE REPUBLICANS AT THE POLLS. Q. Was Mr. Stiles the only known and avowed white republican at the polls in Port Gibson during the day of election?-A. Well, sir, there was another man voted who was called a republican. Q. An avowed, and known as a prominent, republican?-A. It was Mr. McCready. He is a storekeeper; but I don't think that he mixes very generally with them, so that he might not deserve the appellation. He is a recent comer from Indiana or somewhere. He is after negro custom, and affiliates with them. Q. Was Mr. Stiles armed or not?-A. I could not undertake to say, but he goes armed always. Q. On that day, I ask you whether he was armed or not?-A. I could not undertake to say. Q. You saw no arms on him on that day?-A. No, sir; I saw none, and he could not have seen mine unless I had drawn it. NO REPUBLICAN NEGROES EXHIBIT ARMS. Q. Did you see any republican negroes exhibiting any arms on the day of the election?-A. No. sir; I don't think I saw any arms exhibited. A gentleman told me that he saw them with pistols, and this company that came up I was told all had clubs when they first came in the town. They were put away soon afterward, and they didn't have them when I saw them. Other gentlemen said that they saw them with side-arms. ABOUT STILES AGAIN. Q. Do you know of any proposition to interfere with Mr. Stiles, and did you hear any prominent democrat say that if Mr. Stiles was compelled to leave he would leave with him?-A. No, sir; I know that our people never meditated any violence toward Mr. Stiles. We have regarded him as a weak brother, and although he affiliates with the negroes, he has not controlled them to any extent. Mr. Stiles is kindly thought of by the people, while he is not respected. I bear him no illwill myself, but I have no respect for him, I am free to say to you. Q. Did you not, when Mr. Stiles arose to address the meeting, cry out, " Where is that committee l"-A. I don't recollect any such speech as that. Q. Well, anything of that character, substantially ~-A. I recollect nothing of that kind, but I recollect just about the time they were speaking-I don't think Mr. Stiles had spoken at the time-of my saying something out loud, but nothing of a violent nature at all, for I had never meditated it; but 1 recollect-just on my mind there is something, but I don't really remember it. If the circumstances were brought to me, and my mind refreshed, I might perhaps remember what I said. I know nothing of any statement of a violent nature. HOW STILES RAN IN BATTLE. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. For what length of time was Stiles in the confederate army, as you understand — A. As I understand it, he was in the army about three years. I state this from reputation, sir; I was not there myself. Q. You have stated that in one battle he did not behave well.-A. That is what I heard; that he ran. It was talked about generally after the war, in 1866. WHY WITNESS DID NOT ENLIST AT ALL. Q. At the commencement of the war you went North and remained North until the war was over e-A. Some two or three years prior to TESTIMONY OF J. D. VERTNER. 219 the war I went to California and selected it as a home, and left my mother and sister out there, and eventually persuaded my brother to go there and make a visit and see how he would like California; and it was about the time he came out that the war broke out. I left there and came East for the purpose of going South myself and attending to the settlement of some property. My mother desired that I should return, and in case any of us had to go that he should. After remaining East some time, and not being able to settle up matters as I wanted to, I returned to California. WITNESS DEFINES WHAT HE MEANS BY HIS COUNTRY. I sympathized very deeply with my country, and I would have thrown my lot with her, although my feelings were opposed to slaveryQ. By your country you mean the Southern States?-A. Yes, sir. LARGE ARMED BODIES REALLY NECESSARY TO ENABLE DEMOCRATS TO HEAR REPUBLICAN SPEECHES. Q. You have stated that you and the 300 or 350 men, democrats, who attended the republican barbecue on the day that you have mentioned at Port Gibson had heard that the republican speakers were making violent and incendiary speeches, and you went out there for the purpose of hearing what they said?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Now, was it really necessary, in order to ascertain what they said that 350 men, armed as you have stated, should go out there to hear them?-A. I didn't state that all of them were armed. Q. No; not all of them, but some of them. What I want to get at is whether you could not have ascertained what those speakers would say without so many of you going out upon the ground to hear them?-A. No, sir; for this reason, that our people were in that condition that they just felt afraid to move except in respectable bodies, and we would not have gotten it from their own men; and we therefore went in that way. They would not subject themselves to be overawed as a few men would be in such a meeting. Q. If a committee of, say a dozen competent and discreet gentlemen, like yourself, had gone out there and listened to these speeches, do you not think that that armed force would have taken your report of the character of the speeches made?-A. Very true, sir; but I would not have gone in that way. Q. The only way, then, that you would go would be in a large body of armed men?-A. I didn't state that; all of them were not armed; I didn't state that they were armed; I stated that I saw some armed that I knew, and that some others were not armed. I saw arms on them on the day of the parade. Q. You have stated that your object in going out there was for the purpose of ascertaining what they said?-A. Yes, sir; that was our object in going. Q. Could you not have ascertained what they would say without going out in so large a body?-A. I don't think that I could, sir. We could not have gotten the men that would have gone; they would have been subjected to so much that was disagreeable, and sometimes these things bring on personal collisions, and those matters would have become instantly a race issue; and if one of these negroes had insulted one of those men, then there would be difficulty, and we proposed to place ourselves in no such position. There was an excitable state of feeling, and the negroes had expressed themselves that we were in their power. Q. You say you could not have ascertained without going out in so large a body — A. It is possible that it could have been done, but I could not have gotten the men to have gone there of our class, 220 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. DEMOCRATIC PARTY ORGANIZED ON THE AWHEITE-LINE POLICY. Q. You have stated that in Claiborne County the democratic party was organized strictly on a white-line policy -A. That is, that we would not vote for negroes for office. STRANGE TO SAY IT ELECTS A NEGRO TO OFFICE. Q. Do you remember whether or not it was so stated in the constitution of your club?-A. Yes, sir; strictly so. I think it was the primary object of the Claiborne County club, although, strange to say, there was a negro who has always affiliated with the democratic party, and a very respectable man, elected to office in his beat by one of the clubs organized under that policy. ABOUT STILES AND HIS TESTIMONY. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. You were asked as to whether you had heard Mr. Stiles's testimony, which, of course, it would have been impossible for you to have done; but had you a conversation with him since you arrived here on the subject of his testimony here?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did he state to you substantially what he had testified, or anything like it, previous to your testifying — A. Yes, sir; he suggested to me to read over his testimony. Q. You have been called upon to state your opinion of this man, Stiles; I will ask you whether it has been done by you with regret or not —.A. With great regret; I stated that my relations toward him are those of kind feeling. I have no respect for him, I am free to confess. HIS RECORD HAS BEEN CLEAR AS AN OFFICER. He has conducted his office in Claiborne County, so far as I know, without any reproach. The only reproach I have is that my efforts to bring those scoundrels and thieves to justice for things that they had done in direct violation of law were without avail, and I charge that upon him; but I may be wrong in that. In Claiborne County, as far as I know, his record has been clean as an officer; but as a gentleman and as a man of honor and standing, I could not say that. He does not have the good opinion of the majority of the white people of my county. As to the black people, it is a good badge when a man has these vices. JOHN T. HARRINGTON-CLAY COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MISS., June 26, 1876. JOHN T. HARRINGTON sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. What is your full name ~-Answer. John T. Harrington. Q. Where do you reside -A. In Clay County. Q. At what place in Clay County do you live ~-A. In the country, about 25 miles west of West Point. Q. What is your profession or pursuit — A. I am a practicing physician. Q. How long have you been a practicing physician — A. Thirty years. Q. Where has been your residence during that time — A. In Mississippi all the time, in this county and adjoining counties. TESTIMONY OF JOHN T. HARRINGTON. 221 Q. Are you a native of the State —A. No, sir; a native of South Carolina. Q. How long have you lived here — A. Forty years. WHY HE STOPPED HIS CANVASS. Q. Where were you last autumn during the canvass?-A. In the main part of the canvass I was county superintendent, and was in the discharge of my official duties generally at West Point, and I went around to other parts of the county when the canvass commenced. I was superintendent of education. After the canvass commenced it soon became very hot on the democratic side, and throughout West Point. We had no republicans who could meet them in debate, and they challenged us to send out speakers. They sent so many requests to me that I did tell them that I would go and meet them in debate, and I debated with them until I was advised by my brother, who was chancery clerk-he informed me that I had better desist from going to the debates, that my life was threatened, and I could not live to go to the debate that day. Q. Did your brother give you any evidence for his opinion, or any fact in support of it?-A. Yes, sir; at a certain meeting of the democratic party where I was to meet them, where I would have met them, my brother let me know that they were there in arms, a number of armed men, and that they were making threats, and that when I went there he thought they would kill me, and that I had better not go. YOUNG MEN THREATEN HIM. Q. Were there any disturbances at any meetings you did attend — A. At the republican meetings there were not any disturbances, nor at the meetings at which we debated. They had a democratic meeting at West Point on Thursday prior to election, at which there were some disturbances, and at which there was some shooting, and one or two men wounded, but I did not see it. I heard the guns. I did not see it myself. Q. Were you there — A. I was in West Point, but did not go to it. I was there, but did not go where they were shooting. That was a democratic meeting at which they had fighting. In the evening they had quite a dispute in regard to the law as to a point of legislation, and I was down at the hotel and consulted the district attorney, Major Whitfield. He was district attorney. He advised as to the law, and I went down to see him, and he sent me up to my office to get some law-books among others. And on the way three young men from West Point were waylaying me, I thought; at least, I went up on the opposite side of the street. I could not tell them at a distance. I have ophthalmia, and cannot tell one man from another if he is very far off. I saw these three young men suddenly turn and walk up, say 100 feet across the street.; at least that is the width of the street. I do not know how far exactly they walked. I wanted to have nothing to say to them, because there is a good deal of ill-feeling, and I passed on. I went on the street, and the three young men hallooed " Halt!" as they came close to me. The first stopped about the middle of the street; the second came about two-thirds or three-quarters across the street, and the other one came close to me and says, "; Do you go to your hole and do you stay there. Do you go to Hamp Harrington's." "Go to your hole and stay there." That was what they said first. "And if you come upon these streets any more, it will be at your expense." Shall I tell what succeeded? The CHAIRMAN. Yes, sir. The WITNESS. As I before said, I was superintendent of education, and the next morning I was to meet Judge Bradshaw, and we were to discuss this pointof dispute before the board of registration. Well, I was now for 222 MISISSISSIPPI ELECTION —CLAY COUNTY. bidden to go upon the streets, and I went out with great hesitation, but I thought I would make the venture the next morning. So I went the next morning at 8 o'clock, and before I got there a negro, who was circuit clerk of our county, came running to me with tears on his face and says, " There is going to be bloodshed; innocent blood. I know you have done no harm." I said, "What is it about." but he would not tell me anything about it. He came from a meeting of democrats; the same place where they had waylaid me the day before. I went in the cfice of the supervisor of registration, and as soon as I went in there the clerk said to me, said he, " I do not think it is safe for you to be here." He would not indicate anything, and that was all he said. I then went down-stairs into my office and walked out the back door, and I wanted to see whether they intended to execute the threat or only to bluff me. A CANDIDATE FORCED TO RESIGN. And I went back to my brother's and told the servants, 1 I will go to the back building," and if there were any demonstrations of violence to let me know. I had not been there more than ten minutes before there came along a colored man, who said the young men on the street were hunting for me, and called for me to run. I then went back to the bushes and staid until dinner; and at dinner I came up the back way to my brother's; and while at dinner two of these young men came across the yard and walked backward and forward with their pistols. It was not more than ten steps, but I could see it as well as the others. I saw them, and could see them looking at their arms, and they inquired for me. Col. Frank Petty told them I was not there; but these two came and inquired up there. He was meeting me there in relation to the tickets. They drove him back and would not let him come in. He was candidate for the board of supervisors, and they made him relinquish his candidacy, and told him if he was found about that place they would hurt him. That is what he told me afterward. Q. Do you know whether he did resign his candidacy — A. Yes, sir; he did. These men went and took their stand where I could see them. They staid there some hours, I suppose. It seemed a good while to me. This was prior to the election on Thursday. On Friday, that evening, I was to meet my friends at my sister-in-law's. They had my brother under arrest at the time at the court-house. Q. With what offense was he charged — A. They charged him with embezzling warrants. He was chancery clerk. They charged him with that. ALL THE ROADS PICKETED. Q. Under arrest by criminal process — A. Yes, sir; by legal process. Then I had a negro take my horse back to a certain place, and I went the back way through the woods and went to my sister-in-law's that night, twenty-two miles, and I was very much exhausted. It took me all night to get there, and the roads were guarded, it was said. Parties came to me and told me the roads were guarded. -In fact, they sent an order to have tickets here, and a colored man whom they sent for the tickets they stopped on the road and searched him; and the letter he had hid in the bottom of his shoe, and they did not find the letter. Q. What tickets did you intend to get here — A. Tickets for the election, the congressional and State elections-for all the elections that were to come off on the Tuesday succeeding, and they stopped him and turned him back, and told him that all the roads were picketed, and they could not pass any one. Well, there were parties inquiring for me, and I took to the woods and went out till I got out of the TESTIMONY OF JOHN F. HARRINGTON. 223 range of those pickets. In that way I would get by, and they did not suspect I got the tickets in that way and carried them out. My wife had been away that day and returned home just at dark, and three men who had been searching for me and they had lost sight of me. They had been searching and went to Palo Alto, and they went on by to Barr's, three miles from my house, and inquired if he knew whether I was at home or not, and said they wanted to see me to compromise the election. That was the expression. They could "compromise' if they could see me; and they called for their dinners and their horses to be fed. They were all armed. They did hardly expect I would be at home, and consequently they would not go over to my house until night. So just between twilight and dark in the deep dusk, as my wife rode up in the buggy they rode up and they asked her if I was at home, and she told them that 1 was not.'Where is he? they asked. She said she did not know where I was then. " Well, what do you want with him." she said. They said they understood his family was very sick and they came here to see if he was sick and to say that his brother is in great distress, and that they came here to get me to go to West Point to-night. They first said to Barr that they came to compromise the election, and now they told my wife they wanted me to go to West Point that night to see about my brother. I knew all about it. She told them I was not there and had not been at home since Sundry. " You say he is not here," they said. "Now, let us tell you if you will bring him out we won't hurt him," they said. She had asked their names at first and they would not tell their names, and she wanted to know who they were, and then they whispered and consulted a little and said, "' Let's tell her." And they told who they were, and they said they would not hurt me if I would come out and go with them to West Point. She said, " I tell you he is not here, and I am not a person who tells lies, and I do not like men to come here and talk that way. I don't wish to be insulted in my yard. " Well " said they, " we will stay all night if you will take us." My wife replied, "I never ask gentlemen to stay all night when my husband is absent." And my little boy said to her, " We can take care of them," and she said nothing; and they then said they could stay in the woods, they supposed; and they turned and went to the back of my field, and as they went riding around the lot they met an old darky, a colored man who lives with me, and they bailed him and said, "Who are you? And he says, "Reuben Green; and they asked, "Where do you live?" "With Dr. Hlarrington, l he replied. "Where is he?" they inquired. He said, "I don't know; he hasn't been home since last Sunday." "Ah, are you sure he has not been home since last Sunday?" rather sharply, he said. " No, sir," he replied; "he ain't been here.? " Well, you can go on," they said, and he went on and left them behind my lot. I have one neighbor to whom they went in about an hour. He thinks and says it was about an hour. They went to his house and told him they wanted him to direct them across this bad swamp, and they had been to see me and I was not at home, and they went off. I went back to West Point that night; the Saturday night previous to election I went back to West Point. The next day they were searching awhile, for runners came and told me so. I was to dispense tickets. One came in and told me he had to go through the woods; that he could not pass on account of the roads being picketed, and he had to slip in, and I dispensed the tickets Saturday night and Sunday morning. At West Point I could see parties riding around all day, seeming to be searching, and inquiry was being made constantly as to my whereabouts, but no one informed them. and they could not get 224 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. any information. On Sunday night, as there seemed to be such an interest and anxiety to get hold of me, I concluded again to retreat, and I went to myfather's; started after supper, and I walked five miles through the woods after night, to avoid the pickets. I had sent and found there were pickets, and I went five miles,knocking around through the woods with my horse. I then went to my father's that night, and staid there until after the election; was not at the election at all. Parties came to me and told me-my wife's son came to me and told me-that the democrats had told him if I went to the election they would kill me. Then Reuben Gruen says the president of a club, on the day of election, said in that place that, while he was in favor of peace, if I came to that place he would order his men to hang me right up on one of these limbs. I had seen them run Major Point away, made him quit West. Point, and seen so much of their demonstrations, I knew that they would kill me. Q. What were the circumstances of their running Major Point away. — A. They got up a riot between two individuals-two republicans-not large either; but he attempted to kill one of the leading democratsto shoot him-and they got a riot up in consequence of that, and they came around in the court-house and they said they were searching for radicals, and were going to clean up the whole thing. Q. When did that occur? —A. A few days before the election-I think about two weeks before the election. A few days before the election Petty was in the court-house yard, and the democrats came there. Q. Was he concerned in the shooting —A. No, sir; he never was. He was a negro and candidate for sheriff. He happened to be out, and they inquired for me; but I was not present. I had suddenly stepped to the backhouse, and heard everything and seen everything; and when they came up there there were some thirty or forty, and some of them said something to him; and the latter said let him alone, that he was a peace-officer, and not to interrupt him. Q. You spoke of some one who warned you before the discussion, when you went to have the discussion as to the legislation. Was this the same man — A. No, sir; this man was at work in the clerk's office. Q. What was ttie name of the man who told you it was not safe?A. Mr. White. Q. Was he a democrat or a republican?-A. He had been a republican, but he acted afterward entirely with the democratic party, I think. He acted in that interest in every particular. I think he claims to be a democrat. WITNESS TO BE HANGED IF HE MADE ANOTHER RADICAL SPEECH. Q. Is there anything further that you recall connected with the election of any importance —A. Well, I might perhaps say that individuals, leading men in the community, some of them, and great democrats,, upon my making a speech at Palo Alto, after making a speech, one of them came to me and said that that was the damdest radical speech he had ever heard. He said that he never had heard such a radical speech as that. I saw him again at West Point, and he says, "I am one of ten that has agreed to hang you if you ever make another such a speech." They had agreed in a democratic convention, as respectable democrats as there are in the county, and four of them volunteered to hang me immediately wherever I could be found, if they could get ten. But they could not get the number, and, consequently, did not put the matter in execution. A few days after the election I was on my way to my office and I met Dr. Townsend, one of the most intelligent democrats in my county, and we had a little conversation, and he told me that he thought TESTIMONY OF JOHN T. HARRINGTON. 225 on the day of election I would not have been hurt; that they had the thing fixed. " We knew that the negroes would vote as we wanted them; )but if they had gotten you at any time previous to that for a week they would have used you." He meant kill me, of course. He then said that they had no ill-will against me individually, and when they had accomplished their political objects they would not have hurt me, and I might have gone to the election. I said, " What was against me?" and he said,' They thought you was the managing talent of the party, and on that account; and we were determined to beat this election." RELATIVE PROPORTIONS OF THE RACES. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. What are the relative proportions of the white and black races in your county —A. There are two black to one white; in the neighborhood of that. RESULT OF LAST ELECTION. Q. What republican majority was generally conceded to be in the county prior to the colnmencement of the last political campaigns —A About eleven hundred. Q. What was the result of last election in round numbers?-A. About six hundred democratic majority. Q. Who were elected to the legislature from your county last fall — A. All whites. Q. To the lower house T-A. We had one representative to the lower house, and Mr. Barry, senator, from our district. Q. Were they democrats or republicans — A. Democrats. Q. Who was the republican nominee — A. Mr. Pruett. Q. Was Barry elected senator last fall?-A. Yes, sir. ELECTION STATISTICS OF THE SENATORIAL DISTRICT. Q. What counties are included in the same senatorial district as yours — A. Oktibbeha and Lowndes Counties make up the district. Q. Prior to last election were the republicans in the majority in Oktibbeha and Lowndes f-A. Yes, sir; a very large majority in Lowndes. They gave a majority of about 800, I think, in Oktibbeha, and about 2,500 in Lowndes. Q. Is Barry a democrat or a republican?-A. Democrat. Q. So that a democratic senator was elected in that district, Mr. Barry, and a member of the house from your county — A. Yes, sir. INTIMIDATION OF THE REPUBLICANS. Q. What was the state of feeling among the republican voters, partic ularly the colored republican voters, as to whether or not they were secure, whether or not they would be injured in their person or property by the democrats?-A. They were in the most intense fear and apprehension. They expected they would be killed, numbers of them, and great numbers of them did not go to the election at all. Q. On account of that fear?-A. Yes, sir, and the threatenings that they had received. A NICE MAN AND CHRISTIAN RUNS OFF HIS LABORERS FOR VOTING. REPUBLICAN TICKET. Q. You may state the nature generally, as you understand it, of the threats that were made against the colored republicans by the democrats.-A. So far as I have heard, the most of them were, that "if you colored people vote "-I won't use their rough language —" if you vote the republican ticket this time-if you do —sometimes they would say15 MISS 226 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —CLAY COUNTY. 4 ou will never come from the election." Other times they would say that " you will never go to the elections and others this: that " if you vote you will have to leave my place;" "you shan't stay in the country;" "you shan't be here and vote us down."' If you stay in the country you will be killed if you vote the republican ticket;" and vast numbers were discarded from their places where they lived-leading republicans. In one instance, a democrat, Mr.Barr, a nice man and a Christian, a good man, I think, I went to him after he had told two of his best hands, those men and their families-I went to him individuallyQ. After he told them what?-A. After he told them to leave his place for having voted the republican ticket, and I said, "Mr. Barr, these are good men; they are honest men; they are the best hands you have." He says, " Yes; I hate to turn them off, but my club required it of me, and I have to do it." Q. What club did he refer to?-A. The democratic club, beat No. 4, and he did run them off. I know of that. Q. How general was that throughout your county?-A. I think, sir, it was general all over the county; so far as I know, it was. Wherever I have been-and I have been almost all over the county-they ran a good many off; the leading republicans who have had any influence with the colored people were driven off. THREATS AND CANNON. Q. What was resorted to in order to drive them off? How was it done generally? —A. They threatened them individually, in the country, and they got arms, as I was told. I knew it was not safe for me to go and see, and I did not go and see. I did not think it was a very healthy place for me. But they'distributed arms at the precincts; the democrats did. My son in-law told me (he is a democrat) that at Palo Alto they had about two hundred guns. They said they would run the negroes out who wanted to vote the republican ticket. But they did not use one, I do not think. They were taken out, because they controlled the negroes as they pleased, pretty much. I was told of others, but it is all hearsay. I presume it is so; they all thought it was so. They also had a cannon. They threatened us with cannon. Q. Where did they do that?-A. During this canvass they carried a cannon around with them to every speaking-place and meetings at nights. They would go out at night. On one occasion they went out five miles from West Point to one particular place, I remember, Sykes Chapel. They took out their, cannon, and a lot of whisky and tobacco, and told the negroes to come and eat, chew tobacco, and drink whisky. And they took their cannon and fired it again and again. They got it from West Point. They told the negroes there to come and drink their whisky; but the negroes said they wanted them to drink first; and they had to drink first, and then the negroes drank. On various occasions they carried that thing all over the county, shooting, booming away all over the county, and bringing out their drums, and speaking, and done everything of that sort to create apprehension as to the result. Q. Was it customary for the democrats prior to the last canvass to carry cannon with them from one place to another?-A. Never. Q. Do you know, from information or otherwise, where this cannon was obtained —A. That was taken from West Point. They had two. They had one in the beginning of the canvass, and they got another. I do not know where they got it from. I heard it came from Mobile, but I do not know that as a fact. TESTIMONY OF JOHN T. HARRINGTON. 227 PERCENTAGE OF BLACK DEMOCRATS. Q. What percentage of colored voters in your county are democrats — A. Well, sir, I do not think there are more than two in a hundred. Q. Two voters in a hundred voters'?-A. That is my opinion. They said I am the best posted men in the county, and I think I am; for I have attended to all the clubs in every canvass in the county, and organized clubs, and talked with every leading republican, and talked with the whites in the county. Have had means of knowing the state of feeling and sentiment of the colored people as good and as sure as any man in the county. Q. Andthat is your deliberate opinion — A. Yes, sir. I think that is a big calculation; a large calculation. We have 2,200 voters, and there are not 40 democrats. Q. Two thousand two hundred colored voters?-A. Yes, sir. PERCENTAGE OF WHITE REPUBLICANS. Q. What'percentage of the white people in your county are republicans'!-A. I am a little ashamed to say that it is very small; perhaps not any larger, hardly so large, as the percentage of negroes the other way; though there are a great many who came to me privately and said we want to vote the republican ticket, but we cannot do it. Our families would beostracised and we would be ostracised. They have got lists going around all over the county, taking a list of every man how he is going to vote, and if they don't say that he is going to vote with our side they put him down on the negro side. "I could bear it for myself but not for my family. I cannot vote for you, although I think you are right." SOCIAL OSTRACISM OF THE REPUBLICANS. Q. State, doctor, generally, to what extent this social ostracism is carried in your county.-A. To a very full extent; as far as it possibly can be. They don't associate with my family, or the families of republicans. We have to make what little associations we have with ourselves. We are perfectly ostracised in every particular. A man who is a republican in our county must make up his mind to all sorts of ostracism. After election a man owed me something, and he agreed to pay me a certain amount in corn each month; at the beginning of each month. The roads were very bad, and he goes to Robinson's and said, " I want you to let me have ten bushels of toll-corn on the first day of every month, and I will pay the corn back as soon as I can." He says "Yes; I would be glad to make that arrangement." And I sent for the first ten bushels of corn, and my son went there, and when he found out it was for me, he sent word: "' I have taken an oath not to aid any leading radical for love or money, and I cannot let you have any more corn for his benefit." And I got no more, That is just a business transaction. In my practice, where I had once a good practice before, they have universally went into some sort of an understanding that they would not patronize me after that as a physician. Before this I had a tolerably respectable practice. If they had a bad case, rather than die, they would let the radical doctor attend them; and I am sometimes called out in that way. But my practice has been pretty nearly cut off in that county. They don't pretend but I am the best physician they can get. They give me more credit for talent and work than I myself think I deserve in that particular, both medically and politically, even more than I deserve; but at the same time I am ostracised because I am a radical. 228 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. AN ELECTIONEERING ADVENTURE. Q. Are the white men in your county generally armed?-. A. Hardly a man of them for days before the election, especially young men, but what were armed. I started out big before the election, until this iuformation came to my brother that I would be killed if I persisted in my debates with them any further. I desisted from speaking, and I made no speeches at no place at no time, but what a number of democrats were present and heard every word I said. I made no private speeches. Previous to that time, in campaigns before that, I had often spoken to the clubs-these colored clubs-when there were no democrats present; but last year I made no speeches unless they were present, and a great many, sometimes a hundred, and sometimes five hundred democrats. When I desisted, I desisted for a week or two. Finally there were so many solicitations from the western part of the county, from colored republicans, and one or two white republicans-there were so many, that I started a week before the election to go out and make a speech. In the morning there at West Point, I went early to the stable to get a horse. There were two stables, and I went to the one I had patronized before, and I applied and asked if they had a horse. He said, " Yes; three of the best travelers in the country." Of course, I thought I would get a horse. And he says, "The travelers are gone and will not be back soon." Captain Gay, who was there, was a very active man in the canvass, and he had heard that I was going out to make a speech, perhaps, and he went immediately and had a conversation, and they came up to me and said, "We have no horses. Our horses are all rode down, and we cannot let you have one; but Colonel Gerdine went out last night and has one horse; we will let you have that. He will be in, perhaps, in an hour and a half." I went, then, to the other stable to see what I could do there, and I saw these men covered up, and they came and said I could not get a horse there. I went back to the first stable and said, 4;lf this horse comes in an hour and a half"- I knew the gentleman very well there —' I will take the horse." Said they, "We will send you word." In about an hour and a half, between nine and ten o'clock, I think, they sent me word that the horse had come; and as I went out to the stable I saw two or three fine horses. I then went on, and he showed me my horse; it was a rough, raw-boned horse, very rough horse, but a good buggy-horse. "You can have the buggy for $5, or $2.50 for riding." I offered him a dollar for the buggy, but he would not take that. I offered that to him additional to the $2.50, but he would not take it. They had the horse bridled and I mounted him, and as I went off I saw some young men come for these fine horses, but it created no apprehension at that time. I just thought about the fine horses. I noticed that they were fine, and they were the same horses I noticed before; a just behind jt beh came a buggy. I was delayed some, and I put my horse under the whip, and he was a fast horse, and I went at full speed; but the men in the buggy kept up with me for several miles; indeed, for a distance of nine miles, before I began to be very apprehensive-before I thought they were after me. When we got about nine miles these fine horses began to fag. They were fat, and it was a very hot day for that time of year; but mine was as good as ever. He seemed to gather strength as he went. When I got to Palo Alto, a distance of twelve miles, one of the gentlemen went in and get into the one-horse buggy with the other man. Then there were four after me, and then I began to suspect that they meant some bloody work. Says I to myself, after I turned the corner a little, "I will strike out as TESTIMONY OF JOHN T. HARRINGTON. 229 rapidly as my horse will go, and I will see." It was about a mile then to a gate, and I let my horse go about as fast as he could; and when I got to the gate, just behind me they came; and I opened the gate and invited them to come through and shut the gate after them. I was satis: fled that they were after me then. Well, they did not commit any rudeness, or say anything to me; didn't talk, didn't ask me where I was going; but I saw their arms. There was another gate about three miles farther. " Now," thought I," I will give you a race for that gate." And I putout for three miles, and went it in a pretty short time; and when 1 got there they were there with the buggy, and I opened it again for them. I was then one mile from Hulkey Swamp, which was a very bad swamp, and there was ahole where I could leave them, and where they would get stuck, I thought, and so I made for that hole; but before they got that far, about half a mile, they turned off on the road, and we separated in that way. They went the road to Robinson's mill, a distance of about twenty miles from West Point. I went around the plantation through the edge of that swamp, and back up into another road that went to the appointment, and there I came across a man going to mill, and he went on to the mill, and when be got there he saw three men, and he told them he had seen me, and I had gone a certain road. He told me this afterward. I went to the appointment, and when I got there to the place of speaking, I was not in a very good plight t ttalk; but the republicans, when I got there, gave way to let me speak; and I spoke an hour and a half before they came; and about a half an hour by sun these fellows came riding up while I was speaking. I was mainly speaking that day of the manner of carrying on the canvass; and I mentioned to them that I never knew, in the history of politics, of the republican party doing what I have seen done by democrats in this canvass, going round with tobacco and whisky, treating the negroes, trying to secure their votes in this way. I had never seen such a thing as that, and I had never done such a thing as these gentlemen have done, (pointing to them. They were before me on the stand.) " You never saw me carry a bottle of whisky among a parcel of negroes." I was speaking about this when these gentlemen came up, and one says,;" Now, let's stop him right there." Major Bugg and another man they said not to interrupt me. They spoke to him, and I saw him speak back, but do not know what he said. The republican candidate for sheriff was near enough to hear what was said, and they said, " Let him go on; he has not said anything yet very offensive." I spoke until sundown and left them, and they never interrupted me at all. NO ARMING AMONG THE NEGROES. Q. It is claimed that the negroes, a great many o fthem, were armed? -A. Not in our county. I never heard that such was the case in my county. I think I have as much influence in my county as any man in the county. I have never sought office at all, but I have done all disinterestedly, all that I have done for them. I believe the colored men have confidence in me, more than in any man in the county. When they were threatened some said, in the beginning of the canvass, " We must have guns; they are going to attack us now and we will shoot them"the democrats, in the early part of the canvass. I says, " No; don't one of you go to one of these meetings with an arm. Never carry them; not a gun nor a pistol about you; you can do nothing by fighting, and you must not do it. If you make a demonstration of that kind, you will certainly all be killed." Sass I, " Don't one of you go armed atall." And there was never any arms carried at all, that I know of. There 230 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. was no disposition to fight, or for a difficulty. Their disposition was to be peaceable and quiet, and have their rights; that was all they wanted. INTIMIDATION AND INTERFERENCE THE CAUSES OF DEMOCRATIC MAJORITY. Q. State briefly what was the cause of the democratic majority in your county last fall, or the causes e-A. The cause was, in my opinion, this intimidation and interference; a good. many could not go to the election for fear they would be killed. The negroes in some places were forced to vote the democratic ticket, and a good many of them had their tickets scratched. If the tickets were not destroyed, and if you send for them. down at West Point, you can see them; and you never saw such things in the world. Many of them could not read, and were fooled out of their votes in that way, many of them. I was not at the election, but I was informed that in many cases they were forced from the polls and were intimidated; and but for that intimidation there would not be ten democratic votes in the county from the negroes. NO NEGRO CONVERTS TO DEMOCRACY. Q. Then you do not agree with those who claim that the negroes were genuine converts to democracy that fall — A. No, sir; I do not believe it. I don't believe that there was any conversion, not one. If it were not to involve parties-a gentleman-I could disclose some things. I do not know whether I ought or not. They told me what made them do it, and how they were led to do it. Q. You spoke of having resigned your office; you mean that of superintendent?-A. Yes, sir. The democrats seemed determined to have the office. Once they broke open my office and held an election there. They had a number of my books, my records, there, and they interfered with them and scattered my papers allover the house. I was apprehensive that I would get into trouble, and that I had better resign. CROSS-EXAMINATION. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Will you give me the name of the individual who said he would turn off two of his hands because the club compelled him to do it? —A. Yes, sir; J. M. Barr. His post-office is Big Spring. Q. How far from here is it?-A. Twenty-five miles. Q. Is he a farmer?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who were those two parties to this killing which took place at West Point, two weeks before the election?-A. I do not know; I was.not present. I did not even know the negro who was shot through the shoulder. Q. What was his name — A. I do not remember the negro's name. Q. What is the name of the man who shot him?-A. I cannot tell his name. Q. Do you know anything about the circumstances at all — A. Yes, sir; I do not, but in that way. Q. What was the man's name that shot the negro~ -A. I do not know; I do not remember his name. THE RIVAL TICKETS-ABOUT SCRATCHING. Q. There were two tickets in the county,just a straight republican ticket and a democratic ticket?-A. Yes, sir. Q. There was no fusion ticket?-A. No fusion ticket in that county. Q. What was the effect of the scratching you speak of?-A. They were scratched by putting on democrats. TESTIMONY OF JOHN T. HARRINGTON. 231 Q. Taking off one Dame and putting on another — A. Yes, sir; on the republican ticket, not the democratic. Q. A good deal of it was done?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And they bought over men — A. Yes, sir; bought over. That I heard; I do not know that. NAMES OF INTIMIDATORS. Q. What is Dr. Townsend's name, his full name; who said they would carry the election under any circumstances?-A. I think his name is William. He lives at Siloam post-office. Q. How far is that from here — A. About twenty miles. Q. When did he say that, and to whom?-A. It was after the election when I resigned; a little after the election. Q. What is the name of the State senator who said the same thing?A. Barry. Q. What is his full name — A. I cannot remember, but he is not our present senator. Q. He said the same thing?-A. Yes, sir. Q. To whom — A. He said it in his speech, that they would carry this election. Q.'How many meetings did you attend during the canvass?-A. I do not remember and cannot tell, but quite a number I attended. I attended right in succession, one day after another, prior to the time when they came and told me I had better desist; and on different elections I spoke all over the country. Q. How many speeches do you suppose you made during the last canvass — A. I can tell you nearly. But twelve that I remember of. Q. At different meetings — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you witness in that time an act of violence inflicted upon any one?A. I did not. Q. Was there any act of violence inflicted upon you?~-A. No, sir. Q. Any assault made upon upon -A. No, sir. Q. At any time — A. No, sir; unless that young man who came with weapons and threatened me, but did not strike me. Q. Who is he — A. He is the present chancellor of our county. Q. What is his name? —A. Alexis Brame. Q. The present chancellor — A. Yes, sir. Q. What did he do to you?-A. As I told you before, he hailed me across the street, and had two or three other young men with him, and one went part of the way across the street; and Brame was the one that talked to me and told me to go to my hole. Said, " Go to Hamp Harrington's and stay there, and if you are caught on these streets any more it will be at your expense." Q. When was that — A. I think on Thursday evening prior to the election. Q. Was that the only case in which anything like an assault was inflicted upon you during the canvass, except these threats that you speak of on the road, which you detailed at some length — A. Occasionally some of them at some places would dispute my word and say that was not so. Q. Contradict statements which you made in public speeches —A. Yes, sir. I was interrupted frequently; not by those gentlemen with whom I debated. In the debates I was treated very kindly. Q. Who were the persons.who called on the supervisor to relinquish his office —A. Those parties, I think-three. Q. Who caused him to relinquish his office -A. Those parties there; George Coleman and some others. One party was Henry Hatch. 232 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. Q. Who was Coleman?-A. President of the board at the time. Q. Do you know these two men compelled him to relinquish his office? -A. He said they did; that they drove him off. When he came to act they would not let him act. and made him go away. Q. Who were the men?-A. George Coleman and Summerfield Sykes. THE WITNESS'S BROTHER. Q. Before what judge was your brother charged with embezzlementS -A. Before the mayor of that place. Q. West Point — A. Yes, sir. Q. He was bound over to what court?-A. The circuit court. Q. Has the trial been reached yet?-A. No, sir. Q. Has there been any action by the grand jury upon it — A. Yes, sir; found a true bill. Q. Found an indictment against him?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What is your brother's position?-A. He was chancery clerk of the county, and he was-in the capacity in which he was accused of embezzling, he was clerk of the sheriff of the county, I think. I do not know about that. Q. Who was the president of that club of which you spoke? J. M. Barr?-A. No, sir; not president of the club. He was a member of the club. The president of the club, he said, was Pad Malone-Patrick, I reckon. They called him "Old Pad Malone" at Big Springs. TREATING NEGROES WITH WHISKY AND TOBACCO. Q. Was it a very frequent thing, this treating of negroes with whisky and tobacco over the county e-A. I think pretty general. I could hear of it. I did not go to the meetings. I never went out any at night. I did not go with them at all but when I went in the day-time. The negroes told me all over the county. KNOWS OF ONLY ONE ACT OF VIOLENCE AGAINST NEGROES. Q. Can you state any one act of violence upon a negro by a white democrat during the canvass?-A. I have spoken of that case there at West Point, which I told you I did not see. Q. You do not know any case of that kind at all — A. Well, no; I presume I do not. Q. And you do not know the name of the man at that place — A. I do not know now. Q. You do not know the name of the negro that was hurt —A. No, sir; not at this time. The other witnesses can tell you. The party who shot, I think, none of them knew. I think he was a stranger. NEGROES TURNED OFF. Q. What other particular case of personal intimidation do you know of against the negroes, except those two who were turned off?-~A. A great number were run off. I could tell a good many of them. Q. How do you know that it was for that cause d-A. They told me so. The persons who turned them off told me so. Those very parties told me; and the very ones who told me that if they did vote they would be turned off, afterward told me that they were turned off. Q. Your information came from the parties who were turned off? —A. Yes, sir; and from white men. There was a publication made in the county, and I reckon I could get a copy of that action of the clubs, in which they agreed —-- Q. That they would resort to that means to compel men to vote as they wished?-A. Yes, sir. TESTIMONY OF JOHN T. HARRINGTON. 233 Q. What other acts of intimidation than that do you know of-the.n the turning of men off — A. This general intimidation that I have spoken of a while ago, such as telling them they had to quit and go if they did not do so. Q. Who did you ever hear say so to any man? —A. Different white men I have heard say that. Q. To whom? —A. To the negroes. Q. Have you ever been present when that was said?-A. Yes, sir. Q. State the names.-A. One was J. Harrington, a nephew of mine, who said that they would have to quit and go; that they would have no friends among the democrats, and could not live without their friendship. They told a good many things of that sort; general intimidation of that kind. Q. Do you know of any other acts than those? Do you know of any act of personally putting in fear — A. No, sir; so far as these things are concerned, I think I have told all I know in regard to it. NO A:MERICAN FLAG, BUT TWO HUNDRED OTHERS. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Were you at the West Point meeting of the democrats, two or three days before the election? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you see the flags exhibited there?-A. I think I saw two hundred flags, but no United States flag. Q. What were they —A. There were some very nearly-I cannot say if just exactly-like the confederate flag, and all sorts, shaking and waving. But I saw no United States flag. At the West Point meeting, up and down the streets on both sides, for nearly a quarter of a mile, over both sides of the street, thirty or forty feet high, on the tops of the buildings. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did you walk along the whole of that street~?-A. No, sir. Q. Where were you?-A. I was at my office, and went from my office to the hotel where the district attorney was. Q. Did you pass by and along this row of flags e-A. Well, I could see up the street. Q. How far could you see e I think you said you had ophthalmia, or something, which prevented you seeing very far.-A. 0, I could see. I cannot discriminate features half across the street. I could see these bars and colors. Q. Did you see confederate flags at that meeting?-A. No, sir; I said flags resembling. They might have been like them. I do not know how many of these stripes they had on them. I do not know that they were full confederate flags. I know about the various colors, and from the appearance of confederate flags which I have seen. Q. Was there no United States flag, then?-A. I did not see any. I seen the particular ones. I think those on the court-house, if any, United States flags. Q. Did you walk along the entire line of the street where those flags were? —A. I did not walk along the entire line; I think near the lower corner, and looked up. Q. That was the meeting at West Point — A. Yes, sir. Q. When?-A. The Thursday before the election, I think. The election was the Tuesday following. 234 MISISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. J. L. EDMONDS, COLORED-CLAY COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MISS., June 26, 1876. J. L. EDMONDS sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Where do you live? —Answer. In Clay County. Q. Which was Colfax County?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Near what place — A. West Point. Q. How far from West Pointl —A. My home is in the corporation, and I have been employed in teaching school about four miles from town since the 1st of April. Q. How long have you lived in Clay County — A. Two years. Q. Where were you from before that — A. From Lowndes County, which is the adjoining county. Q. What is your age — A. Twenty-four years-not exactly twentyfour. I was born in 1852. Q. Where did you get your education? —A. At Columbus. Q. In this State — A. Yes, sir. Q. In Lowndes County?-A. Yes, sir. THREATENED WITH DEATH IF HE PERSISTED IN MAKING REPUBLICAN SPEECHES. Q. Do you know anything about the election-canvass of last year? If you do, you can state to the committee what you know.-A. I went around a great deal in the county in the republican canvass, and I spoke, I think, a time or two in the last campaign. I continued to go to them until I was attacked in the streets of West Point one day by a man by the name of McCeachin. He attacked me on the street. There was four or five with him, and asked why was I going around speaking, and what did I have to do with it. I told him just because I belonged to the party. He told me, " I want you to stop and have no more to do with it, or they would kill me"-just that way. I promised that I would not have anything more to do with it. They had pistols in their hands, and were armed, and I had to make the promise to save my life; and then they let me loose. I went to the clerk employed by a man by the name of Vincent Petty. I went there and they came in there and attacked me again, and told me, in the presence of Petty and his clerk, if I ever went around making speeches anywhere in that county to put on my burying-clothes, as I would never come back to West Point any more. REPUBLICANS HAVE TO GO THROUGH THE WOODS TO GET TICKETSALL THE ROADS PICKETED. Q. Who were the men?-A. A man named Tipton-he lives there now; J. H. McCeachin; I do Inot know his first name. And then I was out there before the election, during the whole campaign, until the time of the election; staid out at Mr. Harrington's, the chancery clerk's, house. I staid there during the campaign. To get tickets, it was impossible to come there in the daytime, almost, for any republican. The democrats staid around his building, and immediately around his door, all day long. He lived nearly outside of the corporation, just on the inside of the corporation, and the only way to get tickets from there was to slip through at night; and it was very dangerous going to Mr. Harrington's. Mr. McCaulay, the candidate for senator of the repub TESTIMONY OF J. L. EDMONDS. 235 licans, they came to his house and Harrington's, and slipped through the lines and passed through the corporation. Our people from the country, they came at night to get tickets, but did not come the road. They came through the woods to get tickets. The roads were picketed all over the entire county, and nothing going on the whole time. Q. Did you see any pickets out in the roads yourself?-A. Yes, sir. I started out, was attacked, threw down the tickets, and left. PICKETS TAKE HIS TICKETS. Q. What do you mean by being attacked Was there any personal violence.-A. Yes, sir;they asked me did I have tickets, and I said yes; and they asked what I was going to do with them, and I told them; and they said to turn them over and leave the tickets with them, and I left the tickets and went off. Q. You were stopped by the pickets — A. Yes, sir. I do not know who they were; they were all strangers. Q. All white men — A. Yes, sir; and regularly equipped. They were well armed, and they were on all the roads. Q. How many meetings did you speak at — A. At three or five. Q. Were there any democratic speakers at the meeting? —A. Yes, sir. ARMED MEN WITH CANNON ATTEND REPUBLICAN MEETINGS. Q. Were the meetings ordered — A. They were, our meetings; but where we appointed a meeting they would go there and speak as they pleased. Q. Without any arrangement — A. Yes, sir; without any arrangement; they did not ask. Where we appointed a meeting they would take a cannon and go out and get a crowd, well armed, from 40 to 50 men. Q. Did they bring their cannon to these meetings and fire it?-A. Yes, sir; fired a dozen times in some places, and then after they fired it they would load it up with chains, and leave it with the mouth pointing toward the crowd of colored people. Q. They loaded the cannon with chains?-A. Yes, sir; chains were hanging out of it. Q. They did not fire it e-A. No, sir; when they fired I suppose they had nothing in it more than powder, but when they were going to speak they would have it turned around, and chains hanging around it. They did that way at the election. IT LOOKED LIKE VIOLENCE AT THE ELECTION. Q. You were present?-A. Yes, sir. At Palo Alto on Tuesday morning, the day of the election, I went out there to issue some republican tickets, and when I got through all around, I could not issue to the colored people. It looked like violence there. They got around me with pistols and knives; would go around and take my name, and took my name about a hundred times. Would take it down and make remarks, such as "I would never get back to town;" " The colored people could not come and vote here." They would push me and abuse me, and appear as if they were going to shoot them, The colored people said that if they were republicans they would shoot them. They had a parade there at West Point on Thursday, and the next following Tuesday was the day of the election. TWO COLORED MEN SHOT. Q. Were you present that day ~-A. Yes, sir. There was a, colored man-I was standing on the corner talking, and some other colored men 236 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. came up, about a dozen, and they were talking about how the democrats were armed, and one thing and another, and a colored man says, "I do not care how many are riding around, I am a republican, and expect to vote the ticket." Just then a man walked up with a pistol and shot him right here, [indicating.l Then when he shot the colored man he ran off, and the colored man went on the other side of the street, and met a doctor-he was bleeding some-and he got the ball out. Pretty soon another colored man made some expression, and he was shot at. Q. Shot him, too —A. Yes, sir. One was shot, and it made a scattering; he was shot at, but was not struck. The shot was right in the crowd, but it did not strike anybody. Q. Do you know anything about the flags that were flying at West Point on that Thursday? —A. Yes, sir. They had flags-red, white, and crimson flags, with stripes occasionally. Q. How many flags were there?-A. The whole street was covered; you could not hear your ears hardly for the flags flapping in the breeze, waving and flapping over your head. Q. Were there United States flags —A. Yes, sir. They had one United States-it just had a few stars on it-at the court-house. They had some small little flags, but the most of the flags were just like the old confederate flags. Q. Were there some United States flags — A. Yes, sir; some. COLORED MEN AFRAID TO VOTE-THREATS TO KILL EVERY NIGGER IN THE COUNTY. Q. Do you know whether the colored people voted generally in Clay County — A. They did not vote generally; they were afraid. When I went to Palo Alto in the morning, I went at the request of some parties, and 1 found colored men were at work this side of town. They told me they did not look for me to come; they said they would not be allowed to vote at all. The pickets had taken the colored people and everybody else, and asked whether they were going to vote or not; and if they said " yes," they asked how — if they were going to vote with the republicans; and if they said "yes," they would not be allowed to vote at all. They said they were going to beat at this election; they declared they were going to carry this county, or going to kill every nigger in the county; they said that on the stump, speaking. At the meetings, on the stumps and at the school-houses, around the various parts of the country, they said they would carry the county or kill every nigger; they would carry it if they had to wade in blood. That was their whole doctrine. THREATS FRPOM THE STUMP. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Who made that speech,'" We will carry the county and kill every nigger in it " The CHAIRMAN. He did not say they would kill every nigger in it. He said they would carry the county or kill every nigger in it. Q. Who said that?-A. Mr. Brame, Frank White, Alexis Brame, Mr. Barry. He is senator from Clay County. Q. You heard both these gentlemen say that from the stump — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did anybody hurt you from the beginning to the end of the canvass, personally?-A. No, sir. DR. HARRINGTON HAD TO " LAY OUT.? Q. Did you see them attack anybody else except the man that they shot TESTIMONY OF J. L. EDMONDS. 237 in the shoulder.-A. No, sir. They were after Dr. Harrington; that was after he had to lay out. Q. Was he hurt?-A. No, sir. He was the county superintendent, and they were after him; he had to lay out all the time. ABOUT THE PICKETS. Q. How often were you compelled to give up your tickets on the road, and what road was it?-A. On the road to Palo Alto from West Point. Q. How often wa's it?-A. Once. I did not try-did not take any more tickets out. Q. Who was present?-A. I do not know; they were strangers. Q. How many were there of them — A. Four or five-say five-wellarmed men, too. They had little red jackets onand three or four pistols hanging around them. Q. Red jackets? —A. Yes, sir; red caps. They were here on our road. They were there two weeks before the election, with red jackets and caps on, and occasionally a cape on their shoulders. ARMED DEMOCRATS AT REPUBLICAN MEETINGS. Q. Were the democrats also who came to the republican meetings well armed — Yes, sir. Q. How many would come with arms.-A. Well, sometimes fifty or sixty. Q. Did Mr. Brame come there — A. Yes, sir. Q. You saw him there with these men-forty or fifty armed democrats -A. Yes, sir. Q. Mr. Barry had some men also — A. Yes, sir. Q. Those were republican meetings where the democrats came —A. Yes, sir. TWO COLORED DEMOCRATS. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Do you know any democratic colored men in your county —A. I do. I knew one. I knew two. One by the name of Sampson Brack, another by the name of Wadkins. They were democrats. COLORED PEOPLE GENERALLY THOROUGHLY RADICAL. Q. Are you well acquainted with the colored people of that county IA. Yes, sir; have taught school in every beat in the county. The colored people are generally thoroughly radical. They would carry the county if they had their privilege to vote which way they wanted, and had not been intimidated, by a large majority. They must have done it. It was a republican county until last fall. A good many of them did not vote because they could not carry the election if they had voted. They did not want to have their friends murdered. There was no man would run, because he knew he would die if he did, and they did not want anything like that to take place, and they would not vote any other ticket. Q. Some colored republicans changed their politics, became democrats, last fall in your county; how was that I-A. Not a word of that. I was at the clubs throughout the county, and it was thoroughly republican. NO ARMED NEGROES. Q. Were the colored republicans armed or not -A. No, sir; not armed, for the republicans in all their speaking advised the colored people not to arm. They were advised from the beginning of the campaign not to arm themselves. At every meeting they were advised to go to 238 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. the election peaceably, and to go to the meetings peaceably; and before that I have been in campaigns where the colored people would carry shot-guns and things-that is, they would take them with them-but at the meetings last fall they did not take, they would not take, a gun at any time, not one of them; and I never saw a gun nor pistol among them, among five or six hundred. I did not have a pistol, and they searched me and did not find anything in the world. J. W. CARADIBNE-CLAY COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MISS., June 26, 1876. PERSONAL STATEMENT. J. W. CARAIDINE (colored) sworn and examined. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Where do you live — Answer. I live in Clay County. Q. In what place, near what post-office — A. Near West Point; that is my post-office. A little village named Siloam is nearest me, but no business is done there scarcely. Q. How long have you lived there?-A. This is the second year. Q. Where did you live before that?-A. In the neighborhood of Palo Alto, in the same county. Q. What do you do -A. Farm. Q. Do you own land — A. I have traded for some; I have not entirely paid for it yet. Q. You have a right to own it? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you taken any part in politics over there — A. Well, a little, sir. Q. Have you held any office — A. I have, sir. Q. What office have you held — A. The first appointment I had was trustee in Chickasaw County, before Colfax was formed. After that, I was appointed as one of the school-directors. Since that I have been a member of the legislature. Q. Do you read and write ~~-A. Yes, sir; a little. Q. Have you learned that since the war — A. Since the war. I did not know the alphabet before the war. Q. What is your age? -A. I am going on 31; I was 30 the 16th of last February. Q. Did you make any speeches in the last canvass?-A. A few. Well, I made a good many speeches before I was nominated, and afterward. I was a candidate at that time. Q. A candidate for the legislature — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you make speeches up to the time of the election on the 2d of November, or did you stop before that — A. I made some few speeches jusU before the election. I had a vacation a while after the nomination was made. I was silent until a few days just before the election, and I made a few remarks just to wake them up before the election. Q. What led you,to speak?-A. Well, everybody got perfectly quiet after the nominations were made; everybody resorted home to work, and there was no political excitement in the county; every one got very qaiet unRil just before the election, and some of them thought that it would be proper to sort of liven it up again, and I had occasion to meet them again and talk with them. TESTIMONY OF J. W. CARADINE. 239 EXCITING ELECTIONEERING INCIDENTS. Q. Did you make any speeches on the democratic side — A. I could not say exactly that they were on the democratic side. I had occasion to make some with them in joint discussion just a few days before the election. Q. What led you to do that?-A. The first of my getting in conflict with them, I think, was on Tuesday before the election. The election was on Tuesday, I believe; and a week before the election I made a republican speech at Palo Alto. There is quite a neighborhood there, and they invited me up there to speak for the last time before the election, and I went up there and spoke to them on that night; and on the following clay I had occasion to be in West Point, and they attacked me as to my speech that I had made on the night before, and said that they understood that I had made a very fiery, contemptible speech, and wanted I would take it back. Q. Who was it that attacked you and spoke in the way you said -- A. A gentleman at West Point; one of the attorneys there. Q. Give us his name.-A. S. M. Bradshaw is the name of the gentleman that spoke to me. Q. What did he say to you — A. He attacked me. I went in very early in the morning, and I went around to the court-house; and I got into the court-house, and he halted me and said, " You are the very gentleman I want to see;" and he walked up and asked me what I said in my speech last night. I told him that I really could not tell him right then all I did say; that it was a very lengthy talk, and that I could not tell him all I did say, or really what I did say. He says, " If you said what I understood you said, you done it at the risk of your life." I said, " I don't know as I have said anything in violation of the laws of the country, or in violation of the Constitution under which I live. I always try to stay within the bounds of what I believe to be right, as near as possible. 1 did not go any further than that, as I think. I may be in error, but I don't think I was in my own opinion." He said: " What we understand you said, if you said it you have got to take it back, and I want you to meet us in the morning at 9 o'clock." We did not have any more words there. I knocked around the court-house all the next day. I met them the next morning-that was on Thursday. They had a sort of white people's celebration, as you might call it, and all the whites were in town that day. There was scarcely any colored men in town. There was a powerful turnout there, and a considerable excitement; and I went in and staid around there until some time about 1 o'clock, and several of them had hollered at me during the day while they were marching around, and I joked with them. Most everybody in that county knew me, as I was born and raised right there close; and many white men in the ranks hollered at me, and said I had to take back before sundown what I had said on Tuesday night. I felt fearful, and I kept myself perfectly quiet. About 1 o'clock Beverly Mathews, of Columbus, was making a speech to them on the street. He was on the gallery of the court-house, up from the ground, and I was not at the court-house. Some one came in and said that Mathews was speaking, and I concluded I would go down and listen to him. I went down, and the crowd was scattered around so much that I could not hear him on the outside, but I worked myself along in the crowd until I got near enough to hear what he was.saying. I reckon I had been there some four or five minutes, as well as I can remember, and was standing there listening to him, when a gen 240 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. tleman cotched me in the bosom and shook me, and snatched me around. He says, "I suppose you say I am a God-damned liar?" I said, " No, I don't,'case I never use an oath now;" that I had a different profession from that; that I did not cuss. He said again, " I suppose you call me a damned liar " —just that way. 1 said to him, "No, I don't cuss." He then said to me the third Lime, " I suppose you say I am a God-damned liar? I want you to repeat it." I said, " No, sir; I don't cuss at all, and I don7t know what I would call you a liar about. I never had any conversation with you." He said, " Do I understand you to deny what you said at Palo Alto? I said, " Nobody asked me to deny it, any more than some people attacked me yesterday and said I should take it back to-day." Says he, " Did you say so and so at Palo Alto Tuesday?" and I said to him that I didn't. Q. What did he say that you said — A. He said that I told the colored people to fetch their guns to the election; that there was going to be blood spilled on account of this great thing. I said to him,'" I am sorry that you think that such an ignorant man as myself would get up in the presence of intelligent men, as many of them gentlemen were, and make such a foolish speech. They certainly did not understand what I said. and there must be some misapprehension;" and from that two or three young men said, " Do you suppose we have not got intelligence enough to understand your political speeches?" I said,' No; I don't suppose nothing of the kind; but there is some misapprehension somewhere. I never carried a pistol, and I never asked anybody to carry their arms, and I think you could not have understood me. I spoke the words plain enough, it looked to me, for any one to understand what I said. I said that a great battle was to be fought on Tuesday next between two very powerful elements, and that each man should be prepared with his ballot to fight the battle at the polls. I spoke it plain enough, it looked like, for any one to understand it, and you have come up and reported that I had said this, that, and the other." At that time a colored gentleman-I could not call his name to save my life now; I know his folks, and I know him when I see him passing on the street, and I think he lives in West Point-was standing right by me, and they were gathering around me pretty thick, cussing, ripping, and talking. This colored man took me up and carried me through the crowd, making way through the crowd. Immediately these white folks snatched him back, and snatched me back where I was, and they said, 6 You ain't going to take this man anywhere until he takes back these things; we are satisfied that he has said them, and he has got to take them back." I said,' I try as a boy here to give every man the respect that is due them as citizens, and I have always demanded it, and have got the respect of the white and black all through my life, and I suppose I have got as many friends in the country among the white people as any other colored man in it. I have never been insulted before since the war by any of the white people in my neighborhood, where I live, until this time; and I give every man the respect that is due him, and I asks it of you. It is your day, and I am here as a sacrifice if you want me. But I did not say these things, and what I did say I don't take back. I declared my rights as a republican from principle and not motives of office." A gentleman named J. W. Prewett, a white man, came to me and just picked me right up, and said, "I have got you in my power now, and will see that you don't get away from me." He just picked me right up as though I had been a boy, and set me up on the pavement, and ran me into a saloon owned by Ed. Ware, and shoved me on in TESTIMONY OF J. W. CARADINE. 241 there, and says, " By God! get away from here; if anybody wants to do"thus and so, or something of that kind, he remarked that he would not let them do it to me; and he got me into Ware's front door, and there was a partition in there between the front saloon and a back room; and he dodged behind that and shoved me through there, and I kept on through and got into his back room there; and a colored man named Monroe Staggs taken me and carried me to the court-house, and from there I went into the office of the superintendent of public instruction there. I went in there and stayed there an hour, and never saw any more of them; but Prewett said that afterward thirty or forty came after me, and if he had not held the door so as to conceal me they would have shot me before I got out at the back door. I did not have anything more to do with them after that, I believe, at all. This Jerry Hudson, the one that cotched me that day by the breastI saw him a day or two afterward, and he spoke to me and said he was as good a friend to me now as he ever had been; that he was drunk on the day of the trouble. I told him I had nothing against him as a man, but that I felt a little wrong toward him for the way he treated me at the time. HIe said he felt that he had treated me wrong, and was sorry for it. I believe that was about as far as that case ever went, though they told me that I would have to go around and make some speeches for them; that I had risen up a great element or some kind of feeling in the colored men; that they never could get out of them for the next ten years to come, with the speeches I had made, and that I had to go around and make some speeches in behalf of them in some way, or else I might have some trouble. They told me if I would do that, I could demand some respect among them and have no further trouble with them. WITNESS IS FORCED TO MAKE SPEECHES BY THE DEMOCRATS, BUT " THEY DID NOT REALLY APPRECIATE THEM." Q. What did they say would be the consequence if you did not go with them and make speeches — A. They did not say if I did not do it what would be done, as I remember; but they came to my house and fotched a buggy for me and told me I had to go with them to make speeches for them. And they said, " You know what has been said and what has been done; you have got to go, so just hurry in here and go along if you don't want any further trouble." I then got in and went along with them, and they did not really appreciate my speeches at length; but I went along with them and made three speeches; and they had some fault to find with my speeches at last, but I have never had any trouble with them since. " A BLACK-LIST.' Q. Do you know anything about a black-list?-A. Well, there was a democratic club there, or a conservative club was, I believe, the name of the organization; and they met and passed resolutions that all that voted the republican ticket or took any part in the meetings of the republicans there should be put onto what they called the black-list; but as for the meaning of that black-list, I don't know what they mean by it. I saw the resolution in a newspaper, and the black-list, as they call it, and saw several names attached to it; and they would meet occasionally, and every time they would meet I suppose they would fotch a man up. The black-list was that these men who appeared on it was not to get any employment from any man that owned land in the county, and if any man gave him employment he was to forfeit all his rights in the assemblage. 16 MISS 242 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. Q. What paper did you see that resolution inl —A. In the West Point Citizen, I think it was. FELIX ARCHER HAS SOME TPOUBLE WITH HIS EMPLOYER. Q. Do you know Felix Archer?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Where is he — A. He lives about three miles due west of me — four miles, I reckon. Q. Did he have any trouble in that canvass i-A. He never made -any speeches, as I know. Q. Was he run offt?-A. He was not, of my own knowledge. I heard the old gentleman say himself that he was living with a man, I think, lby the name of Ivey, and he had told him to leave his place; that he was not going to have anything to do with any damned radicals, or something of that kind; and I think finally he did leave, and he stayed away from his plantation. He lived there till his crop was gathered, and had to take his things away; but I think he allowed him to come back and finish gathering it; and he had to move his family and produce away before Christmas. I know there was a conversation that taken place between me and him, now, and I remember his saying that he had some trouble with his employer. ABOUT THE PICKETS. Q. Do you know whether any of the roads in your county were picketed during the canvass or on election-day — A. None, of my own knowledge; I heard it rumored. Q. You did not see the pickets?-A. I did not see any. I saw them with some cannon, hauling them around in the back of the town; what they were going to do with them I did not know. Q. You saw cannon — A. Yes, sir; they shot off one near my house. They turned right up close to my house, on the hill, and shot it off and went on with it. ARMED MEN IN UNIFORM AT THE ELECTION. Q. Were there any armed men at this meeting at West Point on Thursday before the election — A. I did not see any with guns, as I remember. They had these great big-what they call Ku-Klux pistolsgreat, big new pistols, a new kind of pistol there; and they had them buckled around on the outside. The privates did not have them, but the officers that was dressed in uniforms had them, pretty much. Q. How many officers were dressed in uniform? —A. I could not tell you. Q. What was the uniform -A. Red shirts and yellow ones, and red caps with a feather or something sticking in them. Q. Did these men have pistols?-A. Yes, sir. Q. How many of these men were there uniformed in that way — A. I could not tell you; I should think there were some twenty or thirty, maybe more. They was the officers there of their club, I suppose. They had general officers to preside over their shebang.: They was riding around there generally-a great crowd of them. There may have been, I reckon-a large bunch-one hundred or more, of them. Q. Do you know anything about threats by farmers not to employ men, other than what you have stated?-A. No, sir; none. Q. Do you know whether any men were discharged after the election on the ground that they had voted the republican ticket — A. No, sir; I do not believe I know any of my own personal knowledge. There wa'n't any right in my own neighborhood; there is nobody scarcely in my neighborhood, only one or two farmers living there; all colored people pretty much around there; we are a colored neighborhood almost entirely. TESTIMONY OF R. H. SHOTWELL. 243 ARMS AMONG THE COLORED PEOPLE. Q. Do you know whether the colored people generally have arms or not-pistols or guns?-A. A good many of them have shot-guns, such as they are; shot-guns, or Army muskets, or something. They got hold of them after the war when they could get them cheap, and a good many of them got them; but I don't think there was a great many pistols among them; I never seed many. THURSDAY BEFORE THE ELECTION. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Who was Mr. Prewett -— A. He is an old citizen living there, about four miles, I think, east of West Point. Q. He was the white man who took you away from the crowd at the time you were standing listening to the speech ~-A. Yes sir. Q. There was a pretty big crowd of men — A. Yes, sir; I reckon twelve or fifteen hundred. Q. On Thursday before the election — A. Yes, sir. Q. Is Prewett a democrat?-A. He affiliates with the republicans. Q. He came and just picked you up out of the crowd?-A. Yes, sir; just simply picked me up out of the crowd, and shoved me along into Mr. Ware's saloon. Q. Was there considerable decorating of buildings with flags that day?-A. Yes, sir; they had two or three hundred of them. Q. What sort of flags did you see?-A. I saw red, and yellow, and green, kind of made in United States flag stripes; great broad stripes running clear through. Q. Did you see any UJnitcd States flags flying among the others? —A. I saw some made sort of in that style, with stars all around. Q. Do you know a United States flag when you see it from any other flag' —A. I don't know as I would; I think I would, though. Q. Did you see one flying that day from the court-house — A. Yes, sir; there was one from the court-house, but I could not subscribe the appearance of it. They had them front of the citizens' doors all around. THE BLACK-LIST. Q. What is the date of that black-list you spoke of?-A. I could not tell you that. Q. What year?-A. In 1875. Q. Do you know about what time? —A. It was along, I think, in the latter part of the year; in November, I think. Q. After the election — A. I think it was after the election when I saw this resolution. I am most satisfied it was. I noticed it in the papers-in several different papers. R. Hi. SHOTWELL-CLAY COUNTY. JuNE 27 1876. B. H. SHOTWELL sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. Where do you reside?-Answer. In West Point, Clay County, Mississippi. Q. What is your occupation?-A. A merchant. Q. How long have you resided there l-A. Since the war. 244 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. A QUIET ELECTION. Q. Were you there during the last canvass.-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you take any part in that canvass at all?-A. Yes, sir. Q. With what party did you act?-A. With the democratic party. Q. What was the condition of the canvass as to peace and good order. —A. I never saw any better order in an election in my life, during the canvass. Q. Was there at any time during that canvass any difficulty, amounting to a disturbance, between the black anld white people, to your own knowledge?-A. No, sir. COLORED PEOPLE AT DEMfOCRATIC MEETINGS. Q. Do you remember whether the colored people were in the habit of going to democratic meetings in large bodies and hearing democratic speeches?-A. Yes, sir; they were. Q. State what you know of that. —A. I went to several speakings, and there was generally a good audience of negroes, and very few white people at them. The meetings 1 went to were gotten up with the design especially of addressing the negroes and talking to them, and they always had good audiences. Q. Were they joint meetings? D id you have democratic and republican speeches at the same meetings?-A. None that I know of. We always invited them to come out and espouse their cause, and speak with us before the negroes, but they never came. Q. Did you ever know of armed bodies of men going to the democratic meetings throughout the county.? You have been to a good many of the meetings.-A. Well, sir, I was at some three or four meetings myself where the negroes were especially drawn out, or called out, and I was at one or two meetings where there were but few negroes. Q. Were you with Chancellor Brame, or- Barry, speaking there?-A. No, sir; I was with Barry, making some speeches. Q. Any armed men present at that time?-A. No, sir. Q. Do you know of either of them taking bodies of forty or fifty men with them to republican meetings?-A. 1 know it was never done. NO ROADS PICKETED. Q. Such testimony was given by a man named Edmonds, and another man from West Point. Do you know anything about the road around West Point being picketed?-A. No, sir; it was never done by the democratic party. Q. Did you ever know of any company that was there with red caps, or red jackets and uniforms, who picketed the road?-A. There was a little company of gunners following the cannon that wore red caps; four or five of them that managed this gun. ABOUT THE CANNON. Q. What gun?-A. The cannon. Q. For what purpose?-A. It was just carried around to use in the way of demonstration-getting up a kind of jubilee and means of rejoicing. Q. Mere salutes fired in that way? -A. Yes, sir; in that way. They never used anything more, I think, than blank cartridges. The negroes assisted in firing it, and enjoyed it more than the white people. It appeared a little attractive to them, and they have gone along and would shoot it. I never knew of any shot being carried with it-anything of that kind-and I do not think it was ever done. Q. Do you know of any blacks who came to the democratic ranks and quit the republican party?-A. Yes, sir. TESTIMONY OF R. -I. SHOTWELL. 245 NOAH GOFF. Q. Who are they; do you know any of their names?-A. I know one by the name of Noah Goff, a leading republican. Q. Vincent Petty — A. Yes, sir. He was treasurer of the county. I do not know myself that Vincent voted with the democratic party, but he made democratic speeches, went around denouncing the radical iicket, after he had been nominated for treasurer on that ticket himself. Q. Did he come off the ticket — A. Yes, sir; he withdrew from the ticket, and the party then nominated the old sheriff, Mr. A. P. Shattuck. Q. Frank Powell?-A. Yes, sir; he was nominated for county assessor and withdrew and denounced the ticket. CHARACTER OF THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES. Q. What was the character of the men nominated by the republicans in that county — A. Well, sir, they were very bad men. Q. State who they were-something about them, whether they commanded public confidence.-A. They did not command public confidence. I would like, if the committee will ifdulge me a little, to speak about these men a little, if you please. The ticket that was nominated met with but very little favor, as a rule, from the republican party. The convention was called by the republican party; and these men were all nominated, and several articles appeared in the republican organ (the Times) immediately after these nominations, which articles expressed considerable dissatisfaction. I have these articles, and would like to read them as a part of my evidence; and then I will go on and state some other facts: [From the West Point Times, August 6, 1875.1 THE CONVENTION AND ITS NOMINATIONS. BIG SPRINGS, Miss., August 2, 1875. Editors West Point Times: Not being an aspirant for office, and, consequently, not a " sore-head," I believe with my record as a life-long republican I can take the liberty to ask for space in your valuable journal for this endeavor at what I deem the interest of every honest, soundthinking republican in Colfax County. I hope those who wish to see the party victorious will stand with unflinching honesty to its cause, and that the principles which have saved the country and raised it in the scale of nations may ever live is my daily supplication. The delegates to the convention which assembled last Saturday at your town did not, Messrs. Editors, have the interest of the republican party at heart, but only had in view the offices and their eyes upon the sluggish, incompetent, and unworthy men to fill them, after being forewarned by the honest republicans and the Times the value of the ballot, and their duty in selecting men that should be voted for and elected to fill them. A convention, in making a solemn appeal to its party adherents to perform their political duties, must be impressed that every man who is placed upon the ticket is noted for his capacity, integrity, and, not less or least, for his honesty. The selection of such candidates will cause the men of energy and thought to rally to their support, and every honest man who has a right to vote will not withhold his vote. You are, gentlemen, sorry no doubt as republicans conducting a republican newspaper to say it, and with more regret have td record it, that the haste and unthoughtful manner in which these ungovernable would-be leaders thrust these nominations at the people, and refusing to listen to the behests of true republicanism by selecting worthy names upon the ticket, will, as it now stands, cause the party to be routed, horse, foot, and dragoons, with no power to resist the onslaught. The dissatisfaction to the entire work of this blundering, determined-to-take-theirown-way convention and its nominations by the people throughout the entire county, is too open and manifestly too strong not to be heeded by the holiest of the holy (?) "rings" which concocted and brought about placing individuals in nomination that are unworthy, incapable, and in some instances, as I am informed, fled their country for the country's good, and indictments against others who are to be voted for by this people. 246 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. This ticket can't win, and it should not. It won't stand investigation, and I don't think the honest colored property-holders will appreciate this lie upon their moral and political teachings. The action of the convention does not meet with a favorable reception from onethird of the delegates, and not one-fourth of the nominations are the choice of the whole people which compose the republican party. Its action being so unsatisfactory and in contempt of the responsibility of good government and true republicanism, I would propose, Messrs. Editors, that the people take this matter in their own hands by calling a mass-meeting or otherwise, and there rectify this deformed ticket which was brought forth in iniquity to break up the republican party. Unless this is done the enemy that is skillful in observing our weak points will thrust those bitter epithets which are too true to be resisted by this " too thin" helmet of sacred right and duty. It is not generally known, Messrs. Editors, that the convention contained delegates that were under twenty-one years old, and also that in the convention a representation of delegates for 1,000 voters above the legitimate strength of the party was there assembled. In other words, 2,800 voters were represented when there should only have been 1,800. I understand, also, that several clubs in the west section of the county were represented with from twelve to fifteen delegates, sending to the convention nearly thirty, when at the outside they were only entitled to eight; and some others were admitted into the convention without credentials, for with the "ring " it was " rule or ruin," and the earnest and conscientious had their struggle in vain. I have said much more in this letter than I intended, but the interest which I feel in the success of republican principles will afford my reason for speaking through the Times to the people of Coliax County, that they may undo before it is too late the positive neglect of duty of these assumed "leaders" against the well wishes of the voters. With this ticket in the field our county will go over to the democrats. Will they submit to the action of this blundering convention with these facts before them? If so, we have no other fate than the downfall of our party throughout the State. Let a mass-meeting be called of the republican voters of your county, one and all, and there select good, honest, and true men for office. A democrat remarked to me a few days since, you have had your bad men in office long enough, and, said he, " I'll be d-d if ever you elect that corrupt ticket." Call a mass-meeting, Messrs. Editors, and show the color-liners we are not going to give them a chance to defeat us for a single office in the county. Yours, REPIUBLICAN. [From the Wtst Point Times of August 27 1875.] IREPUBLICAN EXECUTIVE COIMMITTEE. We are requested to state that the republican executive committee of this county have deemed it advisable to call a meeting of that body at an early day to make some change in the county republican ticket, and to re-organize the different delegations. We hope, and sincerely, too, that this will be done, and done immediately. The ticket as it now stands, or is supposed now to be, is a sham, and is unworthy the name of republican. Republicanism in its truest sense is based upon personal honesty, ability, industry, and method in its officers, and unless the ticket is composed of such the people will refuse to invest it with authority. We would suggest to the committee to bring the best men to the front, who have the fullest share of public confidence, and invite them to accept for the public good. There will need be a radical change in the ticket, and we urgently request the executive committee to make the base to the key-stone firm as granite, that the vicinity at the poll will compensate for the improvement made in it. (From the West Point Times of August ~0, 187T.] CALL FOR A REPUBLICAN IASS-MEETING. We, the undersigned, feeling the necessity of some prompt action in regard to harmonizing the dissatisfied republicans of this county, after consulting with a large number of good and reliable citizens of our party in different portions of the county, we would recommend that there be a meeting of some kind called at an early day, where the people can be represented and their wishes would be consulted. As the socalled convention that came off here a short time since fails to give satisfaction to the TESTIMONY OF R. H. SHOTWELL. 247 voters and tax-payers of this county, and as the most of them are incompetent and we don't think can be trusted in important positions, we think it dangerous and very injurious to the interests of the republicans for any one or two persons to try to force slich a ticket on the people of this county, and it should be treated as an enemy to the country. We would recommend such a ticket as would look after the interest of al,, and one that we can recommend and invite all good people to unite with us in electing. Ransom Chandler, Jas. Luster, Daniel White Monroe Staggs, A. A. Shzttuck, W. S. Miller, J. W. Caradine, F. A. Faulkner, Noah Goff, Sylvanus Cooper, Carl Williams, I. Cromwell, F. M. Abbott, Ed. Gates, Elijah Saxon, Felix Archy, Jas. Paden, And hundreds of others. Charles King, Charles Dale, ABOUT H. H. H ARRINGTON. And this paper is the party organ of the republicans there; it is edited by the party. As corroborative of what I expect to state here now in regard to the men who were on the ticket, I read these articles. This ticket was composed of, for instance, the first man, one I. H. Harrington. He was chancery clerk of the county-had been for one term; this was his second term; that was his office, and he had been elected twice. He is a brother of the J. T. Harrington, who testified here yesterday. H.. Harrington, at the March term-by the way, a negro by the name of Vincent Petty was treasurer, and this man H. H. Harrington controlled the office exclusively; he conducted the chancery clerk's office and treasurer's office both; it is understood that he paid this negro, Petty, for the office, and ran them both. At the March term of the chancery court, Harrington7s books showed that there were $11,000 of money on hand in the safe, or which should have been on hand, belonging to the county fund. We have the testimony of his deputy that there was no such fund on hand, but that it ought to have been; but the two supervisors did not require, as the law requires, him to bring that money out, and lay it out on the table and count it befora the board. I was requested by a number of citizens at the next term (the October term) to go before the board and demand of the board that the treasurer make a settlement as the law requires-a quarterly settlement. He was informed of it, and invited to come up, but he was not ready, and we gave him another day; and the settlement showed there was $8,853.89 on hand of what is called the court-house and jail fund. Here is a part of the minutes of that meeting, which I can read. Q. Can't you state the substance —A. This is the record which shows that in the settlement Harrington's books showed a balance on hand of the court-house and jail fund of $8,853. We then demanded that the money be produced; and after pressing Harrington considerably for it, he at last just came out and confessed he did not have it; that the warrants that represented that money had been deposited in the bank in Columbus, for his individual use and benefit; and confessed to it that the money was not there, and that he had used it to that amount. He never paid it; he simply appropriated that large amount for his own use. THE STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, Colfax (now Clay) Colunty: BOADI OF SUPERVISORS, October (7) Term., 1875. Be it remembered that at the above-stated term of the honorable board of supervisors of said county, an order was then and there made by said board, which was in the following words, to wit: This day came on to be examined and considered the treasurer's report, handel in by Vincent Petty, treasurer of Colfax County, Mississippi; and after examination of the same, the board find, from said report, a balance of $8,853.59 on hand, of courthouse and jail fund, and demanding of said treasurer the production of said b,laice, as shown by said report; and he, the said Vincent Petty, treasurer, having fitled to 248 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. produce said balance shown by his report, or in any legal manner account for the same, it was ordered, upon the motion of J. H. Jackson, that said report be rejected. I, J. S. Carothers, clerk of the chancery court and ex-officio clerk of the board of supervisors in and for the county and State aforesaid, do hereby certify that the above and foregoing is a just, true, and perfect copy of an order of the said board of supervisors, made and entered at their October (7) term thereof, A. D., 1875, as the same appears of record in my said office, in minute-book 1, page 305. Given under my hand and official seal at West Point this 26th day of June, A. D. 1876. [SEAL.] J. S. CAROTHERS, Clerk. There is still another copy of the minutes which I will submit, which shows that he was required to take an oath that he had not speculated in the county funds; and he declined to take that oath. Here is the evidence of that. Q. Has he been indicted for this — A. Yes, sir; and here is the evidence of that; here are five bills against him: THE STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, Colfax (now Clay) County: BOAmRD OF SUPERVISORS, October (7) Term, 1875. Be it remembered, that at the above-stated term of the honorable board of supervisors of said county, an order was then and there made by said board, which was in the following words, to wit: At the commencement of the examination of the treasurer's report, the president of the board required the deputy treasurer or clerk of Vincent Petty, county treasurer, H. H. Harrington, to take the following oath, which he declined to do: " The State of Mississippi, Colfax County, board of supervisors, October 7, 1875: "Before me, Henry Hardy, president board supervisors of Colfax County, Mississippi, personally came H. H. Harrington, lawful deputy of V. Petty, county treasurer of Colfax County, Mississippi, who makes oath that he paid the full amount of all vouchers produced in his report of this date, in money, or received the same in payment of dues to the county; and that he has not, directly or indirectly, speculated therein, or in any warrants included in said report. " Sworn to and subscribed this October 7, 1875." Whereupon the president of the board of supervisors ordered the following indorsement, made upon the oath and marked "Filed," as follows, which is accordingly done: Indorsed: "1 This oath was required to be sworn to by the deputy treasurer, H. H. Harrington, by the president of board of supervisors of Colfax County, Mississippi, and he declines to take the oath required of him. his "H. H. + HARDY, mark. " President Board." Filed October 7, 1875, with report of treasurer. I, J. S. Carothers, clerk of the chancery court and ex-officio clerk of the board of supervisors in and for the county and State aforesaid, do hereby certify that the above and foregoing is a just, true, and perfect copy of an order of the said board of supervisors, made and entered at their October term thereof, A. D. 1875, as the same appears of record in my said office, in minute-book 1, page 305. Given under my hand and official seal at West Point this 26th day of June, A. D. 1876. J. S. CAROTHERS, Clerk. [SEALS.] Circuit Court.-March Term, 1876. TIE STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, Colfax (now Clay) County: Indictments found against H. H. Harrington, late chancery clerk of said county, are numbered as follows: No. 304. The State vs. H. H. Harrington; offense, embezzlement. No. 305. The State vs. H. H. Harrington; offense, grand larceny. No. 306. The State vs. H. H. arrington; offense, alteration records. No. 307. The State vs. H. H. Harrington; offense, embezzlement and grand larceny. No. 308. The State vs. H. H. Harrington and V. Petty, county treasurer; offense, embezzlement. I, John A. Stevens, clerk of the circuit court in and for said county, do hereby certify TESTIMONY OF R. H. SHOTWELL. 249 that the preceding is a true statement of the number of indictments against H. H. Harrington, now pending, and on file in my office. Witness my hand and seal of office, at West Point, this June 26, 1876. [SEAL.] JNO. A. STEVENS, Clerk. He is now under bond. This brother of his (J. T. Harrington) who testified here, I can show by any quantity of witnesses that he is a man of notoriously bad character; that he has been indicted for horse-stealing and for kidnapping negroes-not indicted for kidnapping negroes, but he had been charged with it, and a white man and a negro caught him at it. That was during the war. After the war he brought a suit for damages against one Anderson Beam, for $20,000 damages, for making these charges against him, and the suit was finally dismissed by J. T. Harrington at his own expense. As to that Harrington, I can bring fifty or a hundred men, if necessary, here. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. State what you know of your own knowledge.-A. I am stating as to his character of my own knowledge. I am just speaking of the character of the man. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Of his reputation in the community?-A. Yes, sir; the general bad character of the man; that he is regarded as a horse-thief. I have no doubt I can produce witnesses who would testify, any number of them, that they would not believe him on oath-80 or 100 men. I can name the party that caught him trying to kidnap a negro-William Nixon. THE MOST PEACEABLE ELECTION SINCE THE WAR. Q. On the day of the election, were you in town?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What was the character of that election — A. The most peaceable one that we had since the war. Q. Nobody was prevented from voting as they wished l-A. Not a single man. Q. Were any voters intimidated. —A. Not at all. Q. Was there any collision during the canvass between blacks and whites in your county E —A. None that I know of. ABOUT HARRINGTON AND KIDNAPPING NEGROES. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Were these negroes kidnapped by Harrington during the war?A. Yes, sir; so reported. Q. While slavery existed, did you understand that he stole those negroes for the purpose of selling them again — A. I do not pretend to say what he stole them for; I say that is the report. At the beginning of the war he was a violent secessionist, and made violent secession speeches at Buena Vista. There was a witness in town who said he heard it. Q. Did you hear it?-A. No, sir; but I have heard it before, that he was a violent secessionist at the beginning of the war. Q. Where were you at the beginning of the war?-A. In Mobile, Ala.; I formerly lived in this part of the country years before the war. I lived here part of the time of the war and then went to Mobile. Q. Are you a native of this State?-A. I am an Alabamian. Q. Was there anything more in the kidnapping than giving aid and succor to negroes who might be running away from their masters — A. Nothing more that I know of. That was the character the man had. 250 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. Q. That he gave aid and succor to negroes who were escaping?-A. I heard gentlemen saying that there was a meeting held by the citizens in his neighborhood to take action on the question as to whether or not they would permit him to live in that vicinity. Q. Was he not then known as an abolitionist, or a man who sympathized with anti-slavery men — A. Well, I do not know that he was known as an abolitionist; all that I meant in regard to his character is, that I understand that he was considered a thief. Q. And that character is derived from the circumstance of his kidnapping negroes, as you please to term it, which you have described as giving succor and aid to the negroes — A. I do not think it would be possible that he could have so much interest in them. Q. Don't you know that he never had the reputation of proposing to steal them to sell to other persons? —A. I never heard that he had. Q. You understand he never did have that reputation? —A. No, sir; I am only speaking of his reputation. Q. He was an opponent of slavery — A. No, sir; he had no such reputation. He was a violent secessionist during the war. Q. He was stealing negroes; what did he do with them?-A. I do not know; that was the character he had. Q. He never had the reputation of stealing them for gain t-A. No, sir. We never stop to inquire what he intends to do with them when he is caught in such a crime. I did not live in the comnmunity at the time. I was only giving the man's reputation in the communnity, as I understand it. Bv Mr. BAYAD: Q. The question is, whether this man sought to free these blacks for the sake of making them free or whether he took them for the sake of gain to himself?-A. I have never heard that motive attributed to him. KIDNAPPING NEGROES AFTEr EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. At what time did Dr. Harrington, as you say, steal those negroes? -A. It was 1864, I think. Q. After the proclamation of emancipation by the President? —A. Yes, sir; I think in 1864. Q. I will ask you whether you are aware of the fact that the negroes were not slaves then?-A. I was aware that Mr. Lincoln had issued an emancipation proclamation. Q. You knew of the issuing of that proclamation?-A. Yes, sir; but we did not recognize it, you understand. Q. You subsequently did recognize it?-A. We did, of course. Q. Then all he was guilty of was the stealing of those negroes after the emancipation proclamation; is that all, sir?-A. That is what he was guilty of in 1864. Q. And upon that you charge him with being a thief; do you not "A. No, sir; I have not charged him. I say that is the reputation the man had in the country, and this is what was reported about him. I stated that I was in Mobile. Q. But the only case of larceny you have heard of his committing was the stealing of negroes — A. No, sir he was charged with stealing horses. Q. When — A. In 1864, or about that time. Q. Was he indicted f-A. I think he was; I do not know whether he was or not. That was my information. TESTIMONY OF R. H. SHOTWVELL. 251 Q. Where? -A. Houston, Miss., in Shannon County. That was my information, that he was indicted. Q. Do you know whether he was ever tried and convicted?-A. iHe was not tried, because, just after the war, I think, the court-papers of Honston had all been burned. The court-house was burned up there, from some accident or circumstance, about the final winding up of the war; the destruction of thesepapers-the indictment was set aside. After the war, in 1868, it is generally understood and recognized that this man had stolen horses and negroes during the war-horses after the war. I think it was all in 1864. Q. He was not ai candidate for any office, was he — A. He was in office. Q. I asked if he was a candidate? —A. He was in office. He acted by appointment by the governor. He was superintendent of education, and it was understood in the community that when he was elected that he was to run the circuit clerk's office, which was being run for by a negro; and it was understood that he would run the office, just as his brother was running the chancery clerk's office and the treasurers office. Q. Was he a candidate for election on the republican ticket last fall — A. No, sir; he was an officer at that time. Q. Was he a candidate for election on the republican ticket last ffall?A. No, sir; 0 no. He was an officer at the time. THE BROT'HES HARRINGTON. Q. I ask you if your object in stating that he had stolen negroes after they were emancipated, and that he was accused of stealing horses, was to satisfy the committee and the country that he is not worthy of creditwas that your object?-A. Yes, sir; my object in stating that, as I stated-I understand that Harrington has been before this committee, and I have been shown some memoranda of the nature of his testimony, and I want this committee to understand the character that the mran had in the country. That is my object for making this statement about him. I want you to understand the character of the man that was a leader in the political campaign in 1875. He and H, E. H.Harrington are the leaders of the party; they were the leading spirits; and they were running and manipulating the affairs of our county almost exclusively. This H. H. Harrington had stolen this $8,853 from the county funds; he and his brother were the leading spirits among the republicans; they had the biggest influence with the negroes; and when these facts were made known in regard to Harrington, the negroes were going, even then, to advocate his claims in the election. Q. Were you a member of the democratic committee in that county TA. Yes, sir; I was a member of the central executive coimmittee. NO THREATS OR INTIMIDATION. Q. Do you know as a fact that the road leading out of West Point was not at any time picketed — A. Not to my knowledge. I think it very-no, sir; I do not believe they were. Q. I do not ask your belief. Do you know of your own knowledge that no republican was prevented from voting in the county by threats or intimidation?-A. No, sir; I could not say that for the whole county, sir. Q. I understand you to say so. I supposed, of course, that you could not say it.-A. 0, no, sir; I could not say that. There was none within my know.ledge, is what I aim to state. There was no intimidation or threat to prevent any one from voting, within my own knowledge. Q. How many polling-places in that county?-A. Five. 252 MISSISSIPPI ELECTIONS-CLAY COUNTY. Q. Only five?-A. Yes, sir. Q. How many votes were polled on election-day?-A. I was not at the polls in 1874. Q. How many votes were polled at your precinct?-A. I think in the neighborhood of seven hundred; I would not be positive; it is the largest box in the county. Q. What length of time were you in the neighborhood of your pollingplace on election-day — A. I was one of the officers of the election, and was in most of the time. Once or twice I stepped out of the room. I was in most of the day. I was proceeding to state something further in regard to the character of the men who were in office before the election. ABOUT VIG CENT PETTY AND OTHER REPUBLIG CANT CANDIDATES. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Go on and state what you wish.-A. One of the men who was nominated for the legislature by the party was indicted for the seduction of a girl about sixteen years old; the indictment was brought after his nomination, and he fled the country. He was afterward, since the election, arrested and brought back, in October, I think, and escaped from the jail. That was one of the candidates who was nominated. He was on the ticket for the legislature. This man, (Vincent Petty,) as I stated, withdrew from the ticket, and a party afterward, named A. A. Shattuck, was put on, and he withdrew and declined to run the race out, and a negro by the name of Frank Spool, I believe, was nominated. Anegro by the name of Moses Dean was beaten, he stated, by four negroes, the day after the election, for voting the democratic ticket. He came in and I washed his face, which showed that he had been considerably bruised. Mr. Niixon, who was the nominee of the party for sheriff, on the streets of West Point denounced this man, J.T. Harrington, as an outlaw and a thief. During the campaign Mr. Pruett, Who was afterward out on the ticket in the place of the man who had run off denounced H. H. Harrington and this fellow Nixon as being a couple of scoundrels that would drag down any ticket on earth. A party could not elect any ticket with their names on it. Mr. Caradine, who was a former member of the legislature, and who testified before this committee the other day, made several democratic speeches during the campaign, and advocated the abandonment of his party-ticket on account of the corruption and dishonesty that was on the ticket. The two supervisors at the campaign had three negroes on it and two white men. Two of these negroes were at that time under indictment for making improper allowances as members of the board of supervisors. One of the same negroes had before been indicted or tried for bribery, and when the jury brought in the verdict of " not guilty," the evidence was so palpable and plain that Judge Orr, who is one of the most talented and distinguished judges of the State, and a member of the republican party, denounced the jury as unworthy to be jurors, and ordered that their names be enrolled on the records of the court as men incompetent and unworthy to sit on the jury, and instructed the sheriff never to permit those men to be introduced on the jury again while he held a position as a judge in that court. Q. Harrington stated here that there were no United States flags exhibited on the day of the celebration. What have you to state about that? The CHAIRMAN. He did not state that. TESTIMONY OF LEX BRAME. 253 ABOUT THE FLAGS AT THE ELECTION. Q. In order that we may know the facts, you may state what you discovered there. I thought that he stated that there was no United States flag, and he did say that there were flags that were very like confederate flags; and he left the impression, as I understand, and meant to leave the impression, that there were no United States flags. -A. The flags he supposed to be confederate flags were just flags of red calico and white bleached domestic, which were hung by a Frenchman in our town after the style, as he said, of ornamenting the streets in Paris on public days; and he made a beautiful display of white calico and red calico, but the stores and all the public buildings were ornamented with United States flags-five hundred of them, I reckon-and a long procession of horsemen, and very many of them had United States flags attached to their horses' heads, and the children all over town had little flags and were at the windows and doors saluting the procession as it passed by. It would look rather bad to let that go without a refutation. Mr. Harrington also stated something in regard to a speech by Mr. Barry. I heard that speech, and no such language was used by him as was attributed. All the addresses made to the negroes were of the most conciliatory character. The negroes were treated with the greatest degree of kindness by every man, so far as my knowledge goes. I believe hundreds of these men who came here would testify that they were not intimidated. The white radicals of the county were denounced in the severest terms. The negroes were not intimidated. They may have construed the extraordinary enthusiasm of the white people in that way; they might have regarded that as a species of intimidation, but there was nothing of that kind, no threat made that I know of. The the night before the election I wrote a letter up to Palo Alto, where there had been the greatest apprehensions that trouble might arise, and made a special request that no riot be permitted-that they avoid it by all means in the world. And I sent messengers out and instructed managers of elections, and the parties who were supposed to be in power, so far as able to do so, in every case to avoid a riot. I have always acted on that policy, and always wanted to avoid one myself, so far as I am concerned. I have a very charitable and good feeling toward the colored people, and have had a great deal of business with them, and have been treated very kindly by them in a great many cases; and I believe that I am not saying too much when I say I am generally well liked by them all. I do not want any one to think that I have any spirit of revenge in my mind toward the negroes, and no unkind feeling toward them. It was not the poor black men, but the men who were leading them, that we were really fighting in the campaign. LEX BEAME-CLAY COUNTY. ABERDEEN, 3MiSS. June 27, 1876. PERSONAL STATEMENT. LEX BRAME sworn and examined. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. Where do- you reside?-Answer. At West Point, in Clay County. Q. What is your profession -- A. I am a lawyer by profession. 254 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-~CLAY COUNTY. Q. What office do you now hold ~ —A. I am chancellor of the sixth district of Mississippi. Q. When were you appointed? —A. On the 14th of April. Q. Did you take a part in the canvass of last year? —A. I did, sir, and a very active part. Q. With which party were you acting?-A. With the democratic party. Q. Did you attend many of the meetings during the canvass — A. Yes, sir, I did; I made a number of speeches in the canvass; I made thirty-three speeches. Q. Did you ever attend a republican meeting with forty or fifty democrats accompanying you' —A. I have, sir. Q. Did you ever threaten in a public speech-make the threat-that you would carry the county or kill every nigger in it; or words to that effect — A. I never did, sir. NO ROADS PICKETED. Q. During the canvass did you know at any time, either before or after or during the election, that the roads leading out of West Point were picketed by armed men — A. I did not. Q. Or by men not armed?-A. I did not, sir. Q. Did you ever hear of such a thing there?-A. I have heard that charge, but I don't know of anything of the kind, though. Q. Have you any reason to believe that such a fact is true — A. No, sir: I have no reason to believe it, because 1 have no evidence upon which to base any such supposition. NO COLLISIONS-CONCILIATION-NO IN TIMIDATION. Q. During the canvass, do you know of any collisions between the white and black people, or any disturbance?-A. None whatever, sir; no collision. Q. Did Mr. Barry speak with you? —A. Not often; I spoke with Mr. White. Q. How often did you speak with Mr. Barry?-A. I spoke with him on two occasions. Q. What was the character of his address —A. He was a democratic speaker. His addresses were about of the same character as mine-of a conciliatory character with reference to the negroes. They were bitter, of course, against the candidates and officers of the county. They were almost entirely against them. We made charges against them which were alleged in the papers. Q. During the canvass, do you know of any collision between white and black people, or any disturbance between them —A. No, sir; I know of none. Q. Have you knowledge of any intimidation practiced toward any class of citizens to prevent their voting in that county —A. No, sir, I have not. Q. Where were you at the time of the election?-A. I was in West Point. Q. Did you witness the election?-A. I did. Q. What was the character of that election as to peace and good order — A. It was very quiet; much more quiet than any election I have ever seen. Q. Was anything done there to prevent the voters from the free exercise of their right of suffrage — A. Nothing that I know of. THE YOUING MEN ARM3ED WITH PISTOLS. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Were there any armed men at West Point during election-day?A. I think, sir, there were young men there with pistols. TESTIMONY OF LEX BRAME. 255 Q. In any organization?-~A. None that I know of, sir. Q. When did they come into town -A. The young men Q. Yes, sir; these young men that were armed -A. They were young men who lived there; clerks and other young men about the town. Q. They were generally armed, were they — A. Yes, sir; these young men who were about during the campaign with us, and the band, they had pistols. Q. They went about with you at the meetings — A. Sometimes. Q. You generally had some of these young men — A. No, sir; not at the speaking that Mr. White and myself made; we made the speeches to the negroes almost exclusively, and we were most of the time alone. Q. Sometimes these young men were with you, perhaps~ —A. Yes, sir; they were sometimes with us. Q. Was there any organization among these young men that you know of?.-A. None except a general organization that all of us belonged to. Q. You had a club?-A. Yes, sir. Q. You belonged to it yourself, perhaps?-A. Yes, sir; I belonged to the club. CARRIED A DERRINGER HIMSELF. Q. Did you usually carry arms when you went to these meetings?A. No, sir. I would correct my statement in that respect. I frequently had a pistol that I carried in my pocket. Sometimes I had that, and sometimes I did not. Perhaps I would state that I had it most of the time during the canvass; but not particularly for any special occasion. Q. It was rather a general thing than for any special purpose?-A. Yes, sir. I had a Derringer, that I carried in my pocket most of the time. Q. How many of these young men were with you at any one time, as far as you remember — A. At one time there was a barbecue over in the western part of the county, and the brass band went over, and we took along a little piece of artillery-a little short gun-and there were a number who went over to the barbecue, and there were a number of the people in that vicinity who came over there. Q. These young men that you speak of from the club were there with yolu —-A. Some of them were there. CANNON-FIRING AT THE BARBECUE. Q. Was there any firing at this barbecue t-A. There was firing of this piece of artillery I mentioned. Q. You had no joint discussions, did you?-A. No, sir; I had none except once, upon one occasion. Q. The town of West Point might have been picketed without your knowing it, I suppose, as you were away so much of the time?-A. Yes, sir; I was not in town a great deal. WITNESS DELIVERED [ IIIRTY-THREEE SPEECHES. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. You say you were very active in the campaign. —A. Yes, sir; as active as I well could be. Q. How many speeches did you make?-A. I made thirty-three, I think. Q. Did you attend all the political meetings of your county?-A. Well, no, sir; not all of them, because some of them were held while, perhaps, we were speaking in a remote part of the county. Mr. White and myself were endeavoring to persuade the negroes to vote with us, 26 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-CLAY COUNTY. and went around and spoke to them at little school-houses in remote portions of the county. Sometimes there would be meetings that I was not present at, when we were away speaking at other places; but generally I was present. Q. Then you took an active and leading part throughout the campaign?-A. Yes, sir; I can say that I did. I shut up my office two months beforehand. The country was in such a desperate condition that I considered that it was necessary; and I used all fair and honest means within my power to defeat the ticket that was opposed to us. Q. How long have you been practicing law -A. I have been practicing about six years; regularly about five or six years. I received my license before that. Q. When were you appointed chancellor — A. On the 14th of April. Q. Last April, succeeding the election in which you took such an active part.-A. Yes, sir. Q. By whom were you appointed?-A. By Governor Stone. Q. The present executive?-A. Yes, sir; the present governor of the State. THEY WERE OF A CONCILIATORY NATURE TO THE NEGROES. I want to state, in reference to the character of my speeches, that they were of the most conciliatory nature. My argument to the negroes was that they had been free for ten years, and that they were not advanced in any interest; that they came to the speaking in rags; and I endeavored to show to them-and we did show, as their votes showed afterward-that it was for their interest to co-operate with us; but I did not at any time at the election say anything unkind, as I had no unkind feeling toward the race. BITTER TOWARD THE COUNTY OFFICE-HOLDERS' AND WHY. Q. But you were very bitter toward the whites who were republicans — A. No, sir; not especially toward republicans, but to these men who were attempting to control our county, a number of whom had been indicted, and indictments were pending against them then. The sheriff of the county had been indicted, and the supreme court had affirmed his conviction; and the governor of the State within two hours after the affirmation of the supreme court pardoned him and re-appointed him to office, and he is still in office. The board of supervisors were all under indictment, some for bribery, and all, I think, for unlawful allowance of claims. I was as bitter as I could be with respect to those men, and made the whole attack on them; but I endeavored to prevent anything like trouble between the whites and blacks, because I knew that it would invalidate the election if we succeeded by unfair means. Q. What became of these indictments against the board of supervisors?-A. I think some of them have been dismissed. Q. Were they not all dismissed?-A. I think they have been. Q. Were they rot all dismissed upon the admission or theory that there was no moral wrong, no unlawful intent on the part of the supervisors?-A. No, sir; I can say in reference to that, that I was active in securing, two years ago, the indictment of some of the members of the board, and the circumstance that called my attention to it particularly was this: I was agent for a plantation, and saw on the minutes of the board an order for an allowance in favor of the owner of that place for timber; and it was against the orders of the owner that any timber should be cut. I investigated this, and found that there was $140 allowed there without any application. The timber had not been used, and I found upon investigation that great frauds had been committed; TESTIMONY OF LEX BRAME. 257 and upon further investigation the grand jury indicted these parties, and I returned the warrants back to the supervisors and had them canceled. Q. Do you say there was any corrupt intent in that allowance — A. I could only state that as a matter of opinion. They were issued entirely without authority. Q. And your client was enjoying the benefit of the issue -A. He would have been if he had received them. Q. Did the supervisors derive any benefit from that issue0?-A. I don't know that they did. Q. Was it not a mere error?-A. II don't know; I have no means of knowledge. I found the warrants on the warrant-book ready to be issued, and for fear that they would be issued as other warrants-I had heard that fraudulent warrants had been issued-I took the warrants out of the book and receipted for them as agent, and after the investigation was finished I returned them back to the board, on the ground that they had been wrongfully issued. I took them to prevent anybody else getting them out of the warrant-book. Q. Had you then, or have you now, any reason to suppose that the supervisors in the allowance in that particular case were impelled by any improper motive?-A. Well, sir, I could not say that I have any reason to suppose that. Q. Had they any personal relations that you know of with your client?-A. No, sir; because he was a non-resident, living in Alabama. Q. Had you any reason to suppose that the board of supervisors or any friends of theirs, directly or indirectly, could have derived any benefit from the issue of those warrants?-A. They could have taken the warrants out of the books if I had not got them. Q. Could they have taken them without adding to that other crime the crime of perjury?-A. I believe not, unless the chancery clerk had violated his duties, as he has been charged with having done and is now under indictment for. Q. But if they had taken the warrants-if the warrants had not been delivered to you, the supervisors or whoever was engaged in collecting the taxes would have collected the whole amount and allowed the county, and, if acting honestly, for the whole amount of the taxes assessed?-A. The warrants were issued without any proof; they were allowed for timber that was never used; the location was in the warrants and on the minutes of the board, and after I discovered that they were wrongfully issued, I returned the warrants and had them canceled, I can state in reference to a member of the board of supervisors this transaction: Our county was a new county, formed of a portion of this county and others, and there was an act passed by the legislature allowing a transcript of the records, and I heard a man go before the court on the trial of an indictment of one of the members of the board of supervisors, and swear that he paid that member of the board of supervisors $25 to secure him his appointment to the office of transcriber of the records, and that man was the republican county superintendent of education; and notwithstanding the fact that he swore to it before the jury, a jury composed mostly of negroes, and that was the only evidence in the case, and there was no evidence brought to impeach the credit of this party, the jury acquitted him; and the judge, a republican judge, Judge Orr, discharged the jury, and ordered the sheriff to summon him a respectable jury, and censured them very severely; and this republican county superintendent, the party who had sworn to this, made good his escape, got on the train, and deserted the office because there were 17 MSS 258 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —-CLAY COUNTY. steps being taken to have him arrested for the crime of bribery, which he had established by his own evidence in open court. And then there were these-I don't know how many-indictments against the president of the board of supervisors, who was also a negro, and that indictment was, of course, dismissed when this man made his escape. Q. What sheriff was that that was indicted and convicted?-A. His name was Shattuck. Q. What was the indictment for —A. For suffering prisoners to escape. Q. Was he convicted for that?-A. Convicted by a jury. Q. When was he replaced -A. He was charged with several offenses, and this indictment was sustained, in the early part of 1875, I think, and he took an appeal to the supreme court. The judgment of the circuit court was that his office should be vacated for willful neglect of duty, and he appealed to the supreme court, and the supreme court last fall, perhaps, affirmed the decision of Judge Orr, of the circuit court, and within a very short space of time-I have heard it stated within two hours, but that is a mere matter of opinion-a telegram came that Shattuck had been pardoned by the governor and re-appointed to the office that he had just been turned out of. He was one of the men against whom these charges were made that I mentioned before, but that was not alleged to be so criminal as the other matters. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. That was willful neglect of duty?-A. Yes, sir; that was the charge against him. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. You do not mean to say that he was pardoned by Governor Ames?A. It may have been by the lieutenant-governor, but Governor Ames was, I know, the governor. Lieutenant-Governor Davis may have granted the pardon. POSTSCRIPT TO THIS TESTIMONY. [Subsequently, on the same day, Judge Brame re-appeared and made the following statement:] I would state that it is my recollection that the charge against Mr. Shattuck did not involve any willful criminal act on his part. Since I was before the committee I have talked to a gentleman who knows more of the facts than I do, and he has refreshed my recollection; and it is now my recollection that Mr. Shattuckwas indicted for the act of a subordinate; that he was not directly connected with the keeping of the prisoners. He was sheriff of the county, and, by virtue of his office, jailor. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. The jailor had charge of the prisoners?-A. Yes, sir; the deputy was his jailor, and he had immediate control and charge of the prisoners. Q. There was an escape from the jailor — A. There was an escape from the jail-house. Mr. Shattuck occupied a room in the front part of the jail, which is a new building. The jail proper is in the rear of the house containing the room that he occupied. TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. MATTHEWS. 259 JOHN P. IMATTHEWS-COPIAH COUNTY. JACKSON, MISS., June 13, 1876. PERSONAL RECORD. JOHN P. MATTHEWS sworn and examined. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. In what town do you live?-Answer. Hazlehurst, Copiah County. Q. How long have you resided there, and what is your occupation — A. I was born and raised in the county, and resided at Hazlehurst some three years. My family live there. Q. What is your occupation or pursuit —A. I was sheriff there. Q. For how long a time —A. I have been sheriff there five years. Q. Do you now hold that office —A. No, sir. Q. When did your term of office expire —A. The 1st of January last. Q. Were you in any way in the military service in the late war -- A. No, sir. Q. What is your age?-A. Thirty-one years old. CHANGING PRECINCTS AND THE PURPOSE OF IT. Q. Have you any knowledge of what took place in Copiah County in the canvass for the election of 1875? and if you have, you can state in your own way to the committee what that knowledge is.-A. The first I know of any excitement in our county was about the appointment of registrars. I appoint one, under the laws of this State, and the gentleman I appointed, he came to me afterward and told me he declined to serve; lie did not think they meant to do what was right. They changed the precincts and formed a good many new ones. Q. Who was he — A. Elijah Wright. I asked him what they would do that was wrong. He told me he thought from the changing and forming these precincts that they had been doing, that the purpose was they wanted to have an unfair thing of it, and he would not serve. Q. Was he a republican or a democrat — A. He has always been a d(emocrat. He sometimes, occasionally, votes for some republicans, and sometimes democrats. He is a democrat, and claims to be a democrat. Q. Did he state to you, or are you of your own knowledge able to state to the committee, what this change was in the precincts of which you have spoken?-A. Yes, sir. There were in different localities more republicans than democrats, and he stated they were putting some election-boxes within a mile or two of each other, and he thought the probable object was in having so many precincts, the intention was, to get the names from the boxes sent to them and send them to the other boxes to vote. By having them divided up, they could get them to vote the democratic ticket. That is what he told me. The man Judge Peyton first appointed, he removed him and placed Mr. Horne in his stead; but he had taken possession of the box, (Mr. Horne had,) with this other one, and Judge Millsaps removed that man. Q. One registrar was appointed by the sberiff? —A. Yes, sir. Q. One by the chancellor of the district — A. Yes, sir. Q. And one by the circuit judge of the district. Chancellor Peyton removed his, and then Judge Millsaps removed his, and Mr. Wright declined — A. Yes, sir. Q. What was done then — A. Judge Peyton appointed Mr. Home, and he and Peyton's brother, the man Millsaps had first appointed, taken 260 MISSISSIPPI ELECTlON-COPIAH COUNTY. the box and went to registering. Millsaps appointed Bondurant in place of Peyton, and I appointed a man by the name of Berry. Q. Without going into the particulars as to what they did, was there anything done of which there was complaint, or which you believe or know to have been improper — A. No, sir; I know of nothing improper, only they enjoined Bondurant and Berry and myself; served an injunction on us to keep us from interfering or having anything to do with the boxes, and we never did. I never had anything to do with them before or afterward. Q. There was a registration made of the voters just by those two men; they went on and registered. Was there anything else occurred in that county that was unusual?-A. There was a general bad feeling then gotten up; they put out a great many reports that they were inciting the negroes, and that they had bought arms. That was what I heard. I never could find out who put this report out. On the 11th of September John RI. Lynch was going to speak at Hazlehurst. Q. Was he a candidate for Congress?-A. Yes, sir; and it was reported all over the county that the negroes were going to Hazlehurst armed on that day, and they got up a good number of arms, and sent to New Orleans, I think, for arms. THE DEMOCRATS RECEIVE BOXES OF ARMS. Q. Who sent?-A. The democrats; at least they received, on the evening of the 10th, several boxes of arms, muskets. Q. What kind?-A. Muskets, and bayonets to them; Army guns. I don't know what kind of guns; shot-guns or rifles. I have seen them, and have had some of them in my hands, but I do not know what kind of guns they were. And they came to me saying what they had heard, and they told me that they had understood that I had sent up for all the negroes to come in there armed. I told them that there was nothing of it. Q. Who came to you?-A. I do not remember how many, but a good many. Several people. Mr. Cooper, he was chairman of their committee, and I talked with him. I do not know whether at that time or not. TALK ABOUT A WAR OF RACES. Q. Chairman of the democratic committee? -A. Yes, sir; Tim. E. Cooper. I talked with him about the matter some. I told him he knew me better than to think that I would do anything of that kind. I stated to him when they talked about a war of races, I would be always with my race, but I could not be and will not be a democrat. That was the only difference between us. As if I would incite the negroes there, when my family would suffer as well as other people, and that would not do; and I told him I apprehended no danger at all unless they started it; and all I asked was to close their houses there and keep their rowdy fellows in their places, and there would be no danger from the negroes. Some one furnished me with a list, to appoint a lot of deputies to keep the peace. I looked through the list and told them I could not do that; hatat I could not appoint men that I believed would raise a row; but if leading citizens, men who had any interest, and whose families were there, would accept of an appointment I would appoint them, but I would not appoint these rowdy fellows. If they wanted peace I would appoint such men as I thought would try to keep the peace. A great many negroes told me that they were turned back on the roads. There were armed men there all over the county, I was told, I did not see them; and they turned a great many negroes back and would not let them come to the speaking. There was a list of TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. MATTHEWS. 261 appointments that was up there for Lynch to make speeches atspeeches in the county-but I told him I did not think it would be safe for him to try it. Q. Was there a meeting held there on the 11th or 12th of September -A. Yes, sir. Q. Were you present — A. Yes, sir. Q. What occurred -A. Nothing at all. Everything was quiet. I never saw a more quiet meeting in all my life. Q. Did Mr. Lynch speak — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did anybody else speak — A. Yes, sir; I made a little speech myself; that was all. Q. Was there a general attendance — A. Yes, sir; a great many. I suppose there was some — guess there was 800 persons there. Q. Now, what made you advise Mr. Lynch to abandon his appointments in that county?-A. Well, from the reports, and the excitement that seemed to be among the people in sending out to buy arms, and talking about their rights, and seeing, too, that there was talk about having a riot. Q. Are you acquainted with the negroes in the county who were looked upon as the leaders among the negroes?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you think you have the means of knowing whether they were armed with aggressive intent — A. No, sir; there was no intent. I do not think there is a negro hardly in the county-there might, probably, be a few bad negroes occasionally-but I don't think there are any of the leading negroes in the county. The chairman of that democratic committee, Mr. Seals, none of them but I think would have done anything in the world for him. I don't think he would have been hurt, or any man I know would harm any of them. Of course there were some bad men. Q. To what extent were arms brought into the county?-A. I could not say, exactly. I saw five boxes of guns myself. Q. At Hazlehurst?-A. Yes, sir; they were brought there upon the cars. Q. How large is HEazlehurst ~-A. I suppose 1,600 inhabitants. Q. Were these guns destined for clubs throughout the county?-A. I saw one wagon-load going out of the town. Q. Were any representations made to you personally which led you to give Mr. Lynch that advice — A. No, sir; I do not think there was, only just from hearing men talk; none given to me. Q. Did you have reports from various precincts in different parts of the county as to the state of public opinion — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did the character of those reports have anything to do with the advice you gave —A. Yes, sir; the registration was going on at the time, and one of my deputies was down at Burdenton, and there seemed to be a good deal of bad feeling. Men seemed to be talking about a riot, and that was going to be at Hazlehurst on the 11th; and I met Mr. Horne, who came to me and asked me if I was still alive. I told him yes. He told me he did not expect to see me any more. THREATS AT THE ELECTION. Q. Was there any other fact which you recall concerning the canvass or the election — A. On the day of the election I was at Beauregard, and on the day of election, that morning, a gentleman by the name of Carter-I had no acquaintance with him, but knew him-came to me before the polls were opened and spoke to me, and says he, " Look here, you must leave here and take your damned tickets with you, or I will set you up," or " you will be set up;"' and I remarked to him I had 262 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-COPIAH COUNTY. come there for a lawful purpose, and I did not think I could leave unless they would haul me away. " You can overpower me and carry me away, but I am not going; " and I then spoke-I forget what gentleman it was I spoke to, but I think it was King-about that. I told him I had been ordered away. Nothing more occurred until after they had been voting some hour I suppose, and about twelve or fifteen negroes came walking up, two and two. They came up to the gallery in front of the house where they were voting in. Bridewell, I think it was, told them to halt. I was standing upon the steps, and they halted, and he commenced cursing, and directed his conversation to me. I was standing on the steps. Says he, "' God damn you, you have marched up to the polls with bayonets once, but you cannot do that now.' Says I-I told him I was not marching them up to the polls —" They have a right to come up and vote like other men. Your crowd is all by itself, and they can stay by themselves if they have a mind to," I replied. He kept on cursing, and I told him, " You have got me in your power, but you would no more say those words to me than you would see your black box before you would talk that way, if I had any showing with you." Mr. Cook came up then and stood by me. Some one drew a pistol. Some one saw the pistol pointed at me. I don't know. The crowd of some seventy-five or eighty seemed to be very much excited, and Mr. Cook and another gentleman came talking and stood side of me on the steps, and carried on a talk there some little while, while he was cursing. Mr. Cook's name is W. W. Cook. Q. Was your conversation hostile or pleasant with him — A. Very pleasant. 1 have always been on intimate terms. We have never had hard feelings between our families. Q. Who was Mr. Carter, his standing, and position — A. I do not know what he follows. He lived there about Beauregard. I do not know what he follows. Q. Is he an influential and responsible man, a leading man in the party — A. Yes, sir; he is. I do not know that he would be called and considered a leading man, but he is a man of good standing. He is a clerk there in some drug-store, I think. I think that is what he follows. Q. Mr. Bridewell-what is his position?-A. He is a prominent man there and a leader of the party, or has been. Q. In the democratic party? —A. Yes, sir; he was a candidate in 1873 for the legislature, and elected. Q. Were these men armed — A. Not that I know of. I only saw one pistol. I suppose they all had their pistols. Generally they all carry them in this country. INTIMIDATION AS TO VOTING. Q. What else occurred, if anything you recollect?-A. I saw the object there was to disperse the negroes, so that they could get them to vote as they wanted. I saw Mr. Fairman carry in one; that is, walk inside with him. The negro had his certificate of registration, and Mr. Hamilton was one of the inspectors, and Mr. Fairman handed the ticket to him. It was a negro that had lived with me, and I knew exactly how he wanted to vote. I just asked if that was the programme. Says I, "If it is, I will vote a whole lot of men who cannot get inside the doors. If that was the way they would vote, there would be a good many that could not get in the house, and I would vote for them." And Mr. Hamilton told Mr. Fairman that that was not right, and I never saw any more of that. The negro living with Mr. Fairman, he told him that if he TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. MATTHEWS. 263 voted the republican ticket he would make him leave his house; would not let him stay in his house. t Q. As a matter of fact, did everybody vote that desired to vote at that voting-place, so far as you know — A, Yes, sir; so far as I know, they did. Q. Was the vote free as to the expression of opinion, or otherwise?A. No, sir; I could not say that every man voted as he liked, as he desired. There were some that stated they were afraid to vote as they chose, and voted the other way to please other parties. Q. How was the attendance; as full as it would have been if there had been no excitement other than is usual in a political canvass?-A. I could not say. I judge it was, from the fact of creating so many precincts. MORE DEMOCRATIC VOTES CAST THAN THERE ARE DEMOCRATS IN THE COUNTY. Q. Do you know what the negro vote was in the county?-A. A pretty full vote, the republican vote was, and the democratic vote was extra, ordinarily full, I think-about two or three hundred more than really ought to vote; more than lived in the county. Q. How do you explain that?-A. I do not think that many people live there. There is not that many tax-payers on the list. Never has such a vote been polled before. I saw some men that I knew were not entitled to vote there. I asked Mr. Horne, the registrar, the democratic registrar, J. A. Horne, his opinion about it. He was registrar, and he said he thought himself that there were a good many voted that were not entitled. of both parties, he said. REPORTS ABOUT OTHER PRECINCTS. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Was there anything further there at Hazlehurst, or Beauregard, or any town in the county, that you have knowledge of — A. They were just about the same way, I heard. I could not speak from own knowledge about other places. I was not at the election, only at that one precinct. I could not say. I did not see it myself, but only heard what others told me. Q. What statements were made by other persons to you?-A. Mr. Bondurant was treated pretty much the same way at Pine Bluff. Q. Was it in the same way as you were at Beauregard ~?-A. Yes, sir; he told me that he was treated pretty much the same way at Pine Bluff -perhaps worse. ABOUT REGISTRARS. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. What, under the laws of Mississippi, had you, as sheriff, to do with the registration — A. I think that I had nothing to do with the last one, except to appoint the registrar. I think-I do not know, whether it is the last law or the law of 1875, but before that time I had to send a deputy along to keep order and peace at the registration; but I do not remember; they did not say anything to me at this last registration about it, one way or the other. Two men just went ahead and registered. Q. By whom were those two men appointed registrars? —A. One of them was appointed by Judge Chancellor Peyton-Mr. Horne. M. H. Peyton was appointed by Judge Millsaps, and was removed by him; but he would not be removed. Q. He would not stay removed — A. No, sir. 264 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-COPIAH COUNTY. Q. What were the politics of these two registrars-the two that acted?-A. They both voted the democratic ticket. Peyton had always claimed to be a republican until this last canvass, but he went off and was taken by the democrats and re-appointed chancellor. He was chancellor, and after this action with that party they re-appointed him. Q. Who were the other two included in the action brought against you, in which you were enjoined?-A. Berry and Bon Durant. Q. Who were they?-A. Bon Durant was appointed in place of Peyton, and Berry was the man I appointed in place of Wright, who refused to act. Q. What were the politics of these two gentlemen — A. They were republicans. Q. In whose name was the action brought in which the injunction was obtained ~ —A. W. W. Cook and T. D. Aiken, candidates for sheriff and for coroner. Q. What were their politics?-A. Democrats. Q. Who was the attorney in the suit upon the part of the plaintiffs — A. Tim. E. Cooper, I believe, was the name marked to it. Q. Was he a democrat or republican — A. A democrat, and chairman of the executive committee of the county. I think he was the attorney. RELATIVE VOTES AND RESULTS IN 1873 AND 187 5. Q. When were you elected sheriff — A. In 1873. Q. What was your majority at that time?-A. One hundred and fiftyfive votes. Q. What was the majority of your opponent at the last election?A. Something over five hundred. Q. How many members of the lower house of the legislature were elected in your county at the last election?-A. Two. Q. Who were they?-A. Dr. Roan and Mr. Miller. Q. What were their politics?-A. Democrats. Q. Did you elect a senator from that county at last election — A. No, sir. Q. What county is attached to yours in the senatorial district?-A. Claiborne and Copiah. ELIJAH WRIGHT'S POLITICS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Elijah Wright was appointed by you one of the registrars?- A. Yes, sir. Q. You seemed to be in some doubt as to his party politics?-A. Yes, sir; he always claimed to be a democrat, but after that he voted for some republicans. Q. He resigned, as I understand you, because he told you he thought the democrats, by dividing the precincts, would get more votes than they were entitled to?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did he accept the nomination of the republican party for justice of the peace — A. Yes, sir; he did. Q. And right away after his resignation?-A. Yes, sir. Q. For justice of the peace?-A. Yes, sir; that was the only district that did not have a democratic majority, and we had to run a democrat in there to carry it. Q. But he took the republican nomination?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who ran against him on the democratic side — A. Two candi. dates, Mr. Croome and Mr. Ramsey. Q. Who were elected — A. Croome and Ramsey. TESTIMONY OF JOHN P. MATTHEWS. 265 Q. He ran against the dempcratic party on the republican ticket?A. Yes, sir. Q. When you did appoint him registrar, was not that appointment objected to by leading men in the democratic party — A. No, sir; I never heard; never said a word about it. Q. The cause of his resigning was that he thought they would get more votes than they were entitled to?-A. He said they did not aim to do what was right, he thought. Q. And then he resigned?- A. Yes, sir. He let us vote for him, but he took no part in the canvass at all. Q. He took the nomination t-A. Yes, sir. INJUNCTION AGAINST BOARD OF SUPERVISORS. Q. Who obtained the injunction against particular members of the board?-A. Mr. Cook and Mr. Aiken. Q. What was the substance of the injunction?-A. I do not remember. Q. You were enjoined from doing what?-A. I think Mr. Cooper told me that they thought I was trying to get possession of the books by some means. Q. The books of registration — A. Yes, sir. It was only a supposition on his part. All I done in the world was to get Bondurant in his position, so that he would have a man on the board. Q. Yes; but was it not alleged that you and Bondurant were obstructing the registration in the county Was not that alleged — A. Yes, sir; they said that; they alleged that. Q. Do you remember whether the injunction was read to you?-A. Yes, sir. Q. A copy was served?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What did it enjoin you to do, or not to do.-A. I do not know. Not to interfere with the registration, I expect; to abstain from the books of the registration, and have nothing to do with them. Q. Then the object of the bill was to prevent you from interfering with the registration in that county. That was the object of the bill — A. I suppose so. Q. You were enjoined from interfering with it?-A. Yes, sir. Q. The application was to a regular chancellor?-A. No, sir; I do not know who. Peyton would not grant the injunction. Q. Did they apply to him for it? —A. I understand so. Q. Who did grant the injunction ~?-A. I do not know. Q. How do you know it was granted regularly — A. I never paid much attention to it, because I had nothing to do with the injunction no how. Q. You do not remember?-A. No, sir; because I did not think anything about it any way. Q. Who served it?-A. Mr. Croome. Q. Who is he — A. Mayor of the town of Hazlehurst. Q. You cannot say in what court, or before what judge, the proceeding was taken against you?-A. I cannot say; I think probably it was Judge Deeson. I cannot say. Q. Who is he a-A. Chancellor of another district. I do not know; I think I have heard that he did; I could not say from my own knowledge. Q. But was the injunction obtained in the court to restrain you from interfering with registration A -A. Yes, sir. Q. By whom was Judge Deeson appointed?-A. By Governor Ames. Q. Mr. Cook is the present sheriff?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were you personal friends, on good terms — A. Yes, sir. 266 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-COPIAH COUNTY. Q. He is a clever, worthy gentleman.-A. Yes, sir; a clever man. Q. An upright, good man — A. Yes, sir. Q. Where does this Mr. Horne live?-A. At Hazlehurst. Q. IHe is democratic registrar, you say?-A. Yes, sir; one of them. ABOUT ILLEGAL VOTES. Q. He stated that he thought that there had been votes on both sides more than they had a right to poll — A. Yes, sir. Q. Can you state any votes that were not registered that were taken at that election?-A. No, sir; I could not say that. There is no way of telling from our registry-books whether they were; I cannot tell anything about it. Q. Have you any knowledge of any votes taken there that were not registered?-A. No, sir; I do not suppose there was a single vote taken that was not registered, because I think they registered everybody that applied. Yes, I believe some negroes-they treated negroes that way. Once a few negroes they did not register that applied. ABOUT THE INJUNCTION AGAIN. By Mr. 1:CMIILLAN: Q. When was this injunction granted in reference to the election?A. I think probably it was in September. Q. Did it embrace anybody but you?-A. Yes, sir; the registrar I appointed, and the one Millsaps appointed. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. The injunction against them was on account of their being appointed where it was claimed there was no vacancy —A. No, sir; they admitted the vacancy, and came to me with a petition of some 1,600 I forget how many. They recognized the vacancy and petitioned. Q. On what account was he enjoined from acting — A. I do not know. Q. It was not claimed that he was ineligible?-A. No, sir. Q. If you do not know on what ground, how can you say that it was not on account of ineligibility — A. I never heard it. I never heard anything said about that. NOTICE SERVED ON FOSTER, THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE. Q. It must have been because he was ineligible, that you had no power to appoint him, or there was no vacancy — A. No, sir; he was not ineligible; he was a registered voter of the county. There were two injunctions. I think they had one to enjoin Bondurant in the courts, probably afterward. There were two injunctions. I paid very little attention to that. They enjoined Bondurant from trying to get his place on the board. Mr. Foster, they gave him a notice not to go to the election to vote. He showed me the notice. I do not remember how it reads. That was posted on his gate; but they sent out from the precinct and brought him to the election. He told me he was afeared, and told these men that he was no candidate and voted the democratic ticket. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. What was his namee —A. B. C. Foster. He was a nominee for justice of the peace. His notice, he showed that to me, which they gave him. Q. It was signed by whom?-A. I do not recollect now. It has not any one's name to it. Q. An anonymous notice to him — A. Yes, sir; something signed to the bottom I do not remember. He was afraid to go to the election at all, and then they sent for him. TESTIMONY A. J. HODGES. 267 Q. Who sent for him — A. I do not recollect who they sent. Q. You do not remember who the people were — A. He told me. I do not know. I think that Mr. McCaleb was one. Q. Was he a worthy man, a good man — A. Yes, sir. Q. A good citizen — A. Yes, sir. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Who is Mr. Foster — A. A gentleman born and raised right there in the county; a white man. Q. What was he a candidate for — A. Justice of the peace. He was formerly a justice. Q. By which party was he nominated — A. The republican candidate. Q. What party did he belong to?-A. The republican party. Q. Was he a man of good character — A. Yes, sir; his character was very good. I never heard anything against him. Q. Of good reputation in that community? —A. Very good, I think. Q. What did you say he stated to you he did after he was taken to the polls — A. He told me he declined to be a candidate; that he was afraid of his life. Q. Did he state so publicly -A. I do not know whether publicly or not. He was a candidate up to that morning, and his name was on the ticket, and a great many voted for him. He told me not to vote for him, that he was not a candidate. He told me some time after the election. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did this Mr. Foster live in the county near you —A. No, sir; he lived some twenty miles from where I live. Q. He is a well-known citizen The WITNESS. Has he not been summoned here? It is nearer to where he lives than to where I am. Q. What is his name —A. Brant C. Foster; eight miles south of Burnett's Mills. A. J. HODGES-COPIAH COUNTY. JACKSON, MISS., June 16, 1876. A. J. HODGES sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMIENT. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. You are a resident of Copiah County, and county treasurer, I believe — Answer. Yes, sir. Q. That is the county of which Mr. Mathews is sheriff~-A. Yes, sir. He was sheriff. Another is there now. Q. How long have you lived there? —A. I was born and raised there. Q. Did you hold any office —A. Yes, sir. Q. What office V-A. Treasurer of the county. Q. When were you elected — A.. Last fall. Q. Were you there during the canvass V-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were you elected upon the democratic side -A. Yes, sir. Q. During the canvass, did you see there any disorder or violence? A. No, sir; none at all. SAW NO INTIMIDATION OR FRAUD. Q. Do you know of any intimidation or fraud that was practiced at that election upon any one — A. No, sir. 268 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-COPIAH COUNTY. Q. What was the character of the canvass as to peace and order?A. It was quiet. THE ELECTION WAS PEACEABLE. Q. There was a good deal of activity displayed on the part of the democrats — A. Yes, sir; both parties, had an interest in it, I think; I did, at any rate. Q. Do you known of any one that was interfered with, as to his right of suffrage, on the day of election?-A. No, sir. Q. And the election itself, how was that as to peace and good order?A. I never saw a more quiet election in my life at my box. Q. There was no intimidation attempted on the colored people there in the county?-A. No, sir; nothing of the kind that I know of. B. C. FOSTER'S CONNECTION WITH THE ELECTION. Q. Do you know a man by the name of B. C. Foster?-A. Yes, sir; I know him. Q. WVhere did he reside?-A. He lives out in the northern portion of the county. Q. Do you know whether Mr. Foster came to the polls that day and voted?-A. I was not at the box. I was at the box in the evening, but I did not see him. 1 heard he was there and voted. Q. Was Mr. Foster enrolled at any time as a democrat?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Was he a member of the democratic club?-A. He was enrolled in this way at a club meeting: I was president of the club, and acted as secretary, and his brother asked me " Could he enroll any one's name if he was authorized to enroll it." I told him, " Of course;" and he said his brother, B. C. Foster, requested him to enroll his name. Q. I will state the reason why I asked the question. Mr. Mathews, sheriff of the county, was here and stated that he had been informed that Mr. Foster, whose name was on the republican ticket as a candidate for justice of the peace, did not come to the polls, but that the democrats sent a committee to his house and brought him to the polls, and that he then requested that his name should be taken off the republican ticket, and he voted the democratic ticket. And Mr. Mathews says he did this under compulsion and fear.-A. That I do not know. But I and Mr. Foster had always been intimate friends, and he told me several times a good many of the democratic candidates he would vote for and some he would not; but I understand — never heard him saythat he voted the entire ticket; but several democrats he said he would vote for. Q. You know Mr. Foster — A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you any idea that Mr. Foster voted that way in compulsion or intimidation, and withdrew his name under such influences — A. I do not think that he is a man who would be easily intimidated. I do not know, sir, but I think Mr. Foster would not be easily intimidated. Q. What do you say as to the fact whether he was or not — A. I do not think he was. Q. Do you know anything about a committee being sent for him?A. No, sir. Q. Do you know anything about his name being taken off the republican ticket?-A. No, sir; I was not at this box, but I was there later in the evening. Q. Were you a candidate during the canvass — A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you desire this committee to understand that this canvass was conducted in a perfectly fair, peaceable, and orderly manner?-A. So far as I know, it was. TESNIMONY OF JOHN H. ELLIS. 269 JOHN H. ELLIS-COPIAH COUNTY. JACKSON, MiSS., JZune 17, 1876. JOHN I[. ELLIS sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMtIENT. By Mr. BAYAID: Question. What county do you live in?-Answer. Copiah. Q. What town?-A. I live in Pine Bluff precinct. Q. Were you there during last year?-A. I was. Q. Where were you born — A. Born and raised in that county. Q. A native of Mississippi?-A. A native of Mississippi. Q. Were you there during the canvass of 1875?-A. Yes, sir. A. And have lived there from that time to this?-A. Yes, sir. CHARACTERI OF THE CANVASS AND ELECTION. Q. What was the character of the canvass as to peace and good order?-A. It was very good, so far as T know. Q. Were.you there on the day of election?-A. I was. Q. Did you observe any scenes of disorder —A. No, sir; nothing out of the way at all. Q. Do you know of any case during the canvass of intimidation by any class of citizens? -A. None whatever, sir. that I personally know of. Q. Do you know of any violence threatened or executed by anybody there?-A. No, sir; none whatever, Q. Do you wish the committee to understand that the canvass was a peaceable and orderly one?-A. It was, as much so as I ever saw since the surrender-since the black people became voters. Q. Did the black people vote there, as usual, freely?-A. Yes, sir; they voted so. TROUBLE WITH THE SHERIFF. Q. Had you any trouble in reference to registration with Iatthews, the sheriff of your county?-A. Yes, sir; we' had some trouble about that. Q. What did he propose to do; what was your trouble there? —A. I think Matthews wanted to arrange it so as to make the registration illegal, by refusing to put in his man, or the one that he was entitled to put in. Q. Did you make application to the court?-A. Yes, sir; there was application made. Q. What was the result?-A. The result was that there were two men appointed. Those two took the registration through the county, and Matthews's man remained out. Q. Was that decision for or against Matthews — A. Against Miatthews. Q. Was or not Matthews enjoined from interfering with the registration?-A. He was. Q. Was Matthews a candidate for sheriff?- A. Yes, sir; he was the republican candidate for sheriff ABOUT FOSTER. Q. Do you know a man in the county named Foster — A. I do; very well. He was successor to myself in the office of justice of the peace in the district in which I live. Q. When did you hold that position?-A. About three years ago; as well as I remember, I held it two and a half years. I held it a little over my time, as my successor failed to qualify. I held it untill they ordered another election, and then Foster was elected. 270 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-COPIAH COUNTY. Q. Do you know anything of Foster's voting on the day of election — A. I do not personally know; I have only his word for it. He told me how he voted. Q. What did he tell you — A. He told me that he voted the democratic ticket with the exception of one or two men-one of our representatives; he said he didn't vote for him. Q. Did he say whether he voted under any duress or fear of violence?-A. No, sir; none, whatever. He was very free to express himself, and took a pretty active part around the polls. Q. Did you ever hear of a democratic committee waiting upon him at his residence to get him to go to the polls — A. I knew there was a report had got out that he had, or, at least, had expressed himself as though he had been intimidated, and the club sent a committee to see Foster in regard to it; but the committee that the club appointed to see him and escort him to the ballot-box met him as he was going to the box to vote that morning, and they went on down with him; and he denied everything of the kind. I think the report was that he had stated he had received a note of intimidation; but when the committee met him and inquired into the matter, Foster denied the whole thing, and exonerated the club; said the club had had nothing- to do with it, but he knew who had; that there was a certain individual that wrote that letter, and he stated that he had his handwriting on his books, and he knew his handwriting by that; and exonerated the club entirely; said the club had nothing to do with it, and denied the report in toto. Q. It has been stated here by Mr. Matthews, sheriff of the county, or the man who was running for sheriff at that time, when he was asked whether there was any intimidation, that he knew of one case, the case of this Mr. B. C. Foster, whom he said was afraid to leave his home, and that the democrats sent up a committee for him, and that he came down and voted the democratic ticket, and that he (lid so because he was intimidated and afraid.-A. Foster is not a character that is easily intimidated, and that is all erroneous. I never heard of any armed force or anything of that kind going to his house to make any threats toward him in any way. NO INTIMIDATION EXCEPT BY REPUBLICAN FREEDMEN. Q. To the best of your knowledge and belief was there any act of intimidation to prevent any man from voting as he saw fit at that election in your county? —A. None whatever. I was only at one box during the election. There was none at that box that I knew of except this sort of intimidation: I saw tickets taken from certain parties and torn up and certain other tickets given to them in the place of them. Q. What cases were those T-A. It was the case of some of the lead. ing freedmen, republican freedmen, taking tickets out of the hands of the negroes that wanted to vote the democratic ticket and tearing their tickets up, right before their faces-taking them right out of their hands and tearing them up and giving them other tickets-republican tickets. Q. Were there many negroes who wanted to vote the democratic ticket — A. A good many; some twenty-five or thirty, I suppose. Q. Did you witness that yourself-their tickets being taken from them — A. Yes, sir, in one or two instances; and I heard of others. Q. Were those the only cases of interference with the free right to vote in the county ~-A. That was the only case that I know of personally. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. You say you saw one or two instances yourself —A. Yes, sir; as many as one that I know of, for I was a candidate that day myself TESTIMONY OF JOHN H. ELLIS. 271 for the board of supervisors, and was around a good deal among the people, electioneering with them. Q. How far were you from the persons yon saw doing this?-A. As near as from here to the gallery; say twenty-five or thirty feet. Q. Who was it that took the ticket away from the colored man?-A. It was George Hodges. Q. From whom did he take the ticket?-A. From Peter Strong. Q. What ticket did he take?-A. He took a democratic ticket from Peter Strong and tore it up and gave him a republican ticket. Q. How do you know it was a democratic ticket — A. I could not say positively that it was, but I was with the young man that fixed the ticket up and handed it to him. Q. What was the young man's name?-A. S. G. Jenkins, jr. Q. How far did he give him the ticket from the polls — A. Thirty-five or forty feet. Q. Who was the man he gave the democratic ticket to — A. Peter Strong; and George Hodges taken the ticket. Q. That was about thirty-five or forty feet from the polls — A. Yes, sir; I was about ten steps from Hodges when he taken the ticket and tore it up. Q. How far was it from Jenkins before he met Hodges? —A. Not more than about ten steps, I suppose. Q. Then he came there and met Hodges, did he?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did Hodges give him a republican ticket?-A. He took this from him and tore it up and gave him a republican ticket. Q. How do you know it was a democratic ticket that was taken away from him ~-A. He just taken the ticket in his hand and walked toward the polls with it in his hands. Q. And came to Hodges?-A. Yes, sir; Hodges met him going in the direction toward the polls to vote. Q. You were about thirty or forty feet from Hodges?-A. Not Mr. Hodges; I was only twenty or thirty feet from Hodges, but about thirty or forty yards from the polls. Q. How do you know that it was a democratic ticket that Hodges tore up — A. I saw the other ticket fixed up by young Jenkins and given to this freedman, and he had started right for the polls with it in his hand. Q. Then how do you know it was a republican ticket that Hodges gave him?-A. I don't know certain; only it was colored different, and the paper was different from our ticket. Q. Did you see the ticket after -it was torn?-A. Yes, sir; after I saw it done. Q. Did you go and pick it up?-A. No, sir; I didn't pick it up, but I saw the pieces on the ground. Q. From where you were standing — A. Of course; I walked up after the thing happened. Q. And he took the republican ticket from Hodges after his was torn up — A. He taken that ticket. I cannot say for certain that it was a republican ticket; but he said, " You must vote the republican ticket;" and I suppose if it had not been a republican ticket he would not have given it to him. Q. Were you a member of the democratic campaign club — A. Yes, sir. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Could Peter Strong read,-A. No, sir; he could not read. Q. Did Peter Strong say to the young man who gave him the ticket that he wanted to vote the democratic ticket — A. No, sir. 272 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-DE SOTO COUNTY. MARIO1 CAMPBELL-DE SOTO COUNTY. ABERDEEN, MiISS., JunCe 26, 187(L MARION CAMIPBELL sworn and examined. PERSONAL RECORD. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Where do you reside?-Answer. De Soto County, Mississippi. Q. How long have you resided there?- A. I have lived in De Soto County since December, 1866. Q. And your residence before you went to De Soto County?-A. Peoria, Mahaska County, Iowa. I was in the Federal Army from 1861 to 1866. Hernando is the county town where I live. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. How long have you resided in this State?-A. Since December, 1866. Q. Have you a family in this State?-A. No, sir; not at presents I lost my wife and both children. Q. Have you had anything to do with politics in this State?-A. Yes, sir. Q. When did you commence doing anything in politics?-A. In the summer of 1869. Q. What office, if any, were you elected to that year?-A. To the legislature in 1869. Q. The house or the senate?-A. To the house. Q. Were you subsequently elected to the senate?-A. Yes, sir; I was in 1871. Q. What have you been engaged in since you came to the State? State generally your occupation.-A. My employment was plantingraising cotton-then reading law, next was deputy sheriff, and then assessor of internal revenue. Since then I have been to the legislature, and am a special commissioner of claims at Washington. Q. Were you at any time ordered to leave the State; and if so, by whom?-A. I was never ordered to leave the State. Q. What was said or done in regard to that matter?-A. In 1867, in the constitutional convention election, my partner came to me and told me that I must quit; parties said they were not going to have me in the community on account of my political views. Q. Did you take any part in the political canvass last fall? —A. I did. Q. You may state any facts out of the general order; any such things that happened in this county.-A. I was a candidate; I had been a member of the legislature, and senator for six years; I was nominated on the first ballot, by the republican convention, for chancery clerk, which nomination I accepted. Most of the time during the canvass I was absent from the county on business of United States commissioner, which carried me to Marshall County, and I was also charged by Governor Ames with certain duties-appraising ordnance. I had been previously appointed, by Governor Ames, a brigadier-general of militia of the second congressional district. In the canvass I was not molested in any way in the county; nothing said to me until the Sunday, the week before the election; I met a couple of gentlemen that I had been intimate with for years. PLANS TO SEIZE STATE ARtMS AND ASSASSINATE WITNESS. Q.'Were they democrats T-A. Yes, sir, both democrats. I met themn TESTIMONY OF MARION CAMPBELL. 273 on the road, about a mile from lernando, and they just stopped on the road and commenced talking, and said to me,' Campbell, are you going to stand to that ticket l " I said I was a republican and expected to stand by the nominees. Campbell, we like you, but if you stand by that ticket we are going to have nothing more to say to you." I says,;I cannot help that." " I want you to quit that ticket and come and go with us." I just remarked that they would have no respect for me if I was to give up the party that they knew I fully believed in, and would not do it, but I wouki stand by it. " Campbell, if you carry that ticket, you shall never take your seat." I told them that was a matter for after-consideration, and they said,' Good morning," and went on. The Saturday before the election, General Gordon and Colonel Lamar spoke at Hernando. Friends of mine, who were not political friends, but otherwise, advised me not to be there that day. I had other business, and I went away from the county-seat to avoid it, and staid away. NotLing else occurred. When I returned, that same Sunday, I was abused on the public square by a crowd of -men. I was riding across the square, and they commenced hallooing, and abusing me, and ordered me to leave. I did not leave. I staid there. Previous to that, however, when I returned from Marshall County, same parties had been to Jackson, and seen General Ames, and made a request to send arms up there to organize the militia, of which I knew nothing. I got off the cars at Hernando depot, and went up and stopped in a store there. The proprietor of the store came to me and asked me, "Camp. bell, where have you been." I told him; he says, " Have you been at Jackson since at no time. Were you not there to get the arms sent down here 7" I answered, " iNo, I was not. I have not heard of any; have any been sent up here " Says he, "' No, they had not core." Says he, "We thought you were down there." Says 1, "I can show you papers in my pocket that will show you where I have been the whole time taking testimony." " We proposed to hold you responsible. We thought that you were there at Jackson, and that you were causing the trouble, and having the arms sent here. Did not you write and ask to have them sent up here?" Says I, "I never did." He just remarked, (his name is Joseph Hawkins,) "You always told the truth, and I believe you are telling it now; I don7t believe you did have anything to do with it." I then asked the particulars; I did not know that arms had been ordered up, and he told me that a number of them went down nine miles below Hernando, to intercept the arms; if Ames did send them on, that they should never get there; that they were going to keep them from being delivered at Hernando. On the Monday night the week before the election, I was going up town. I was going away the next day, and I went down to the store to get some orders cashed. The parties called on me where I stopped. I told them that I was in a hurry, as the store would close up, and as soon as I got through I would come back. A gentleman named Mackey came and begged me not to go back.' Don't you go back there now." Says I, " Why'?" Says he, "They are all drunk, and it is agreed among them that one of them is to say something to you which you will resent, and you are to be shot down.' Says I, I reckon not." Says he, "I know it is so. I heard it talked; it was for them to get rid of you; now don't go there. I came over here, but I did not want to talk any loDger, because it will interrupt my business." He was a man of business there. Says f, "Mackey, I won't go back there, I will avoid the difficulty." I did, and went around to his store with him. He was a southern man, and had 1:en 18 MIss 274 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-DE SOTO COUNTY. in the confederate army, but he was a republican and had been elected to the legislature; we were intimate friends. While I was there at his store, the parties followed around there, but we were in his private room, and they did not bother us; they did not come in, and did not insult any individual in the store. The most intimate friends I had there counseled me to. go out of the town; whenever they saw me up town they told me to go back, go home. On the day of the election I was at Naseby's, Horne Lake, Stewart's store, and Dixie. I went on the cars to Horne Lake, and had a horse there, and took tickets and left at each place. As the cars ran up to Hernando, by Naseby's and Horne Lake, I handed tickets off there; that was all I seen at Horne Lake. I got off where I had a horse; it was quite early in the morning, about half past eight o'clock, when I passed Naseby's. At Horne Lake all was quiet there and at Stewart's store; I rode horseback out there. Out from Stewart's store on the big creek at a school-house on the edge of the woods, I saw a row of guns stacked up there and men sitting beside them. A QUIET ELECTION. Q. White men?-A. Yes, sir. Everybody was voting, though, freely. I must say so, that there was no disturbance there at all; I saw no intimidation; darkies were around there at the time talking to a number of white men, all good friends. Tickets had been distributed, and I was told that they had been delivered beforehand; but I was afraid that they might run out before another supply came, and that was the reason I took the trip I did. I knew where they were short of tickets I staid probably three-quarters of an hour, and then took the road to go to a box on the bottom, and after I started I made an arrangement to send them by a colored man down there. I then went to Dixie; I had rode about two miles, and upon looking off through the woods where there was an open place, where I could see a half-mile, more or less, I saw five or six men coming riding down toward me, coming from the same direction from where I had come. Well, I saw they were going to intercept me where the road crossed, and I rodo on very deliberately, in no hurry, and when they came up I knew the parties and recognized them. They said nothing and went on their way. I have heard since from a gentleman who was there where they started from, who said that they said they were going to catch Campbell before he got to any other place. I admit that I did not have the most comfortable feeling in the world, with five or six men coming with shot-guns; but I saw there was no other way but to take it quietly. At Dixie everything went on very quietly, so far as I saw or heard. CROWD STARTED TO HANG WITNESS. On Wednesday the democrats, I think, expected to have a big time in Hernando. I did not go in until the second day after the election, and I went in with one of them, Maj. John H. Cox. I had not been in town more than twenty minutes, or as long, when the sheriff of the county and a merchant there in whose store I stopped made me go into the back room, and said that there was a crowd started the night before to hang me up. They were going to hang me. Says I, "What for"?7 Because they were not going to have me here any longer. Says I, " Who was it?7' But he would not tell me thenames. I learned some of the names. They insisted on my being quiet, and going back out of sight. Says he, "Campbell, it will injure my business; I do not want any disturbance in my place. Just come in and sit down." Says he, " Did anybody see you come into town?" I said, "Of course they did. I rode across TESTIMONY OF MARION CAMPBELL. 275 the public square." He says, I am afraid they will come here after you." I says, I will go away from here.' "No," he says; " go back and sit down; I do not want you to do that." LEAVES THE TOWN. In a few minutes Mr. Thomas White, chairman of the democratic executive committee, and Colonel Morgan, now senator from that district, caime back into the room where I was. I said that I was under apprehension in regard to my life, and asked them if they thought there was any danger. They said they had heard nothing, but if I had any evidence that I was in danger Mr. Morgan asked me to go to his house, and that he would protect me. Says he," I know you well;" and we had been always very particular friends. When I was first elected to the legislature here-I was elected in 1869, and when the county was a white county. There were two southern men elected there, and one northern man. After I was elected they said the only man that they feared that was elected was Marion Campbell. Before I had been in the legislature three months, they were all my friends, and praised me in the papers, where they had been abusing me before; and I asked them to stop tlhir praise; that I did not wish it. I was elected, and I expected to represent the people I was elected from. From that time Mr. Morgan and I had been very good friends. I had consulted him, and he had been my lawyer in everything that came up. When that Austin riot took place he and I went together there, and staid together; a-nd when I went to Friar's Point, was ordered there, I consulted him before I went. There was a personal friendship between us. He insisted on my going to his house. Says he, "I do not know what these fellows may do. You go to my house, and I will guarantee your protection, or I will lose my life." Says I, "Judge, I believe that. I believe you would, but I do not want to put you to the trouble. I expect to leave to-morrow any way. I promised to attend to some business before the election-some of the commissioner's business. It won't take an hour to pack up my papers and get ready, and I will relieve you, and get away from here until this excitement is over." "' Well," he says, it will relieve the excitement very much." I went down to my room, and took what clothing I needed; what papers 1 needed. I was hooted by some young men and boys as I went across the square, but I paid no attention to it. I got my things packed up, and went back up town, and nothing was said, or occurred. Colonel Morgan met me where I was coming, and walked with me to the depot, and I took the cars and went away. That night I was followed again. They charged me with having reported them to the United States grand jury. I had not been there, and have not been; and I never reported a single man yet. iHOW INTIMIDATION WAS PRACTICED BEFORE ELECTION. Q. What did they charge you with reporting them for?-A. For intimidation during the election. I went out into the country, and they started out to find me, but could not get to me. That was what I was charged with. I never did have a man indicted from that county for any crime. I left there the Thursday following, and went out into the country; and staid there three or four days. Then I went to Memphis, and then came on to Jackson. I will state this in regard to the election, that I did not see any intimidation. The way they managed, the night before the election the clubs throughout the country were organizeddemocratic clubs. They were all armed; when they ordered their arms in the first place, I remarked when I saw them, "What did they want the bayonets on them for?' I did not see what use they had for bay 276 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-DE SOTO COUNTY. onets. The night before the election I saw them in Hernando; they have a company there that drills there regularly. They were mounted on horseback, and they started out through the county in squads. I heard the next day that they had been to places, and they had gone to inquire for prominent colored men; and would bring the negro neighbors together, and inquire for the man, shooting their guns and revolvers all the time, not at anybody that I know of, but kept a shooting up, and when they would come to the negro that they were inquiring for, he would not be there. " Well, we will see him to-morrow." The result in that county was that the colored men were not at the polls. DEMOCRATS WOULD NOT ALLOW REPUBLICAN TICKETS TO BE DISTRIBUTED. At Olive Brancb, on the Monday before the election, tickets were distributed throughout the county, from my room. There were so many clubs. We had clubs organized at each voting-place in the district. There would be two men from each club at that voting-place come for tickets. The tickets were given out in proportion to the number of voters they had. Robert Sheik and another man came for tickets at Olive Branch; I counted them out for them. They rode to Olive Branch with the men, and then told them they could not give any of those tickets out there. If they heard of them distributing tickets it would be sorry work for them. They went away, and the second day after the election, while I was at my room talking to somebody, Robert Sheik came in and handed me back all the tickets I had given to him for that, box. Q. They had not been distributed l-A. No, sir; he told me then he was afraid to distribute them. It was a box where they generally voted about 160 or 170 votes. MEN TOLD THEY WOULD BE TURNED AWA.Y FOR VOTING THE REPUBLICAN TICKET. Q. Did they have republican tickets at that box? —A. I understood not, or not in time. On the second day after the election, Judge Morgan, one of the gentlemen that was with me, and who offered me protection, showed mne a letter from one of the inspectors. They were holding the election. One of the inspectors, A. G. Perry, received a letter about 11 o'clock that day. They wrote: "Judge Morgan, send us some republican tickets; over one hundred colored men on the streets at Olive Branch without tickets to vote. We desire to vote the republican ticket, and have no tickets." That was sent here. Mr. Morgan told me that he did not think it was his business to furnish tickets to the republican voters, which, in a political sense, I do not suppose it was. I have seen Robert Sheik since the election; I saw him the second day after. I saw men the Saturday before the election, who told me that the men they lived with just told them they could not live on their places if they voted the republican ticket-where they had been living for years. RELATIVE RACE VOTE OF COUNTY-RESULTS AT LAST ELECTION. Q. What is the relative number of white and colored voters in De Soto County?-A. About five hundred majority of colored voters. Before the county was divided there were 7,300 registered voters in the county, the most populous county in the State; after the division they made the county of Tate out of it, which made a democratic county; but the county always went republican before. At the time they had these 7,300 in De Soto County, they had about two or three hundred white majority, but the county always went republican. Since they divided it, Tate County was democratic; De Soto County elected the TESTIMONY OF W. E. KELLEY. 277 republican ticket the first time, and in that election there was 500 majority. The county went last fall about eight hundred democratic. Q. How many members to the lower house of the legislature were elected last fall in De Soto County -A. Three. Q. Were they republicans or democrats-were they all democrats — A. Yes, sir. Q. In what senatorial district is De Soto County?-A. The twentyseventh. Q. What counties constitute the district?-A. Tate County and Tunica. Q. Is this district republican or democratic?-A. Heavily republican. Q. How did it go last fall —A. Democratic. Q. Who was elected senator from that county A.. J. B. Morgan and G. C. Callicott. Q. Two democrats -A. Yes, sir. NEGROES REFRAINED FROM VOTING, AND WHY. Q. What effect did the operations you have described, and the other acts of intimidation, have upon the negro voters in that county; did it or not prevent them from voting?-A. It caused them to stay at hone, or to take any kind of excuse they could get to go out of town. I saw on the train from Hernando to Horn Lake, on the morning of the election, quite a large number of colored men whom I knew very well. 1 asked where they were going that day, they answered they were going to Memphis-they had business thuat I asked if they were not going to vote, as that was the day of the election, and they said they were going to get back in time to vote. I told them I did not expect them. 1 knew the men, and I told them that they would not be back in time to vote. Some of them would not be allowed to live on their places if they voted the republican ticket; and I told them that they would not be back until after the polls were closed. Q, Is there anything else that you desire to state?-A. No, sir. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. You were a candidate —A. Yes, sir. Q. For the county clerk's office, and were defeated?-A. Yes, sir; I was. W. E. KELLEY-GRENADA COUNTY. JACKSON, Miss., June 23, 1876. W. E. KELLEY sworn and examined. By Mr. McMILLAN: Question. Where do you reside — Answer. In Grenada County. Q. How long have you resided there?-A. Since the 1st of February, 1872. Q. Were you there during the political campaign of 1875 — A. Yes, sir. A QUIET REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN. Q. Will you state, if you please, any knowledge you have in regard to the conduct of that campaign, and events occurring in your town or county —A. I was there during all that campaign, and took part in that republican canvass. At the meetings we were very careful in conducting our campaign, to keep order and quiet, knowing the feeling 278 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —GRENADA COUNTY. throughout the State, and we determined at our republican meetings to be as orderly as possible always, and avoid as much as we could ighting and everything of that kind. I will state as to particular times when there was some trouble. At one time the day our county convention was to be held-the delegate conventionA STREET FIGHT ON CONVENTION-DAY. Q. The republican convention — A. Yes, sir; on that day there were delegates coming into town and we went into the convention. The sheriff of the county — S. French was then sheriff, and also the nominee of the democratic party. He had some conversation with one of the delegates some time in the former part of the season. It seemed that this delegate had pledged him his support, but changed his mind and came out in favor of the republican party. He was a delegate. The sheriff (French) comes on him in the street, and, walking up, with his cane commenced an assault on him, striking him on the head. Some parties stepped in and separted them. At that time a report came to the office, where Senator Price (the State senator) was, stating that there was a row on the street. Mr. Price went out on the sidewalk and stopped in front of the office. He stood there a moment. French looked up the street and saw Mr. Price standing on the sidewalk, and he said to him: " You go in, you damned son-of-a-bitch!" and drew his pistol and fired. The ball struck the building in a direct line between me and Mr. Price. Some one stepped up and took the pistol away from the old sheriff, and his son stepped up and requested the pistol should be handed over to him. He stated he would take it home. That is the report I heard. When he got his pistol he took it and went round and came back toward Mr. Price and myself. Mr. Price was not armed, and I told him to go inside, and he stepped in at the corner of the building to the gate, and went to the rear of the post-office. I closed the gate and stepped back to my office door, which was on the rear of the post-office, and stood at the door. Young French came into the gate, and as he camein he fired at me. There was no one else on the sidewalk and no one in sight but him. He fired directly toward me, and the ball struck the wall probably 20 feet below me. I stepped in the door, and as he passed I fired at him. We exchanged two shots. A crowd came around, and his father, thesheriff, stepped up and shouted, " Kill them! damn them, kill them! " I retreated to the chancery clerk's office, and closed the door between us. Mrs. Price, who is postmistress, came up in front of the post-office, round the corner of the square, and followed the sheriff into the office. When she got into the office there were some colored men there, and he commenced upon them with a, stick. She ran and grabbed the stick and took it away from him. In a few moments he turned round or recovered himself, and seized her by the throat and pushed her back on the corner of a washstand and was choking her, when some colored men stepped in and took him off. The marshal then came in and arrested him. A good many men came round, different parties, and wanted to know why we did not come on the street and shoot at the crowd. We told them that we had no idea of settling matters in that way. We supposed the law would protect us. One of the parties, the young man with whom I had been shooting, went before the mayor and made affidavit which caused me to be arrested, and I gave bond to appear before the court. I called upon the mayor of the town and asked him to put the sheriff under peace-bonds, but he declined to do it. I said I would make affidavit if he desired it. We wanted peace, and we wanted the convention to go on. In the course of two or three hours the convention assembled TESTIMONY OF W. E. KELLEi. 279 and made their nominations, and there was no farther disturbance that day on that occasion. Q. Who was the mayor? —A. Mr. J. C. Gray. He has since been appointed chancellor of the district. Q. By whom was he appoiuted? —A. By the present governor, I suppose. Q. He refused to take any interest in the arrest? -A. He said he would not put him under peace-bonds, because he would not observe it. I asked him then if he would not put him in jail if he would not keep the peace, but he declined to have anything to do with tliis matter. REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES' COFFINS CARRIED IN DEMOCRATIC PROCESSION. Q. Was he a democrat?-A. Yes, sir; the mayor was acting with the democrats, but had acted with the repubiicans. They had some processions there that were rather demonstrative in speeches and exhibitions, carrying coffins round the streets. They had a coffin for myself and one for Mr. Price which were drawn in the procession. That was the first procession, I think, about two weeks before the election; it might have been more than that. The coffin for Mr. Price was taken on Saturday night preceding the election in trout of the post-office and left there; was there Sunday morning, leaning up against the door, until Sunday about noon, when some of the boys carried it away. I have had some conversation with other parties in regard to matters there, and I have been warned as to the danger I was in. I had a conversation in regard to preparations that were being made by the club that was organized by the democrats; they told me the club at a certain meeting subscribed for guns. He had subscribed for two. He assured me that so far as he was concerned there they would never be used against me. Then the night before the election they had a procession. PROMINENT CITIZENS ASK A REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE TO RESIGN TO AVOID MURDER. Q. Was there a committee that waited on you?-A. There was a committee waited on Senator Price-a committee of three prominent citizens of that town; two of them merchants, probably as wealthy people as there were in the place, and one who was a wealthy planter. They waited on Mr. Price the day before the election, and requested him to withdraw as acandidate for chancery clerk, and told him that they could not insure his life-would not guarantee it an hour unless he did do so; that he was in danger of being murdered or killed, and they could not guarantee his life, or would not guarantee it an hour, unless he withdrew his name'; and if he did not do so, and if he was elected, they would not guarantee his life at all; said he could not hold the office. CO11tFINS AND CALDRONS AND MEN REPRESENTING DEVILS. Q. What is his namel-A. William Price. They said that if he would withdraw from the canvass and come down as a candidate, he might be permitted to remain in the post-office, (his wife had the postoffce,) and he might be allowed to carry on any other business he might see proper to invest in in that town; but he could not hold the office for which he was running. They, the people, would not submit to it. Mr. Price replied to them, saying that he had lived in the State since 1865, and had never violated a law, that he knew, of the State, or of the United States, and he thought he had a perfect right to run for that office, and should do so; if he would be killed for that, "all right." Upon that, some of them said they might as well go, there was no use in talking with him about the thing any further. They then withdrew, 280 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-GRENADA COUNTY. and he came directly to me and told me this, asking what I thought he had better do. COFFINS AND CALDRONS, AND -MEN REPRESENTING DEVILS. Then the night before the election there was a procession; they carried coffins the second time, and paraded the streets. Upon one wagon they had a large platform built up, and on that they had a fire built, with a large caldron or kettle filled with tar or something of that kind; and around it men representing devils, stirring up this kettle, and going around it. I saw an old colored man lying on top there, and inscribed around him was "Here lies old Price." They paraded the streets, and came round in front of our building, shouting and hurrahing, some of them calling for a rope to hang Price and Kelley with, and conducted themselves in rather a rude manner. There was no violence to us any further at that time. OBSTRUCTIONS AT THE POLLS. A few days before the election the same party that had told me in regard to obeying the men-the day before the election-on Monday, about 10 o'clock, came to me and said,' I wish to see you. I don't want to see you go up to the polls to act as inspector." I was appointed one of the inspectors by the United States court, Judge Hill. I asked him why, and he said, " You have always been friendly to me and my family, and I don't wish to see you injured, and I am fearful when you go there you will be-some harm will come to you." I asked him if he knew anything particularly about it; and he said N No, that was about all he could tell me." I did go to the election, and I staid there throughout the day. I went to the polls, and on the day of the election there was considerable firing of guns. They placed themselves around the polls so that the men could hardly get to them to vote. I noticed this fact, also, that men who wanted to vote the democratic ticket could get in without any trouble. They would be taken in in a different way, and sometimes they would bring in two or three in the back door. I asked them to desist from that course, and to allow all to go in, democrats and republicans. They stopped at that, but men would vote and go out and place themselves on a seat, a bench close round the door, and stand there until they worked up to the door again, and would go out and come back. I called the attention of the board to it, and they said it should not be done, but the thing was repeated after that. NO REPUBLICAN MEETINGS HELD, AND WHY. We did not hold any meetings, from the fact that we were informed by parties that if there were any meetings held anywhere in the county, that they had horses ready to attend them, and if anything should be said that was not strictly in their interest, or not their idea of what ought to be said, they were going to denounce the speakers. We desisted from holding any meetings, from the fact that we believed the republicans were solid, and would vote solid on the day of the election. We have been solicited in our county to meet in joint discussion with the democrats, but always refused it, taking the ground that it would not be safe to do it. We thought that in getting the two elements together there would be trouble, and we declined that kind of discussion, and never attended meetings of that kind. GOING TO CARRY THE ELECTION ANYHOW. About a week or ten days before the election, the president of the democratic club, J. B. Crowder, captain, as they called him, came into the office, the chancery clerk's office, (Mr. Price was then acting as chancery clerk,) and said that unless they could do something TESTIMONY OF W. E. KELLEY. 281 or other to break the lines, it would not be possible to carry the election. They would have to do something, as they could not get the republicans to attend their meetings; they would not join their clubs, and they would have to resort to some other means. They did not state what means, but said they were going to carry the election anyhow. That was a foregone conclusion-they must and would carry the election. REPUBLICANS COMPLAIN THEY COULD NOT GET TO THE POLLS. At some boxes where there was a large republican majority, and the voters in those precincts declared that they would vote the straight republican ticket, the democrats were returned largely in the majority. At the box where I was, the vote was counted, I think, as it was cast. I stood by and saw the count and saw every ticket read myself. At that very poll, I believe there was a majority in favor of the democrats. A good many republicans say that they did not vote because they could not vote as they desired; they could not get in to the polls and went home. Our county has generally given a majority of from 500 to 700 republican. Q. What was it at the last election?-A. It was about 250 democratic. MR. PRICE'S COFFIN ON ELECTION DAY. Q. What was done with the coffins after they were carried in the procession-what was done with the coffins on the election day?-A. The coffin for Mr. Price was carried out and put on a shed in front of the court-house where the election was held. FIRING CANNON ON ELECTION DAY. Q. In the public square?-A. Yes, sir, and it remained there all day, remained there a week or possibly ten days. There was firing of cannon and hurrahing on the street all that day while they were firing it. Q. The day of election — A. Yes, sir; it was currently reported and believed by the colored people that arms were stored away in the rear of the building where the election was held, in a room occupied by Capt. J. B. Crowder. I do not know as to that. A colored man told me a short time ago that he saw them in that room the day of the electionpistols and guns. ABOUT DEMIOCRATIC CLUBS AND BOXES OF ARMS. Q. Was there a democratic club organized in the town?-A. Yes, sir. Q. What were its numbers — A. I do not know. Q. Had they arms, do you know —A. I know nothing more about their arms than what one of the members told me, he had subscribed for two guns, and they had subscribed for guns, the same man who warned me on the day of the election about going to the polls, saying it was not safe for me to go there. NO ELECTION AT ELLIOT STATION. Q. Do you know in reference to the boxing of arms on the night previous to the election to send to other places, or anything of that character?-A. I have been told by a half a dozen different men that they saw them box guns on the corner of the public square and ship them to different parts of the county, I did not see it. One colored man with a wagon went to one part of the county with guns. That box did not hold alny election. The judge of the election resigned and would not hold it. There were no votes cast there. Q. What box was that — A. Elliott station box. COLORED LABORERS DISCHARGED FOR VOTING REPUBLICAN TICKET. Q. Have you any further knowledge of matters that transpired there — A. There were some cases where colored men, acting with the 282 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-GRENADA COUNTY. republican party, were discharged from labor as laborers, because they would not give up their opinions and vote the other ticket. One colored man, for whom I have since secured a contract to carry the mails from the post-office to the railroad, and who was then employed as a driver for a delivery-wagon, was discharged, and they told him they did not want him any longer as they had all agreed not to employ any one unless he would vote the democratic ticket. NO SUPPLIES TO REPUBLICANS. In another case, a man who had given a deed of trust for supplies came in for supplies; the merchant asked if he intended to vote the republican ticket and he told him he expected to vote it, when he told him he could not have any supplies if that was his determination; that he would not supply any one unless he voted the democratic ticket now. His name is Robert Reese, the man who was refused the goods; the merchant's name is W. N. Pass. WITNESSES OFFICIAL RECORD. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. When did you come to Mississippi?-A. I came here in 1872. Q. Where from?-A. From Kansas. I am a native of the State of Michigan. Q. What is your business — A. Deputy collector of internal revenue. Q. When did you get that office?-A. 1 was appointed a year ago last April-the 1st, I think. Q. In 1875.-A. Yes, sir. Q. What office did you hold before that?-A. I held the office of county superintendent of education. Q. When did you get that office? —A. I think I was appointed in February, 1873. Q. What office had you prior to that — A. I had no office. Q. What was your occupation?-A. I was acting for the chancery clerk. Q. Deputy clerk for whom — A. C. P. Lincoln. Q. Who was the chancery clerk — A. C. P. Lincoln. Q. Who was he?-A. A brother-in-law of mine. Q. Did you take that office as soon as you came here?.-A. I was here probably a couple of months before. Q. After two months you took the office of deputy chancery clerk, and then county superintendent of education, and then deputy collector of internal revenue?-A. Yes, sir. Q. The latter office you hold now — A. Yes, sir. FRENCH, THE SHERIFF. Q. Who was French, the sheriff-at what time was he first elected?A. I think he was elected in 1871 by the republican party, and in 1873 by the democratic party. Q. He has been on both tickets?-A. Yes, sir. Q. On what did he run in 1875?-A. On the democratic ticket. PRICE, THE SENATOR. Q. Who was William Price ~-A. He was State senator from 1871 until 1875. Q. Did he hold any other office?-A. No, sir. Q. Is he a white man.- A. Yes, sir. FRENCH'S STREET FIGHT. Q. You say the first difficulty you recollect was one between French TESTIMONY OF W. E. KELLEY. 283 and a man who was a delegate to the republican convention?-A. Yes, sir. Q. When was that convention held?-A. On the 9th of October. Q. What was that delegate's name — A. He was a German. It is a German name I cannot recollect now; I may recollect it. Q. Had he been formerly a political associate and friend of French's?A. It seemed' that he must have had some understanding with him. Q. There had been an understanding — A. It seemed so. Q. That he was to support French in the convention?-A. In the former part of the season, when the canvass first opened. Q. Did French expect to be the republican nominee?-A. Not then. Q. Had he been running to get the nomination on both sides? —A. I think not this last year, but he expected the support of this man to carry that part of the county to vote for him. Q. This man had changed his views when they met?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And that made French angry I-A. Yes, sir. Q. Hence the assault occurred on this man by French — A. Yes, sir. Q. Was French alone at the time the assault was made on him.-A. This gentleman was standing talking to him when French walked up behind him and struck him. Q. But it was a sudden personal collision between these men about their political arrangements; this man had promised to give him his support and had failed to do so.-A. Yes, sir. Q. Was French nominated at the time of this affair?-A. I do not think he was. I don't know that he was nominated. Q. What was his reason for shooting at you - A. That 1 would like to know. Q. Had he never quarreled with you before?-A. No, sir. Q. Who was shot atstanding near you at the corner — A. Mr. Price, standing between him and myself. Q. What was his difficulty with Mr. Price -A. It was simply a political trouble. Q. Had he and Mr. Price had any quarrel f-A. He is not friendly with Mr. Price at all. Q. What had caused their trouble -A. Because Mr. Price had not supported him for office, I suppose. Q. Did he want him to support him — A. Yes, sir; that was what he did want. Q. Had he sought his aid before?-A. I will tell you that. In 1873 I was a candidate myself for the nomination by the republican party for sheriff, and was nominated over Mr. Price by the republicans of the county. French was a candidate there at the convention which nominated me, and failed to get a vote, so he bolted the ticket and ran on the other side, and was elected sheriff. Q. French and you ran for the nomination for sheriff in 1873?A. Yes, sir. Q. He was then running in the republican convention f-A. Yes, sir. Q. And you were a candidate also, and you beat him in the convention?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And then he bolted ~?-A. Yes, sir, Q. And got the nomination on the other side?-A. He ran on an independent ticket. Q. But he got the support of the other side — A. Yes, sir. Q. And he was elected —A. Yes, sir. Q. Were you a candidate for any office yourself the last election in 284 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-GRENADA COUNTY. 1875? -A. No, sir. I was a candidate for the senate, but was defeated in the nomination. Q. A candidate for the nomination, but not before the people — A. No, sir. Q. Was that in 1875? A. Yes, sir. GRENADA COUNTY POLITICS. Q. For which party was Grenada carried in 1873? —A. It was carried for the democrats. Q. In 1873 — A. Yes; claimed to have been Q. In 1873 — A. Yes, sir; I want to explain a little in regard to that. Mr. BAYARD. Certainly, you can make any explanation you wish. CARRYING THE ELECTION BY A MATTRESS. A. The president of the board of registrars, in 1873, was a deputy under French; at that time was keeper of the jail on the day of the election. We have an affidavit of one of the parties who was judge at the same box with this man, Giles Smith, who was president of the board of registration. After the polls had closed, in 1873, he went with him with the box to the jail, and when they got there Smith, the president of the board, opens the box, takes out the republican tickets and puts them in the fire, and turns up a mattress on a bed and took out democratic tickets and fills the box. This was in 1873; consequently they carried the election. Q. Were you present on that occasion when that was done — A. No, sir. Q. Have you personal knowledge of the facts —A. I have the affidavit of the party who saw it. Q. Was the election never contested?-A. No, sir. Q. Did that election include other candidates beside sheriff — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did it include members of the legislature — A. Yes, sir; a member of the legislature. Q. And supervisors, and all that — A. The supervisors were elected throughout the county. Q. This thing was a wholesale substitution of ballots of one party for ballots of the other party — A. Yes, sir. Q. Were these facts well known,.-A. The change of vote? Q. Of the fraudulent substitution of ballots — A. It was believed by everybody at that time, and has since been confessed by the affidavit of the party that he was present-one of the board. Q. One of the parties concerned in that transaction?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did nobody contest the seats in the legislature or the right of the members of the board of supervisors, in the face of such a flagrant fraud as that — A. There was an attempt made to contest that election, but was never carried out Q. In 1873 the legislature was largely republican, was it not?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And yet men were permitted to hold their seats under such circumstances ~-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were those facts brought out before the legislature or not?-A. I think not. FEELING. Q. Then the feud between you and French arose by your running against each other for sheriff in 1873 — A. I cannot say there was any feud. I had not had a dozen words with French in my life. TESTIMONY OF W. E. KELLEY. 285 Q. There certainly seemed to be some feeling. He soo at you, you say? —A. Yes, sir. POLITICAL AND PERSONAL CONTESTS. Q. You stated that in the first contest Price ran against you?-A. No, sir; he never ran against me. Q. Had not Price opposed you when you were both in the ranks of the republican party?-A. Not particularly; no, sir. Q. Price did not throw up in favor of you? —A. I don't think he said a word one way or the other, Q. French was a bolter in 1873, and was elected as you stated?-A. Yes, sir. Q. In 1875, did he try to be nominated by the republicans?-A. No, sir. Q. Did he get the democratic nomination?-A. He did. Q. Who was his opponent — A. J. B. Townsend. Q. Had he been nominated by the democrats at the time he made the assault upon the delegate who had gone back on him, if I may so speak — A. Yes, sir. Q. He was then a candidate?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Who bound you over to appear at court?-A. Judge Gray, the mayor. Q. The hearing of that affray between you and French was before Gray? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Is he the mayor and ex-officio justice of the peace?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And bound you over — A. Yes, sir. Q. What was the amount of your recognizance. —A. Five hundred dollars. Q. At what term of the court were you to appear — A. The last May term. Q. In 1876?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you appear?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you been indicted?-A. No, sir. Q. What was done with your case — A. It was dropped, I believe. A. Not prosecuted?-A. I was called before the grand jury and made my statement; Mr. Price also was called and made his statement, and gave the names of the witnesses. Q. In what case were you called before the mayor — A. In the same case. Q. Not in a complaint against yourself?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were you called in a case in which you were a party?-A. Yes, sir; and inquired of him in regard to the matter between French and myself. Q. Is that so — A. Yes, sir. Q. And then the case was dropped?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you had any difficulty with French since — A. No, sir. Q. Has Price had any i-A. No, sir. I have not spoken with him as I know of since. Q. And you live in the same community with him, and hold no words with him at all — A. Yes, sir. The witnesses of that for which I gave recognizance, who witnessed the shooting and saw the occurrence, were not summoned before the grand jury at all. PERSONAL INTERFERENCE WITH REGARD TO POLITICS. Q. Now, sir, do you know yourself of any case of personal interference by any one with another, in regard to politics, during the last canvass; and, if so, give the name of the person who interfered, and the 286 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-GRENADA COUNTY. person with whom he interfered?-A. As I have stated, there was this case where parties were hired as laborers and were discharged from service. Q. Do you know the name of the person who discharged them?-A. Yes, sir; the name they gave me. Q. Do you know the fact except as told by others e,-A. I was told by those parties who came directly from them to me and told me. Q. What was their business — A. One was driving a delivery-wagon around town for a house. Q. A black man — A. Yes, sir; a colored man. Q. He came to you and told you that his employer had turned him off because he would not vote as he wished him to vote -A. Yes, sir. Q. What were the other cases — A. The case of a man who had given a deed of trust for supplies to run him through the season, and the merchant told him if he voted the republican ticket he could iot do it. This man came directly to me and told me. His name is Robert Beese, and is a colored man. The merchant was W. N. Pass. Q. That was told you by him?-A. By the colored man Reese. Q. That he refused to let him have the supplies because he did not like his vote — A. Yes, sir. Q. What other case do you know?-A. Those are the only two prominent ones. Q. State any other case that yot know.-A. Only from rumor; none that I have any knowledge of directly. Q. These were not hearsay; your information was derived from one of the parties in the case?-A. Yes, sir; from both. Q. Before you came to Mississippi in 1872, had you anything to do with politics in any other part of the country?-A. No, sir; but I have always been a republican. HIURRAHING AND FIRING CANNON AT ELECTIONS. Q. Did you ever see much of poitics in any other State? —A. No, sir; I never ran for office or anything of that kind. Q. Is it any unusual thing to hurrah in processions and discharge cannon, and the like.- A. It is not the habit where I came from; I never saw coffins carried round. Q. I asked you if hurrahing and firing off cannon was anything unusual — A. No, sir; I have known that before in processions. COFFINS AND CRAPES. Q. In regard to coffins-have you never known a case of a coffin being carried in political processions, coupled with the name of the opposing party?-A. I never noticed that. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. These processions that carried these coffins-I understood you to say the coffins were kept for several days -A. Yes, sir; in front of the post-office, and also of my place of business, or the business place of my wife. Q. Were there not instances of crape being tied on your doorknobs?-A. Crape or black rags were tied on our doors frequently. ABOUT ALLEGED ELECTION FRAUDS. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. You said that in certain polls, whereas you thought there were republican majorities, they did not count out that way?-A. Yes, sir. Q. You know nothing as to the reception of the votes or counting of TESTIMONY OF W. E. KELLEY. 287 those votes at the polls but what you have heard?-A. I know nothing but what I have heard from men voting there at that precinct. Q. And the election did not turn out as you expected ~-A. No, sir. Q. Do you know how they were received and counted out — A. I do not know how they were counted out. Q. Do you know whether the same votes were put in that were counted out — A. No, sir. Q. You say you suppose they were not counted out as received — A. Yes, sir. Q. How did the result correspond there with what it was before?A. About as large as they generally ran there before. REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC VOTES AND RESULTS. Q. Was there any increase in the democratic vote there?-A. I understand there was. Q. Do you reemember how large the vote was at that precinct in 1875 —the democratic vote?-A. No, sir; I do not remember the exact vote. Q. Do you remember what the republican vote was?-A. No, sir. Q. Do you remember what the democratic vote was in 1873?-A. I do not remember the exact number. Q. That was the year that you say French, or French's friends, changed the ballots in the box — A. Yes, sir. Q. How did the county go in 1873 —A. It went as the present one mostly. The officers throughout the county were republican; that is, the officers that were for election at that time. Q. Did it not go republican with the exception of the sheriff?-A. No, sir. Q. What other democrats were elected --- A. The legislature-a man ran on the same ticket with French who was a colored man. He was taken up by the democrats and run on the ticket with French. Q. Then the independent ticket for sheriff and representative, both of them were elected, but the balance of the republican ticket was elected?-A. Yes, sir. But where this thing occurred of the counting out and changing of the ballots, the witness was one of the members of the board, and he has since made an affidavit before a justice of the peace that he was present and saw it. Q. That was in 1873. Did you understand that the tickets that were put in were straight democratic tickets by these men f-A. Yes, sir. Q. For all the offices, from the State officers down — A. Yes, sir. Q. Well, now, did not your county go republican in 1873 by the usual majority v-A. No, sir. Q. I see here by the tables that are furnished to us that the republican vote for State treasurer in Grenada County in 1873 was 1,152, and the democratic vote 543. That was in 1873. That was the vote for treasurer of the State. Now, then, if there were so many democratic votes put in this poll, how could that result be? —A. I will tell you how I accounted for it. This board went there on Tuesday night or Thursday morning; they counted it may be as the votes came in, and they counted for certain candidates. That was the object, and they malde the change as to a certain amount of votes, and then counted and elected their candidates. Q. They put in straight democratic votes. Would not that have made the democratic vote larger?-A. Yes, sir; it might have done so. Q. You see that the return shows only 543 votes in the whole county? A. I cannot account for that particularly, but we have the affidavit of the party in regard to this vote. 288 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Q. But here are the official returns.-A. Yes, sir; there was considerable division among the people. This ticket that run with French's ticket, some of them wanted to vote for Ames, and they voted that part of the ticket and tore off the rest. THE ALLEGED MATTRESS FRAUD. Q. I understand you to say that this affidavit stated that he took out so many republican tickets and put in so many democratic tickets —A. Yes, sir. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Ddl the same ballots contain the names of the State officers and the local officers as well?-A. They (lid; they ran two or three tickets with different heads. Some of the tickets were voted by parties and had the republican State officers on with French in it, and the other part of the ticket would be for the republicans. Q. It would not follow because there was a certain number of votes for State treasurer that all the candidates who belonged to the same party received nearly the same number; there might have been great diversity?-A. Yes, sir. Q. When was this affidavit obtained, referring to the election of 1873? —A. I think it was made some time probably in June or July, 1875. The reason the party that made this affidavit assigned is this: that Smith had been re-appointed by the sheriff as registrar, and said that he did not want to vote under that man, because he knew what he had done and would do again. That was the idea. ABEL ALDERSON-HINDS —JEFFERSON. June 10, 1876. ABEL ALDERSON sworn and examined. PERSONAL RESIDENCE AND RECORD. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. Will you give your residence and occupation or profession — Answer. I have been spending the most of my time in Jackson for several years past; my place of residence is in Jefferson County, in the town of Fayette. I am a lawyer, but am not engaged in anything at present, except settling up my old business. Q. How long have you resided in Mississippi, and where were you born?-A. I am a native of the State of Maryland, near Baltimore. I have been residing in Mississippi over twenty-five years. Q. Did you take any part in the war — A. No, sir. Q. Were you engaged in the political canvass in this State in 1875?A. Yes, sir. Q. If you attended any political meetings will you state what meetings you attended, and what occurred, it anything, other than what is ordinary or usual at such meetings e-A. In 1875 1 Q. Yes, sir; in 1875.-A. I attended but few in 1875. The most that I did was canvass in my own county. There were two republican tickets there. I took sides with what I supposed to be the most liberal of the two wings. THE CLINTON MEETING. Q. Were you at the Clinton meeting in September last — A. Yes, sir. Q. State what occurred at that meeting under your own observation, and for what purpose you went.-A;, I went as one of the invited TESTIMONY OF ABEL ALDERSON. 289 speakers, and intended to make a speech, but did not, on account of the difficulty that sprang up. Just after the opening of the second speech that was being made, I was in the crowd around the stand for a while after Judge Johnston, father of the gentleman that testified here a while ago, was making a speech, when, not being very well and not being able to hear the speaking, there being a dense crowd and I not being very early in getting my position, I went some distance, I suppose one hundred and fifty yards, up a little hill to a grove, and was there with some others taking some ice-cream, sitting in the buggy or carriage, and had been there for some time. THE FIRING BEGINS. It was announced that Judge Johnston was through his speech, and that Captain Fisher had commenced his. It was not long before I heard the firing of a pistol, and one or two, maybe three, I cannot recollect as to the number, and then a cessation. The remark around me at the time was that there was a difficulty being gotten up, and I supposed that likely some of my friends were involved in it, and I got out of the buggy and was going to go down. I thought, maybe, that I could bring peace about. I did not know what was the cause of the difficulty. By the time I got out, I suppose, 1 heard a volley of shots, I suppose twenty or thirty, in quick, rapid succession, and saw a crowd rushing up the hill from toward the stand; and there was again a cessation of firing, and then a tremendous volley of shots, and people scattering in every direction. I walked leisurely back to the buggy that I had been occupying. Thet persons around me gathered up their things and started in various directions, leaving the grounds. THE CROWD SCATTERS. I staid about among the last that left there. I think I was about the very last one; they were scattering in every direction-hundreds. I suppose that I staid several minutes-four or five minutes-and believing that I was in danger, and likely to be shot by either party, as the balls were flying in every direction, I saw but one chance of getting away, and that was toward the depot-the Raymond depot. I walked leisurely in that direction, stopping a number of times. I saw persons flying and running, and some on horseback; women carrying their children, and rushing wildly to make their escape from the field. After stopping a number of times, I went on a leisure walk down to the depot. In crossing the road leading from that part of the field where the picnic was held, the dirt road that crossed the railroad toward the town of Raymond, I got there just as the white men were coming down, and then quickened my steps a little for forty or fifty yards, and got out of the way of the teams, and went and surveyed the field again. I saw a good deal of shooting. I was not near any of the individuals. I went then quietly up to the depot, and saw a good many men arming themselves, preparing to pitch into the fight; I do not know who they were; they were strangers to me. A WHITE COMPANY ORGANIZED. Q. White persons or colored — A. White persons. I felt in a great deal of danger and apprehension myself, and that everybody w:s in considerable danger. At one time the thing became so threatening at the depot that I stepped quietly back behind the building, and staid for a, little while until thingsquieted down a little, and. stepped out in front again. Some one remarked, I don't know who it was, " Let us go and settle this difficulty." There was a proposition mad.e and I did not know who it was from at the time. They called him Captain Mlontgomery. 19 MISS 290 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. I am not acquainted with the gentleman. It was proposed to elect a captain. They mentioned his name, and he was voted for unanimously; and as soon as they had elected him captain-his face was rather inviting to me; he looked like a man that might be approached and reasoned with-almost immediately I approached him, and laid my hand on his shoulder and asked him if I could not say a word to him. He looked at me, but said nothing ill response, except his looks, which seemed to respond that he would reason. I lifted up my hands and exclaimed, " For God's sake, stop this letting of blood, it is a shame; look at the cotton-fields around ready for picking. I will stake my head that there will be no further difficulty if you will just call off your men." And he got up and made a speech protesting against any further display of weapons. He made a peace speech, and protested very strongly, and said that as they had elected him captain, he would control the action of their movements. Some man — never did get his namewas sitting on his horse with his weapons. He remarked that that talk did not suit him, and that he would make a speech himself. He had a face less inviting and more fierce in his appearance; but I regarded it as a matter of life and death, and might perhaps save somebody's life at the risk of my own. I threw myself betwixt him and the crowd, and lifted up my hands and said, " For God's sake, stop this shedding of blood;" and pointed to the cotton-fields ready for picking, and said I, " Those hands and that cotton are the wealth of the country," and again pledged my head that if he would draw off the men, that I would go among the negroes, and quiet should be restored immediately. I told him and Captain Montgomery that the negro women were crying and running for their children, and asking me if they could not go and get them, and I did not know what to tell them. I told them to stop the matter, or rather begged of them to stop it, and to my gratification and no little surprise this gentleman turned and walked back and got on his horse, and the thing stopped there. They did not move off. Q. What time in the day was this affair at the depot — A. That at the stand took place, I suppose, about I o'clock-the first difficulty. I suppose it was half an hour after that, or maybe more, before this affair transpired at the depot that I have just been relating. There was some hot expressions made use of, by whom I do not know. A motion was soon made that a squad of colored persons who were off in a cotton-field should be dispersed. I told them that they were making their way out of the difficulty, and would like to get home, and some of the crowd seemed to be the same crowd that had asked me if they might not go and get their broken buggies, their mules, and their children that had been scattered and dispersed; and, said I, " They only want to go back and gather up their broken buggies," &c., and to let them go. The proposition was immediately followed by " Make every nigger leave the depot." I interfered again with Captain Montgomery, for I felt perfectly safe with him, for although he was a stranger to me his face was very inviting. He appeared to be an excellent man, and,a man of firmness. An old colored man who had come down with me, who is quite a friend of mine, and he went down under my protection, and was at the depot-he came up to me, and wanted to know what he should do, and I told him to go back and keep his seat. I immediately spoke to Captain Montgomery, and asked him if that negro man might not stay, and that I would vouch for him as a quiet, peaceable man, and was too,old to walk home, and that he was under my charge, and if they would TESTIMONY OF ABEL ANDERSON. 291 let him stay I would see that he went back to Jackson. He told me to take charge of him, and he staid. JUDGE JOHNSTON'S SPEECH, AND HIS AUDIENCE. There was no further demonstration by that party, except some few remarks, perhaps, that I don't particularly remember now, some little personal disputes betwixt them, and some other parties casually moving airound there. By this time, Judge Johnston had come up. I don't think he had got out of the stand when the shooting commenced. Judge Swan, who,. I think, testified before you this morning, also came up, and he and I had some little conversation, and we also conversed with Judge Johnston. I went to Judge Johnston, and asked him to use all his influence to stop further difficulty, if possible, and I think he did. I know there was a negro man that drove them up to the depot, and Judge Johnston said to the gentlemen in arms that he was a good man, and had brought him from the speaking-stand, and that he would vouch for him being all correct. Q. Did you hear Judge Johnston's speech?-A. No, sir; it was such a large crowd that I could not get close enough, and I could only hear a word now and then. Q. What was the conduct of the crowd when he was speaking, orderly or otherwise?-A. Very orderly, sir. I was once or twice close up, a little closer, perhaps, than from here to that building across the street, perhaps 60 feet. It was a warm day, and the limbs of the grove hung low, and seemed to deaden the voice of the speaker. Q. Were there any expressions heard by you of approval or disapproval as Judge Johnston went on — A. No. sir; I think that they were generally Satisfied with Judge Johnston's remarks. I don't know whether it would be pertinent to the matter or not, but before the speaking opened I was consulted with some others whether they would have ajoint discussion. I agreed that I was opposed generally to joint discussions but that I had such a high respect for Judge Johnston as a moderate mild man that I would advocate with him, and some of them remarked that he was so mild and persuasive in his manner that he was more dangerous than a more hostile bitter man. and preferred he would not speak; but it was ruled that he should be heard; and from what I saw I think that his speech was well received. I could occasionally hear a word, but I had been a little unwell, and in the order of speaking, knowing that I would be perhaps the thirdABOUT THE FIRING. Q. You mlentioned that you saw some firing. Were you situated so that you could distinguish who the persons were that were firing — A. No, sir; I did not know who fired the first shot. I didn't know anything about the first part of the difficulty except from newspaper reports and from persons who were there. Q. But the shots that you did see fired?-A. No, I could not distinguish who they were. Q. Do you know whether they were fired by white or black persons?A. N-o, I do not know that I could state that. I know my own impression very well. I suppose the nearest firing to me was one hundred yards off; I expect fully a hundred yards. It was about one hundred and fifty yards from the stand where I was sitting in the buggy, and there was an immense crowd around us so that I could not see anybody who was using a weapon, and after the crowd dispersed the shooting was all around in every direction. There was a good deal of under 292 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. growth and little bushes where there had been a cotton-field, and occasionally parties were obscured by that brush and undergrowth. I could not say now that I saw distinctly any one firing a shot; that is, that I knew. I could not tell from the firing. I supposed they were white men mixed in with the colored men; but I could not state anything positive in regard to that. UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE AN OCCASION OF DIFFICULTY. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. How long did you state that you had been identified with the people of 3Mississippi — A. I have been here over twenty-five years. Q. What is the occasion, in your opinion, of this difficulty between the races here?-A. Well, there are a number of causes, sir. The first cause was admitting the colored people to the right of suffrage. Q. That was a very new question and raised feeling — A. Yes, sir. Q. Before I ask you in regard to the course of the State authorities in this very difficult time, I want to ask what part has the administration of the State, in the hands of Governor Ames, had toward creating this feeling or fostering this feeling of bitterness between the races that led to this state of things that you described.-A. Well, in that I would be compelled to state pretty much my own opinion, drawn from facts that I was an eye-witness to. GOVERNOR AMES CRITICISED. Q. And that I want you to state; give us some idea of that.-A. At the time, my advice was prompt and pointed, and it was opposed by some prominent republicans, particularly by the administration of Governor Ames. I will state, in the first place, that I thought at the time, and I believe so now, that I did more to get Governor Ames the nomination for governor than any single person in the State. I did not like the course that Governor Alcorn had pursued, and I thought that he had acted very badly toward the party. I am a republican, and being a republican I am also a Mississippian and a southerner. My object has been to mete out equal and exact justice to all men without regard to any condition that had previously surrounded them. I did not like some proceedings of Governor Alcorn, and did all I could to defeat his wing of the republican party, and myself and others succeeded in getting the nomination for Governor Ames. I was his staunch friend and adviser, and consulted with him a good deal, and he frequently asked my advice. Most every person thinks his own course is right, but I became alienated, whether justly or unjustly I would not say, and ceased to approach him; but when the difficulty broke out at Vicksburgh, and prior to that, I urged those that had immediate access to the governor that he should go down to Vicksburg and take Judge Johnston, a few such men as he, and some warm republicans, prudent, discreet men, white and colored, and try to settle the difficulty there. Frequently heated disputes arose betwixt the two wings of the party. It was suggested that I wished to get Governor Ames killed off. I told them that that was the only way to settle the difficulty; that a serious and bloody difficulty was brewing rapidly, and that we could not meet opposing ranks in the open field in fight-we could not do it; it was no use to talk about it; we had the numbers but we hadn't the organization and could not organize, and it would have been imprudent to have done it. THE VICKSBURG AND CLINTON DIFFICULTIES. I was for peace, and for sacrificing a little feeling for the sake of peace. The friends of Governor Ames advised him not to go, and he TESTIMONY OF ABEL ALDERSON. 293 did not go. I will state here, as wishing to be just to all parties, that had I been in Vicksburg I would not have consented that an armed force should come into the town, and I will say further that if 1 had been there I feel certain now, and did then, that I could have gone out without a weapon and turned back the colored element. I have several times thrown myself in the breaches, and have never failed to succeed; but the difficulty occurred at Vicksburg, and the Clinton riot was a natural offshoot that sprung naturally out of the Vicksburg difficulty. I so thought at the time, so expressed myself, and believe so yet. I did not approve of the course that Governor Ames pursued. I thought he should have called around him some better advisers. He had around him some very good men, and I thought some very indiscreet advisers. I was gratified eventually to find out that all parties, and I called attention at the time when the thing was developing and ripening into difficulty, that they would see that the course I advised was the prudent course, and they would have to come to it, and they finally did do it. MOST SICKENING AND HEART-RENDING SHOOTING. I suppose that ordinary prudence at the time could have stopped the difficulty at Clinton, that sprung, as I said, naturally out of the difficulty at Vicksburg. After that had taken place, I came up here on the first train that came on, and found a large force here. Mr. Johnston, that just testified, was, I think, in the crowd. Judge Johnston came up with me; and I asked of them to do all they could to stop the difficulty. I asked them not to go down, as I thought it would be indiscreet to go down; that perhaps it would stimulate more difficulty; but I knew some of them —Frank Johnston, the gentleman that has just testified-I knew that he was a very discreet and competent man, and I think I addressed him personally, and asked him to use all his influence to stop any further difficulty; that I thought it was all over. They went down, and I think, from the reports they made to me, and from what we heard from republicans and democrats, that their visit was beneficial. But the next day the shooting was continued by a band of men from some quarter, I don't know where. Some said from Vicksburg; others denied it; but they moved around in the country, killing or destroying life, until it became one of the most sickening and heart-rending things that I have ever witnessed in my life. DEMOCRATIC OFFERS TO GOVERNOR AMES. This gentleman, Mr. Johnston-I don't know the fact, except from his own statement and the statement of other parties, and other facts that corroborated it-offered their services to Governor Ames to suppress further difficulty, and offered, I was told-and I state this to give you my opinions in regard to the actions of the administration-they offered to go forward and be sworn in as special deputies, without any charge to the State, to suppress any further difficulty, and arrest and bring in every man to trial, and see that he was prosecuted and a fair trial had. I had urged then that they should be accepted. I opposed the arming of the militia, opposed it all the time, and told them that we could not possibly oppose the democracy; and in saying democracy, I do not wish it to be considered a reflection on the whole party. Some of my very best friends are among the democrats, and I suppose I have got some enemies among the republicans; but I know human nature well enough to know that one party could not be arrayed against the other in open hostility and succeed. I knew that we would have to submit to inconvenience and to offenses; I knew we had been doing it; I had been doing it myself. I have done it for the example, and have called the negroes' 294 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. and others' attention to it, that I have been persecuted and trodden down, and they must submit; that it was natural that there should be prejudices; that they always had existed, and that they would gradually wear out, and eventually we would reach a better understanding, as the prejudice died away, and the rights of all parties would be understood and recognized; that they must wait patiently until that time came. I could not approach Governor Ames, I had no influence with him. but I hung with a great deal of anxiety and earnestness about his most intimate friends and advisers, and urged them to push that point-to accept of anybody that would stop this blood-letting. THE OFFERS ARE REFUSED. Q. Your whole scheme was one of conciliation, then?-A. Yes. sir; entirely one of conciliation. I knew that we could not fight; that that was perfect nonsense, and that we would have to conciliate, and we could not afford to conciliate by putting arms in the hands of the colored people "to check up"- I was going to say-the democratic party; but there is a large portion of the democratic party that are peaceable and well disposed. It is only the wild and ungoverrnable portion that gives character to the whole concern and when their blood is once up, and excited feelings aroused, and prejudices stirred up, good men, otherwise prudent, would be involved in it, and take sides eventually with their own party. That is a very natural thing. Well, they made an effort, and did get up the militia. They refused to accept the proffers made from some of the best citizens, and I think some as good citizens as I ever knew in my life. Q. You mean to say that Governor Ames's administration refused their aid to assist in conciliating matters i —A. Yes, sir. Q. You attributed the outbreak at Clinton to be in consequence of this difficulty at Vicksburg l-A. I think it sprang naturally out of that. Q. And the feeling at Vicksburg you traced to the policy pursued by Governor Ames in regard to that difficulty?-A. No; but I think he could have stopped it. I would have gone there had I been governor. i would have taken, as I suggested to his friends, a few such men as Judge Johnston, Judge Campbell, now of the supreme court, and some warm republicans, Judge Tarbell, General McKee, and some colored men, prudent men, and men of property and standing, and would have gone there and consulted with the parties. In making this remark, I do not justify the course pursued by the people of Vicksburg in stirring up this riot. THE REPUBLICAN WINGS.Q. I did not understand you to say that at all; I merely speak of your criticism upon the way Mr. Ames met it.-A. Yes, sir. He did not meet it right, sir. Q. May I ask you whether his course in this respect alienated from him a large body of the republicean party? —A. I think it did, sir. Q. Did that lead to a schism in the ranks of the republican pr.ty in the last election?-A. There was, as I remarked, two wings to the party. There had been a conflict between the Alcorn wing and the Ames wing, and it continued to widen and this difficulty, his pursuing that course, still further widened it, and it was widened on this account. Some said, and justly, I suppose, "W hy, you just fight off things; that the law was open, and if the republican office-holders and some objectionable parties had done wrong, appeal to the law.' I knew that when passions were aroused the law was very slow in its course to regu TESTIMONY OF ABEL ALDERSON. 295 late things. Some disapproved the governor's sacrificing his dignity by going into a crowd that way, or going to the city. I told them that dignity was nothing, while life and death, and a large number of lives, perhaps, would be involved. I think that he could have conciliated; I would have made the attempt. I believe it could have been done, and I think so yet. Q. Can you state any act of a conciliatory character in regard to this feeling toward the opponents of his party during his administration?A. Well, I do not know of any special act. He did acts, I think, that I remarked at the time he thought he was doing something that he expected would produce a better state of feeling. He was taking some newfledged republicans around him that a good many thought became republicans for the loaves and fishes. Q. Was his conciliation confined to the, distribution of his patronage ~?-A. No. I mentioned that, as I think he intended it as a conciliatory course. Q. Was that intended as conciliation, or to strengthen him in the State?-A. I can just give my opinion, that while he was doing that he was alienating a great many of his friends, and making his chances for what he was accused of-getting into the United-States Senate againless. He may have thought that he was strengthening it; but the most of us concluded that he was trying to conciliate, and that it was bad judgment that prompted him in that course; that it would have been better to have united the party and bound them together and made them as one, instead of trying to get up an Ames wing. THE PEARL RIVER SCHEME. Q. Do you know anything of a scheme called the Pearl River improvement, by which the public lands of the State were given to some parties upon condition — A. Nothing but what the newspapers have spoken of, and the acts of the legislature, and did not know anything about it personally. Q. You have no personal knowledge, and cannot therefore speak o.A. No, sir; nothing at all. PERFECT QUIET IN FAYETTE. Q. I observe your home is in Fayette, Jefferson County, some distance from here. Were you there on the day of the election — A. Yes, sir. Q. What was the character of the election in the county as to peace and good order?-A. Perfect quiet; I don't remember now of having heard a single harsh expression. Q. Were you in many other counties during the canvass — A. No; I canvassed very little. I did not like the condition of things, and I merely wanted to defeat a certain set. " MOSTLY PEACEABLE " SINCE, BUT " SOME MURDERS AND A GREAT DEAL OF BLOODSHED.? Q. Since the election has taken place, whathas been the general temper and condition of the country, peaceful or otherwise, since last fall — A. Mostly peaceable; there have been some murders and a great deal of bloodshed. Q. Where?-A. Well, in different places around. Q. State the places.-A. I do not know. We are so familiar with those things here that we make no note of them hardly. I was reading in a paper only todcay of a little difficulty that occurred in Vicksburgh only on Saturday last, of shooting and killing. 296 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Q. Do you know what the cause of it was ~-A. No; except from the papers. Q. Was it purely a personal difficulty — A. I suppose so, according to the papers. Q. Well, have these things of which you speak political origins, or are they personal disputes settled in this way — A. The most of them, I think, are personal disputes. The temper of the people has become exceedingly soured. There has been a state of feeling, a state of irritation, a continued irritation, so that the passions of the people are easy aroused; the disposition to give way is becoming more and more apparent. I find it in myself; I do not think I am as patient as I was three or four years ago. THREATS ON THE STUMP. Q. What are you impatient against — A. Well, I do not like to be disputed in my course. I sometimes check myself up and find that I am foolishly giving way to passion that did not have its origin-that there was no sufficient cause in the act itself; and I have been very much ashamed of myself. I think it is from the fact that I feel that I have been very much —have been trodden down. I am naturally very fierce myself when aroused, and I do everything to keep out of it. I have been in a great many places during the canvass where shots have been fired around me, and threatened if I did not come off the stand they would kill me, and I told them to shoot. Q. When was this?-A. This was several years ago. Q. I was more particularly inquiring about the canvass of 1875 and the events since that time.-A. I think the tendency of all parties from the hostilities that have been, demonstrated that the people are less amiable, and I think that these things have worked upon my own feelings; and these shootings and murders that occur, although a great many of them are private difficulties and disputes, I think that the minds of the people are prepared for it pretty much by a hostile state of things. COURSE OF PAPERS THE CAUSE OF BLOODSHED. Q. Is this the state of affairs throughout this State — A. I think so, sir. I have remarked that where the papers have been very bitter there has been more life taken and more blood shed; and where the papers have been of a moderate and conciliating character, I have made this remark to my friends-I have called attention of other parties to itand they have agreed with me that the fierce spirit manifestly kindled by the papers and by the hot, restless, and impetuous citizens has had a tendency generally toLEFFECT OF THE COURSE OF 1THE STATE ADMINISTRATION. Q. Let me ask you, do you consider that this condition of affairs of which you speak as existing in the State, was owing in any degree to the course of the State administration within the last few years?-A. I do, sir. MR. NORDHOFF'S LETTERS. Q. Do you give it chief weight as a cause?-A. Well, I do not know. It is a hard matter to give a perfect understanding and perfect description of things with perfect consistency. I have never seen but one letter-writer yet that was master of the subject —a gentleman from New York that traveled through here. I read his letters, but I cannot call his name just now. Q. Was it Nordhoffi?-A. Nordhoff; that's his name. Q. Do you consider that those letters present a fair picture of the state TESTIMONY OF ABEL ANDERSON. 297 of things here? —A. Some of them. Some of them I do not think did; but in two or three of his letters, and I do not know which now-I have got one of them, I think, marked and laid away in my office, which is a true statement of facts. Q. There is a chapter in that book, I believe, on Mississippi?-A. Yes, sir; I think that I marked one of the letters as a true and correct statement, and called the attention of my friends at the time to it. Q. Do you remember the chapter on Mississippi?-A. I did not read the book. Q. You saw it in the newspapers — A. Yes, sir; only a few letters. I think I have the letter that I was particularly struck with in my papers. Q. Is it long -A. Yes, it is lengthy. I being a republican, and being a. citizen, and expecting to live in the South, all my interests are here, or most of them at least, and starting out with a new doctrine to advocate the rights of a newly-enfranchised people, I knew that I would have to meet with difficulties, and I knew that I would have to bear up under many reproaches, and I was anxious that we should give as little chance for complaint, and I knew that we would have to do it, and last winter I went to some of the leaders of the legislature, prominent and active parties, and talked with them in regard to some acts they were about to pass; I told them that they ought not to pass them. I condemned Governor Ames very much for signing the bills. The Gatling gun law was one, and one was the law appointing tax-collectors; that was anti-republican and opposed to the principles of the party, and opposed to the principles of republicanism anyway. WHY ENFRAN'CHISEENT DISTURBS THE PEACE. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. You spoke some time ago of the enfranchisement of the negroes as having contributed in some way to disturb the peace of the State. Will you explain your views on that subject — A. It is very natural; a Northern man cannot understand it as well as a Southern man; but it was very natural that strong opposition should spring out of the fact of their having the right to vote, and they did not stop to reason about the justice of the matter. That hostility never ceased, and those who took an early part in it, although the better class of the democrats, I suppose, forgave them —I think that with regard to myself I have got some warm friends among the democracy, who give me credit for honesty of purpose and a disposition to do justice. I do not think that they have any unkind feelings upon that ground; but there are to this day, and only recently I read it in a democratic paper, that they never would forgive persons who took part against them. That sprang out of a little controversy between two papers, one intensely republican and the other intensely democratic, and the republican remarked that they were no more disposed to keep the bleeding wounds open than the democrats were, and I called attention to this article in the democratic paper. It was not proposed ever to forgive and to become conciliated with those who took part with the republican party. I do not think it is general at all, but there is still that feeling, and it will never die out with this generation. TURBULENT CHARACTERS INFLUENCE COMMUNITIES. While I condemned Governor Ames, I also condemned the parties in the opposition, that they could have appealed to the law, and what the the law decided they should abide by. I am perhaps more rigid in my criticisms upon men of my own party than upon the democracy. I wished to act in such a manner that they could find no excuse, and as I have often said and thought, and think now, that if we had been a little more pru 298 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. dent we might have won over some of the milder democrats to approve of our course, and their influence would have been perhaps sufficient to have checked up the worst element in the party, which I am glad to say I do not believe is very large, but it gives character. tnne turbulent man is acquiesced in in a neighborhood, and perhaps he will give character to that whole neighborhood, and those that could check him up and did not do it have to suffer a good deal of the same kind of reputation that he is winning for himself. A HOT TIME AFTER THE CLINTON RIOT. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. You stated that, after the difficulty at Clinton, bands perambulated the country and committed excesses. Who were those bands, whites or blacks, from the information that you have?-A. They were white people, and I tell you that it was a very hot time, and the most prudent men had to be very cautious. I saw the thing brewing and left the State, because I was apprehensive that there was going to be more blood shed than there was; I went to Saint Lbuis, and watched the papers —the telegrams-for some time; and it was a good while before I would return. I wanted things to quiet down, and I heard my name mentioned by some person, I was told in the neighborhood of Clinton, that I was a republican; and I was told afterward-I saw them watching me-thtat there was a negro man killed that they persuaded to go out with them that day, (I don't know who the party was;) and I gave him or some one a severe lecture for telling who I was, in the state of excitement. They might simply know that I was republican, without knowing any of my acts, and they might suppose that I merited death, and I might be shot down. Q. Were you apprehensive of personal danger to yourself, Judge - A. Yes, sir. Not from persons that knew me; but I expected to have seen this city just drenched with blood. I looked for nothing else, and got out of here. In the general blood-letting, I supposed that I would not be distinguishedfrom anybody else that belonged to the party. They would merely say that " He is a man that made speeches and helped build up the party, and he is responsible; take him off." I do not know that there were any threats made; but there was something in the atmosphere that you in the North know nothing about, but we know here. I have never shrunk from going to speak. I have made speeches when they have made threats, and I sometimes swear when excited and curse back at them pretty sharp; and they flourished pistols and called names; and invited me to their houses afterward. FIFTY MURDERS AFTER THE CLINTON RIOT. Q. From the best information that you have, Judge, how many colored persons were killed subsequent to the Clinton riot — A. I can only say now-I could not take up individual cases and count them up-but from the reports in different directions I do not think there were less than fifty murdered after the Clinton riot. Some estimate thirty, but that was my remark, that I do not think there were less than fifty of them shot down. There is one thing that occurred at the depot. There was a colored man came up right off of the field just after I had got to the depot, and he was attacked by two men. I dolnt know who they were. Q. Two white men?-A. Yes, sir. They drew their pistols, and he charged them with being the instigators and causing the shooting. They tried to stophim. It was at that time and I thought he was very indiscreet, and I expected to see some shooting, and I left and went behind the depot or some of the buildings there; and I remarked to him afterward that he TESTIMONY OF ABEL ALDERSON. -299 was very imprudent; and I remarked to some others that I never saw more daring courage exhibited by anybody than he showed on that occasion. Since then 1 have understood that he has been killed. FEELING OF DREAD AND INSECURITY AMONG THE REPUBLICANS. Q. State whether immediately after the difficulty at Clinton there was or was not a general feeling of insecurity and dread among the republicans, and particularly among the colored republicans, of that locality, and to some extent throughout the State.-A. 0, yes. There were a great many who came to me and told me they would not go to; the polls, and that they would advise their friends to vote the democratic ticket, and the only way to have peace was to. do so; that their lives were insecure. I felt satisfied that that would be the course pursued to a great extent. I predicted that the State would go democratic, but I did not think it would go so as largely as it did, and I do not think that anybody did. I do not think I am easily intimidated; I have encountered some very dangerous-looking things, but I got out of the State. I did not tell anybody, except one or two friends, what I was going for, and I felt no apprehension from anybody that knew me. I do not think that that man lives that knows me would intentionally wrong me, but when persons' prejudices are aroused they cannot take in and digest a fact as well as a cool and calculating person. I never intentionally wronged any man, and would not do it. In joining the republican party, I was among the first in this State to defend the right of suffrage, which was given to the colored people from necessity, and was the only safety thatthey had. I opposed their voting in the first place until I saw that the only safety that they had was in the ballot; that they must be a power to make themselves felt by the political parties, and I knew that the Government would have to stand by until their rights were secured. I then hoped, even if it defeated the republican party at the time, that there would be something that would spring up that would divide and lead a portion of the democratic ranks with us; but still I hoped that we should have enough of our own party left to carry the republican ticket. I was in hopes that something would spring up and some of the colored people would side off to the democratic party, and that a conciliating spirit would be shown by all parties; but in doing that I still hoped that there would be enough left that we could carry the republican ticket. POLITICAL EFFECT OF THIS FEELING. Q. What effect, if any, did this feeling of dread and insecurity have in preventing the republicans from voting in the State?-A. Some of the colored men came out with letters and advised their friends to vote the democratic ticket, as they felt themselves insecure to vote the republican ticket; and I will say here that they put up some very objectionable candidates on the republican ticket. In my county, there were two republican tickets, and I took side with what I regarded as the most liberal of the two. Q. Why did these colored men who published the letters of which you have spoken advise their friends to vote the democratic ticket; what reasons, if any, did they give?-A. Some of them told me. I cannot recollect of but one who wrote a letter, a man by the name of Johnson here, and he was severely censured by the republicans; and he was talking with me. I told him that I did not blame him for his course, that if I had been here I should have voted for Judge Johnston on the democratic ticket. I should have voted for Caldwell for senator, who was a colored man, and who has since been killed. There were a great many 300 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —INDS COUNTY. republicans who cut up their tickets. We had had things our own way so long that the less prudent and discreet thought we were perfectly invincible, and all we had to do was to make a formidable show of numbers, and the thing was done. I told them winter before last that the storm was coming; I knew it was coming, and I felt certain that we would lose the legislature. Q. Were you of the opinion that the republicans exceeded the democrats numerically in the State — A. 0, very largely. APPALLING MURDERING AFTER THE CLINTON RIOT. Q. Why, then, did you think that the democrats would carry the election — A. Well, I told some of my republican friends that a large number of republicans would not stand the course that was being pursued; that it was cause for offense. It was true that the State was not much in debt, but the taxes were heavier than the people were used to paying, and it was being felt and complained of; and whether there is a just cause of complaint or not, when people commence to complain they are going to be heard. I knew that, and I wanted to take all just complaint or reasonable complaint away from them, so that they should have no excuse. I remarked myself to some of my friends that they would not stand it, and that I would not myself. I advocated the election of Judge Johnston. The murdering after the Clinton riot was truly appalling; it was terrible. Q. Was it a murdering of the negroes or a murdering of the whites?A. 0, of the negroes; there were two or three white men, I think republicans, that were killed. Q. How many white democrats were killed, that you have knowledge of?-A. I don't think there were any of them; I do not remember any except the three that were killed on the day of the riot. THE MURDERS DETERRED REPUBLICANS FROMi VOTING. Q. I ask you whether or not the fact of these murders deterred the colored republicans from going to the polls and voting?-A. 0, I think it did, sir; I have no doubt about that. RELATIVE RACE POPULATION IN JEFFERSON COUNTY. Q. Is the county in which you reside a republican or democratic county-understood to be?-A. It is largely republican, sir. Q. What is the proportion in number of the two races in your county — A. About three to one republican. There were, too, a good many whites who voted the republican ticket there; there was no democratic ticket run in that county. The CHAIRMAN. Jefferson County had, in the census of 1870, 3,215 whites and 10,633 colored. NUMBER OF MEN KILLED AFTER CLINTON. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. You were asked by one of the committee to give the number of men killed at Clinton after the riot?-A. Yes, sir. Q. And you stated that there were estimated from thirty to fifty eA. Yes, sir; some placed it at thirty. I placed it myself, without being able to count one, two, and three-I just made a rough estimate, and just called it fifty. Q. Do you know the names of any one of those fifty men — A. I am not good at remembering names. There are some parties that I was in conversation with a day or two before; one was, I think, the man I advised not to go out, and he was killed the same evening that he went out; I don't remember his name. TESTIMONY OF ABEL ALDERSON. 301 Q. You spoke, for instance, of a colored man who drove you or some one down to the station and behaved bravely? — A. Drove Judge Johnston. Q. You stated that you heard afterward that that man was killed?A. No; the man that came up to the station just after I got there, and was attacked by some men. Q. It was another man; you spoke of a man who came up and behaved with courage in your presence ~-A. That was the one, and he charged the two white men that they were the instigators of the difficulty there; and there were some hard words used, and he shook his finger at them and told them that they knew that they were guilty, and they cursed back. I cannot call his name now. Q. You said that you understood afterward that he was killed — A. Yes, sir; some time ago. Q. Do you know whether he was killed — A. I do not. Q. )o you know whether he is alive or dead to-day?-A. I do not. Q. Have you any better knowledge in regard to any of those fifty than you have in regard to him -A. I did not see a single one, sir. Q. Would you state, as the basis of your knowledge in regard to this fifty or thirty men, that it was a matter of hearsay whether they were killed or not; that the newspaper reports and flying reports are what you base your statements on?-A. Yes, sir. By Mr. McDONALD: Q. You were asked, Judge, if, after the Clinton riot, armed men were not perambulating the country and shooting negroes. Were not those armed men confined to the armed force that gathered there at Clinton, partly from here and from other parts of the country — A. I have no knowledge who they were. Q. It was in the neighborhood of Clinton only?-A. No; it covered a large scope of country. Q. Did you have any knowledge of that except these flying reports that you heard — A. 0, no. Q. Nothing at all except the rumors floating in the country f-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were you back at. Clinton at any time shortly after the 4th of September —A. No; I have not been there at all, but just passed through on the cars. Q. You never went there to make any inquiries about it?-A. No, sir. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Are you personally acquainted with Mr. Frank Johnston —A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you known him a long time — A. I have known him for several years. Q. You consider you are well acquainted with his character?-A. I think I am, sir. Q. If Mr. Johnston told you that he had made a very thorough examination of that riot from beginning to end by a visit to that place, and the examination of a number of witnesses there a few days after the occurrence, would you implicitly rely upon what he told you was true about it — A. Anything that Mr. Johnston would state from his own knowledge I would believe. I have a very high respect for Mr. Johnston. I think he is one of the cleverest men I ever met with. I think he is a very high-toned gentleman. A half-grown boy went from here had his arm shot to pieces. I don't remember his name now, but 302 MISSSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. he gave me a good deal of information. I got information from otherseye-witnesses. I don't really know their names; but I don't think the estimate of the killing at Clinton, and around there, was ever estimated at less than 30. By Mr. McDoNALD: Q. At Clinton, and in that immediate vicinity — A. Yes, sir. When speaking of Clinton it generally was understood to include a radius of 4 or 5 miles around there. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. If Mr. Frank Johnston made a statement that he had made a thorough examination, would you conclude that that was absolutely true or merely that he really believed that he had made a thorough examination — A. I would not conclude anything; but whatever Mr. Johnston would investigate and state upon his word of honor, that I would give credit to. In short I do not know a man for whose moral worth I have a higher respect than I do for Frank Johnston's. Still I think he was liable to be mistaken, as he was not present at all these things, and I know that when they went down there that night the excitement was terrible, and the accusations went backward and forward, and there is very little proof and but few facts that could be got at to fix the origin of the difficulty. I have heard persons from close by, and from different places around, who gave slightly different versions. One that was standing directly and checking up Caldwell, who is now dead-checking up the difficulty-he saw things that transpired immediately in front of him; and others standing around saw things little differently, and did not see exactly what he did, some little variation in the statement of material points. I merely state this, in my leaving the State I found that my advice, my idea of the course to be pursued was not followed. I knew from the circumstances, and from my knowledge of the law and constitution, and having seen from Washington City the expressions of President Grant and some of the Cabinet, it was impossible to get troops here. I am opposed to troops any way. I have never been benefited by them, and I knew that the thing would have to be managed by our own prudent course. and that we would have to use' actions and words that would be conciliatory. And that was the course that I advised, and when I could not succeed in that, to save myself I had all my property insured and left the State. G. T. SWANN —HINDS COUNTY. JACKSON, Miss., June 10, 1876. GrEORGE, T. SWANN sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By the CHAIRMAN: Question. What is your profession and occupation at present — Answer. A lawyer by profession originally, but have not practiced it for a long time. At present am clerk of the United States court of this district. Q. How long have you resided in this city - A. I have been a citizen of Mississippi since October, 1836. Q. Had you personal knowledge of the political canvass of 1875; if so, will you state to the committee what it was?-A. I had not much TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 303 personal knowledge or personal observation. I was very frequently informed of the progress of the canvass by report, sir. Q. Did yon take any part in it yourself —A. No, sir; I did not. Q. Did you attend any meeting?-A. I was acting chief supervisor of elections for this district, and confined myself exclusively to my office. Q. Did you have any reports made to you by persons engaged offici ally in your district — A. There were very few. After the election a few of the supervisors commenced to make reports to me, very brief reports; and about that time the circuit court was held, and the district judge who held the court instructed me that those reports were not required. These local reports were not required, and afterward when it was proposed to make reports I declined to receive them, as the judge had informed me that they were not required. Q. Did you attend any political meeting during the season?-A. Only one. HE ATTENDED THE CLINTON BARBECUE. Q. Where was that —A. I attended at a barbecue at Clinton early in September-the 4th day of September, I think. Q. Will you state to the committee what occurred there?-A. A great deal occurred there that day, but I can only state what occurred within my own personal observation. I suppose you only wish that. The CHAIRMAN. We will take that first. The WITNESS. I was attracted by an advertisement to hold a barbecue at Clinton, and the report that there would be a number of political speakers there on that day, and I went from this place on the morning train to Clinton. I remained there during the (lay until this difficulty occurred. After it was over I made my way home as soon as I could get there. I was present at the time the outbreak occurred; not immediately at the scene of the occurrence, but within, I suppose, some fifty or sixty yards of where the difficulty occurred. It commenced under the hill and out of my view. I only heard the firing and commotion. I suppose it would be in order to say what I saw? The CHAIRMAN. Yes, sir. The WITNESS. I can give you some little narrative, by way of introduction, of what I have to say. I spent most of the morning in the town of Clinton, sitting about on the sidewalks with my friends engaged in conversation, and looking out for friends I expected to see. The ground on which the barbecue took place was about a half a mile from the town-near a, half a mile-and, after looking in vain for company to go over with me, I set out alone to go to the ground. I waited on the roadside which would be traveled by the companies of clubs who were coming in, with a view of seeing of what sort of a crowd they were composed. I suppose I remained there nearly an hour-from a half to three-quarters of an hour-and then retired to the top of the hill to the grove. I got there, however, before the clubs came in. I merely saw them at a distance coming up the different roads. I did not know the number of them. I am a very poor judge of numnbers. I took my stand not far from the speaker's stand after the discussion commenced-some thirty or forty feet, I suppose, in front of the speakers and near and in company with Colonel Lake, United States marshal, who happened to be standing near me, and some one with him, I do not remember now; and I heard the opening.speech of the day made by Judge Johnston, of this city, who was the nominee of one of the political parties. THE SPEAKING BEGINS-~INTERRUPTIONS BY YOUNG ME21N. Q. Which party — A. The democratic party, sir. He had been invited to divide the day with the speakers selected on the part of the repub 304 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. licans, as I understood. I listened to Judge Johnston's speech. He made a very good, temperate speech on his side of the question, which was received with very patient attention by the audience. I never saw a more attentive audience in my life. It was mixed, blacks and whites, the blacks largely in the ascendency in numbers; and the judge closed without any disturbance whatever. Mr. Fisher, in a moment or twoCapt. H. T. Fisher, of this city-who had been invited to speak in behalf of the republicans who had at that time no candidate, there having been no nomination at that time, commenced his speech, and congratulated the audience in a single sentence at the calm, peaceful character of the meeting and the very friendly intercourse of the two parties, and expressed a wish and hope that that state of things might continue to the end of the canvass. He commenced another sentence, and before he got through there was a voice from a crowd of some ten or twelve, off to my right, a body of young men who were there talking, which was very audible and distinct to me, and which I did not know whether Mr. Fisher heard or not. But at the close of that remark that I mentioned, that he hoped that friendly state of intercourse would continue through the canvass, this remark was made, " It would be so if you would stop telling your damned lies." Well, the remark surprised me and disturbed me at the time, and I spoke to Colonel Lake, who was a few feet in front of me, and asked him, says I, " Colonel Lake, who made that remark?" Before Colonel Lake had time to reply, a gentleman who was standing immediately to his left turned on me, a young man, and says he, " That remark was made by my brother," and gave me his name. " If you want to know," says he, his name is — and gave me his name. I do not know as it is necessary for me to tell it. The CHAIRMAN. There is no objection at all. Mr. BAYARD. It was a public remark. The WITNESS. He told me his name is Neill. His manner was angry, as though offended at my asking the question. Says I, " My inquiry is answered; I am satisfied." Just as he made that remark I looked to my right, from the direction in which this voice had come, and I saw a young man approach me and shaking his hand in an angry way, says, " I made it; have you anything to say to me @" I waved him off with my hands. I says, " I have no words for you," maintaining my position exactly where I stood. Two gentlemen in my rear at that time came to me and told me, " Judge, you had better come up this way; you are in danger where you stand." Says, " You have friends up here." I says, " Well, I have no need of friends here; I am able to take care of myself;" and so I retained my position, and continued to stand as I was. This disturbance prevented me from hearing anything more from Mr. Fisher. A GENERAL COMMOTION. In less than two minutes, I suppose-I do not remember the time exactly, but it was a very brief period-this crowd of young men moved off right under the hill, toward the bottom, and very shortly after I noticed a general commotion in the crowd and a movement in that direction, and very shortly an effort was made to get the crowd to come back. One of the supervisors of the barbecue, who was a State senator, a colored man, was making a considerable effort to get the crowd to stand still and hear the speaking. He got down and went off with the view to get the crowd to return, but he did not succeed. CRACK OF PISTOLS-SHRIEKS OF WOMEN. There was a company of musicians had been there, and they commenced beating a drum, as I supposed to get the crowd back to the stand, TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 305 but they beat it with very little effect; and within a shorter time than I have been detailing this to you, I then heard the crack of what I knew was a pistol, andi very shortly the crack of a good many more, and there was an immllense rush in the crowd and shrieks of women, and men rushing across the lill in the direction in which I stood. I tried to maintain my position, but could not do so. The crowd rather ran over me, shoving me along; I went some twenty or thirty yards, I suppose, and the crowd pushed me along. The first big tree I came to, 1 just took my stand behind the tree in a different direction from what I had heard the shooting, and stood there until the crowd surged along across the hill. The main firing, however, took place-it commenced, as I have understood it, at the bottom-and it followed a different direction. 1 was up the hill, and went on over the hill. There was no firing immediately where I was, and I saw no person shooting. There was a good deal of firing afterward, along up the hill and ranging through the grove. I did not go to it, but maintained my position for safety where I first took my stand. As soon as the firing immediately in that quarter ceased, I returned to the speakers' stand, which, in the mean time, had become entirely deserted. One of the men with me was a white gentleman, who I saw here this morning-Captain Estell-who stood there a few moments. The firing was very rapid, and a good deal of it over in that part of the grove immediately beyond where I was, and I could not see it-seeming to be along the Clinton and Vicksburgh road. Q. Did you estimate the number of reports of pistols ~?-A. No, sir. That I could not do. A good many. They were few at first, but the firing was pretty heavy up beyond the top of the hill, and I heard it along in the road. There was a good deal of shooting, sir. Q. Did you see any persons who were injured?-A. I did, sir. REITRE ATS FRIOM THE SCENE OF FIGI-HTING. Q. How many?-A. I was going to tell you in a moment. After remaining in conversation with Captain Estell a few moments, I thought I would retreat back to the depot and wait there for the train, and get out of the mselee. I went. The, distance was very short to the railroad, from where the speakers' stand was. I went over to the stand, and while there-or rather while going there-I was joined again by Colonel Lake, who invited me to go with him and hunt his horse, which had got away. I told him that I did not feel inclined to risk myself on the back of his horse; that I thought he had a wild horse; that I would take my course up the railroad to the depot. While there in conversation with Colonel Lake, or just before going on to the railroad, I saw the only pistol that I saw that day. I met a person with a small Smith & Wesson pistol in his hand, who seemed to be very much excited and disturbed, and had the pistol in his hand. Says I, " What ae, you doing with that pistol I? He was a colored man. Well,' he replied, " I took it awa-y irom a boy a little bit ago, sir. I was afraid he might do some injury, and I want to give it to whoever it belongs to, but I thought I would take it away from the boy, as I feared he might do some harm." I looked at the pistol, and saw no sign of its having been discharged. I handed it back to him, advising him without delay to put the pistol away somewhere, as he might be misconstrued if found in possession of the pistol.. He said he took it away from the boy, a very young boy. I started on the railroad, and had gone up the road but a very short distance in the direction of the crossing of the main country road and the railroad, in the direction where I had heard the very severe firing, but which had cleared off at that moment, and I concluded 20 MISS 306 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. it was a, good time to make my way up, when I met a citizen of Clinton, I supposed he was, who remarked to me, Judge, don't you go in that direction; you are in danger here. Get off this road immediately.' "Well" says 1, "I am not disturbing anybody; I am making my way to the depot, and I do not suppose anybody wants to shoot me." Says he, "You are in great danger here; for in a very few moments there will be a regular firing on this road, and they won't care who theyshoot; they would not discriminate." "Well," says I, "are you sure of that'" Well," he says, "I think there will be considerable firing down this road in a few minutes. There will be Winchester rifles along on this road firing indiscriminately, and you are in great danger, judge.," Says he, "Go with me, and I will take you out of the way." Says I,'I dislike to go off of the way, because I want to get home." Says he, "I will take you to a place of safety, where we can wait until this melee is over;" and he took me off some distance with Colonel Lake and another old gentleman, of Clinton, who happened to be on the railroad at the same time looking for his horses, that were missing. We all went together; I suppose we went 150 yards, over into a cotton-field, and got under the shade of a tree and lay down in the grass, and we remained there some twenty or thirty minutes, I suppose. There was no firing along the road at that time; I heard none. After we left the tree, we returned to the scene of this conflict. Mr. Lake went off in pursuit of his horses, and Mr. Charlton and myself walked some distance, looking for his buggy, which he said they had left tied there. WOMEN SEEKING THEIR CHILDREN-A CORPSE-TWO WOUNDED MENMEN VERY BLOODY. There was a great deal of confusion, running about; mostly negro women hunting for their children. Several applied to me to know if I had seen their children. We walked along up to the top of the hill, where there was a part of an old house remaining, a dwelling that used to be there, and there I saw a woman leaning over a man prostrate on his back, and moaning at a terrible rate. I thought the man was wounded, and was trying to help him. I went to see if I could render him any assistance. I asked if he was shot. She says,:Yes; he is slot. Can't you help him? Do something for him." And we looked down and found he was dead. We took him and laid him out straight as we could, and then started away toward town. Just as we got around the end of the house, the other end from where we found this man dead, I met a wagon coming up the hill from the direction where the firing had taken place during the earlier part of the day, and that wagon contained two negro men in it very severely wounded; they were very bloody. I do not know their names. They were standing there; the wagon was waiting to be taken over the hill. They were afraid to start out, they said, for fear of the firing which was going on occasionally over on the ridge road. ARMED HORSEMEN. Mr. Charltonl and myself engaged in conversation regretful of the occurrences, having a similar view of the very excessive injury that the reputation of Clinton would sustain by the doings of that day. We started along down toward the city, and as we went along we saw several parties of men riding up the road from town with their guns in ~their hands. They were young men on horseback. A WHITE MAN SHOT. Q. White men or colored men l? — A. White men; and just as we saw TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 307 them ride, I looked still farther across the road in that direction, where there were some negro cabins in front of the house of; Mr. Chilton. Henry Chilton had been killed that day; at least I understood so; I did not see his body. I did not go to his house. I had not seen him since morning. He was a son of an old.friend of mine; a young man I was very much attached to. I heard that he had been shot. I saw these women fleeing in this direction, though I did not see any guns firing at the time-at the time I saw the women running. That was some time after the shooting was over. Mr. Charlton and I continued down in the direction of the depot until we got across the railroad, and up the railroad toward the depot. ARMED AND ANGRY MEN. We met several parties of young men with arms in their hands coming down in the direction of the barbecue grounds on our way up, and I dissuaded them from coming in that direction, in a general way. Says I, Gentlemen, there is no occasion for any demonstrations of this sort; I think the more quiet everybody is the better for us." Afterward I went on to the depot, and remained there until the cars came along in the afternoon, when we came home. There were some very angry men at the depot-some men armed; two or three men armed with heavy guns. I am so little acquainted with weapons of that sort that I cannot describe them. They were heavy guns, and they threatened they would go up and clean them out-speaking of the negroes-saying that they had heard that the negroes were arming somewhere; at least I judge that they heard some rumor of that kind, though in the mean time the negroes had cleared the grounds. In thirty minutes I could not see a negro man about anywhere. A WOUNDED WI-ITE MAN. I had a little conversation with one young man who had been shot. He was lying at the depot. He had a pistol-shot across his forehead. It was said he had been shot very early in the commencement, down under the hill. He was the son of a lawyer of Vicksburgh-a young man named Wharton, a nephew of General Wharton, late attorney-general of this State. I remained there, I do not know how long. There was much confusion; I did not take much note of time while waiting for the cars, and between four and five o'clock the train arrived, and as soon as the train drew up, 1 saw a company of armed men, I suppose about fifty; there seemed to be a good car-load disembark there. I went to them and told them there was no occasion for this. I knew a few of them personally. I spoke to one young man, with a double-barreled shot-gun in his hand, loaded, who was a relative of mine-a boy who seemed to be about 18 or 20. I just told him at once that I would make use of some authority, and, says 1,'Percy, I want you to go home to your mother and stay there."' He took it very kindly. Well," says he, " Captain George, I will do so." I saw one other young man there in the crowd, whose father I knew lived in this city, and when I came home I made it my first business to go to his father and ask him to send for his son to come home. ANOTHER ARMED PARTY ARRIVES. I do not know the arrival of the next company, but it was reported to me that there was another company on a subsequent train, which I did not see. I came away, and on my arrival at this depot right over there, I met an armed party just about taking the cars there on that return train. I knew several of the boys, and says I, "Boys, you are all too late; there is no occasion for your going to Clinton; there is no need 308 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —-INDS COUNTY. for you there. You had better go home." I do not know whether they went or not. But that is all I know personally of the occurrences of that day, only as something should be brought to my memory. These are the leading fa,cts of that day as they passed before my eyes. A VICKSBURG COMPANY ARMED. Q. Do you know where this company was from that you met at the depot at Clinton ~ —A. I think I do, from the gentlemen composing it. They were from Balton's, the next depot west. The second train, I was informed, brought out a company from Vicksburgh. At least it was so stated. Q. Did these men have on any uniform-any badge — A. No uniform; nothing but a gun. This difficulty must have occurred — cannot reckon the time exactly-but the speaking commenced about twelve o'clock, and I think it was all over before two o'clock. The train arrived from Balton's, and from Vicksburgh by Balton's, this way, I think, some minutes after four o'clock; I do not remember. SENATOR CALDWELL PRESENT. Q. Who presided at yourmeeting; who was president or chairman of the meeting — A. I can hardly tell you. There were quite a number of men on the stand. The most prominent man I saw on the stand was this Senator Caldwell, State senator from this county, a colored man; the man who was shot afterward last fall at Clinton. THE WITNESS A VIRGINIAN. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Of what State are you a native?-A. Virginia, county of Cumberland. My father was a native of Richmond; my grandfather of the same place. THE WHITE YOUNG- MEN AT THE BARBECUE. Q. How many young men were in that company that you first observed while Mr. Fisher was making a speech?-A. Well, really, I am hardly able to say. I was endeavoring at the time to catch the utterances of the speaker. I should suppose there were from five to ten just in that bunch. These were young men who had grown up, and I did not know them all. Q. As far as you know, where were they residents? —A. That I cannot tell you. The young man who gave me his name, and his brother, they are sons of an old gentleman who lives here near Clinton, one of the old citizens of this county. Young Wharton that I saw afterward, I do not know where his home is now. He was raised in Raymond; his father has recently moved to Vicksburgh, and is a practitioner there. Q. Did you observe whether any negroes were armed there that day, or not?-A. Well, sir, I met some negroes about that morning. I did not see a weapon in the hand of a negro that day, except the pistol that I told you about, which was in the hands of this man casually. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. That was after the disturbance?-A. That was afterward. It was very much like a small Smith & Wesson's pistol, but it evidently had not been used, and he gave me an account of it, which I mentioned. That was the only pistol that I saw. THE BLACKS ALL FRIENDLY. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Did you observe any hostile and unfriendly demonstrations made by any colored men prior to the commencement of the firing — A. TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 309 I did not. On the contrary, I think I never saw a better-tempered. crowd in my life than they universally seemed to be that morning. They all seemed to be there with their wives and children in the expectation of a frolic and a good dinner. There had been a very bountiful barbecue. I walked over to where the meat had been cooked. There was a very bounteous provision of meats cooked, and very well and nicely cooked, too, on the hill, and they all seemed to be in the hope of a good day. As I remarked before, I was not among the crowd of the clubs that came up. They came subsequently. I went down and took my seat at a stand some time before the speaking commenced, in company with some five or six gentlemen, white men, who had gathered there before the speaking. THE MIEETING A REPUBLICAN GATHERING. Q. By which political party was the barbecue called — A. It had been gotten up by the republicans, and they had extended an invitation to the opposite party to partake of their barbecue, as I understood it. Judge Johnson said repeatedly in the morning, in my presence, that he hoped they would give him a chance to speak; that he wanted to speak and go home. A DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER INVITED AND SPEAKS. Q. Judge Johnson was the first speaker, a democratic Speaker — A. Yes, sir; he went down on the train with me. I have no idea that he knew of any trouble there. THE REPUBLICAN SPEAKER INTERRUPTED IMMEDIATELY. Q. How long had Mr. Fisher been speaking when these hostile demonstrations were made by these young men — A. He had not been speaking a minute, had uttered but one sentence, and that was congratulatory, previous to what he was going to say; and just as he commenced to speak, this remark was made by this young man. THE CROWD RUNS AFTER THE SHOOTING- BEG-AN. Q. You spoke of a crowd surging up from below the hill, past you, and carrying you with them 0"-A. That was after the shooting commenced. Q. Who composed the crowd, colored or white men — A. Mostly colored people and women. They overrun me completely. I never saw so frightened a gang in my life. Just a little behind me there was a, buggy with some four or five colored persons in it. They were just on the rear some eight or ten feet. They were all descending pretty rapidly, and making their way off. NUMBER OF PERSONS PRESENT. Q. What number of persons would you estimate were present at the barbecue?-A. That would be very hard for me to tell. I reckon I am one of the poorest men to size a crowd. I have never been in military life, and am not accustomed to numbering large bodies of men. I suppose that, men and women, there could not have been less than two thousand people on the ground that day, judging from the size of the clubs advancing upon the road, and the party of women and children who were over the hill. Q. How did the colored and white persons compare that were present as to numbers ~-A. The colored people were very largely in the majority, very largely. By Mr. McMILLAN: Q. The number of young men from whom you heard the first remark 310 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —IINDS COUNTY. of which you spoke, were they white — A. Yes, sir; they were white men, young gentlemen, apparently, dressed in their summer light clothing. I had not seen but one old gentleman go in that direction. That was one elderly gentleman, who went in that direction, but whether to speak with those young men or not I am unable to say. Q. What county is Clinton in — A. This county. Q. How far from Jackson — A. We call it ten miles, between eight and ten miles, immediately west. IMMENSh CROWDS OF NEGROES DRIVEN INTO JACKSON-WHAT THEY REPORTED. Q. BetweenJackson and Vicksburgh — A. Yes, sir; the first station. I do not know whether it is germane to this matter, particularly, but as it fell within my observation I will state that, during the week following, this town was infested with immense crowds of negroes, the most frightened gang of people I ever saw, who represented that bands of armed men were pursuing them at night and driving them from their homes. I know nothing of the facts except, simply, the very large crowds that came in here every night for four or five nights afterward. I went in among them a good deal. They gathered around the cityhall, where the United States court is, and I made it my business to go out in the crowd and try to pacify them, and inquire how the matter was, and what was their reason for not returning home, knowing that their work was needed, and that the cotton was spoiling for their work; and I invariably received the reply that they were afraid to go back. They came here very hungry, apparently, and in a state of great alarm. Somle of them were very destitute. One morning I had breakfast prepared for sixty or seventy of them myself, who had evidently been without food some time. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. How long did that state of things continue?- A. They were coming in here for four or five nights afterward, during the week following this difficulty. So far as I had an opportunity, I endeavored to calm their fears and induce them to go home to their work. Q. Had you any knowledge of any acttial violence done to any one of them -A. None; no personal knowledge. Q. This is the capital city?-A. Yes, sir. Q,. Who was then governor of the State?-A. Ames was governor. GOVERNOR AMES'S POLICY AS TO ORGANIZING MILITIA. Q. Was he here resident at the time — A. Yes, sir; Governor Ames sent for me three days after these occurrences, and asked me to give my observation of things, and I gave them substantially as I have given them to you. He asked some counsel of me, which I gave him as an old citizen. Q. Were you upon intimate terms with Governor Ames — A. Not at all, sir. That was the first detailed conversation I ever had with Governor Ames. I was friendly in a general way, and belonged to the same political party; but I had never been taken into his confidence at all. Q. Do you know whether at that time there was a policy declared by Governor Ames of arming the black people of the State of Mississippi?A. I kinow nothing else than what Governor Ames told me when he sent for me after this Clinton affair. He told me then, or rather he asked me what he should do. He asked me my opinion as to his calling out the militia, and I gave him my opinion as to what his duty was. He told me that his purpose was to prevent a collision if he could between the whites and blacks of the country. TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 311 Q. May I ask you whether the militia he suggested calling out was composed of colored people — A. His call was a general call. Q. I ask you whether the militia was not at that time composed generally of colored people?-A. At that time he had not organized a militia, because it was subsequent to this interview he organized these companies. Q. Were the companies organized subsequently composed of whites or blacks — A. I only saw blacks. I think, though, that there was a white organization here, and at probably other points. I cannot tell you more than I heard. Q. I am speaking of your knowledge.-A. I say I only know of companies of negroes organized after this Clinton aflair. Q. Were they armed by the State — A. Well, I do not know; I suppose they were. Q. Did they parade and drill here — A. Drilled a few times in the public square, near the city-hall. Q. Here in Jackson — A. Yes, sir; I only know of two companies in this city. Q. Do you know that there were others, as a fact within your own knowledge — A. I do not. Q. Did you learn from him, or other reliable authority, that other companies were organized by him at other towns throughout the State?A. I have not any knowledge of it. There was great excitement about his organizing the militia here. It may be a matter of justice that I should say to you that he asked my opinion upon that subject. At that time it was a matter of doubt with him what he ought to do, and he so expressed himself to me. PROCLAMATION OF GOVERNOR AMES. Q. The result of your interviews with him was that he organized these black companies'~ —A. The first result was the governor's proclamation for the people who composed these armed companies in the country to disperse. He asked my opinion on that subject. I advised him to issue such a proclamation and couple no threat with it. He said that that was what he had had in contemplation, and I think, probably the next day or a day or two afterward, he issued such proclamation. Q. Did he tell you at that time that he had applied to the authorities at Washington for troops — A. He had not applied then. He consulted with me then upon that question, whether he ought to do it or whether he ought to call out the militia. The first movement of the governor, of which I am aware, after this interview I had with him, was his proclamation to these people to disperse. The next movement that I am advised of was his call on the Executive at Washington for armed assistance, or for protection, and after the reply he received from Washington was the call for the militia. Q. In the manner which you have described — A. Yes, sir. Q. Which was responded to in the manner which you have described —. Yes, sir; the order I have mentioned.. Q. When you say you know of but two companies of colored militia organized here, do you mean to say that there were not other companies organized elsewhere after Governor Ames's order — A. I do not; not by any means. I think it very probable they may have organized others elsewhere. HINDS COUNTY OVERWHELMINGLY REPUBLICAN. Q. What in the fall of 1875, in the month of September, of which you speak, was the political complexion of this county-which party 312 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. was predominant?-A. I had supposed up to the election that it was overwhelmingly a republican county. Q. Were all the officials of the county republicans at that time — A. Well, sir, so far as I know they were, with one exception, and he was not an officer of the county; he was an official of the United States, under my jurisdiction. He happened to be a democrat. He had nothing to do with public business any more than I have with the State. REPUBLICAN POLICE-OFFICERS PRETTY POWERLESS AT THAT TIME. Q. Were or were not the police powers of the county entirely in the hands of persons elected by the republican part)y — A. Well, sir, the officials, as I have stated, were, so far as I know, without exception, republicans, and of course these powers were in their hands. Q. Do you comprehend my question e Were or were not the police powers of the county entirely in the hands of persons elected by the republican party?-A. Generally they were. Q. Will you state any exceptions — A. I do not know hardly how I should reply to that question. I think that nominally they were one thing and practically they were another. I think that the police authorities of the county were pretty powerless at that, time to keep order. Q. I will repeat the question to you. —A. They were republicans. Q. Exclusively so I —A. So far as I know, there was not an exception. So far as I know, the entire public authority of the county of Hinds, of every sort, at that time was republican. Q. You stated that you were chief supervisor of that district, under United States law —A. Yes, sir; my function was double, in that I was clerk of the court at the same time. CLINTON BARBECUE CALLED BY REPUBLICANS ONLY. Q. Was the barbecue of which you have spoken at Clinton called as a general meeting of the two parties?-A. No, sir. Q. By whom was it called?-A. Called by the republicans. Q. Only?-A. Only. Q, How came Judge Johnston to speak at it if it was called as you have described?-A. I do not know, sir; I know that Judge Johnson went down on the same train I did. He lives here. I was somewhat surprised to see the judge going, because I did not expect to hear democratic speeches that day. They had quite a number of republican speakers, among them the governor, and my object really was to hear the governor speak. Q. Was Governor Ames there — A. No, sir; he was not; though that really carried me there. JUDGE JOHNSTON'S SPEECH. Q. What was the character of Judge Johnston's address?-A. Well, it was a pretty strong democratic speech, in which he belabored the republicans. Q. What was the language you applied to him? Did you say it was temperate?-A. I do not know whether I did or not; but if not I will use it now. I heard nothing intemperate. It was a very decided democratic speech. I do not believe that Judge Johnston in his speech made any effort to produce a disturbance; I do not believe he contemplated any such thing. THE YOUNG MEN WHO CREATED THE DISTURBANCE. Qi How many young men were in that body from whom this voice proceeded, that you first heard, creating the disturbance F —A. I said TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 313 that 1 could not tell exactly. I think there must have been from five to ten. My look was casual at that crowd. Q. Then it was a small crowd?-A. Rather a small crowd. Q. How old were they; what was the general appearance as to age? — A. I should not suppose they exceeded five-and-twenty. I saw one young man, who was killed afterward, who was talking to Mr. Lake, at the time this remark was made, about some difficulty which had occurred at Yazoo City a day or two before. His name was Thompson. I suppose he was twenty-five or twenty-seven years of age. Q. Were they sons of respectable citizens of the county that you knew?-A. Yes, sir; Thompson was. They had borne a good reputation generally. Q. Were these young men under the influence of liquor or not?-A. I cannot say, sir; I think the young man who first replied to me and used very excited language-from his manner I supposed he had a drop too much, though it was not very evident. Q. Then this group of five, or six, or ten young men was the crowd that moved off around to the foot of the hill — A. Yes, sir; moved out of my sight; I do not know where. They moved in that direction. Q. Did you observe any appearance that was unusual about these five or six young men?-A. No, sir; I did not see any except what I have stated before. Q. Did you observe any blows struck or any violence before you heard the pistol-firing?-A. No, sir; I had observed nothing unusual. It was peaceable. The crowd was moving in that direction as though the object they had in view was to try and hear the speaker. Q. Did I understand you to say that you did not know whether Captain Fisher heard the voice interrupting him or not. —A. No, sir; I do not know. Q. You were nearer to the parties than he was?-A. Yes, sir; I suppose we were thirty-something more than thirty feet from the speaker. Q. Was the remark made by this young man to those near hin, to some one near him, or a general remark?-A. Well, the remark seemed to be addressed to the speaker, although the intervening crowd may have prevented him from hearing the remark, though the remark was one that struck me very forcibly. Q. A very rude remark?-A. Yes, sir; I think so. That is the reason I asked who made it. Q. Did Captain Fisher stop his address because of that remark? —A. I cannot say he did; I do not think that he did because I am not sure that he heard it. There was considerable noise as the crowd commenced to move. Q. You are not aware that the remark stopped the address at all: his address continued —A. He continued his address, but these other things occurred soon afterward. Q. The crowd moved forward and left the stand bare?-A. A good deal bare. Nobody came back scarcely. Q. Was it essentially the fact that the meeting stopped for want of an audience — A. Of course it (lid, sir. There was nobody to speak to. The firing scattered the crowd. Q. As a matter of fact, did you see any one who had discharged a pistol or struck a blow, yourself? —A. I did not; I kept studiously out ot the way of that. I was borne by the crowd of men along some 25 or 30 yards I suppose. FRANK JOHNS.TON'S INVESTIG-ATION. Q. Was an investigation held, an investigation made in regard to 314 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. that disturbance, and a report — A. Well, there was something of the sort; there was a report made by a young friend of mine here by the name of Johnston-Frank Johnston, who is a son of Judge Johnston. Q. An intelligent, reliable man?-A. He is one of the most intelligent young gentlemen, a man of the highest character, a young lawyer. Q. Do you know whether as a matter of fact he did or not superintend an investiga tion of all the facts attending the riot, if I may so call it?-A. I only know it from the fact of his publishing a report in connection with a number of affidavits. I do not know whether he personally attended the taking of them or not. OTHER INVESTIGATIONS. Q. Do you know whether Governor Ames instituted any investigation — A. I do not know anything further than he sent for me, and we had this conversation I have spoken of. Q. Do you know whether he made any further investigation of the facts than this?-A. I do not. Q. Do you know whether the United States officers stationed here went out to make an investigation or not? —A. I have no personal knowledge on that subject at all, nor did I hear whether any United States officers did or not. Q. When was the next term of the court after that — A. You mean the United States court? Q. No; the State tribunal first?-A. Really, I have forgotten; my impression is that Judge Brown held his court the January following the State court. Q. Was there no State court of criminal jurisdiction from the 4th of September until the 1st of January sitting in this county —A. You know we have two circuit courts in this county. It is divided into two districts. The court is held here for one district, and at Raymond for the other, and my memory does not serve me to tell when that court ~was held exactly. Q. You are unable to say whether there was any court of criminal jurisdiction in session from the 4th of September to the 1st of January — A. I am unable to say just now, though I could give you a reference by which you could ascertain the fact. I paid little attention to it. Q. When was the next session of the United States court?-A. Held in November-the first Monday in November. Q. Was there any attempt made to indict any person engaged in that riot in the United States court — A. Well, sir, I can only judge by results. Q. I ask you first, whether any attempt was made to indict any person in the United States court for complicity in those riots —A. I do not know what attempts may have been made. Indeed, all I know of the steps taken by the district attorney in that way was the summoning of a very large number of supervisors that had been appointed to superintend the local elections. They were summoned before the grand jury. Q. Were you among them?-A. No, sir; I was there, however, to furnish processes, and he summoned a good many persons-the United States attorney did. Q. Were any indictments found — A. Yes, sir; I know of some indictments found, but not in this county. Q. I am speaking of this county. They would be found here, if the disturbance took place in this county'-A. Yes, sir. Q. Were any found in the United States court in connection with TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 315 this occurrence which took place at Clinton — A. None, sir, in iny court. Q. Yet, you say that the district attorney did make an investigation, and summon a number of witnesses in relation to it l-A. I (lo not know he summoned a number of witnesses in relation to this particular disturbance; I know there was a good many summoned. Q. Were you a witness?-A. I was not. Q. You were a supervisor ~-A. I was. I only know of one witness. I know of one man summoned, because he came and conversed with me on the subject, and he was summoned before the grand jury. IMMEDIATE CAUSE OF THE OUTBREAK. Q. Are you able to state of your own knowledge the immediate cause of the outbreak there on that day D)o you know what blow was struck-what was done or said that led to the conflict — A. I do not know. There are very varying accounts of that. Q. Do you know who commenced the difficulty?-A. I do not. Q. Was it between the two races of people-the black and white races, or was it a matter of two parties?-A. Not having witnessed the beginning of it, I could not undertake to say; I heard none of the words accompanying the outbreak. Q. And you saw none of the acts?-A. No, sir; no further than its effect upon the crowd, and the men I saw, dead and wounded, afterward. Q. I understand that is the only political meeting you attended during the canvass, on either side — A. Yes, sir; I very rarely attend these meetings. Q. On the day of the election were you here present -.A. I was. (. Did you attend the polls to vote?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Did you see where the election was held?-A. In the city-hall, ~opposite the United States court-room; that was one of the boxes. A PEACEFUL AND ORDERLY ELECTION IN JACKSON. Q. What was the character of the election in Jackson as to peace and order — Very good order kept that day. Q. And apparently free and undisturbed -- A. Yes, sir. Q. Were the troops of the United States present near the polls at all —A. No, sir. Q. Was there any interference by the United States troops, at all"?-A. None that I know of. Q. Any demand for them-any need in any way — A. I do not know of any. Q. The election, so far as you know, was peaceable, orderly, and fair — A. On that lay? Q, Was there any other election held than on that day — A. No, sir. Q. It is of that I ask you.-A. I mean by emphasizing my answer to let you understand I am only speaking personally. 1 mixed very little with the crowd. I saw nothing that looked like disturbance during the whole day. Q. So far, then, as you saw in the city of Jackson, you are not able to state that any one was prevented by violence or intimidation from casting his vote —A. Not of my personal knowledge. If you will allow me to express my opinion I think both parties were endeavoring to control themselves on that day, in the interests of peace. I think some of the leading men of both parties were very anxious to keep the peace. I think their efforts were successful in a very great degree, in securing that result. There had been great apprehension. There had 316 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. been inflammatory articles publisbed, and I suppose rather counseling violence, and I think it put everybody on their good: behavior, just on that day. SOME LIQUOR OVER THERE. By Mr. MACDONALD: Q. Do you know what there was back over the hill there in the way of food; a place of refreshment, or anything of that kind — A. I do not know what was there, in that bottom. Q. There seemed to be some crowd there before these young men started in that direction?-A. Yes, sir; a crowd all over that hill; the place was pretty near the speal;ers' stand, extending, I suppose, from fifty to sixty yards from the stand. If you will allow me to speak of rumor, I will say that I did hear that there was some liquor over there, just before the difficulty. MR. CHILTON KILLED. Q. You spoke of seeing some women running near the house of Mr. Chilton; was he killed there that day — A. Yes, sir; he is said to have been; I did not see his body; he was killed near his house; he was a merchant in Clinton. Q. Was he a white man -A. Yes, sir; a son of Mr. John N. Chilton. Q. Did he belong to the democratic party?-A. Yes, sir; I only know that he told me that they intended to beat us pretty badly in the election. I judge from that that he was a democrat. I had known him for many years, and esteemed him very highly. Q. Do you know anything about the circumstances of his being killed; who killed him?-A. I do not, sir. I have heard very contradictory accounts. Q. He was killed there in the firing that took place in that mle6e? —A. Yes, sir; it was reported that he was killed right in front of his own house; but there were very different accounts as to how he was killed. I shall not undertake to detail, for I know nothing about them. MR. WHAR TON WOUNDED. Q. You spoke of a young man named Wharton who was wounded?A.. Yes, sir. Q. He was wounded in that difficulty also? —A. Yes, sir. He told me so; I think he said he did not know who shot him; that was what he told me, sir. He was very slightly wounded; merely scratched in his hair over the temple. Q. You say that you were satisfied that Judge Johnston, who made the first speech, had no purpose of having any trouble on his part? — A. I am very well satisfied of that in my mind. That is greatly due to my personal knowledge of Judge Johnston's character, and his deportment that day. ORDERLY CONDUCT OF DEMOCRATS AT CLINTON. Q. You saw quite a number of democrats there that day on the ground, did you not.?-A. Yes, sir; quite a number of them. It was a small gathering of them. Q. Were they not all, except these young men of whom you spoke, conducting themselves in an orderly manner? — A. So far as I know they were. Q. They did not seem to apprehend any trouble or difficulty — A. No, sir. Q. The origin of the difficulty which began between these young men, TESTIMONY OF G. T. SWANN. 317 and those under the hill, if it was begun between them, you do not know?-A. I cannot say; I presume you will hear probably very varying accounts about that. OFFICIAL RECORD OF THE WITNESS. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. What offices of trust have you filled since you came to Mississippi — A. Well, judge, as I stated at first, I was a practitioner of law; a small planter. A few years after I came to this State I was elected to the State senate; and the second term I was president of the Senate. I was auditor of public accounts of the State four years. I was clerk of the supreme court for several years. I was afterward appointed under the provisional government of Mississippi, by Governor Sharkey, judge of this State, and on the re-organization of the United States court here, I was appointed clerk of both those courts. HIS INTERVIEW WITH GOVERNOR AMES. Q. Will you state the subject on which Governor Ames asked your opinion, and the opinions you gave him at the interview, of which you have spokenl —A. Governor Ames, I understood, sent for me, sir, to call at his house, he having heard that I was at Clinton. It was the Monday or Tuesday following this difficulty, probably, and I repaired to the mansion. That was the first detailed conversation I ever had with Governor Ames. He told me that he would be glad if I would tell him what I had seen, and I told him substantially what I have repeated to you. He told me that he was apprehensive of difficulty between the black and white people on the election, and very desirous to know what he should do to avoid it. I told Governor Ames that I thought if he would allow me to make a suggestion to him, that it would be a good thing for him to issue a proclamation of warning to the white people, who at least were reported to be armed, for the purpose of dispersing such crowds. I told him I thought it a highly important thing —such a proclamation; that I would make no threat of anything which he would do if it was not done. I told him, at the same time, that I was afraid it would be unavailing, such was the temper of the people at that tilme I told him that I was very averse to his calling out the militia. I told him that if he did I believed it would be mainly colored men a ho would respond to his call, and that they would be gobbled up as fast as he could gather them. I told him that I believed there was a state of things existing which required the interposition of the Federal Army, and advised him to call upon the President for thit, purpose; and I did it with a view of bringing into exercise an authority that I knew would be respected, instead of one that I knew, if he attempted to use, would create further disturbance. He told me that he had been thinking of issuing just such a proclamation. I was so thoroughly of that opinion that I had, before that gathering at Clinton, in view of the popular reports of a difficulty at Yazoo, I felt it my duty to write to the Attorney-General to the same purport, which I did; and that was the counsel I gave him. As I said afterward, such a proclamation did appear, and this call of the militia was made by Governor Ames; was at a date, I think, subsequent to the reception of the Attorney-General's reply to his call on the Federal authorities at Washington. WITNESS REPORTED TO ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF UNITED STATES. By Mr. MCMiLLAN: Q. The Attorney-General of the United States?-A. Yes, sir; the Attorney-General of the United States. At the risk of being considered 318 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. impertinent, being a United States commissioner, I felt it my duty to report to the head of the Department under whose control I was, in a general way, my views as to the state of affairs in Mississippi. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Who was the Attorney-General — A. Judge Pierrepont, I think, was the Attorney-General. Q. You made a report to him? —A. Yes, sir. He never answered my letter. My letter, however, did not call for a reply. It merely gave him my candid advice as an old citizen and officer of the Government of the United States. J. H. ESTELL-HINDS COUNTY. JACKSON, Miss., June 10, 1876. JOHN H. ESTELL sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. What is your residence and present profession or occupation — A. I am a citizen of Jackson; am a. practicing lawyer. Q. How'long have you been a resident here~ —A. Since 1860, my last residence. I have always called this my home since 1840. Q. Where were you born — A. Huntsville, Ala. Q. It was stated by Judge Swaun that he met you at Clinton on the day when the riot, which is called the Clinton riot, took place?-A. Yes, sir. THE CLINTON RIOT DESCRIBED. Q. State what occurred in your observation.-A. I was there that day. I went from here. I went to the town of Clinton and from there out to the grounds where the barbecue was to be, about a half or three-quarters of a mile to the north of the Clinton and Vicksburgh Railroad, which runs east and west. I got upon the rear portion of the stand in company with and close to Judge Swa.nn, and while we were standing there it was mooted by some colored people whether Judge Johnston should make a speech. They came to me and asked me whether I thought it was right for Judge Johnston to speak. I says, " Certainly; he is a conservative citizen, and we would like to hear him;" and he then proceeded, at the invitation of citizens, and made a speech of about one hour or more. It was moderate and conservative. He was followed by Mr. Fisher. He had gone through with a short introduction which amounted to that Judge Johnston was a very clever fellow; and he was, and all the politicians were very clever fellows, and wished to keep the peace, and he was about to go on with his speech, when a young man close by me made use of an expression like this: " If he stopped telling lies," or " damned lies," I think he said,' we would have peace." Our attention was diverted by that, and Judge Swann asked who it was that made the remark, and the reply came at once from the young man,' It was made by my brother, and his name is Neill." I did not like the appearance; I did not like to hear such discussions going on at such a place, and I turned my attention to Mr. Fisher, who had been speaking, and in a moment this young man left, going out toward the north or northwest-a little west of north. In a very few moments, in fact in a few seconds; probably less than a minute, there was a disturbance. A gentleman who was holding an umbrella upon the stand over TESTIMONY OF J. H. ESTELL. 319 the speakers, by the name of HuEdnell, says, "Caldwell, there is a disturbance." Says Caldwell, "I will stop it "-Charles Caldwell, who had been a senator from this district. He called out, and I heard him say, " Boys, we won't have any fuss." I knew his voice well. Just then a pistol cracked. I said, "Hudnell, that's a pistol." Then there was another crack. The crowd was very thick between us and the pistol. I could see the smoke, but could not see who shot. I did not see any man who shot. Then the firing became very rapid, and about like a sharp skirmish between two armed companies of soldiers. Then there seemed to be a reply, and then a volley like fifteen or twenty pistols. Then the crowd commenced scattering, and I don't think I ever saw the same number of men get away in a shorter time in my life. I have seen soldiers badly panic-struck and running away, but I never saw men get away so quick. I think in one minute there were but three or four persons on the ground. Judge Swann had gone away. I saw some of my acquaintances going by, and I myself squatted behind the stand where I could see it all. Between me and the firing there was a thickness of five or six boards set up on their edges that protected me, except when I peeped up to see. I then got up and went along northwesterly, and I saw a doctor from Clinton, Dr. Banks, and I told him there were some dead colored men in thoSe bushes. He was coming down the hill, and we were coming toward the point where the main fight had occurred, and just where we came together lay two dead men, one lying with his body nearly east and west, and the other nearly north and sou-th. We went up to them and examined them. Says he, "This man is dead, aid this man as good as dead." I think he died while I was standing there. I then had my attention called to a man upon the hill. I started out toward him, and I saw two or three negroes, and then a number of negroes came rushing back toward Clinton; and I says, " What's the matter; what are you running about so for; what is going on up there." They said, " There was an army coming down to shell the bushes." I said, " Then let us get on the railroad and go.to Clinton;" and when I got there, I heard several men had been killed. One man I saw lying at the depot, who had been scratched by a ball on l he top of his head, apparently by one of those little pistols. I felt the ball, which had lodged on the top of the head or scalp, and I sent a negro up to get some water to wash his head. I went to the door, and there was a crowd around the house, and I heard a man had been found dead. AN ARMED CROWD-EXCITEMIENT IN JACKSON. Q. What was this crowd?-A. White men; a good many of them mounted and armed. They told me that a man by the name of Sivley had been found dead. I saw them lilt up somebody and then lay him down again. I heard, and, in fact, I myself know it was Martin Sivley's body. I heard of a good many outrages that evening, stated by first one man and then another one, but I saw nothing of the fighting nmyself, except these two mnen that were dead. The fight there was done very unexpectedly to me, and suddenly and unexpectedly ro( everybody else, so far as I know. I saw a man wounded at the house on the side ot the hill, and heard lie had died. 1 (lid not go to him at all. I came home in the cars, and there was a great deal of excitement when I got here. I came in company with Judge Johnston, among others. I found this whole place crowded with armed persons; a great many armed before this house here. Among others, my sister met me, very much-alarmed, and she said, " What is the matter down at Clinton'?7 Says 1, "There has been 320 MISISSSSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. fighting, but it is done and at an end." She says, "They are going down and there will be another fight." I said, C1Impossible; because you and I could go down and scatter any number of them; I never saw a set of people so entirely cowed as they were; we could scatter any number of them." I said to every man "that it was perfectly idle for you to go down there; there is nothing there." And the young men that were armed here upon the platform, my nephew among others, I said to them, " It is perfectly idle and useless; there is no use for one soldier there." I was afraid they were going down and get into some difficulty. I knew the boys would not go and murder the people, unless they got excited and drunk, and were gotten into it by somebody else. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Did this company have any officers — A. I suppose they had officers; probably I might recall some of the names. There was a large crowd and very intense excitement. There was an excitement I dreaded very much. I knew the men and knew the character and temper of the people, and I dreaded the excitement very much, and did my best to allay it. I said, among other things, that they would not find a leading colored man in the whole country. I knew enough of them before to know that they would do as they did, hide away. ARMED MEN AT THE DEPOT. Q. You took the cars at Clinton that afternoon; did you see any armed men at the depot — A. A. Montgomery was there and a man named Wells, and I might recall others. There were fifteen or twenty armed and on horseback, talking boisterously and unnecessarily strong, I thought; not threatening any particular person, but intimating that they meant fight. William Montgomery and Wells, and there was another, I think his first name was Calvin, and there were twelve or fifteen others on horseback and armed. They came into the room where I was there by this young man Wharton.' I started out into the town and met Judge Johnston, and told him he had better not go there: there was intense excitement. I turned around and came back to the depot, got into the cars, and came here. When I got into the cars a co-nsiderable number got out. They had come on the Vicksburgh train from Bolton, and some from Vicksburgh, but I cannot say. They came by the train, and got out there armed with all sorts of arms; some with double barrels, some with pistols, some with army guns. THREATS OF IILLING THE DAMNED NIGGER. Q. You stated that the persons who were talling extravagantly (lid not make declarations against particular persons; did they against any party or set of men — A. They spoke of killing the' ldamnled nigger," They directed their threats against the men who had killed Sivley and Thompson; young Frank Thompson, a lawyer, who had been killed. He was then residing in Raymond. Threats were made against the parties who had anything to do with their death; and young Chilton had been killed. A good many threats were made against those who bad killen them. Some said it was Willman, some said it was Caldwell who did it. THE BOLTON ARMED COMPANY. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. About what number of men came into the train that came from Bolton I —A. I suppose forty or fifty. Q. How long was that after the difficulty commenced — A. I don't recollect precisely the time the difficulty commenced. It must have TESTIMONY OF J. H. ESTELL. 321 commenced somewhere between 12 and 1 o'clock; somewhere about the middle of the day. It was in the evening; it might have been from two to three hours from the time the difficulty commenced. Q. Where did you understand they came from?-A. Some from Edwards, some from Bolton. The young man Wharton that I spoke of as being shot in the head, who was at the depot, came from Bolton. Q. How far is Bolton from Clinton — A. The next station on the railroad; 9 or 10 miles. Q. Edwards: how far is that from Vicksburgh?-A. A little over 30 miles; certainly 34 miles. COLORED MEN KILLED. Q. How many colored men did you see dead^or wounded?-A. I saw four; two men that were dead that I had my hands on. The other man on the hill-side was not dead. The man that was carried in the house they say was dead. They were lugging him into the old dilapidated garden that was there. These were all I saw. WHITE MEN KILLED. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. How many white men were killed — A. There were two white men that I did not see who were killed, but I know myself, as they are reported. Q. Who was Martin Sivley? —A. A young man who lived between Raymond and Clinton, about equally distant. Q. Who was young Frank Thompson?-A. A young lawyer who was raised down on the railroad, who had been practicing law and had gone to New Orleans, staid there a while, and came back to Raymond. He had been somewhat intimate with me, more from the fact that an intimate friend of his boarded at my sister's house. He was at my house about six weeks before lie was killed, certainly five or six weeks. He had got to drinking; and that day we were speaking of Thompson with others. He came and told me that he had some whisky. I said, " I have not drank anything for a couple of years and could not drink anything now." He had evidently been drinking, and a young man who was with him had been drinking freely. He pointed to a wagon near the railroad, and said, "We have got some whisky; come down and get some." THE YOUNG MEN TWHO IBEGAN THE DISTURBANCE. Q. Was he one of the crowd there from whom this remark proceeded — A. No, sir; he was not. Q. How many young men were in that crowd V-A. Some three or four on the stand, and that crowd that were on the outside that i had noticed. The stand was on the north of the railroad. The crowd that I speak of were placed to the north and westward of the stand, and right midway between the stand and the place where I had been told the whisky was; and they belonged to the same class of men. Q. What about the age of these men — A. Thompson was the oldest man, a young man who must have been a little over 30. The young men were chiefly young men, say from 19 to 25 years of age. Q. Were they apparently showing any signs of having been drinking — A. They showed so to me from being close to them. They showed to me very plainly, while probably you would not have seen any mark of it. They were not offensive to anybody. Q. They were showing some excitement, a portion of them, were they?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Thompson told.you they had whisky?-A. Yes, sir. 21 MISS 322 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. MR. CHILTON KILLED. Q. Who was the man who was killed by his own door?-A. Chilton, he was killed. He was born in this country. His brother, John Chilton, was acting treasurer of the county. His brother was a member of the republican party and one of the main getters-up of that barbecue there that day. He was killed at his door or in his yard. I have heard it both ways. Q. Do you know by whom he was shot — A. No, sir. There have been a great many reports about that, but I have neyer ascertained, though 1 have heard half a dozen different versions as to who slhot him. Q. You know personally nothing?-A. I was going to say a man by the name of Hill, who lived about one hundred and fifty or two hun-,dred yards from here-some said he was the man who did it, but I do not believe it was, from the fact that he was arrested and carried to Clinton and charged with the stealing of a pistol. That was all. I judged from that circumstance that he was not guilty. POLITICS OF THE KILLED WHITES. Q. Were these white men, Sivley, Thompson, and young Chilton, members of the democratic party — A. Well, sir, Thompson, about the time I speak of his being here at my house, said that he was trying to secure work, and said that he cane here to get Ames to appoint him a district attorney in some district down here where there was a vacancy. I told him that I hardly believed he would. He said he had letters from him, and that Ames would appoint him. That was the last time that I had any conversation with him, until that day. He has gotten about, as I understand, to be a tremendous democrat. I cannot say as to (hilton advisedly. His brother got a good many jobs, and, I think, he wanted to get all he could out of the republican party and be a democrat then. Q. How about this Sivley? —A. He was an uncompromising demo. crat, from the little I have heard. I have heard little, except from the republicans. POPULARITY OF THE WHITES KILLED. Q. Were these men popular and beloved throughout their neighborhood?-A. Chilton had a good deal of popularity. Frank Thompson was not very well known, but was peaceable and well conducted when free from the influence of spirits, and very social, and would be a popular person almost anywhere. He was generally a polite man. Q. fow was it with Sivley — A. He was a man very much liked, but very little known, except right in his own neighborhood. Here in town iot one man in twenty would know anything of him; but at Raymond and Boltonand Edwards he was well known and much liked. Q. Young Wharton, who was shot; was he a man who was popular?A. He'is a very young man, indeed, but belongs to a family that is well known and well thought of; well esteemed by his acquaintances, but had nothing like popular notice. Q. A very young man -A. Yes, sir. Q. When you speak of those men whom you met at the station when you were down at the depot at Clinton, and you found bands of young men, also armed men, and found some even at this station here, upon your arrival at Jackson, did you gather from those men that their threats were against those who had killed these three people 1 —A. I heard no threats against anybody but those. Q. Then the crowd was moved to avenge the death of these people?A. That was what they said. TESTIMONY OF J. H. ESTELL. 323 " SOUNDED LIKE PREPARATION." Q. I understand you to say that the fight was unexpected by you, and, so far as you knew, to everybody else there — A. I havenuever heard anything that would justify me in saying that the fight was expected by any one, except one single circumstance, that is to me unaccountable. I have been a soldier, and in my record I never heard such a continuous firing without preparation in my life. I never conceived it possible that just such a firing could be given as the firing was that occurred after the first three or four pistols were fired. That sounded like preparation. Q. Was the fire given and returned actual volleys ~-A. No, air; it seemed like four or five pistols first, and then four or five more, and then a volley that all seemed to fire very close, and all together, not as trained soldiers would give, but just such a volley as untrained soldiers would fire. Q. It was a volley — A. Yes; it was a volley, and there was a universal break and dropping shots. I was justified in running away, and I remember distinctly that my flesh crawled, for I could see that they were firing, and I could hear the twigs drop, and see them cut the bushes around. My attention was attracted to it, and I was afraid that I iwould be hurt. It is to me a most wonderful thing that so few persons, or more persons were not killed instantly. I can only account for it by the fact that the firing was from pistols, and they fired too high. Q. As an eye-witness of "this affray which you have described, would you state to us now, from all that you saw, that it was an unpremeditated affair, so'far as you know?-A. So far as I know, it was unpremed. itated. I saw no evidence of anybody premeditating the fight there. The only thing that puzzled me was the continuous volley of which I spoke. Q. That is the only fact — A. Yes; that is the only thing that could give me any impression that there was premeditation or any purpose. And that volley was to me unaccountable; it was, and is now. PRANK JOHNSTON'S INVESTIGATION. Q. Do you know Mr. Frank Johnlston, of this place — A. Very well. Q. Has he a high standing for intelligence — A. First-rate. Q. Daoyou know whether he made an investigation or superintended an investigation of these facts - A. I don't know whether he made an investigation, but what occurred that evening. We heard that arms were to be distributed to the colored population. I went to see Judge Johnston. Frank was at home, and I went to Frank and told him that he was a man of influence, and that he ought to use his influence to put a stop to the fuss down at Clinton. He said it was understood that they were about to arm the negro population. I told him that I thought it was not so. I found out from men in whom. I had confidence that there was to be no distribution of arms to the colored people, So I went to see him, and he then said he would go out there with a squad of men, among them W. H. Taylor, acting sheriff; that they would go out and put a stop to it. I knew that if such men would go down there, even if there was much disturbance, they could and would put a stop to it. ABOUT GOVERNOR AMES7S MILITIA SCHEME —EXCITEMENT ABOUT IT. Q. Was there a general rumor that Ames was about to issue arms to the blacks here — A. That I heard upon the streets. It was common rumor. I did not speak to the governor myself about the matter. I was a good deal excited, but I was assured by men that I do not think would deceive me, and I know they did not, that there was no such 324 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —HINDS COUNTY. thing contemplated. I spoke to Gibbs, John Raymond, and a good many other men who went and assured Johnston. They did not like to go without some assurance of that kind. Q. As soon as Johnston and others understood that the governor did not have that intention, they sent out for the purpose of preventing any further trouble — A. Yes, sir. Q. Was the excitement and gathering of tho-e armed bodies caused by that general belief in the popular mind, that Ames was about to arm the negroes —A. I think it was the second day after the Clinton riot that I heard of it, or the next day; I think it was the next day that I heard of it. In relation to the men I found here, that were armed and went down to Clinton when the train left here, [ should suppose half the young men in the town; I did not think that there had been any rumor of that sort-not that I had heard of. Q. It began when ~-A. The next day or the day afterward. The arms were in the State-house in government boxes, and it was rumored that those arms were to be distributed here, and there was excitement. I was very loath to see it done, and went to see whether it was a fact. I knew that it would produce a riot and create a disturbance. The riot would no doubt have been in the State-house yard if the arms had been distributed. GOVERNOR AMES' RACE-POLICY. Q. Do you know the general policy, the course of the governor in reference to the relations of the two races'-A. Merely such as I could have from the public estimate. Q. That is what I wish. Did he or did he not, by his course, either seek to array, or actually array, the two races of people against each other in this State — A. I can best answer your question by referring you to my actions during this matter of the riot at Clinton, or before any such thing was intimated, so far as I knew. I made a speech at the meeting of colored people out here in the neighborhood of General McKee's plantation, in which I stated to a large crowd, mostly composed of colored men, that we were afraid that the chief executive of the State had not acted in such a way in regard to the difficulties that had occurred in the State as tended to keep quiet and order. That in orderto have a quiet and peaceable election, to have quiet and peace in the community, it was their duty to put up the very best men that were in the republican party. That if we did not proceed carefully there would be disgrace and defeat and riotous occurrences, and a good deal of the sin of it would rest on their shoulders. Such was my opinion at the time, and I have seen no cause to change it. Q. You are a member of the republican party?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you been a resident here during the last ten years?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Then I will ask you if, from the public history of.the control of Governor Ames-whether or not it has been the result of his policy to array the races against each other, or whether it has tended to produce peace and quiet among them?-A. A great deal of ill-feeling has been caused by the policy of the State administration. It is a mere matter of judgment with me. A good deal of it has been caused in this way. I have frequently asserted that to be the fact since I commenced to act with the republican party. I commenced to act with the republican party when it was already damned-when they were pretty well broken down here; and I believe that things had been done here by the act of the State administration, and officers here; and it was not possible to reform and save the State of Mississippi but by sustaining the party TESTIMONY OF J. H. ESTELL. 325 represented by the moderate wing-the moderate republicans; and a number of the wing to which I belonged have opposed and voted against the nominees of Governor Ames. Q. State your reason for not sustaining Ames?-A.'Because we believed his policy, his non-effectiveness, his associations with corrupt men, had brought the republican party into disrepute here. Q. Do you know whether as a fact-as a public fact-whether Governor Ames's course tended to bring about a good feeling among the races, or to array them against each other — A. I do not know, sir, that the races have actually, with the single exception of these riots, been directly arrayed against each other here, but I do not believe that the actions of Governor Ames, and the men with whom he was most intimate, such as the editor of the Pilot, Warner, French, Sullivan, and others-that his associations with them has not tended to produce concord among the races. On the contrary, I think, that their selfish purposes have done a great deal to produce a bad feeling which the moderate and best republicans have endeavored in vain to counteract. Q. Are your opinions on this subject shared by your fellow-republicans in the State? —A. I think my opinions on that subject are shared by the majority of the convention of which I was a member, that met here some six weeks ago. They were shared by a majority, I think. Q. Did this create a split in the republican party?-A. I cannot say that created it. THE PEARL RIVER NAVIGATION SCHEME. Q. Did the split exist? —A. The split existed. I think it was commenced originally with the action of the republican party in regard to the State lands. I think the course pursued in regard to the Pearl River navigation business opened the eyes of many. From that split has been going on until I do not know any people more antagonistic, and do not know greater antipathy, politically, than exists to-day between the moderate wing and the extreme wing of the party. Q. Will you state this land matter that you spoke of. State that transaction if you can.-A. It is known as the Pearl River navigation swindle business. The State had lands given it from the General Government for educational, and some for other purposes, the improvement of navigation, &c. These men proposed to the legislature that they would do certain things in regard to the navigation if they would give them the land. They gave them the land; the governor approved the bill without taking proper bonds and securities that the service should be rendered. They got possession of the land while the State never got an equivalent. Q. What was the amount — A. I cannot tell. It was hundreds of thousands of acres; a very large amount. Q. Was the land sold — A. A good deal of it was sold. A portion was sold to a.man named Baldwin, a man from Chicago. I think that Warner and French had much to do with it; but Warner got hold of pretty much all the old stock and sold it to this man Baldwin, who came down again with this man 0. S. Lee to buy the balance of the lands. Q. What were they to do in consideration for these lands?-A. They were to improve the navigation of the Pearl River. Q. Did they improve it. —A. I do not believe they took a chunk out of it; I never heard of it. Q. They got hold of this land and performed no service?-A. They got the lands and did nothing. Q. It is known by what name?-A..The Pearl River navigation swindle. 326 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Q. In which the State lost this land and got nothing for it — A. That is the substance of the matter. Q. Can you tell the names of the parties?-A. Mr. Warner, who was in the State senate, had a good deal to do with it. He was for awhile chairman of the State executive committee. He was senator from Madison County. I think French had a hand il it, but I cannot undertake to say what I would say. I know this man Warner had a great deal to do with it. Q. After these transactions became known, did they continue friendly with the party —A. Yes, sir; up to the time of the last convention. Q. Did their rascality, as described by you, affect them apparently in the mind of Governor Ames — A. I will answer for a portion, that they had been his friends. Q. Was it afterward that Warner was made chairman — A. No, sir; he was chairman before. As soon as we could, we got rid of him. That is one of the reasons why I thought a majority of the last convention held opinions in consonance with my own. Q. What effect had this division of the republican party on the late election?-A. This division had this effect: that the members of the party who were able, as they thought, to stump the State, and carry it, did not do what they would have done otherwise. SC(HISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Q. Do you attribute the overthrow of your party in the late election to these divisions — A. Not entirely. Q. To what extent — A. To a very considerable extent. I know dozens of moderate republicans who absolutely refused to sustain the State ticket, and refused to sustain the county ticket, so far as the members of the legislature and members of the senate were concerned. They said they could have nothing to do with such men. This man Caldwell, of whom 1 spoke, he had been a very fair man in his political opinions, but I think his associations had weakened his influence terribly, so much so that a great many men would not vote for him. The ticket was a miserable one. Q. It had not the confidence of the people? —A. It didn't have the confidence of a good many of the republican party. Q. Did you go into any other parts of the State during the canvass in this last election?-A. I was confined to my room; was sick most of the time after the Clinton riot. I went out to the election and back to my room. Q. You were at the polls f-A. Yes, sir. A QUIET ELECTION AT JACKSON. Q. State the character of the election.-A. Everything, so far as I know, was quiet. There was little individual musses, as there will be in any such election. TERRIBLE INTIMIDATION AFTER CLINTON. Q. Do you desire to be understood that the election was a peaceable, fair, and orderly election — A. The election was orderly and peaceable enough, but there was a terrible intimidation after the Clinton riot. I know in this town there was. Q. Was there anything to prevent them voting, if they desired —A. Nothing that day, but they were afraid and intimidated. Q. That grew out of this affray at Clinton — A. And from a fact that was well known: that there was a readiness on the part of the young men to fight at a moment's warning for almost nothing. That appeared to be a fixed fact that such was the case. TESTIMONY OF J. H. ESTELL. 327 Q. Was there anything to prevent a quiet vote?-A. No, sir; when they wished to vote at all, except that the young men were ready, it was believed, and armed for another conflict. ABOUT SENATOR CALDWELL. Q. But if a man desired to vote, he could do so; there was no conflict.-A. Nothing of that sort.that I heard of; but I know that the negroes were very much alarmed. In fact, I told Caldwell and Willman if they went back to Clinton they were certain to be killed. Q. That was after the Clinton riot ~?-A. Yes, sir; I told Caldwell he had better settle up his books and go, or he would be killed. Q. Did public opinion attribute the death of these three men, Sivley, Thompson, and Chilton, to Caldwell's action? —A. A good many men did; and they were very much infuriated against him and against Willman, who was afterward put up by the rabid portion of the party here, both he and Caldwell, in defiance of remonstrances. Q. Was Caldwell a public speaker?-A. He was a strong man, but not much of a speaker. He would make a lucid and strong statement of facts. Q. Did you ever hear him make a public speech?-A. Yes; one or two. Q. What was their character; friendly to the white people?-A. Their character was friendly to the white people. Q. Invariably — A. Yes, sir; I have heard him accused of being one thing in public and another in private; but so far as I know, and I was thrown with Caldwell a great deal, the man had kind feelings toward the white people. My brother defended him when he shot the white man here, the first man ever killed here by a negro. I came down to Clinton-~I lived on the plantation then-and examined that matter very closely, assisting my brother, and was, to a certain extent, associated with him, and I came down and examined the locality, and talked with the people about Clinton a good deal about it and I watched Caldwell very closely for that reason. Q. Did he kill a white man — A. Yes, sir; and was tried and acquitted. Q. What year was that — A. I think in 1868. Q. Where was he tried? —A. Before the magistrate at Clinton. The grand jury never found a true bill against him, very properly. In this country we try him to see whether there is reasonable cause, and there was no cause. Q. Who was the magistrate?-A. I have forgotten; I was not present at the trial. Q. Let me ask you this fact: whether there was a popular acquiesence in the justice of the action of the magistrate and grand jury.-A. No, sir; for my brother heard he was to be mobbed if he staid there, and that brought him here thatnight. Being associated with my brother, I was a little interested in Caldwell, and watched him closely. Q. Do you mean to say that this thing was a popular belief that Caldwell had not killed this man —A. No; it was a well-known fact that he killed him. His friends owned it. He shot right across a public treet. Q. Who was this man he killed —A. He was a son of Judge Johnston's; not this Johnston's here-another man. Judge Johnston was the oldest Mason in the State; very popular family; he had been very popular; a young man of good standing. Q. Was he killed deliberately — A. I presume so. The young man attempted to fire, and Caldwell shot first. 328 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Q. Then you consider that it was in self-defense —A. Yes, sir. Q. But still it was the belief, and popular feeling was against him? -A. Yes, sir; a portion of the people were against him; I don't think the first-rate citizens of Clinton were. Q. Did that unpopularity among the white people continue against Caldwell —A. There was a considerable portion of the white people liked Caldwell, but at the same time a large portion disliked him very much. He had been on terms of friendship with the best men in this town. Q. When was he killed —A. Only a few months ago. I do not know. The grand jury stated he was killed in the public streets; shot all to pieces; and the grand jury say they were unable to ascertain. Q. Where was this — A. Eight miles from here. Q. When — A. Last year, in 1875; I think the latter part. I do not know exactly in what month; just before the session of the circuit court in January. Q. Before or after the Clinton riot — A. After. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. That was in September, 1875. It must have been in January, 1876.-A. The court met in January. He was killed before the court met, within half a month alter the Clinton riot. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. After the election, was it — A. Yes, sir; after the election. He hid been beaten, badly beaten in the election, and I think had got a a little reckless, and got to drinking. I think it was in December. Q. Was he an intemperate man? —A. He had been before, and I had noticed him before that, and warned him. Q. You say his election was opposed by a considerable portion of his own party, who refused to support him — A. Yes, sir. THE WITNESS'S MILITARY RECORD. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Did you take any part in the late civil war?-A. Yes, sir. Q. Upon which side?-A. I vol unteered, sir, on the confederate side, and was in the war until the end. Q. Substantially from the beginning to the end — A. Not from the very beginning; from very early in the war until the end of it. Q. How long were you engaged in the Mexican war — A. Fourteen months, I think. COLORED VOTERS VERY MUCH INTIMIDATED AFTER CLINTON. Q. State generally what was the state of mind of the colored voters prior to the last election in this State.-A. So far as I was able to ascertain — was not out in the county but very little; but about here the colored population were very much intimidated after that affray. They appeared to avoid contact with the white people. They held no public meeting. I do not think they had a meeting of the republican club after the Clinton riots until some time after the election. I do not think one. I know they did not have many. Q. How long before the Clinton riot did the difficulty take place at Yazoo City, as near as you can recollect — A. It was a short time. THE RUMORS THAT AMES INTENDED TO ARM THE BLACKS. Q. State whether or not you heard any rumor that Governor Ames intended to arm the colored men prior to the Clinton riot.-A. I may have heard that arms were to be issued to the military companies before TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 329 the Clinton riot. I might have heard it, but I never heard of any anxiety, and no reports attracted my attention particularly until after the riot. I think there was a proposition to appoint militia officers, and have a muster both of blacks and whites. I think they were getting up companies. I think both white and black. I do not remember that there was any particular attention paid to it until after the Clinton riot, and after that the feeling appeared to be universal here among us with the white people that the colored population ought not to be furnished with guns and suffered to march about as soldiers. FRANK JOHNSTON'S INVESTIGATION. Q. You investigated the matter of rumor and satisfied yourself that there was no intention to arm them?-A. I satisfied myself by going that evening to the governor's mansion, and conversing with men in whom 1 had confidence, and went to Frank Johnston and pledged myself that such was the case. Q. To what party does Frank Johnston belong?-A. To the democratic party. Q. By whose direction and by what authority did he make this investigation into the Clinton riot?-A. He went down there at the request of Governor Ames; that is, I believe that Governor Ames told me, in conversation with him at one time, (the only time I ever had a conversation with him in my life;) I called there to talk to him about it, and told him that Johnston and others-and spoke of Frank Johnston particularly-my attention was called to him; he was going down with Mr. Taylor to stop the difficulties. Mr. Taylor was the acting sheriff, and I knew that he and Johnston could go down and stop the difficulty, and they did go, and after they got there there was no further serious difficulty. Q. Then, so far as you know, he only went for the purpose of stopping the disturbance rather than to investigate — A. He went there on this business. 1 am not sure. He may have gone there for that purpose, but that was not the purpose I understood him to go for. WITNESS'S POLITICS BEFORE THE WAR. By Mr. McDONALD: Q. What were your politics before —A. An old-line whig; the only one in my family. Q. And remained so until when — A. Until I joined the republican party, about two years ago. Really, I am not sure that I ever had any party in the State of Mississippi for many long years. We voted in a hopeless minority here from the time I was a boy; until the war, we voted against the democratic party, but always in a hopeless minority. FIANK JOHNSTON-HINDS COUNTY. JACKSON, MISS., June 10, 1876. FRANK JOHNSTON sworn and examined. PERSONAL STATEMENT. By Mr. BAYARD: Question. Where do you reside and what is your profession — Answer. I reside in Jackson, Miss., and am a lawyer by profession. Q. How long have you resided here — A. I have resided in the city 330 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. of Jackson since 1866. In the summer of 1865 I located in Jackson, a very short time after the close of the late war. Q. Are you a native of this State — A. Yes; I am a native of this county. THE CLINTON AFFRAY. Q. The attention of this committee has been given to an affray that occurred at the town of Clinton, in this county, in September last: if you have any knowledge of that affair I wish you to state it as fully as you can without suggestion from me.-A. Perhaps, in order to save time. I might make this inquiry of the committee, whether the inquiry goes to the origin of the difficulty and my personal knowledge of it? I was not at Clinton at the time the affray occurred. Shall I state my connection with it? Q. Yes; state all you know. I may say to you that the committee have not restrained witnesses as to their personal knowledge of events, but they have been permitted to speak of events of which they had no knowledge at all, except by hearsay; but in your case I would prefer that you state your knowledge of facts that you have investigated, and therefore have better reason to understand.-A. I will try to make a brief statement of my own connection with the matter. On the 4th of September, 1875, on Saturday, I think, about the hour of three or four in the afternoon-perhaps earlier, perhaps a little later, but about that time-I was informed by a gentleman who lives in this town, Mr. Marion Smith, who called at my residence about my dinnerhour, I think about 3 o'clock, and stated to me that he had just received news that there was a fight going on between persons of the two races at Clinton. I think his prime object in coming to me with this information was owing to the fact that my father was at Clinton that day. At all events, that is a surmise of mine. He gave me the information. TELEGRAPHIC CALL FOR AID FROM CLINTON. I had just finished dinner, and I walked up town immediately with him. It was a great surprise to me, that news. I called at the telegraphoffice and received a message, (whether I received it there or whether the message came to me before I reached the telegraph-office, I don't remember, and presume that is immaterial,) from the mayor of Clinton and Mr. G. N. or G. W. Lewis. It stated that a fight had occurred at Clinton-~that was about the substance of it; I did not keep the dispatch-and that they needed assistance; that the white people of Clinton needed assistance. It became, in a little while, pretty generally known in Jackson, and I concluded to go to Clinton, and various other gentlemen here in Jackson wanted to go to Clinton also, and by general consent we met here in West Jackson at the depot. armed, to go to Clinton. While here I received another dispatch. I went to the operator here, the railroad-operator, and sent a message to Clinton to Lewis asking for particulars, and what was needed. He did not give me any particulars, but telegraphed again that they needed assistance, and that a special train would be sent up that night for any persons in Jackson who wished to go down there. I don't think I received a dispatch from anybody else, except the mayor of Clinton. I reckon it would be proper for me to say that I thought it was my duty to go to Clinton under the circumstances. There were, I think, about sixty men over here that evening who were armed, and who concluded to go to Clinton. And I, perhaps, might state this: that frequently here that evening-and by evening I mean late in the afternoon, about TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 331 dusk or twilight, and before the train came to carry us down to Clinton-I was informed by some one that Major Allen, who is the commandant of the post here, of the United States Army, was going to Clinton that night, and, perhaps, some of his officers were going with him. I thought it was proper and right to see Major Allen, and I sought him and asked him if he was going to Clinton, and he told me that he was; that he and one or two other of his officers were going there; and they had an ambulance down there, with lamps lit, and the horses all ready to go. They were on the eve of departure. A COMPANY OF ARMED MEN REFUSED. I asked him if he was going down, and he replied that he was. I said, " Major Allen, I will meet you at Clinton, then,'-substantially; I do not remember the expression exactly. I said to him, " I have received intelligence that there has been a difficulty between the whites and blacks, and I have been informed by the mayor that the white people are very apprehensive of danger from them, and they want assistance, and I am going down." I think I used this expression to him, or in substance: I stated that our purpose in going to Clinton was to protect the citizens whom we thought needed protection. I think he replied, saying, " Well, I am going down there to keep the peace," or something to that effect. He asked me, " Will you be willing, when you get to Clinton, to co-operate with me to that end, or for that purpose?" and I replied promptly, " I will, sir." I did not see him again until I reached Clinton. We got aboard the train and reached Clinton that night between 10 and 12 o'clock, and as soon as we reached Clinton I saw Major Allen. I found him down there talking to two or three gentlemen, and we had some conversation. I thought that there was very little, if anything, to be done there at the time, and I believe he was of about the same impression. I remained in Clinton that night, and returned to Jackson on the next day morning. I reached Jackson about 10 o'clock Sunday morning. This difficulty, or affray, that occurred at that barbecue, was over when I reached Clinton that night. There was no more fighting during the night, and there was none the next morning that I witnessed, or heard of, and I returned to Jackson the next morning by 10 o'clock. APPREHENSIONS OF A NEGRO ATTACK. I am satisfied that these people were very apprehensive-the white people there-of an attack from the colored people, and I was told by several persons in Clinton that night, just after I reached there, that their information was that a large body of negroes was massing at a place called the Campbell place, near Clinton. I remained there that night, supposing that information was true. At all events, I remained until next morning, when I was told that it was not true, and that there was no danger of any further trouble from the negroes, and then I returned. Major Allen, I think, returned to Jackson early the next morning. FRANK JOHNSTON2S INVESTIGATION, WHY MADE AND HOW CONDUCTED. I made another trip-I suppose that is the point that Senator Bayard called my attention to-to Clinton during the week, within five or six days probably, after this affair of the 4th. I did that at the request of Col. J. Z. George, who is chairman of the democratic executive committee here, to go down to Clinton and examine into the matter, and find out as much as I could of the origin of it, and what there was in it. 332 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. I went there and examined a great many persons in reference to the matter. I was assisted by a gentleman named S. M. Shelton, of Raymond, and Judge E. W. Cabinis; he lives in Clinton. Judge Cabinis was the former chancellor, and an appointee of Governor Alcorn. The statements of the persons made before me were sworn to before a justice of the peace at Clinton; and statements were made by both white persons and colored persons, some republicans and I think some democrats-more democrats than republicans. The colored persons that came before us I believe came voluntarily, so far as I know, and their statements were taken down just about as they made them, without any special inquiry or interrogatories put to them. Q. Were they reduced to writing -A, Yes. sir; they were reduced to writing and afterward printed. I have a printed copy of them. Q. Were they attested under oath — A. Attested under oath before Mr. Carey, a justice of the peace. Q. Have you them with you. —A. Yes, sir; I have a printed copy of them, [producing copy.] I will make this statement: What I attempted to do was to investigate that in a spirit of fairness, though I don't undertake to say that I was not more or less biased in the matter unconsciously to myself. After getting these statements, I returned to Jackson and delivered them to Colonel George, together with a very short letter addressed to him, signed by myself and these other two gentlemen. I presume the committee is already advised of the occasion of that affray, and of the fact that there was a barbacue, a political meeting, on the 4th of September, in Clinton. Q. There have been two witnesses examined here in regard to this, Judge Swann, clerk of the United States court, and Captain Estell. Those are the only two that have been examined that I remember having spoken of this matter, and that attended the meeting. These affidavits were taken by you at the time — A. Yes, sir; most of them were taken by me. My letter is on the title-page of this pamphlet. Q. These persons examined by you were eye-witnesses of the occurrence?-A. Many of them were. Q. And they have stated the facts as they occurred at that time?A. Yes, sir. That printed copy, that pamphlet, is nothing but their statements, signed by them, and printed verbatim as signed by them. NO OTHER DISTURBANCE. Q. Was there any other disturbance during the political canvass in this county of a serious nature?-A. I dont. know of any other, sir; nor have I ever heard of any other collision. WHETHER THE CLINTON RIOT WAS PREMEDITATED. Q. I will ask you, as a result of their examination, whether you have an idea that there was any premeditation in the assault at the barbecue, or did it spring up suddenly as a local quarrel between excited men - A. Mr. Bayard, that is very much a matter of opinion. Q. It would be an opinion, as the result of your examination?-A. That is the deduction; yes, sir. I would say that when I took that testimony at Clinton my mind came to the conclusion that the negroes, who were there in large numbers, and better armed and better prepared for that difficulty, were expecting-were anticipating-some trouble of this kind. Q. That was the impression that you derived from your examination of the facts at the time? —A. That was the impression I derived from TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 333 that investigation. Since that occurred, I have had no other information which would lead me to change my opinion on that point. APPREHENSION AMONG THE WHITE PEOPLE. Q. Mr. Johnston, I ask you, as a matter of fact, whether there was any apprehension among the white people of this county of assault from the colored people during the political canvass of 1875?-A. Well, I think this idea obtained to some extent before the Clinton affair: there was an idea that the colored people were inclined to be aggressive; but I don't think there were any serious apprehensions entertained before the Clinton affair of any serious difficulty. Q. Had there been anything in the policy pursued by Governor Ames prior to that time and during that canvass which led you to that belief?-A. I cannot call to my mind any specific acts, or any specific things, that were done. There was a general, widespread belief that the whole canvass on the part of the negroes-republicans-was to be a very boisterous and aggressive one, politically; and the general impression was that party spirit was going to run very high, if we took a decided stand and made a vigorous effort to carry the State. THE STATE MILITIA. Q. Had there been any threats of calling out the militia — A. I don't know of any prior to the Clinton affair. Q. Did you hear of any subsequent to that — A. Yes, sir; the militia was put into the field afterward. Q. What was that militia —A. It was composed almost exclusively of colored men. Q. How officered?-A. Officered, principally, by colored men. Q. Commissioned by whomn?-A. Governor Ames. Q. Armed by whom?-A. By Governor Ames, with State arms. Q. Did he form any white companies in this county?-A. He received one at Jackson, and armed it. Q. Of whom was it composed and by whom officered?-A. It was composed exclusively of white men. It had the minimum number allowed for a militia company. The law requires acertain number, an(l it had just barely that number. Q. What was that?-A. Sixty-five, I think. Q. Was there any political hue in that company; I mean political and party hue?-A. Well, sir, I didn't recognize any politics in that company. I think there were some republicans in it. I can remember one now, Mr. Jeff.. Bell, who was always classed as a republican. Q. Who were the officers?-A. John Clinghan was captain. I can't remember now who the other officers were. "THE PEACE CONFERENCE.' Q. How long did it continue in existence?-A. Until the "peace conference,'" as they termed it, or the ageement between Governor Ames and the white gentlemen here in Jackson, to disband the militia on the 13th or 14th of October. Q. Had you cognizance of that agreement? —A. Yes, sir; I wit. nessed the whole thing. Q. What was the nature of that agreement, what caused it, and the date of it, please —A. That opens up a great deal of territory, to tell you all about the negotiations and what led to them. Q. Our object is to get general information about the condition of this State and the sentiments of its people.-A. There is nothing that I would withhold; I would state anything thatany memberof the committee desires me to state, that I know anything about. I can commence at the com 334 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. mencementof that: an agreement was made between GovernorAmes and the white citizens of this State represented by Col. J. Z. George and a committee of citizens. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. State who composed that committee of citizens.-A. It was a large committee; I can give you all the names that 1 remember; then I could furnish you, probably, with a paper there was a publication of the agreement by Colonel George with Governor Ames's consent and approval. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Can you furnish us that paper?-A. I will endeavor to do so. I can send it over to you Monday morning. Here is what led to it-I mean the facts that preceded it, without giving you any of my deductions or inferences of the motives that operated upon Governor Ames in making it: THE MILITIA BUREAU-LEXCITEMENT AMONG THE WHITES. This militia was put in the field-perhaps I am not using that expression correctly, but it was organized and officered and supplied with rations and guns, and drilled-the militia was put in the field, composed almost, I may say entirely, of colored men, and officered by colored men. This company in Jackson was received as a white company, and I am sure that a white company at Edwards's Depot was received; and, as far as I now remember, they were the only two companies that were received in the militia. There was one at Raymond that may perhaps, have been theoretically accepted, but it was never armed. The black companies were, without exception, armed, as far as I know. That militia business created a great deal of excitement in the State. There is no doubt about that as a fact. Whether it ought to have done it, or ought not to have done it, is a matter of opinion, based on the facts; but it did create an enormous amount of excitement, and was generally regarded by the white people in this part of the State, whether justly or unjustly to Governor Ames, as an act of great hostility to them. Political motives were attributed to Governor Ames as furnishing his reason for placing the militia in the field. I don't undertake to say how far that was just to him; but, on all hands, and from all classes of white citizens, I heard but one expression in reference to this militia, which was, that they believed that it was intended by Governor Ames to use that militia to bring about a collision between the races; and the expression was used that it was his ultimate purpose, and this afforded a good pretext, to get United States troops here to carry the election. CaldweFs militia company, a colored company, were sent to Edwards's Depot, which is a little railroad-station between this point and Vicksburgh. The march of that company through the county added immensely to the excited state of the public at that time. Q. What was it stated that it was sent there for —A. It was reported, and I never heard it denied, that it was sent there to escort or guard a lot of arms which were to be taken there for a colored company. I have been told, and I suppose there is no real doubt about it, that one or two days before that a lot of arms had been sent down to arm the white company at Edwards's Station by rail without a guard or escort. When Caldwell's company marched from Edwards's it brought the Edwards company with it to Jackson; for what purpose I am unable to state. I will say that at that time the excitement was very great. A day or two after the return of Caldwell's company, or about that time, it TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 335 was also rumored and currently reported, and generally believed, I may say properly, that Governor Ames intended to send a company of militia, a colored company, to Yazoo County, which added to the excitement. CITIZENS ASK ITS DISBANDMENT. About that time this committee of citizens waited on Governor Ames one morning and represented the state of things here, and the great danger of a collision between the races, and begged him to disband this militia, as the only means that would preserve the peace. They commenced a negotiation which ended in this agreement, and in Governor Ames disbanding the militia. Mr. John Robinson, Mr. Joshua Green, and Col. J. Z. George, Mr. E. Richardson, General T. J. Wharton, and several other gentlemen whose names I cannot now recollect, among the best and most respectable citizens of this town, composed the committee. Do you want to know what transpired at that interview ~ INTERVIEW WITH GOVERNOR AMES. Q. You mean the interview between them and the governor?-A. Yes, sir. Q. 1 have no objection.-A. Perhaps I may state how the interview was arranged, though that probably is immaterial-how it came about. I believe the subject was opened by Colonel George, who stated to the governor what he thought was the condition of things here-the condition of public sentiments, and the condition of the country; that it was that Governor Ames's military movements-his calling out the militia, his arming the colored militia, the marching of Caldwell's company through the county with their bayonets fixed and drums beating, and with the paraphernalia of war, the report of this proposed invasion of Yazoo County by militia companies with all the insignia of war-had produced an intense state of indignation among the white people; that Governor Ames's motives were regarded-that his object was regarded -as an attempt to carry out his political purposes; that that was the general idea; that his administration was distrusted by the white people here. He used this expression: that the people in this country did not understand this thing of flourishing bayonets all over the country, and that if the present state of things continued he believed it would result in a collision between the races. He gave Governor Ames the assurance for himself, and the other gentlemen that waited on the governor, that they desired anything rather than so deplorable a thing as a conflict of races here; that the best way of solving the difficulty was for Governor Ames to disband his militia, and take the pledges of the best and most law-abiding white gentlemen of this country, that the peace of the country would be maintained, and the laws respected. These sentiments in different phrases were expressed by several other gentlemen of the committee. Governor Ames asked what was desired; and it was suggested to him that he should disband this militia, and that the white people, if that was done, if he would cease to operate the militia through the country, would give him any assurance that they did not desire a state of war here, or a conflict of races. He then proposed to disband the militia with their arms in their hands; and the objVction was made by Mr. Richardson that that would not probably help the difficulty. Thereupon an adjustment was arranged as agreed upon, as published in the papers; which was, in brief, that the militia was to be disbanded 336 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. and sent home, and the arms were to be deposited with Major Allen, who was to take charge of them as the custodian designated immediately by the parties. Q. Major Allen was the United States officer in command here?-A. Yes, sir. Q. This agreement was subsequent, as you say, to the Clinton affair? -A. Yes, sir; this agreement was on the 13th or 14th of October, as well as I can remember. Q. Were you in this county in the canvass after that date?-A. Yes, sir; I have been here from about the first of September until the present time, have not been out of the county since then. NO FURTHER DISTURBANCE AFTER DISBANDMENT OF MILITIA. Q. Was there any further disturbance in the county-any collisions? -A. No, sir; not that I heard of. I believe this-it is a matter of belief with me, an opinion-that all the time from the date of the organization of the militia down to the time it was disbanded, the white people dreaded a collision between the races. I believe that the colored people believed that there was going to be a collision, and that they were exceedingly unhappy about it; and, although when the militia was disbanded it might have disappointed some politicians, I think that the negroes felt a great deal better and more at ease. I think it was a relief to everybody who really wanted to see peace and quiet in this country. I am sure that was my sensation. QUIET ELECTION AT JACKSON. Q. Were you here on the day of the election?-A. I was here in Jackson. Q. Did you vote?-A. I voted, sir. Q. What was the character of the election as to peace and order?A. I saw no difficulty, and I heard of none. I did not hear of a blow being struck that day, nor of a fist-fight. I did not hear of any disturbance at all, or see the exhibition of a weapon. Q. Was there a full vote polled? —A. My recollection is that there was a full vote; more than a full vote. I think there was probably an unusually large vote polled here. NO THREATS AND NO INTIMIDATION. Q. Did you hear of or had you any knowledge of any kind, of the intimidation of anybody during the election, as to their voting?-A. No, sir; I (lid not see or hear of anybody being intimidated in Jackson. Q. Or of violence practiced or threatened toward them — A. No, sir; I did not hear of a threat. I will state this, that I asked a good many colored men to vote my way, and they refused, and refused very independently, and went on and voted theirown way, I presume. On the other hand, I asked three or four to vote my way, and they assented to it. Q. Was there or not a good deal of dissension in the republican party in regard to their candidates and the policy of their party?-A. I heard there was; yes, sir, there was a great deal of disaffection in the republican party, I believe, during the whole canvass. Q. Were you present at any other political meetings during the canvass than in this county — A. No, sir; I was not out of Hinds County during the canvass. Q. Since the election, what has been the condition of the community as to peace and good order — A. I expect it would compare favorably with most any community in the country, North or South. Q. Have you heard or seen anything whatever of intimidation or TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 337 violence in this community since the election took placet -A. I have not. Q. Did a number of colored people vote the democratic ticket in this county at the last election — A. Yes, sir; I concluded that they did; the majority indicated that. I spoke of several that I asked to vote the ticket, who voted with me. MILITARY RECORD AND POLITICS OF THE WITNESS. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. What is your age?-A. I am thirty-two. Q. What part, if any, did you take in the recent civil war?-A. I was in the army on the confederate side. Q. What length of time were you in the army — A. I went into the army early in the year the war commenced, and remained in the army until the surrender of our army in this department. Q. To what political party do you belong, if any e-A. Well, sir, I am a democrat. Q. How long have you been attached to that party — A. Since I have been a voter. I belonged to no party before the war, and, of course, I belonged to none during the war. Since the war, I have not been classed except as a democrat. Q. Where have you classed yourself — A. I have classed myself as a democrat. Q. Where does your father reside?-A. In Jackson. Q. To what political party does he belong?-A. He was a whig in ante-bellum times. Since the war, he has co-operated with the democratic party. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN MISSISSIPPI —HOW COMPOSED. Q. He has been a member of that party, as you understand it — A. Yes, sir. The democratic party in Mississippi I may say, Senator, has been composed of the old-line whigs and democrats alike; and the democratic party has been composed, exclusively almost, here of white men;; and before last fall the bulk of the republican party had been composed of the other race. FIRST NEWS OF CLINTON RIOT. Q. At what time did you first hear of this Clinton difficulty?-A. In the evening of the day when the difficulty occurred. Q. You heard of it by a telegraphic dispatch from the mayor?-A. No; I first heard of it from Mr. Marion Smith, a friend of mine, who' called at my house about my dinner-hour that day. I then went to town, and afterward received a dispatch. HOW HIS COMPANY WAS ORGANIZED. Q. How was this company got together thataccompanied you to Clinton — A. Well, I stated this in the telegraph-office: I said that these people needed assistance down there; they ought to have it, and that I proposed to go to Clinton, and that others ought to go. There' was quite a party there who said they would go, and others fell in and joined; and we agreed to meet down here, which we did late in the evening. Q. What organization, if any, did you have here —A. We effected. an organization here that evening, just before we got on the cars. It was effected, I think, in this way by young Mr. Green, son of Mr. Josiah Green, a banker; it was proposed by him that I should take charge of that organization, or extemporized company, and it was agreed to by acclamation, I believe. 22 MISS 338 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Q. You then were elected captain, as it were —A. Yes, sir; you may style it captain. REFPORTED AMBUSCADE OF NINE TO A DOZEN NIGGERS. Q. What other officers, if any, were elected or appointed, or agreed upon for the company?-A. None at all, sir, I believe, I designated one or two persons to assist me in going down there that night; and I will tell you how I came to do that, sir. When I got aboard the train, Mr. Pine, the conductor, came to me and said, "Mr. Johnson, I think it is my duty to tell you that there is an ambuscade arranged for you at a place about two miles from Clinton." He says, "As I came by there I saw from nine to a dozen niggers-it was a moonlight night or a starlight nightI saw them on the bank of the railroad, by a tank, and I saw their guns, and I am sure they were armed. I think you ought to know that." I told one or two persons in the party-probably two or three. I told the conductor if that was the case, we must move down very cautiously to Clinton, and that he must move the train very slowly, and keep a good lookout for any obstruction on the track. After getting out, about a mile and a half from Jackson, there was a rifle-shot fired at the train, which I was told penetrated the tank of the engine. That tended to cintirm me that I would probably meet with resistance going to Clinton. We moved down slowly until we came within about a mile of this tank, and I then concluded to stop the train, and take the men out of the cars, and place them on each side of the railroad, and move down on foot to the tank to see what was there. I did not want to run the train down there and wreck it on what I presumed would be some obstruction on the track, and probably, from information of the engineer, an armed body of negroes there to attack me. That led to the appointing of some persons to act temporarily as assistants in the company; I designated two gentlemen; I forget now who they were. NO AMBUSCADE AND ONLY.ONE NEGRO. Q. Did you find an ambuscade there?-A. No, sir. I sent a few men -two or three; a small party-down the railroad in advance of the main body of men that I had, and they found that the track was obstructed, as I understood, with rails and logs, and ran one negro off, whom I presume was a picket of some sort on guard there; but I did not find the negroes that the conductor had reported to me were there. We removed the obstruction, and got on the train and went to Clinton. WENT DOWN ON A SPECIAL TRAIN. Q. Did you go down on a regular or a special train —A. On a special train, sent up. Q. Sent from Clinton here for the purpose of taking you down — A. Yes, sir. Q. When did you first receive notice that that train would be sent here for you —A. I received notice some time about dark, I believeperhaps some time after dark; I am not perfectly clear as to the precise time. Q. How many men accompanied you to Clinton?-A. About sixty, I believe, sir, as near as I can remember now; perhaps one or two more, perhaps one or two less. THE COMPANY WAS PREPARED FOR BATTLE. Q. Were they armed; and, if so, in what manner and with what weapons —A. Many of them had shot-guns; a few of them, I suppose-I can only guess at it, I did not pay special attention to it-ten, fifteen, perhaps twenty-had army guns-needle-guns; one or two had Winchester rifles, and some had nothing but a pistol. TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 339 Q. Did your company have ammunition?-A. Yes, sir; I think they had some. I think the men who had the army guns had two or three rounds, probably three or four rounds, apiece; I presume, though I had no information on that point, that the men who had the shot-guns had something to load them with. Q. You understood that they were prepared for battle — A. Yes, sir; I understood that. I never would have gone down with empty guns, of course. ARRIVAL IN CLINTON. Q. What time did you arrive at Clinton?-A. Between 10 and 12, as near as I can remember now. Q. Were you met by His Honor the Mayor, after you got there —A. No, sir; I was not met by the mayor. Q. Did you see him?-A. I think I saw him that night, but I am not perfectly sure whether I saw him that night or not. I am sure I saw him that night or early next morning before I left. CLINTON NEVER HAD BEEN IN POSSESSION OF THE NEGROES. Q. You may state whether or not you found large numbers of negroes there, whether they were armed, or what hostile demonstrations, if any, they made.-A. I found no large number of negroes in Clinton. The town of Clinton is a little village, and I found it in possession of the white people, and the negroes had never had possession of the town. The riot or affray occurred probably a mile from Clinton. Q. About what number of negroes did you see in Clinton — A. I only saw a few in Clinton; I presume the negroes who live there. I saw none of the country negroes in Clinton, and I don't believe any of them were there. Q. You may state whether those negroes you saw there were armed or not.-A. No, sir; I did not see any armed in Clinton. Q. What white men-I do not mean what residents of the town, but state whether or not there were any other armed companies, besides your own there.-A. There were. Q. Where were they from, and how many were there — A. I can only approximate that: there were two companies from Vicksburgh; I don't know how many men were in each of these companies; I presume there were 40 or 50 in each company. Q. State whether they arrived there before you.-A. There were some there; whether there was any other organization-now I am speaking of the Vicksburgh companies-I don't know whether it was an impromptu organization like my own or not;.1 presume that they were. I am not positive as to that, however. There were other men who were not from Vicksburgh and not from Jackson, but whether they were comingin singly in twos or threes, or whether they had perfected a temporary organization or not, I am not sure. THREE TO FIVE HUNDRED ARMED WHITE MEN IN CLINTON. Q. About how many, as near as you can estimate the number, of armed white men were in Clinton that night — A. I do not think I saw more than one hundred, probably one hundred and fifty, that night; they were dispersed throughout the town though, and it was said that there were between three and five hundred. I do not know that anybody had any correct estimate of how many there were there. There was a goodly number there, however; an abundant number to take care of the place and all the white people there undoubtedly. I think there was a pretty strong force at Clinton; between two hundred and fifty and five hundred I should say. 340 MISSISSIPPI BLECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Q. Did you place pickets about around the town?-A. I did not, but I understood that there were patrols that night; in other words, there were men on guard in Clinton that night. Q. Did you know whether any armed negroes from the country attempted to enter Clinton that night or not — A. I am satisfied that they did not. Q. You stated, I believe, that there was no fighting or disturbanceI think those were the words you used-in town that night after you arrived there?-A. None, sir; none at all. ONE DEAD NEGRO SEEN. Q. Was there any disturbance next morning before you came away; werethere any negroes killed? I don't ask you whether youhave personal knowledge of it or not, but whether, from information or otherwise, there were negroes killed the next morning; and, if so, how many and by whom killed, as you understand it.-A. I am going to answer that question in two ways. In the first place, at Clinton I had no personal knowledge, nor was I informed when I left Clinton, that any negroes had been killed that morning, except that I saw the dead body of one negro; but when he was killed, or how, and by whom, I don't know. I have never been told. Q. You made no inquiry as to how it happened — A. I did not ask who killed him. It was just as I was leaving town. I saw him in the street; he was near a little market there. Q. Did any one appear to have charge of his body, or was he just lying there dead — A. He was just lying there dead; it was early in the morning. I believe I did ask the question-it would have been a natural one-how that negro was killed; and I asked it of my own men, and they replied that they did not know anything about it; they presumed that he had been killed that night; and I have no doubt that he was killed by white men. SEVEN OR EIGHT NEGROES KILLED NEXT MORNING. Q. Did you afterward ascertain, or were you afterward informed — A. Now I will answer that other part. When I went to Clinton to make this inquiry, I asked everybody that I thought could tell me how many negroes were killed the next morning; and I stated in my report to Colonel George that I inferred that there were about seven or eight negroes killed the next morning; that is, in Clinton and in the vicinity of Clinton. I know this; that there were all sorts of reports about the number, and the reports among the negroes in circulation was that that number was very large. Q. But from the best information you could get there, there were six or seven?-A. There were six or seven, and I cannot say how many more were killed. I would not undertake to say that. I mean to say, I do not undertake to say how many I might have heard of being killed. Q. Did you ascertain from your inquiries, with any certainty whatever, as to whom they were killed by — A. I might have saved you the question. They were killed by white men, you know. The negroes that were killed were killed by white men; they were not killed by negroes. Q. State whether it was done by white men from this city or from Vicksburgh.-A. The men from Jackson came back with me. Some of the killing was attributed to the Vicksburgh men. Whether they did it or not I did not know; neither did I have any information that would lead me to conclude that they did it, or how much of it they did. Q. So far as you know, the only armed men that were there were your company and the two companies fromVicksburgh — A. And those other TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 341 persons from the country who were there. There were a good many from the surrounding country. I think some came from as far as Newton, the lower part of the county. All the men who were there were armed in one way or the other, either well or imperfectly armed. Q. Did you ask the names of any of the negroes that were killed the next morning — A. No, sir; I did not. I don't think 1 could give you the name of a negro that was killed there. Q. Did you ascertain that a very old negro was killed. —A. I heard by report that an old negro had been killed, but his name I never learned; or, if I did, I have forgotten it; and I don't know whether it was a fact or not. Q. Did you ascertain where he was killed — A. No, sir; not the precise place. Q. Where were those negroes generally killed -A. It was reported generally that they were killed in the vicinity of Clinton, out in the country. I don't know but of one negro that was killed in Clinton, and I presume he was killed by white men. SAW A MAN SHOOT AT A NEGRO. Q. Did you see any white men that attempted to shoot negroes or kill negroes when you were there? Didn't you, in fact, interfere to prevent it yourself — A. Now I will tell you, sir, the only thing I saw in the shape of a demonstration of violence at all-and I am glad you called my attention to that-was very early in the morning, when I was going down to the depot to try to get on the train which left me, and which had carried off nearly all my men. I saw a man some distance from me shoot at a negro. The negro ran off. One or two more shots were fired at him, and I called on the men not to shoot any more; and as far as I could see the negro he was running across the field. Q. Was that negro armed?-A. No, sir. Q. How many shots were fired — A. Several, sir. I did not count them. I did not know who the negro was, or who the white men were. They were some distance off. Q. Were they fired by your men — A. No, sir. Q. But were fired by white men?-A. Yes, sir; some distance, probably one hundred or two hundred yards from me, and the man whom I saw shoot at this negro was a stranger to me. I never learned his name, and did not ask. Q. What was the negro doing at the time?-A. Was not doing anything. The first shot I did not see the negro, and then I looked and saw the negro running, and this white man firing at him and several others. It was very early in the morning. Q. Did you see any other negroes around town? —A. No, sir, I did not. I think that was the only negro I saw that morning. Perhaps there was one about the depot, but I am not positive as to that now. My recollection is that I saw another one about the depot, who was probably employed there for some purpose or in some capacity. NOT SAFE FOR NEGROES TO APPEAR IN THE STREET. Q. Was it not understood that it was not safe for negroes to appear in the street that morning? Did you not understand it so yourself — A. Well, I did not think it was safe for them. Q. Why not?-A. Because the people there were very much excited, and very much inflamed at what they called, and what they regarded then, as an unjustifiable killing and mutilation of those white men the evening before. 342 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. THREE WHITE MEN KILLED. Q. How many white men were killed the evening before, according to the best information you have — A. There was young Sivley was one, Thompson was two, and Chilton was three. Q. Any others — A. I don't call to mind any other white men. NUMBER OF NEGROES KILLED. Q. How many negroes were killed the day before -- A. There were several, sir. Q. How many? —A. I presume there was three or four, perhaps as many as five; that pamphlet, I believe, contains the number of negroes that was killed. Q. Do you recollect whether you made that statement to Colonel George or not — A. I am not sure that I did, sir; but it will show for itself: STAY OF THE VICKSBURGH ARMED MEN IN CLINTON. Q. From the best information you have, Mr. Johnston, how long did those armed men from Vicksburgh and from the adjoining country remain in Clinton?-A. I think nearly all returned that day, sir; though possibly they may have remained a little longer. Q. Have you any information on that subject — A. I have been told that they did remain, but the most of the men returned on Sunday. I have been told-I don't know whether it is perfectly reliable or not-that several men who came from Vicksburgh remained in Clinton probably a day longer than Sunday-a few, I presume, only. THEY KILL NEGROES ON SUNDAY MORNING. Q. Have you any information to the effect that any of those men raided around through the country shooting negroes?-A. That is what I have spoken of; on Sunday morning. 1 have no information, and I have no reason to believe, that after Sunday there was any raiding or shooting or killing at all. The killing of negroes Sunday morning was all the killing that I have been informed of or heard of. The CHAIRMAN. In your letter to General George, you say, " During Saturday night and Sunday morning, perhaps seven or eight negroes, who were supposed to be leaders in the affray, were killed by the whites, who were indignant at the murder and mutilation of their white friends." By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Did you have any testimony to show this?-A. No, sir; I don't know the names of those negroes. NO TESTIMONY TO SHOW THEY WERE LEADERS. Q. Did you have any testimony to show that they were leaders in the affray V-A. No, I did not. Q. By whom was it supposed that they were leaders in the affray 1A. I did not carry that into the examination I made, but it was more the opinion of persons there. Q. What did you derive that opinion from; whether or not you had any testimony showing that V —A. No, sir; I did not go into any investigation of that question, as to the motives that led to the killing of those negroes; but, from the whole state of affairs, I came to the inference that it was the indignation — Q. You came to that inference without any testimony — A. No, sir; I did not attempt anything of that kind. I asked persons there; for instance, some suggestions were made to me; I could not of course inquire TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 343 into everything I heard about, but I asked several persons how many negroes were killed. I asked Lewis, and he said he had heard of some seven or eight or nine. The supposition was that they were killed by white men who were indignant at the killing of those white men the day before, and it was mere matter of inference to me that the negroes who were killed were supposed to be implicated, and not that innocent negroes should have been killed. Q. You heard that one very aged negro was killed — A. I say that I heard that report; whether it was true or no, I don't know. Q. Did you hear that he was a leader in the affray that took place the day before — A. I did not. Q. Did you hear that the negro whom you saw dead on the street wa a leader in the affray the day before — A. No, sir, I did not. Q. Did you hear that the negro whom you saw several white men fire at was a leader in the affray the day before — A. No, sir. Q. Which of the negroes that was killed did you understand was a leader the day before?-A. I can only answer that in this way: I did not go into a special inquiry as to which of the negroes were leaders, or whether they were leaders who were killed, but that was more my own inference than anything else. REPORTS BEFORE GOING TO CLINTON. Q. Before you started from Jackson for Clinton on that evening, did you see and converse with any persons who were at Clinton during the affray and had returned to Jackson?-A. I don't remember that I did, sir. Q. Did you see Captain Estell — A. I cannot call to mind; I don't remember of seeing Estell that evening. Q. Did he not state to you and your company that there was no necessity of your going down there at all; that there were no negroes there, or language to that effect — A. I have not the slightest recollec. tion of it. Q. At the time you left, had you any information that the negroes had fled from the town of Clinton?-A. Yes, sir, I had; I told you how I got that information. You asked me just now if I had conversed with any eye-witness before leaving Jackson. I did not remember to have conversed with any eye-witness, but I was either told in one of those dispatches, or I learned it from some gentleman who came on the regular train that evening from Clinton after the fighting had ceased, that the negroes had all left Clinton in the direction of Campbell's place, which is toward Edward's Depot, and that the white people were then in possession of the town. I remember in one of those dispatches-which seemed to have been a point of apprehension to the people of Clinton, the mayor stated that they apprehended an attack; that the negroes would mass and attack the city. I think that was the fear, sir. NOT A DOZEN NEGROES IN CLINTON. Q. You may state whether or not many of the negroes from Clinton or that vicinity assembled in Jackson soon after the Clinton affray; whether they came in here in large numbers or not.-A. There were a good many negroes in Jackson after that from the country. How many came from Clinton I cannot inform you. Clinton is a pretty small place, and I do not suppose that there are a dozen negroes in Clinton. It is a little bit of a village, and many of the persons residing there are very poor, and have very few servants, and many of them none. I think there were some Clinton negroes in Jackson. 344 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. WHAT REFUGEE NEGROES REPORTED. Q. Did you hear from the negroes who came to Jackson immediately after that affray why they came here and left their homes on the plantations where they had been at work -A. It was said that they were apprehensive of some harm to them from the white people. Q. You understood that to be the reason of their coming? —A. That was given as the reason why they came. Now, as to what was actually operating on their minds, I cannot, of course, say; but that was the reason they gave, and the reason their political friends gave, as to their coming into Jackson. Q. When and by whom was it first proposed to you to go to Clinton and investigate this matter — A. I don't remember, sir. I don't remember, indeed, how it came about. INVESTIGATED FbR THE CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE. Q. Can you give the committee an idea as to when it was first suggested to you, and by whom — A. I said I went down at the instance of Colonel George; but whether I mentioned it to him first, or whether he mentioned it to me first, I am not positive, but my recollection is that Colonel George one day said to me-I think a short time afterward-I think it was at his suggestion-I think he opened the subject and told me that he thought it would be a good thing to go down there and get a statement up about that affair. Q. That is his statement, as near as you can remember —A. Yes, sir; and I tell you why I think he did so was because the republicans here represented the Clinton riot as a horrible outrage on the colored people. Q. What instructions, if any, did General George give you in regard to making that investigation — A. None, except to go there and examine the persons who knew all about it, and write out their statements. Q. How many persons did you examine there in regard to this thing?A. I cannot remember the exact number, sir, but the testimony of each one examined is in that pamphlet. THREE NEGROES AND TWENTY WHITE MEN EXAMINED. Q. How many republicans did you examine — A. There were several negroes examined, and I presume they were republicans, [examining pamphlet;] three, I think-three colored persons. Q. How many white men were examined — A. The pamphlet shows that there were twenty-three affidavits in all. It shows the color of each witness, whether white or colored, though it is possible there are some there that are not designated. Some of these statements contained in this pamphlet were not made before me. The statements of Ramsey Wharton, jr., and Jesse Wharton were handed to me by their uncle, General Wharton, in Jackson.' And other statements contained in this pamphlet were taken by either Judge Cabinis or Mr. Shelton. All the statements or affidavits contained in this pamphlet were not taken at Clinton, though most of them were. For instance, the statements of the two Messrs. Wharton were handed to me, as I have already stated, by General Wharton. The affidavit of H. O. Dickson, I see from this pamphlet, was made before a notary public, and whether it was handed to me, or General George, or the printer, I am not able to state. I think, however, it was handed to me. The affidavits of S. S. Hubbard, C. W. Grafton, and J. W. Lowry purport to have been made before J. W, Covington. The joint affidavit was sent to me by some person living at TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 345 Raymond, whose name I cannot now recall. According to the best of my recollection, all of the affidavits were taken at Clinton, by either Judge Cabinis, Mr. Shelton, or myself, except those that I have specifically designated as being taken elsewhere. The pamphlet shows that there are three statements of colored men, and the name of J. W. Lowry is followed by the abbreviation " Rep.," by which I infer was intended to designate his politics as republican. Q. Then you state from an examination of the pamphlet that there are twenty-three affidavits, three of them made by colored men, and one made by a white republican, as you suppose?-A. As I presume; I do not know whether he is white or colored; there is nothing there to show it. NINETEEN DEMOCRATS AMONG THEM. Q..And what were the politics of the other nineteen, as far as you know? —A. I judge them to be democrats; as far as I know I don't presume there is a republican among them; if there is, I did not know it then nor now. Q. Who assisted you in making this examination — A. Judge Cabinis and Mr. S. M. Shelton. ALL DEMOCRATS WHO INVESTIGATED. Q. What was their politics — A. Mr. S. M. Shelton is a democrat; Judge E. W. Cabinis I have always classed and regarded as republican since I have known him. Last fall he acted with the democratic party, but whether he called himself a democrat, or only operated with them, as I think a good many other republicans did here-well, several others that I know of. Q. Was Judge Cabinis acting with the democratic party at that time that he was assisting you in making this examination f-A. I believe that he and I were in full political accord in that campaign, at all events for the purposes of that campaign; he had always been a republican before that. Q. Which wing of the republican party did you recognize him as belonging to?-A. I understand that he has been rather classed as a home republican, in contradiction to a carpet-bag republican, I think; there has been more or less feeling between them. Q. Sometimes designated as Alcorn republicans, are they not — A. They are sometimes called that way; whether that would be a correct classification I do not know, or whether the two classifications are coextensive with each other, embracing the same men, I do not know. NO OFFICIAL AUTHORITY TO MAKE THE INVESTIGATION. Q. You had no official authority to make this investigation — A. None in the world, and did not pretend to have, and I said to everybody who came before me that I had not any official authority. Q. I will ask you as a lawyer whether perjury could be predicated on any of those affidavits — A. I do not think it could, sir; that is my legal opinion. NO PERJURY BY VOLUNTARY AFFIDAVITS. By Mr. MCDONALD: Q. Have you any statute in this State that makes it perjury where a party makes a voluntary affidavit and subscribes to it — A. I am not aware of any such statute just now, sir; but in making the affidavits I attached the same moral importance to the sanction of that oath as if that was the case. 346 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. JUDGE SWANN NOT EXAMINED. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. You are acquainted, I believe, with Judge Swann?-A. Yes, sir; I have known him for a long time. Q. Is he a man of good character — A. Yes, sir; I regard him as a man of excellent character. I have known him long and well. Q. Didn't you at the time you made this examination at Clinton know that Judge Swann was present and noticed at least a portion of the disturbance?-A. I know Judge Swann was there, sir. Q. Your father made the speech there, didn't he?-A. Yes, sir. I was not advised, though, as to whether Judge Swann was an eye-witness of the origin of this difficulty. Q. Did you ask him before you made this examination — A. No, sir; I did not. I did not have conversation with him. Q. Did you ask him to make an affidavit — A. No, sir, I did not. I did not ask anybody to make an affidavit. WITNESS'S PURPOSE AND HOPE IN MAKING THE INVESTIGATION. Q. For what purpose did you understand that that pamphlet was to be used when you were making the examination? —A. In exoneration of the white people of Clinton. Q. Whom do you mean by the white people, the democratic party or not — A. It is only calling the thing by two different names; the white people there were democrats, and the democrats were white people. I mean the white persons who participated in that affray. I went to Clinton with the hope that the investigation would show that they did not produce that conflict, and I think my anticipations were fully realized; but I went there without knowing. Q. You made the examination at the request of the chairman of the democratic State central committee — A. Yes, sir. Q. And you made your report to him — A. I did; I addressed him that letter on my return. Q. And delivered either actually or theoretically your report to him -- A. Handed it to him in person, with this letter. Q. Whether or not you understood it was to be used by the democratic party in the campaign — A. Colonel George did not tell me what he was going to do with it when it came back. He asked me to go there and clear up this thing-investigate it. When I handed him the papers, I had one or two conversations with him-no set appointment for the purpose of discussing this matter, because I saw him frequently during the canvass; but it was incidentally mentioned as to whether he would publish it or not, and he finally concluded to publish it, because he thought it was a complete exoneration of the white people who participated in that riot. I do not know-I reckon you want to get from me an opinion or impression hypothetically as to what was to be done with if it it had turned out to be unfavorable. I am not advised of what would have been done under those circumstances; but I would have delivered the statement to Colonel George, accompanied by such remarks as I thought proper and fair, and left him to decide; but I don't think that I ever dwelt in my own mind upon the idea or inquiry as to what was to be done with it if it had turned out to be a little unfavorable to us. HOW WITNESSES CAME TO TESTIFY. Q. Was it your intention'not to take the testimony of any except those who voluntarily and without solicitation on your part, or the part TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 347 of your associates, appeared before you I How did they happen to make affidavits —A. They happened to do it in this way: I went down to Clinton and saw Judge Cabinis, and met Mr. Shelton there the day that I went down. I don't remember exactly what day it was. I think before I went to Clinton, Colonel George had made the same request of Mr. Shelton, and doubtless he had made the same request of Judge Cabinis. Those gentlemen were advised that we were going to inquire into that matter, and so when I went down there I presume they had suggested it to persons that they thought would know something about this matter, and several gentlemen appeared before me, and I presume they suggested it to others. I do not know whether those gentlemen who came before me to testify were asked to come or solicited to come, or simply informed of the fact that I wanted to find out. about that Clinton business, with the other gentlemen with me. Q. Is it your opinion that those who appeared before you appeared at the request, or solicitation, or suggestion, or advice of those two gentlemen, who were associated with you or any other persons who accord with them politically?-A. I suppose this: that all the persons who came before me certainly came voluntarily; I had no legal authority to force them to cQme, and no force was attempted to be used, or dreamed of being used. It is a matter of inference with me. They were either requested by the two other gentlemen, or by gentlemen there, who were advised that we wanted to get at the bottom of this thing; or else they simply came on learning that we desired to make this investigation. Q. So far as you know, did those who appeared before you and your associates at that examination, know what your and your associates' political opinions were — A. Yes, sir; I presume they all did; I do not entertain a doubt of that. WHY HE DID NOT CALL AS MANY REPUBLICANS AS DEMOCRATS. Q. If it was your object to arrive at a true statement of that difficulty, please explain why you did not call as many republicans as democrats to testify — A. Well, sir; I can probably answer that by saying that most of these men who testified there were known to me personally; I confided in them fully, and I regarded their testimony as sufficient to satisfy my mind on those points. Several witnesses whom I know personally were eye-witnesses, and knew as much personally as any one else on the ground could have known. Q. Then you did not call the repulicans because you did not have any confidence in any statement that they might make?-A. No, sir; not necessarily. I do not think my idea would legitimately resolve itself in that. I took the testimony of three colored men, whom I presume were republicans; I don't know, but my general recollection of that matter now is that they were in conflict with the white men. If I had examined every colored man on the ground I would not have finished in a year; but after taking the testimony that actually was taken, I concluded that I had reached the true facts of the case. Q. And you did not think it necessary to go any further?-A. No, I did not; not that I did not believe a man on oath because he was a republican. Many of the white gentlemen there whom I know I would have relied upon their statement made in that way, as far as I would have relied upon their statements under oath; and I regard many of them as of the highest integrity of character. REPUBLICANS WHO WERE PRESENT AT CLINTON. Q. Were you aware then of the names of any prominent republicans who were present at the Clinton affray~ —A. I know generally that 348 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Charles Caldwell and Eugene Welborne were there, and perhaps a son of Charles Caldwell, who were generally considered leaders, were on the ground at the time of the affray. Q. Do you know of any white republicans who were there? -A. I spoke of Judge Swann just now. I know he was at Clinton on that day, and I know that Captain Estell was there on that day; and Captain Fisher was there. Those are the only three whose names I can call to mind. THE COLORED WITNESSES. Q. Were you personally acquainted with the three colored men whose affidavits you incorporated in that pamphlet — A. No, sir. Q. Did you know that they were republican leaders or not, or regarded as such — A. I did not, sir, indeed. Q. Why did you take their testimony in preference of all other republicans? -A. Simply because they came there to me, either voluntarily or at the solicitation of some other persons, I don't know which, and said they were willing to make a statement to me; and I explained to them that I had no official authority to take their statement, and if they chose to do it I would write down all they had to say about it. I did write it down as fully and fairly as I could. Q. This Mr. Lowry you are not acquainted with — A. No, sir; that was taken in the lower part of the county. Q. You don't know of your own knowledge whether he is republican or not — A. No, sir; I do not. I stated that "Rep."was opposite his name, but I do not know that that was intended to designate him as a republican; that is a mere matter of inference with me. Q. How long after this examination was made was it published, under the direction of the chairman of the democratic central committee?-A. I cannot remember the exact time. Q. About how long?-A. I think, probably, in the course of a week or ten days it was placed in the printer's hand. THE REPORT CIRCULATED AS A CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT. Q. What was done with it after it was published; was it circulated as a campaign document — A. Yes, sir; it was circulated as a campaign document. It was a fair, open, and above-board document. It says, "Published and distributed by the democratic conservative executive committee." I will make an additional statement on one point. At the inquiry into the origin of this difficulty, after taking the testimony of many eyewitnesses-white gentlemen whom I am acquainted with and regard as gentlemen of veracity and integrity of character-I was satisfied in my own mind that I had arrived practically and fairly at the facts in the case, and that is the main reason why I did not extend the examination any further, as I would have developed no new facts by so doing. I thought it was impossible that they all could have been mistaken as to the facts which they stated they saw. THE STATE MILITIA. Q. By what authority were the militia companies of which you have spoken organized — A. Under State statute. Q. You can state whether or not a proclamation was issued by Governor Ames, inviting citizens of the State to organize in militia companies, or something to that effect — A. White people. Q. Citizens of Mississippi.-A. I don't remember such a proclamation. I do not mean to say that it was not issued, but I do not recall it just now; but of course it is a matter of record and would speak for itself. TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 349 Q. As a matter of law and fact, could not the white people have organized themselves into companies just as easily, as far as any legal question was concerned, as the negroes — A. The white people could have organized together, and could have gone through the form of electing their officers, if you mean that, by thus organizing themselves; they could have become a militia company by virtue of such organization; but I presume that it required the acceptance by the governor of a militia company raised in that way before it would come to be a militia company under the State law; at least that has been my notion about it. Q. How many negro militia companies were organized and accepted by the governor?-A. There was one in Jackson, Tapley's company; one in Clinton, Caldwell's company; one at Edwards-the name of the captain is unknown to me; and I believe a Brownsville company. Q. Four in all?-A. Yes, sir. I think those companies, all four of them, were armed. I have been told there was another company north of Jackson organized and accepted, but whether it was armed or not I am unable to say. I cannot call to mind now any more companies but those. I have understood that there was a white company near Jackson organized and tendered to the governor, which was never accepted; I know it was never armed. Q. How many white companies were organized and accepted — A. I only know of two, sir. Q. Where were they organized? —A. One in Jackson, Mr. Clingban's company, of which I have spoken, and the Edwards's Depot company, which was armed, I presume a short time-a few days before the militia was disbanded; but during a greater part of the time of this militia business, only one white company was in the field. I will state this, sir, and I expect it will be fair and proper for me to do it, as a matter of public history, that there was a pretty general impression among the white people that the white companies would not be accepted, and the report that this one here had been tendered and had not been accepted strengthened that opinion. I do not state as a fact that that company was tendered and refused, but that was the general belief. Q. It was generally believed by whom ~ —A. By white persons here; it was the current opinion among white people. I do not know what the negro sentiment on that subject was. Q. Did you or any other democrats, as far as you know, ever apply to the executive of the State for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not that white company was accepted — A. I did not. Q. Was it attempted or not — A. I do not know. Q. Then you had a mere rumor of it?-A. That is all; that is all I am speaking of now, sir. Q. Could you not, as a matter of fact, have ascertained.-A. I could have done so. Q. You resided here during that time — A. I did. Q. Colonel George is a resident of this city, is he not? —A. Yes, sir. Q. Mr. Barksdale is a resident here?-A. Yes, sir; Mr. Barksdale, the editor of the paper, is a resident here, if you mean that gentleman. THE PEACE-TREATY COMMITTEE REPRESENTED THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. Q. Yes, sir. You stated in regard to this committee that negotiated a peace with Ames, that they represented the white people of the State: now, I will ask you, as a matter of fact, if they did not represent the democratic party only?-A. Yes, sir; they did. 350 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. Q. That is all e-A. It may have been in a certain sense a self-constituted committee; but a very large public meeting was held in Jackson afterward, which ratified their action, and I believe it was generally approved in the State. Q. Were they recognized as a committee representing the democratic party of the State?-A. Yes, sir; it was called a citizen committee; I think it represented the democratic party; and if it did represent the white citizens, it did represent the democratic party. ABOUT THE STATE MILITIA INVADING A COUNTY BY AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNOR. Q. You said that it was understood that these companies were to invade-that is the word you used I believe-Yazoo County. Now, so far as you have any knowledge or information, state what militia companies were to be sent, or what militia companies Governor Ames talked of sending, into that county. What I want to get at is, whether or not this white company, as well as the colored companies, was going.-A. I never heard anything said by anybody about sending a white company to Yazoo City, and it was generally believed that the colored company was the one that would be sent. Q. Was any militia company in fact sent to Yazoo County — A. It was not. The governor promised in that conference not to send them to Yazoo County. WHAT THE DEMOCRATS PROMISED IN THE TREATY. Q. What did this democratic committee promise to do on their part in that compact — A. I can only speak from my recollection now of the printed agreement. My understanding of that was, that the best security-Colonel George put it in that way-that the best security that Governor Ames or anybody could have for peace and order in this countryQ. This State, you mean, I suppose — A. Yes, sir; this State-was the moral sentiment of the best classes of white people here, which he thought was in the direction of law and order and peace; and in pursuance of that idea Colonel George made the pledge that he, for the white citizens, or for the democratic party, if you so choose to term it, would use all means in his power in the interest of law and order to restrain anybody who at any time might desire to produce any difficulties. Q. Did he not agree that the republicans throughout this State would be allowed to carry on their canvass, and that they should not be intimidated, or prevented through intimidation or fear, from voting as they chose to vote at the election; or something to that effect —A. I do not know that that was stated in detail, but I presume that it would be included in the general idea that the white people were desirous of having good order and peace and quiet in the State; and it was so stated, that we wanted a peaceable election, and a fair one. Q. Do you know what arrangements were made in Yazoo County in regard to the canvass in that county, and in regard to putting a republican ticket in the field in that county — A. I know nothing personally, sir, of the affairs in that county. I was not there during the whole canvass. Q. Were you one of this committee of democratic gentlemen who made this treaty with Governor Ames ~ —A. Yes, sir; I was. Q. None of that committee had any official right to enter into such agreement, had theyl-A. No, sir; not one of the committee bad any official position. I will make this statement: I do not think that at TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 351 the first conference Colonel George stated that he was representing the democratic party, or that anybody there stated that they were representing the democratic party. All that was said to Governor Ames was, either directly or indirectly, carrying out the idea that we were representing the citizens. Q. By citizens you meant the white citizens —A. Yes, sir. We did; and I know that there were men on that committee, if not all of them, who thought, as I thought then, and continue to think now, that what we were doing was for the interest of the colored citizens as well as the white citizens. It was the interest of everybody in the State that that state of things should end. NO COLORED CITIZENS REPRESENTED. Q. Did any of the colored citizens ask you to act in their behalf. — A. They did not. I have not stated that I was a representative of them, but I have stated that what the committee did resulted in their benefit. Q. That is your opinion about it — A. Yes, sir. DO NOT KNOW THAT ANY COLORED CITIZENS CONCURRED IN THE AGRREEBMENT. Q. Do you know of any leading colored citizens who concur with you in that opinion?-A. I do not, sir; I never discussed the matter with any leading colored politician. MEANS OF THE COMMITTEE TO CARRY OUJT THEIR AGREEMENT. Q. What means did this committee of democratic gentlemen have for carrying out their part of the agreement that was entered in with General Ames?. —A. I do not think that it proceeded on the idea that any set means were to be put in operation. Bather, it occurs to me, that the whole thing proceeded on this idea: that if Governor Ames would abandon his warlike attitude, and disband his colored militia, the whole cause of trouble was at an end, and that none of the white people would attempt to act on the aggressive, or to inaugurate a war of races, or a difficulty between the races, after that. The main grievance of the white people was that little local standing army of militia, and if that was removed, we did not anticipate any aggressive movement on the part of the white people. Q. Then the agreement on the part of Ames was to disband those militia companies, and there was no agreement on the part of the democratic committee; they did not agree to do anything — A. It is not possible that I put myself in that attitude, is it? Q. If they agreed to do anything, what did they agree to do; and what means had they of doing what they agreed to do — A. Colonel George and all the others stated that if Governor Ames would disband the militia that there would not be any further trouble; that that was the main grievance; and he said: "6 Governor Ames, I will pledge you myself that I would desire peace, order, and a fair election, and everything of that sort in this country, and I believe every other good, solid, white citizen in the State feels that same way; and I will pledge you, sir, that they will act that way." Q. Who will — A. The people. He assured him that they would; and he said further, "' If there is anybody, any white person anywhere, who desires in any way to produce a difficulty, I will promise you to use all my moral force and all my political influence in the direction of law and order and peace and a fair election." Q. The idea was, then, that what this committee recommended to the 352 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. white citizens of the State, that they would do.-A. I think I have explained as fully as I can, sir, my idea of that thing. Q. You have given all the explanation you can of it — A. I have given what I consider a fair explanation of it, according to my understanding of the agreement. "PEACEABLY IF POSSIBLE, FORCIBLY IF NECESSARY.? By the CHAIRMAN: Q. I want to call your attention to an article from a newspaper, the Daily Times, of Jackson, of Saturday, August 7, 1875, purporting to be an extract from the Raymond Gazette. It reads in this way: [Raymond Gazette.] There are those who think that the leaders of the radical party have carried this system of fraud and falsehood just far enough in Hinds County, and that the time has come when it should be stopped-peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. And to this end, it is proposed that whenever a radical pow-wow is to be held, the nearest anti-radical club appoint a committee of ten discreet, intelligent, and reputable citizens-fully identified with the interests of the neighborhood and well known as men of veracity-to attend as representatives of the tax-payers of the neighborhood'and the county and true friends of the negroes assembled; and that whenever the radical speakers proceed to mislead the negroes, and open with falsehoods, and deceptions, and misrepresentations, that the committee stop them right then and there, and compel them to tell the truth or quit the stand. We know of no better way in which the falsehoods and frauds scattered by Ames's emissaries can be successfully met in the presence of the negroes, and we suggest that the practicability of this plan be discussed in the clubs. Really honest men of the radical party, if there be such, cannot object to it. The professional liars and thieves will of course call it " intimidation," "force," and all that. Well, if men will not voluntarily cease telling lies about their neighbors and the people of the country, they ought to be forced to stop it. Desperate cases require desperate remedies. We have a desperate case on hand: nothing less than the recovery of Hinds County and the State of Mississippi, and all that our people hold dear on earth, from the hands of regularly-organized bands of thieves and robbers and perjured scoundrels. We must use remedies equal to the emergencies of the case if we desire to arrest the disease. CERTAIN MISSISSIPPI PAPERS AND THEIR UTTERANCES. Q. Of what political opinion is the Raymond Gazette — A. A democratic paper. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. This is a republican paper that this article is published in — A. They call it a sore-headi republican paper, I believe. Q. Have you anything to say in reference to this article — A. None, I believe; except I never heard of that advice being followed in any instance. Q. What paper is this taken from — A. The Daily Times, of Jackson. It contains an extract purporting to be from the Hinds County Gazette. Q. I call your attention to the fact that it is a part of the article only, and that it appears to be so in the paper.-A. I take that to be an extract from the Raymond Gazette. Q. Did you ever know at any time that any of those recommendations were carried into effect in this State at all upon the part of the democratic party?-A. I never heard of it being acted upon anywhere in the State. Q. Have you any idea that any such scheme was ever carried into effect at all — A. I have not. [To the chairman.] If you are personally acquainted with the editor of that paper, the Raymond Gazette, you would not think that he was in earnest. Q. I will ask you whether you ever knew of that article, whether you are in any way responsible for that article, or whether you ever believed TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 353 that article was in any way adopted by your party?-A. I am not responsible for that article. Q. Do you remember ever to have seen it before? —A. I think I saw it in the Times. Q. This paper that you see now — A. Yes, sir; that is my recollection. Q. Have you any knowledge of it being carried out in any way — A. I never heard of an instance where that advice had been acted upon. BELIEF THAT THE NEGROES BEGAN THE RIOT. By Mr. MACDONALD: Q. What was the prevailing belief among the white people at Clinton on the Sunday night you got down there as to who commenced that riot — A. I was told by the white people that I conversed with that night that the negroes had originated it, and it was generally believed inlClinton that night that the negroes had originated and provoked that difficulty, and that they had gone to Clinton for the purpose of having a difficulty; that was the impression among the people there. ABOUT THE PERSONS KILLED. Q. What was the belief there as to how Chilton came to be killed in his own door-yard — A. Public opinion there at that time was that it was wanton and unprovoked. Q. Was it understood that he had had nothing at all to do with the difficulty down at the ground — A. I am only speaking of the opinion of the people, which was that he did not participate in the affray, and that he was killed in his own yard; killed wantonly and without any provocation. Q. Those three persons that were killed in the riot down there, had their bodies or persons been mutilated as you understood?-A. Yes, sir; it was told to me that Sivley's body was mutilated; that he was stripped of his underclothing; that his abdomen was ripped open; that his skull was broken in, and that one or more of his fingers were cut off, and his rings were taken off. Of course I do not swear to the knowledge of that; that was told me. Q. In what estimation were Chilton and Sivley held by the people of that neighborhood — A. They were very much liked. Sivley was the son of an old and highly-respected planter, and generally liked, I think. He was regarded as a man of estimable character. Chilton was well liked, well thought of by his neighbors and friends; a young man of fine family. Q. What was Chilton's character as to peace and order — A. He had a good character-a most excellent character. I never heard of his getting into difficulty. Sivley's character was also good in every particular, as far as I know, and I have known him all his life-since he was a little boy. Q. Do you know where their bodies were when you were there on Sunday night?-A. I do not know, sir. There is another matter that 1 probably should have stated, in connection with my examination-in-chief, and I presume it would be proper for me to state it now. The CHAIRMAN. Certainly. The WITNESS. I went to Clinton on the Sunday evening following this difficulty with a sheriff's posse; I raised a posse for him. There was a rumor in Jackson among the negroes that there were still acts of violence being done in Clinton. 23 MISS 354 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. NO OCCASION FOR GOING- TO CLINTON. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. State who was the sheriff.-A. Mr. Taylor, he was deputy sheriff; he took charge of the posse, at the instance and direction of Harney, who was sheriff, and we went to Clinton and back along the dirt-road, coming in late that night; and the deputy sheriff stated to me-I believe he reported to Ames-that everything was orderly and quiet and peaeaa ble, and that there were no acts of violence, and no armed bodies of men, and no trouble of any kind going on. I had a conversation and an interview with Governor Ames on Sunday night, when I came back here, which I would state to show more the state of feeling here than anything else; but before stating that I will say this: that on Sunday night there was a great deal of apprehension felt by the white people from the negroes. It was generally believed that we were to have trouble here from the negroes; it was generally believed that the negroes in some way were going to get hold of the State arims here. I remember Harney requested me to get him up a posse of men to go to Clinton, and I told him that he could get as many as he wanted in Jackson; told him that I knew he could get fifty. Hle said, " I don' want but ten or fifteen." To show you my own feeling about it-I did not want to leave Jackson at that time with any mlen at all unless there were assurances that those State guns were not to be given to the negroes-not to the negro militia company, for there was no negro militia company organized-and was so telling some other gentlemen riding up the street in a carriage just before I left. I can't remember who it was with me at the time. They said, " That is all right; we have seen Governor Ames, and he will not give those guns to the negroes." And I said, 6 On that assurance I will go on down to Clinton, although there is no occasion for going to Clinton." I was only speaking for myself individually. GOVERNOR A MES REFUSED TO ARM THE NEGROESO By the CHAIRMAN: Q. It was true, was it not, that there were some negroes killed, at or near Clinton, on the morning of the Sunday that you went there in the evening?-A. I have already stated that I was there early Sund(ay morning. Upon my return from Clinton that night, about 11 or 12 o'clock, I found this state of things in Jackson: I found when I came into town a crowd of men at the State-house, who were guarding the State guns. There were twenty-five or thirty gentlemen there. I asked them what they were doing there, and they said that they were there to guard those guns, and that Captain Packer, an employe or an attach6 of Governor Ames, was also in the State-house. I asked,' What are you guarding those guns for?" and they stated that it was because it was currently reported that the negroes were going to make a dash on those guns, and. get them. I went to Governor Ames that night and asked to see him. His servant came to the door and said that the governor had retired, but he would see me, and I was ushered up stairs into his bed-chamber. The governor had his coat Loff, and I presume had been lying down. He asked me in. I told him my object in coming; that it was to learn what was to be done with those State guns; that I understood there were a great many in the State-house. He said, "There are quite a number of needle-guns in the Statehouse." I said,'lIt is generally believed-it may be unjust to you, sir, in every sense, but it is generally believed, and the white people are very apprehensive here TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 355 that these colored people are to be. armed with these gnms; and I find a guard at the State-house." I said,) " Is the guard there with your approval?' and he said, " The guard is at the State-house with my approval. I had been advised of it before they went there, and I sent word to Packer that I approved of that guard being stationed there to-night, to keep, as it was supposed, those negroes from getting those guns," He said, The negroes have been here besiegingme for those guns, %nd they have" as he said, " clamored for those guns, and they demand to be armed." I said,, I sincerely trust that they won't get them." He says, 4 No, I would not think of giving them those guns, but they have besieged me and clamored for them." He said, " I think they want them for self-defense. That was the state of feeling at that time. and I make that statement in answer to a question of Senator Bayard, as to the apprehension of the white persons, immediately after the Clinton riot, and I do not believe that apprehension was fully allayed until the militia was disbanded. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. Just at that time, as you went to see Governor Ames, were or were not the negroes from the country coming in here in large numbers -A. Yes, sir. By Mr. MCMILLAN: Q. Frightened? —A. I think that a great many of them were in an opposite condition of mind some of them were not frightened. HOW GENERALLY WI-IITE MEN BORE ARMS. By Mr. CAMERON: Q. I ask you whether it is not a fact that a large majority of the white men of this State have private arms?-A. A very large proportion of them have; whether that constitutes a majority or not I cannot say, but I expect as a general thing the white people here have arms; not in the sense of improved army weapons, but shot-guns. Q. Did not many of them retain their old army guns?-A. I am not advised as to that, sir; but I volunteer the opinion that there were very few, if any, of the old army guns retained. I think there was a general surrender to the Federal Government after the war. HOW HIS COMPANY WAS ARMED. Q. How many of your company had arms of that kind when you went to Clinton?-A. I think there may have been from ten to twenty-five that had army guns, but I think that those were some guns that had been issued several years before to a white militia company that had been disbanded, and a few of those guns had been retained by Mr. John Robinson here for the rent of the room, that the company owed him. Those were the guns that I alluded to. JACKSON, MisS. June 12, 1876. FR Kw JOHNSTON recalled. THE AGBREEMENT BETWEEN GOV. AMES AND THE WHITE CITIZENS. In compliance with request made by Mr. Bayard, and perhaps other members of the committee, I have obtained and now produce a published statement of the conference or meeting with Governor Ames and the committee of white citizens who waited upon him. It is clipped from the Daily Clarion, a newspaper published in the city of Jackson, 356 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —HINDS COUNTY. State of Mississippi, under date of Nov. 16, 1875. I now hand it to the.ommittee. The paper was then read, as follows: THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN GOVERNOR AMES AND A COMMITTEE OF CITIZENS. October 16, 1875.-At a meeting of the citizens of Hinds and some of the adjoining counties, the following proceedings were had: On motion, Dr. T. G. Rice was called to the chair, and explained the object of the meeting to be to have a conference with the governor in reference to the militia. Mr. Moore, of Vicksburg, was appointed secretary. At this point General J. Z. George and others, who had just had an interview with the governor on that subject, appeared in the meeting. General George was requested to state to the meeting the result of the interview. He then, in presence of all who had made the call with him, stated in substance as follows: That he had received information that it would be agreeable to his excellency Governor Alnes to have a conference with some of the citizens of the State in relation to the present condition of affairs, and in accordance therewith he had arranged for an interview, which had just taken place. The citizens attending were Joshua Green, D. Shelton, E. Richardson, J. W. Robinson, H. Hilzhiem, T. J. Wharton, Frank Johnston, J. C. Rietti, Robert L. Saunders, General Robert Lowry, W. L. Nugent, and himself. That the interview had been full and frank on the part of the citizens and of the governor; that the governor had announced to the committee that in consequence of Col. A. T. Morgan's refusal to go back to Yazoo County, he had abandoned the purpose of sending him there with two companies of militia, one white and one colored, which had been his original purpose, and that he had also countermanded an order for guns to be shipped to De Soto County. After this a conference ensued between the citizens and the governor in relation to the disbanding of the militia. The citizens, in response to fears expressed by the governor that peace and good order would not be preserved and that colored men would not be permitted to vote as they please, assured the governor that there was no other desire among the whites than that peace should be preserved, the laws enforced, and a fair election had; that the leading whites had all along inculcated this; and they also assured the governor that they would pursue this course until the election, and would, both by precept and example, do all in their power to preserve peace and good order and secure a fair election. The governor said his whole object in calling out the militia was to preserve order and suppress disturbances; that he was originally opposed to arming the militia, but was, under all circumstances, as he deemed it, forced to do so; that in view of the statement made by the citizens he was willing to meet their views as far as he could, and to this end he promised that he would order all the militia companies which had been organized to disperse and go to their homes with their arms. But on further consultation it was agreed that the arms of the several companies organized should be deposited in depots in the neighborhood in which the companies were raised, and should there be guarded by United States troops, to be detailed for that purpose, and to be under the control of the governor and to be removed only on his order; or, if United States troops could not be gotten, then the arms were to be guarded by men selected and agreed on by the governor and General George; that the arms would not again be delivered to the militia except in case of riot or insurrection which could not be suppressed by the civil authorities. The citizens above named expressed themselves satisfied with the arrangement. After this report and some discussion in the meeting, it was "Resolved, That the foregoing citizens and also the following additional gentlemen, to wit, Messrs. W. A. Montgomery, E. W. Cabinis, T. C. Catchings, George G. Manlove, A. M. Harlow, Colonel Gilruth, Dr. Moore, and Judge Chester, should be requested to go to Governor Ames and tender the thanks of the meeting for what he had done, and represent to him that it would be better and more satisfactory if he would agree that all the arms should be guarded in Jackson." The committee waited on Governor Ames, and he declined making any change in the arrangement which had been agreed to between him and the citizens. He was asked if the arrangements with the citizens included the idea that no more militia would be organized. He answered, "that nothing was said on that subject expressly, but it was his purpose and intention to organize no more." The committee retired to the meeting and made report of the second interview, and what was done was deemed satisfactory, and the meeting then adjourned, after requesting the report of the interviewers with the governor be reduced to writing and made public. T. G. RICE, Chairman. H. H. MOORE, Secretary. TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 357 The conference, as I stated on Saturday, was, I think, on the 13th of October. Q. That writing in pencil relates to the date of the newspaper -- A. Yes, sir. Q. (By Mr. BAYARD.) What was the date of the conference?-A. I think it was October 13. It was a daily paper; comes out as a weekly now. I would like to state this: that my best recollection is, that that is a fair statement of what occurred between Governor Ames and the committee, and my understanding of it at the time was that it was published with Governor Ames's approval and consent, and had been submitted to him. About that point, however, I have no personal knowledge. HISTORY OF PEACE CONFERENCE. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. You do not know of Governor Ames having disavowed it after that -A. No, sir; I never heard of his disavowing it; I believe it has been kept by him. On Saturday I was asked a general question, which, perhaps, might have called for a statement as to the mode and manner in which this peace-conference came about. Not knowing or not thinking that it was very material, and as 1 was privately concerned in it, I felt then that it might be regarded as egotistical to have stated the details in connection with that matter. Since then I have concluded it best to state what I have now said, and ask the chairman and gentlemen of the committee if it is desired that I shall make that statement. HOW THE AGREEMENT WAS BROUGHT ABOUT. By the CHAIRMAN: Q. Of the details?-A. As to the manner in which it was brought about. The CHAIRMAN. Go on, Mr. Johnson, and make your statement. The WVITNESS. On the day before the consultation a conference was actually had. Feeling apprehensive that there would be serious difficulty between the races, it occurred to me to make an effort to bring about a meeting or conference between leading white citizens and Governor Ames, in the hope that some satisfactory solution might be arrived at, or an understanding of the views and feelings of the white citizens might be brought home to Governor Ames. With that view I suggested this idea to Mr. Joshua Green, who concurred in it as being a good suggestion, and I thereupon went, in company with Mr. Green, to Colonel J. Z. George. While conversing with Colonel George, Judge Harvey Ware, the chancellor of the State, and an appointee of Governor Ames, a gentleman whom I presumed was on friendly terms personally and politically with Governor Ames, came up. I stated to him this subject of conversation between ourselves and Governor Ames-and Colonel George, I should have said-and told him I thought it was very desirable that some peaceable solution of this difficulty might be arrived at. I stated to him generally that the white people were in a high state of excitement; that I thought the colored people were in as high a state of excitement, and that in the interest of peace and order and for every consideration of that kind some effort of this sort should be made; that I thought that Governor Ames ought to know the wishes, feelings, and views of the white people of the country, and ought to know it from themselves. He asked me what I could do to carry out that purpose. I suggested to him that I thought probably it would be a good idea to go to Governor Ames, to tell him what had occurred between us at that interview, and, if necessary, to use my name and Mr. Green's, and to 358 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. say to him that our object was to prevent a reign of lawlessness, ani avert any trouble between the races, and ask him that if he desired to make an effort in that direction to give us an intimation of that kind, and that I was sure that Colonel George Mr. Green, and myself, and another white gentleman, would be glad to wait on the governor in that spirit. Judge XWare left me, as he said, to call on the governor, and, perhaps, in the space of an hour, would return to Mr. Green's bank; and, upon my entering the bank, I found him in conversation with Mr. Green. Judge Ware then stated to Mr. Green and myself, both, that the governor was very glad to have received the message, and that he would be willing to see Colonel George, Mr. Green, and myself, and any other of the white citizens who desired to call on him. I communicated that fact to Colonel George, and the next morning this deputation, or self-constituted committee, waited on Governor Ames. That, I believe, substantially, is all that I know in regard to the origin or commencement of the negotiation or intercourse between Governor Ames and the white citizens on that subject. ABOUT MB. CHASE.. By Mr. CAMEION: Q. Did a man named Chase have anything to do with bringing about this conference?-A. Not to my personal knowledge, but I have been informed that he called on Colonel George, but whether before or after I had this interview with Colonel George and sent the message to Governor Ames I am not sure. My impression is that Colonel Chase, or Mr. Chase, called on Colonel George after my interview with Colonel George. Q. Have you stated the date of your interview with Colonel George?A. It was the day preceding the meeting between the citizens and Governor Ames. That would have been the 12th. I perhaps may say that I am strengthened in the impression that it was after, that Colonel Chase called on him, because I think it would be highly probable he would mention that fact in my interview with him. By Mr. BAYARD: Q. Do you know who he was, this Mr. Chase who has been referred to; this George K. Chase - A. I cannot remember his initials. He was a gentleman who purported to represent in some way either the Government of the United States or the Attorney-General, Mr. Pierrepont. I cannot tell you where he lives. I am informed he had been here a good while before I knew he was here. The first time I ever saw him, or knew he was here, was on the day of the conference between Governor Ames and the citizens. Q. Was he present — A. Just as that interview opened, after Governor Ames had walked in, and all the gentlemen present had taken their seats, a gentleman walked in and seated himself in a corner of the apartment, on a sofa, and I learned it was Mr. Chase. Q. Where was the first interview held?-A. At the Governor's mansion, in the front parlor. Q. You know whether he remained here until after the election — A. I think he remained, continuously, until after the election. He may have been out of Jackson, but during most of the time in Jackson. Q. In the State — A. Yes, sir; and during most of the time in Jackson, I think. Q. Do you know whether Mr. Chase had frequent, if not daily, conferences with Mr. George on the subject of political events then transpiring in the State of Mississippi?-A. I saw him, probably, with Colonel TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 359 George once or twice, but I am unable to state how often he had interviews with him. Q. Have you knowledge whether he submitted or was in the habit of submitting to Colonel George complaints that reached his ears, asking from Colonel George explanation of them; and whether Colonel George was in the habit of writing or telegraphing for replies and explanations to those various charges, and submitting his answers to Mr. Chase; whether you know that in the general course of affairs between them.A. My recollection is that Colonel George had mentioned to me, incidentally and casually, the fact that some such complaints were made by Mr. Chase. And think, too, that Colonel George probably stated to me, without any explantion as to details, generally, that he had been trying to satisfy Mr. Chase, and telegraphing to the points where the complaints originated. My recollection is not very distinct about this. as to the time, nor of the nature of the complaints. I recollect one instance that Colonel George mentioned. It is the only single one that I can now recollect, though there may have been others. That was about some trouble in Claiborne County. I was told, either by Colonel George or some other person, I don't know whom, but at all events I heard in connection with that, that George did telegraph to Woodville, and I also learned Mr. Chase was satisfied with it, but I am unable to say what the cause of the trouble was down there at this time. FRATNK JOHNSTON'S REPORT AND TESTIMONY. Camnpaign document No. 2.-Published and distributed by the democratic-conservative executive committee, 1875. THE CLINTON RIOT.-A TRUE STATEMENT, SHOWING WHO ORIGINATED IT.-A PREMEDITATED MASSACRE OF THE WHITES.-TESTIMONY OF WHITE AND COLORED WITNESSES, UNDER OATH. Gen. J. Z. GEORGE, Chairman Democratic and Conservative Executive Committee: At your request we have received the statements of many persons who witnessed the disturbance at Clinton on the 4th inst., which we now hand to you. We think the following general history of the matter is fairly sustained by these statements: An invitation was extended to all persons to attend the republican meeting and barbecue at Clinton. There was to be a joint discussion. Accordingly, perhaps sixty or seventy-five white men went to the grounds. There were from one thousand to twelve hundred negro men present. As many, perhaps, as two or three hundred went there armed with pistols. There were probably twenty or thirty whitemen with pistols on their persons, not more than fifteen of whom participated in the fighting. Many of the negroes went to Clinton anticipating a fight, and armed for it, and seized, as a pretext for the affray, a quarrel between a white man and a negro. There is nothing in the evidence to show that there was a drunken man. white or colored, on the grounds. The inception of the quarrel is enveloped in obscurity. But in the light of the subsequent action of the whites we do not regard the merits of this altercation as important-at all events there was an altercation between a white man and a colored man. The former left the negro, joined a small party of white men, a distance of about one hundred yards from the speaker's stand, followed by the colored man. This party of whites consisted at first of four or five, soon increased to about eleven; was slightly scattered in small groups. Some colored man cried, "A fight!" and called to the colored men to " come on." Immediately orders were given to " rally;" the drums were beaten; the cry of " kill the white men" was raised, and a large mass of negroes, armed with pistols and knives and brandishing clubs, pressed down on the party of whites. The crowdofnegroes numbered probably as many asthree hundred. The whites, about eleven in number, gave way and retreated about forty yards, along a little branch, asking the negroes to stand back and keep the peace, and saying they desired no difficulty.' The negroes in their front pressed on, crying " kill them!" After retreating 360 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —IIINDS COUNTY. this distance another crowd of negroes came down on them, coming from an opposite direction. After the altercation commenced, and before the firing began, the whites made every effort to avoid a fight. About this time, a pistol in the hands of Mr. Thompson (a white man) was discharged accidentally, the ball going in the ground at his feet. A shot was next fired by a. colored man, which struck young Mr. Wharton. The firing instantly became general. The whites stopped and fired vigorously. Two negroes were killed on the spot, and four or five wounded, and the crowd in front of the whites retreated. The white men then commenced leaving the ground in small parties. The negroes were rallied by one of their number, who told them not to let the white men escape, and the pursuit began; separate crowds of negroes pursuing in different directions the retreating groups of whites. Sively and Thompson (white) were overtaken, killed, and their bodies mutilated. Chas. Chilton was killed in his own yard. Captain White was captured, shot, stabbed, and beaten, and left for dead. Rice, Wells, Wharton, Robinson, (all white,) and perhaps several others, were wounded. It was subsequently reported that the negroes threatened to attack the town, and consequently during Saturday night between four and five hundred armed white men were concentrated in Clinton, from Vicksburgh, Jackson, and the county, for the protection of the town. During Saturday night and Sunday morning, perhaps seven or eight negroes, who were supposed to be leaders in the affray, were killed by the whites, who were indignant at the murder and mutilation of their white friends. Early Sunday morning most of the white men returned to their homes, a few remaining, at the request of the mayor, during Sunday night as a police force. By Monday morning, as the mayor of Clinton states, the town and neighborhood were quiet, and peace was restored. In justice to the memory of Martin Sively, we deem it our duty to state that he had no connection with the commencement of the disturbance. His conduct was beyond reproach. He was an estimable gentleman, and a sober and exemplary citizen. We make this statement to correct an unjust rumor that he was the originator of the difficulty. E. W. CABINIS. S. M. SHELTON. FRANK JOHNSON. Statement of Walter A. Bracey, (white.) I reside in Raymond; am a dentist by profession. I came to Clinton last Saturday morning, on the occasion of the republican barbecue; perhaps as many as fifteen white gentlemen from Raymond came to Clinton that day; there was no disposition or intention on the part of any of these gentlemen to disturb the peace, or to interfere with or interrupt in any way any colored men or any republican, so far as I know and believe; I may safely say no such intention existed; the gentlemen from Raymond did not come to Clinton in a body, but separately, and in the usual customary mode, by private conveyances, on horseback, and in buggies; the object was simply to hear the speaking at this barbecue; about 12 o'clock I went out' to the ground selected for the barbecue; most if not all the Raymond white men went out to the grounds; a few of the Cliniou white meni went out to the grounds, and others from the neighborhood; I do not think there were over forty white men on the grounds; I saw part of a negro procession as it came in Clinton; I only remained in Clinton a short time before going out to the place of the meeting, and I did not notice the negroes particularly; I noticed, however, that the negro in charge of this procession had a drawn sword; I am sure there was not an intoxicated white man on the ground during the day, nor did I see an intoxicated negro; there was not a disorderly or turbulent white man on the grounds; my opinion is, not more than fifteen or twenty white men, at most, were armed; there was not a white man armed with a gun on the grounds; several of the Raymond white men were not armed at all. The meeting was held at a grove about three-quarters of a mile in a northwesterly direction from Clinton, about 300 yards from the Upper Vicksburgh road, and between it and the railroad, (V. & M. R. R.) The speakers' stand is about a quarter of a mile from the point where the public road crosses the railroad, and this crossing is between the speakers' stand and the town of Clinton, and pretty nearly on a straight line toward Clinton. A few of the Raymond gentlemen, I think, the two young Whartons, Vink Waddell, and Thompson, and perhaps young Huntly, about ten or fifteen minutes before the fight had been lunching at a wagon. After lunching they walked to their own wagon, about tweiity steps distant from where they had lunched. This latter wagon was at a branch in a little bottom near a group of willows, about 100 yards from the speakers' stand. I passed this party a short time-a few minutes-before the fight. They were very near the wagon. Some were seated in chairs and some were standing. They were laughing TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 361 and chatting among themselves, and all in a good humor. None of them were intoxicated, and not one of them was in the least disorderly. I am certain of this. I passed them and walked toward the stand and near to it, accompanied by Martin Sivley. Sivley was sober-in fact I know that he did not drink, and has not used any liquor for at least three years. We stood (Sivley and I) near the stand a few minutes, when my attention was attracted by a rush of negroes toward the spot where I left the Raymond party, and by the remarks of the negroes as they moved down, to " come on, we are going to have a fight." The negroes near me commenced drawing pistols and moving in that direction. I was surrounded by negroes, and every one I noticed had a pistol in his hand. Not a shot had then been fired. I heard nothing of what was transpiring down at the branch. I heard several orders given to the negroes to " fall in," or "form ranks, and come on." I then heard the drums, and just after the drums beat a pistol-shot was fired and the firing commenced. Before the shot was fired, however, Siyley and I walked toward the group of willows on the branch. We were envelopedc in a crowd of negroes, numbering several hundred, that were rushing toward the spot, and in fact we were borne along by the crowd. I reached the wagon at the group of willows, where I had left the Raymond men before the firing commenced. The Raymond white men whom I had left at the wagon were not at the wagon, but they had retreated at least forty steps fron the wagon before the crowd of negroes.'The negroes-a dense mass, several hundred in number-were crowding close on them, and pushed so close to them that I soon afterward lost sight of them. It was at this point that the first pistol was fired, by whom I do not know. The first shot that I saw fired, which was the second shot I heard, was fired by a negro at young Ramsey Wharton, hitting him in the head. Sivley was with me at the time. Immediately after the first shot a general firing commenced. The negroes continued to rush down to the spot. The negroes then retreated a little on one side of this crowd, but the drums continued to beat, and numbers of negroes cried "' come on," and they rallied. There were not exceeding twelve white men on this part of the ground engaged in the fight. I am informed that, in addition to these, several other white men, not more than three or four, whom I did not see, were engaged in the fight. They were broken into little groups a few paces apart, and were being crowded on by the negroes. The white men retreated all the time, defending themselves as well as they could. All the while the white men were giving way before the negroes. 1 heard them asking for peace and asking the negroes to stop firing on them. The negroes were crying, "Kill them, damn them, kill them." The white men were soon scattered, and those who were not killed made the best of their way from the field. Sivley and I started to leave. We were at first separated by a rush of negroes. We came together again, still retreating, about two hundred yards from where the firing commenced. The negroes were then on us, firing and some striking us with empty pistols. At this point Sivley begged them not to kill'him, saying he had not commenced the difficulty. They told him to give up his pistol. He handed his pistol to a negro, holding it by the barrel and presenting the handle. As one negro took the pistol another negro knocked him down with a pistol, breaking the pistol by the blow. Sivley staggered to his feet, and he and I ran off toward a cotton field, negroes pursuing, firing at us, and crying, " Kill them, damn them, kill them." Sivley, as he ran, was bleeding from three wounds. We had gone, perhaps, one hundred yards into the field, when Martin Sivley fell, struck by a negro from behind. I ran on into a little branch, and stopped a moment somewhat concealed. Ten or twelve negroes surrounded him, and I heard them striking him. After that I came on to Clinton. After the firing became general the white men (as I have described them) became separated and I lost sight of them, and cannot say how they left the ground or how they escaped. I saw two negroes dead on the grounds, and four or five others that I supposed to be wounded. I have since ascertained that three white men were killed and about eight wounded, (Charles Chilton is included, who was killed in his own yard, as I have been informed.) I will here state that when I reached the group of willows where I had left the party of Raymond gentlemen, and where the altercation first began, I found that the crowd of armed negroes had crowded them from the spot, and they had retreated about forty paces before the fight began. When I reached the wagon at the group of willows, they were still retreating. There were not more than eleven white men, not all quite together, but a little separated in small groups. As the white men gave back, and before the fighting began, I could hear them (the white men) saying to the negroos to " go back;" that "there was no difficulty," " no fuss," and that they " wanted no difficulty; " and the negroes, many of them, at this time (and before the firing) said, " Kill them, damn them, kill them." At this precise point of time, while the white men were falling back and the negroes pushing on them, I think the negroes at that place and in the crowd that was pushing forward numbered several hundred-certainly more than three hundred. Many of them were armed. I saw numbers with pistols in their hands. I could safely say I saw as many as one hundred. Many negroes had uplifted sticks. I could see the sticks above the heads in the crowd. Several had branches of trees in their hands, and one had a pole ten feet long. This was the attitude of the negroes as they crowded on the 362 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —HINDS COUNTY. vwhite men before the fighting actually commenced. I was not with the largest party of white men I have spoken of, consisting of eleven or twelve, but off twenty paces with Sivley, and I think Mr. Neal was with me. None of us-that is, Sivley, Neal, or I-drew a pistol until the fighting commenced and the negroes attacked us. I had a bullet-hole through my coat before I drew my pistol. I think the negroes had crowded right up on the white men, and had actually closed up against them before the firing commenced. I do not think there were more than fifteen or sixteen white men who participated in the fighting, and, as I have stated, the little groups who were pressed by the negroes, and who were retreating, as I have already described, consisted of about eleven men. In conclusion, I will state that the party of negroes who pursued Sivley and I was led by Charles Caldwell, jr. I saw him (Caldwell) shoot at us several times. I am unable to state how the quarrel at the group of willows began, or the persons who commenced the altercation. W. A. BRACEY. Sworn to and subscribed before me the 10th September, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Statement of Morris Ward, (white democrat.) I live at Raymond at present. Came to Clinton on last Saturday, September 4. I went out to the barbacue about 12 o'clock. While Fisher (republican) was speaking I was standing on the outskirts of the crowd that was gathered around the speaker's stand; the first thing that attracted my attention was a rush of negroes in the direction of the group of willows where the wagon of some of the Raymond men was standing. I moved down in that direction and got pretty close to this wagon, where I had seen the Raymond boys a short time before. The negroes were running by me, drawing their pistols and pressing down on a small party of white men, about ten to fifteen. This party of white men was scattered in little groups, a few paces' between the groups; some of the negroes said, "shoot them;" others said, " kill them." These white men were falling back before the negroes, and the negroes were pressing them. I could hear the white men talking and pleading with the negroes for peace. I heard them say.they did not want a fuss. The negroes did not stop at all, but continued to press on. The white men did not turn their backs in retreating, but backed off from the negroes while asking for peace. They retreated because the crowd of negroes pressed on them so closely. The negroes from other parts of the ground continued also to re-enforce this crowd of negroes that were pressing the retreating whites. The drums were beaten; the negroes called to each other to "rally," to "come in and kill the damn whites," and "damn sons of bitches." I saw the negroes close up, almost touching the whites, and a large negro in front of the negroes holding a large pistol uplifted in his hand. At this time the whites had retreated about forty yards, and another stream of negroes had approached them from nearly an opposite direction. I would suppose that about three hundred negroes were in the crowd which was pressing the whites. All the negroes I noticed were armed; many had pistols, and those who had no pistols had sticks, and clubs, and knives. I saw them drawing their pistols as they ran down to the spot, and as soon as the fitst intimation was given that a quarrel was going on they commenced drawing their pistols. About the time that this crowd of negroes were so close to the white men that they could touch them with their hands, a shot was fired; I cannot tell by whom, whether by a white man or negro. In two seconds a general firing commenced. I saw the whites make a stand and fire vigorously; then some of the white men retreated, and most of the negroes retreated; the whites did not follow, but separated and commenced leaving the ground in little groups of two or three; then one negro gave a yell and said, " God damn it, are you going to let these whites off without killing them?" There was one white man still shooting; the negroes then commenced coming back; Captain White (a white man) then said, " boys, stay together or we will be all murdered." I saw Captain Wyhite up the hill, in the direction of Clinton; the white men were badly scattered, making their way singly and in twos toward Clinton. The negroes having rallied, came up and divided into crowds that followed in various directions the white men; that is, each white man and every two white men who were together were followed by a separate crowd of negroes; the negroes were still shooting; the white men had quit firing, most of them had no loads in their pistols, and were begging the negroes not to kill them. I could hear the negroes say, "Kill them, God damn them, kill them;" the negro women came up and encouraged the negro men; the whites seemed afraid to run, but were then walking off; soon afterward some of them did run. I left the grounds pursued by the negroes; before I reached the railroad- crossing a negro came tp with me and pointed a pistol in my face, and another, who called me "Buckley," made hinm desist; another negro came up and said, " Damn him, kill him; he's a white man;" another negro pursued me with a hatchet, when Dr. West, a white man, passed be TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 363 tween us on a horse, and I then got off to the railroad; I could not see what became of the other white men, the confusion was so great and they were so scattered. When I reached the railroad-crossing I saw ten or twelve negroes on the crossing, some with pistols, who shot at me as I passed some distance from them. I next saw a group of negroes in the railroad below the crossing shooting. I saw another group of about ten negroes in the tan-yard shooting at Mr. Wells, who was passing in a buggy; I avoided this group and came into Clinton. I suppose about fifteen white men participated in the fight, and I think there were about sixty white men on the ground. In conclusion, I will state that just before the firing commenced I said to Charles Caldwell, sr., who was not more than a few steps from the party of white men I have already described, that he must, for God's sake, stop this fuss. I heard him say, " I am trying to stop it." I am sure Caldwell tried his best to stop the difficulty and to keep the peace. I. can safely say Caldwell did not participate iti the fight, and I think I was in a position to have seen and known it if he had, for I was standing near him. I do not think Caldwell was armed; I certainly saw no arms on him. I was born in Ireland, came to America in 1849; lived in New York about seven years, in Illinois until 1866, and came to Mississippi in 1866. I saw no white men on the grounds with guns; none of the whites had guns; and I saw none of the negroes with guns. M. WARD. Sworn to and subscribed before me this September 10th, 1875. [SEAL.. SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Tile sworn statement of B. S. White. I live four miles west of Raymond, in Hinds County, Miss. Having heard that there was to be a joint political discussion at Clinton, Miss., on Saturday, the 4th September, 1875, and that the white people were invited to attend, I, in company with several others, attended, reaching the town of Clinton about 11 o'clock a. m. We got to the place of meeting about 12 o'clock m., where we found a large number of negroes and very few whites. After we, got there a large procession-said to be from Edwards Depot-came in. After they had all dismounted, Judge Johnston took the stand and commenced speaking. I walked around through the crowd in different directions. I found the negroes very turbulent on every part of the grounds, making threats and declaring they were going to have their way there that day. They frequently rubbed against me, seeming to be trying to provoke a difficulty. Some of the white boys had been drinking. I went to them and told them not to touch any more whisky, saying to them that there was an immense crowd of negroes there and very few whites, and it was manifest to me that the negroes were eager for a difficulty, and they would use any pretext for beginning it; that if a shot cracked it might begin. Just before Judge Johnston finished speaking, I went among a crowd of negroes gathered on the south side of the speaker's stand. I heard one negro say, " Who is that speaking I" Another said, "Johnston, I believe." The first then replied, " I did not come here to hear any such damned stuff as that; I want him to get down from there; I want to hear Fisher speak." Another said, " Well, I reckon he will soon be through, then we will have it all our own way." I went back to where I had left the boys. Two of them were going off down the hill. I called to know where they were going; they said, "We have a bottle of whisky down here." I then made them come back, telling them to remain where they were, near the speaker's stand. Just before Johnston closed, the negroes had become so boisterous and dissatisfied, and seemed so determined to prevent any one from hearing him, that I remarked to a friend that Johnston had better quit, as the negroes seemed so much dissatisfied; that I was sure he was doing no good. They were very restless, walking about and making all kinds of noises, disturbing every portion of the crowd. Pretty soon Johnston closed speaking. Fisher was then called for, who at once responded. Immediately the negroes became quiet and all was still, the negroes saying, "Now we will hear something good." Johnston's speech was very kind and conciliatory; the best speech I ever heard him make to the negroes, so far as I could hear it. Fisher had been speaking some eight minutes when some person in the upper part of the crowd made some remark; I could not hear what it was. Immediately there was arush of negroes in that direction. Iwent there and found a young man, who I was told was McNeal. I told him he must make no remarks in that crowd; that the young men from Paymond had agreed to put themselves under my orders, and as he had gotten with them he must do the same thing, and I would have no talking in the crowd. I then returned to where I had left the Raymond boys, near thestand. Pretty soon I noticed a rush of negroes to a bottom about a hundred yards north of the stand; I told the boys to remain and I would go and see about it. I ran down and j uped into a buggy; I saw a large crowd of negroes surrounding two of our boys and trying to get something from them. Neither of these boys was Martin Sivley or Thompson; I left both of these young men at the stand. Thompson was then talking to Captain Lake, of Jackson, and I told Martin Sivley to keep the boys at the stand until I re 364 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. turned. I called out to the crowd to stop that fuss, and to the negroes to let the boys alone. They seemed to heed me, and all would soon have become quiet, but just at this time a negro from about Edwards Depot, wearing yellow epaulets, called out in a loud voice, " We did not come here to let no God damned white trash run over us; this is our day." Just at this time Charles Caldwell, sr., came into the crowd followed by about one hundred negroes. He said, "Stop this damned fuss here; I am going to have it stopped." Pushing his way through the crowd he reached the whites, saying, " Get out of here; get out of here, you damned rascals, and stop this noise." One of the white boys saiid, "We are interfering with nobody; we do not wish to disturb anybody, nor create any disturbance, but we will not be run over." Just at that time the firing began. I cannot say positively who fired first; but I sincerely believe that the first shot was fired by the negro from FlEwards Depot, with yellow epaulets, before spoken of. I was standing in a buggy above the crowd where I commanded a good view of all, and I saw the smoke rise from a pistol in his hands. Just before the pistol fired I heard a drum beat. By the time the firing began the crowd of negroes had become very dense around the boys. As the negroes came they were brandishing their pistols, crying, " Run over the whites; kill the damned whitts. Run over them, God damn them; run over them." I think I saw not less than three hundred negroes with pistols in their hands. As soon as the firing began, the negroes commenced falling back rapidly, and in a few minutes the bottom was cleared. Immediately then an immense crowd of negroes came rushing down from the hill firing indiscriminately into their own people. By this time the boys were making for the stand, leaving me alone. I called to them to fall in on me and reserve their fire, as we must get out of there. At this moment a negro ran up to me, crying, " There is one of the damned rascals; kill him." I turned and faced him, telling him to get away, as I did not wish to kill him unless it was necessary. He stopped, and one of the boys asked me to let him shoot him. I told him, "No; do not shoot unless it is necessary." We then moved on toward the prairie, southeast of the stand, I telling the boys to keep closed up and fall in on me. As we got to the edge of the prairie I saw Morris Ward, and called to him to fall in with us, asking him could we not get ten men together, as I had just seen some twentyfive negroes, followed by about two hundred and fifty with pistols, coming across to cut us off, and crying out, "There are the God damned Raymondites; kill them." Some one then said that the whites had exhausted their pistols. I told them to move to the right, and try to cross the railroad; that my son and myself had reserved our fire, and would try to hold them in cheek until they could escape. The negroes seemed to be especially after Martin Sivley and myself, crying, "Kill them." We turned and faced them, and told them to halt; that we were armed and would defend ourselves; that we wanted no bloodshed. They had begun the fuss themselves, but would not be murdered. They continued to pursue us, firing. When I told them they had begun the difficulty themselves, young Charles Caldwell said, " Yes; and, God damn you, we will end it." We fell back about one hundred yards, trying to reach the railroad-crossing. When we got near the dirt road, I accidentally stepped into a hole and fell. Immediately I was covered by about six negroes, who disarmed me. I rose with them and tore loose from them. Just at that time Martin Sivley jumped the fence, about six or eight negroes being on him, three of whom were Sam. Caldwell, Charles Caldwell, jr., and Walter Wilborne. As soon as I got loose I and my son ran, I then being disarmed. The negroes followed, filing on us, and crying, " Kill the damned scoundrels; catch them, murder them, and quarter them." Just as we reached the railroad-crossing we were cut off by another party, headed by a negro whose name I afterward learned was Wade Walker. They seized us; threw me down on the railroad, stamped me, kicked me, crying, " Kill the damned scoundrel; beat his brainsout." After they had stamped me and kicked me, one called for a club and said, " Let me get his brains." They then struck me several times with a club, and picked me up and threw me in a hole, remarking, " Now we have done for you, damn you." My son said, "Do not kill my father." They said, " Yes; we will kill him and you too; but we will take you up on the hill in the woods and cut you up." Their attention was then attracted to another white man, who came on in a buggy, and I managed to crawl out of the hole and conceal myself from them, where I remained foran hour, and finally dragged myself to a house. Now, going back to the beginning of Fisher's speech, I want to say that as soon as Fisher began to speak the crowd of boys from Raymond were surrounded by a crowd of negroes, headed by Eugene Wilborne, Sam. Caldwell, and Chas. Caldwell. jr., when I heard Eugene Wilborue say to another negro," How far do you reckon the ravens will fly to-day?" The negro said, "They will not fly far. We will clip their wings when they rise." All told, I do not think there were over sixty whites on the ground that day, including men and boys, of whom I am sure not over twenty were armed. I think there were between 1,500 to 2,000 negro men on the ground, besides women and children. I have long been accustomed to see crowds of men, and am certain I am not mistaken in my estimate. Lying in my bed make this statement under treatment of two physicians. I have been very near death's door, and solemnly swear that every word I have uttered is the truth. The meeting was a republican meeting, and the TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 365 invitation for a joint discussion came from them. I also swear that I went to that ground with no expectation of a difficulty. A difficulty was that day expected at Unica, and many white men had gone there to prevent it, where it was expected. That a large number of armed negroes from Hinds, Copiah, and Claiborne Counties were expected to be there. I carried my pistol, it being my habit in going out to carry a pistol. I had no other weapon, nor did I see any white man on the ground with any other weapon than a pistol. I was told that after the fight some citizens from Clinton, and others, came to the grounds with guns, but I was then in such a fix that I could see nothing, my eyes being clotted with blood. B. S. WHITE. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 10th day of September, 1875. Sworn to by Capt. B. S. White, and his signature appended by S. M. Shelton, at the request of the said White and in my presence, White being too feeble to sign for himself. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. The sworn statement of A. H. Sivley. I reside in Raymond, Miss. Martin Sivley was my cousin. I, with P. W. Shearer, his brother-in-law, and Lemon, brought his body off the field on the afternoon of September 4, 1875, after the difficulty at Clinton that day. We found his body in a cotton-field, some quarter of a mile east of the scene of the difficulty, lying on his back, with all the top of his head mashed in, with several wounds from pistol-shots about the body, his, abdomen ripped open with a knife, and his intestines protruding. There were also several other bruises, made by blows from clubs or some heavy instrument, about the body and face. A considerable piece of flesh was torn from his finger where his ring had been pulled (If. His shoes were gone and his clothing torn all to pieces, he being nearly stripped naked. I also assisted in the recovery of the body of F. T. T. Thempson, also killed on the 4th day of September. We found his body about a mile and a half from the scene of the difficulty, in a westerly direction. The body was lying on the back, with a pistol-shot in the thigh, and another just over the left eye, and his skull mashed in over the left eye, apparently with some heavy edged instrument. Skull seemed to have been mashed and then shot, the flesh around the wound being powder-burnt, and gash in the neck, apparently made with a knife. I have been told by others that his watch and the contents of his pockets were taken from him. A..H. SIVLEY. Sworn to and subscribed before me on this the 10th day of September, 1875. LL. s.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Sworn statement of Hubbard Strange. I am a citizen of Hinds County; a colored man, and a republican. I am about 40 years old. I came in procession with the Raymond colored republican club to the barbecue at Clinton, on last Saturday, September 4; was near the speaker's stand; heard Judge Johnston's speech as best I could for the confusion and dissatisfied talking at hearing him. Captain Fisher took the stand after Judge Johnston had finished, and I heard some one say, "Now, damn you, don't tell any lies." This man was Mr. John Neal. Some negro replied to this remark of Neal's in a quarrelsome tone, and some white man came up to Mr. Neal and started off with Mr. Neal, and the negro man, who was quarrelling at Mr. Neal, followed them. I started after them, and they went down in the direction of where the fight occurred. As I followed on I met Martin Sivley and young Waddell, and the latter said to me, " iubbard, you are not after a fuss with us;" and Mr. Martin Sivley answered and said, "No, Hubbard is with us, and wants to keep at peace, like me." This negro man commenced hollowing in the rear of us, "Re-enforce, police, re-enforce." I was calling out for peace, and so was Martin Sivley. I turned to him and asked him, " What in the devil are you hollering re-enforce, police, for? If they commence a fight, you will be the first to run;" and he turned back and went off laughing. I continued to follow Mr. Sivley, and this same negro commenced again to hollow, " Re-enforce, police." And then I heard the drum commence to beat rapidly, and the confusion increased, and the crowd gathered densely, moving in the direction Mr. Neal had gone, and the way Mr. Sivley was going. I followed on, trying to get to Martin Sivley and others to try to take care of them. And being on the rise of the hill I could see over the crowd somewhat, and I saw Mr. Frank Thompson, Mr. John Neal, Martin Sivley, Jesse Wharton, and others of the white men together in a crowd, and densely surrounded by a large crowd of negroes, in great confusion. At this time I saw Mr. Frank Thompson draw his pistol and cock it, and holding it 366 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. with the muzzle toward the ground it went off. Then the shooting commenced generally, and I turned to run and went about five or ten steps and stopped, and turned and looked on until the crowd of negroes rushed back and give way, and I saw Mr. Thompson run out of the crowd and run and get on a roan horse. I saw Charley Caldwell, sr., for the first time after the fuss commenced, run toward Mr. Thompson, (but he, Caldwell, had no arms,) and call to him with a motion of his hand, and saying, " Here, Mister, you man on that horse, stop there." But Thompson paid no attention to Caldwell and rode off. My attention was then called to Jesse Wharton. I saw a colored man pick up a large limb and strike Jesse over the head, knocking him down, and I run up and told him I had raised that young man and he should not hurt him. The limb broke in two, and he turned off from Jesse. Mr. John Neal, sitting on a wagontongue close by and wounded, said to me, " Uncle, save my life, too." I answered, " I will, come to me." I then took them both under my care. This same negro who struck Jesse Wharton said to me, "If you protect their lives I will kill you." I then called to my son Levi, and told him that this negro wanted to kill these white men, and for him' to come to my help. My son came, and we carried them and put them in the buggy, and I put my son in to drive; and seeing three negroes following, calling out " Kil1 the man with the black hair," I walked along behind the buggy to protect Jesse and Mr. Neal. After we got near the big road, some 200 yards from the fightingground, I got in and drove the buggy on to Mr. Neal's house. When I got back to the battle-ground the fight was all over. I think that the majority of the colored people desired peace, and that there would have been no fuss or fight if it had not been for a few bad-disposed negroes, who I blame for the whole difficulty. his HUBBARD + STRANGE mark. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 10th day of September, 1875.' [L. s.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Statement of U. M. Lewis, (white.) I am mayor of the town of Clinton. On Saturday, September 4, there was a republican barbecue and mass-meeting at this place. The place where the barbecue was had, and where the meeting was held, is about three-quarters of a mile from the town. For a few days previous it was generally known that there would be a joint discussion. On Saturday morning, about 10 o'clock, the negro clubs from the surrounding country colmmenced coming into town. A negro club came from Bolton's Depot, numbering about 397; I counted them as accurately as I could. Another club from Ed. wards, which was larger than the Bolton's club, came into town about 12 o'clock. A large-sized negro was in command of the Edwards club. I have been informed that his name is Scott, and that he is a justice of the peace. As he marched his club into town he halted it near the otel, and rode forward alone up the street. He was armed with a cavalry saber, which he carried in his hand drawn. Other clubs came into town; and many negroes gathered from the country. I saw in town several other negroes carrying drawn swords; supposed them to be officers of clubs. The Bolton and Edwards negroes came into town mounted and in procession, formed in column of twos. In my judgment, there were about 1,000 or 1,200 negroes in town. After the mounted clubs came in they passed through town, and shortly afterward returned through town going in the direction of the place for the barbecue and meeting. Before the negroes left Clinton for the place of the meeting there were many crowds of them congregated about the streets, and many of them in their manner were boisterous, loud, and disorderly. Heard several negroes say the democratic party was "' gone up that day," or words to that effect. There were about fifty white men in town. They had nothing to say to the negroes. They avoided coming in contact with the negroes. The white men were quiet and orderly in their conduct and bearing. About half-past twelve the crowd of negroes had assembled at the barbecue grounds. The negro men numbered about 1,000 or 1,200; there were not exceeding forty or fifty white men on the grounds; I am sure at least ten of that number were not armed; I cannot tell bow many were armed; from all I have heard, my opinion is that there were about twenty white men on the grounds armed; I went out to the grounds about half past one; Judge Johnston, (democrat,) was speaking at that time; I heard nothing from Judge Johnston calculated in the least to produce any disorder or lead to a breach of the peace; while Judge Johnston was speaking there was a good deal of laughing and talking among the negroes, apparently intended to keep persons from hearing his speech; I heard one negro say in the crowd, in a tone of voice loud enough to be heard several yards, (but not to be heard as far as the stand,) "Damn it, what do we want to hear a democratic speech for;" and another say in TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 367 about the same tone of voice, that the speaker out to be "put out," and not allowed to speak. Many of them were angry because he was allowed to speak at the meeting. There was no disturbance or fight until H. T. Fisler, republican speaker, had spoken a little while, perhaps ten or fifteen minutes, before the fighting commenced. At the time the firing commenced, I, (with Mr. J. H. Dupree,) was lying under a tree about one hundred and fifty yards east of the spot where the firing began, and one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards from the speakers' stand; ten or fifteen minutes before the firing, a negro approached us and asked, in a peremptory way, "Who is speaking?" Ireplied, "Judge Johnston." The negrosaid, "Hell, I thought this was a republican meeting and not a damn democrats' meeting." A few moments before the firing began, a negro woman came near me, saying, in a loud tone, " A fight, a fight." The negro men commenced moving rapidly towards the branch, where a few white men (three or four) were congregated, about one hundred or one hundred and twenty-five yards from the speakers' stand; several of the negroes said, " Go for them, boys;" and I heard this expression used by a negro: " This is the thing we have wanted, boys; kill all the white men." And one negro told another negro to go toward the stand and have the drums beaten, and for them to rally at the drums. The drums were beaten. All this occurred before a shot was fired. As the crowd of negroes rallied by the drums, they commenced moving or surging toward the place where the excitement commenced, (that is, the point about the branch where the few white men had gathered;) a pistol-shot was fired. This was followed in quick succession by two or three other shots, and then a general firing commenced. I walked down toward this point, going around the crowd of negroes, and had just started to walk in that direction when the firing commenced. Where the firing commenced I could see but few whites, probably not over three, and they seemed to be surrounded by negroes.'There was probably more white men, but they were scattered and I did not see them. The crowd of negroes on the very spot where the fighting began, at the time the firing commenced, was at least three hundred. I saw a great many negroes with pistols. I am of the opinion at least one hundred. Many negroes who were not armed brokb off large limbs or branches from the trees for clubs, saying, of the white people, " God damln'em, we will mash them in the earth." I heard threats on all sides from the negroes against the whites. I started to leave the ground, but stumbled and fell to the ground; and as I rose from the ground I saw a negro get a pistol from a pair of saddle-bags on his horse, and fire at me. I was shot at repeatedly as I left the place. I went to Clinton without being hurt. When the fight commenced, the white men were not mlassed in one body, but were scattered about the grounds. The three or four white men who were off at the branch made the largest group I saw. I do not know of my own knowledge the cause of the difficulty, or who fired the first shot. My opinion is that the white people did not desire any riot or trouble, and did not anticipate it; and I think this because of the small number of whites in Clinton and on the grounds; and because so few of those present were armed; and because of the vast number of negroes that were present. The manner and conduct of many of the negroes during the day was overbearing and aggressive. I did not fire a shot during the difficulty. A great many negroes, perhaps all of Edwards and Bolton negroes, after the firing, moved off on the roads leading to the west. I met a squad of negroes between the tan-yard and Clinton, and one negro was urging them to go on and kill all the white men. I am mayor of Clinton. When I reached Clinton it was reported to me that the negroes would mass themselves and come into town to burn the town, and kill all the white people in the town. I immediately telegraphed to Vicksburgh and Jackson for assistance; for aid to protect the town. A body of citizens came from Vicksburgh, about one hundred and twenty-five, and about sixty came from Jackson, to protect the lives and property of the citizens of Clinton from the threatened violence of the negro nmob. No attack on the town, however, was made during the night. Several colored men were killed in Clinton during the night. This was not authorized by me, or done by my approval or authority. This was done by unauthorized persons, who supposed that the negroes killed were engaged in the killing of white men on Saturday evening. Several other negroes (exact number not known by me) were killed in the vicinity of Clinton early Sunday morning, by persons not acting under my orders. Early Sunday morning the men from Jackson returned to their home, as did the Vicksburgh men, with the exception of about twenty whom I requested W. H. Andrews, of Vicksburgh, to leave here for the protection of the town, not being fully satisfied that the negroes would not return. By Sunday evening everything was )uiet and peaceable, and the excitement caused by the occurrences of Saturday had subsided. Sunday night a deputy sheriff from Jackson, with a large posse, came to Clinton. The deputy sheriff, Colonel W. H. Taylor, expressed himself as satisfied that quiet was restored, and very soon returned to Jackson. Since that time there has not been the least disturbance or breach of the laws in Clinton or its immediate vicinity. On Monday morning business was resumed, and I sent out messengers throughout the neighborhood to inform all the citizens in the vicinity of Clinton that quiet was fully restored, and that there was no cause for alarm. Everything to-day is perfectly peace 368 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. able and quiet in Clinton and vicinity. And to-day, on learning that the sheriff of the county, and probably Governor Ames,-were under the impression thrt some lawlessness prevailed, I sent a dispatch to Jackson, to Sheriff Harney, offering him one hundred men, to act under his orders, in the interest of peace and order in the county. I do not think there are any disturbances in the county; but I was willing, with the hundred men tendered, to do everything possible to restore a feeling of confidence to the mind of every citizen in the county. G. M. LEWIS. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 10th day of September, 1875. [L. S.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Statement of T.. Wells, (white.) I live in Clinton. On Saturday, September 4, a republican barbecue was held at this place, about three-quarters of a mile from Clinton. The republicans agreed to divide time with Judge Johnston, a democrat. I went out to the grounds in the morning. Judge Johnston commenced speaking about 1 o'clock. He said nothing in his speech calculated to disturb the peace. H. T. Fisher, a white republican, then commenced speaking, and had spoken about five minutes when the fighting commenced. There were from nine hundred to twelve hundred colored men on the ground, according to my best judgment. I noticed a great many pistols among the negroes that day. I saw an unusual number of negroes with pistols, and I would judge that several hundred of them were armed. I think there were about fifty white men on the grounds. I am personally acquainted with pretty near all of the white men who were present on the grounds that day. From my observation, I should say that about twenty-five white men were armed with pistols. Not a white man on the ground had a gun, so far as I know, or have been informed. I will state as follows in regard to the commencement of the fight: About the time Fisher commenced speaking, and this was fifteen or twenty minutes before the fight, three or four white gentlemen left the stand where the speaking was going on, and walked off about one hundred yards away from the entire crowd, to their wagon, which was by a little branch or rivulet in a low, flat place, near a group of willow trees. I think that Vasser Shearer, Vink Waddel, Mr. Frank Thompson, and perhaps young Mr. Wharton were in this party. None of them were drunk. They were behaving in a quiet, orderly, and peaceable manner, and had been so conducting themselves all day. I passed by this paity five or ten minutes before the fighting commenced. These gentlemen had a bottle of liquor out. I did not see them take a drink, but suppose their object in going off the grounds was to take a social drink. I then walked up to the stand, and stood near the stand. Everything was then quiet. Presently I saw many negroes, quite a crowd, moving rapidly toward the small party of gentlemen already spoken of, who were at the branch; not a shot had then been fired. I next heard a negro say, " There is a fight." Mr. John Neal, a white man standing near me, said to the crowd of negroes who were still moving toward the branch, " It is not a fight, it is only a man taking a drink." The negroes paused a moment. Then the negroes said again, "It is a fight," and moved on. Chas. Caldwell, sr., said " Come back" to the negroes, and Fisher said the same thing, but this had no effect on them. I heard a negro man, down at the spot spoken of where the small party of white men were standing, call to the negroes to " Come on." I saw a negro, between me and the party at the branch, trying to form the negroes together, and heard him order them to "Fall into ranks." I do not know his name. I saw another negro on a horse, not far from the stand, and, perhaps, one hundred yards from the branch, call to the negroes, "All you who have no pistols get clubs," or words to that effect. The drums carried to the grounds by the negroes were then beat; I was about thirty yards from the drums; during this time there seemed to be a scuffle going on atthe branch where the group of white gentlemen was, already spoken of by me, and there was a good deal of excitement; the negroes rushed down toward this party at the, branch; I then heard a pistol shot at the branch, and the firing instantly became general; after the firing commenced many of the negroes ran from the grounds, and others ran toward the place where the fighting was going on; I left the grounds very quickly after the firing commenced, and before it was over; I had no pistol or weapon of any kind, and did not participate in the fight; I then came toward Clinton, and stopped at a tan-yard near the road leading from Clinton to the place where the fighting took place, and about two or three hundred yards from the town; I saw a squad of negroes, three or four, armed with guns, moving from Clinton toward the firing-that is, the place where the fighting was going on; while I stood in the tan-yard, I saw Mr. Calvin Wells, a white man, coming up the road toward Clinton in a buggy; I saw ten or fifteen negroes standing in the flat between the tan-yard and the road, and as Wells passed they fired ten or fifteen shots at him, saying at the time, " There goes a white man, shoot him! " TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 369 I think Wells had lost control of his horse at the time he was passing, and I think the'horse was running away. I have since been told, and I think the information correct. that Wells had previously been shot in the hand-that is, before this squad of negroes fired at him; these shots did not take effect, for Wells passed on in his buggy to Clinton; the firing was soon over; I then came up to Clinton to the railroad-depot. THOS. A. WELLS. STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, Hinds County: Personally appeared before me T. A. Wells, who, being first duly sworn, says that the foregoing statement is true and correct, according to the best of his knowledge and belief. This September 9th, 1875. SILAS J. CAREY, J. P., Justice of Peace in and for Hinds County.. Sworn statement of Henry Jackson, (colored.) I am a citizen of the neighborhood of Clinton, about nineteen years old; am colored; do not claim to belong to any political party; but am a son of Simon Jackson, former president of the colored republican club of Clinton; on the 4th of September instant, on Saturday, I went.to the barbecue ground about 10 o'clock; I was up near the old building on the grounds, about one hundred yards from the speaker's stand, at Mrs. CaldwellFs ice-cream stand; about 2 o'clock p. m., as near as I can guess at the time, and I heard some one say there is a fuss on the grounds; I ran down toward where the crowd seemed gathering, and I saw a colored man have a white man by the throat; a big crowd had gathered around this white man, not less than fifty colored men; I could see, being on the hill, distinctly the crowd, the white man and the negro man, Louis Hargrove, who had the white man by the throat; I heard the whites tell Louis two or three times to turn him loose, and he held on till I heard a shot and saw Louis Hargrove fall; I do not know who fired the shot; cannot say that the white man who was being choked fired; the white man asked Louis in a kind tone of voice to turn him loose, as he did not want to pay the fine of 650 for disturbing the peace; I saw some white man firing, but don't know who he was; the first shot I heard was when I saw Louis Hargrove fall; I thought it was time for me to be getting away, and I started as fast as I could for home; I saw Mr. Waddy Rice after he was shot through the hand; there were a great many colored people and very few white on the ground that day HENRY G. JACKSON. Sworn to and subscribed to before me this 10th day of September, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Statement under oath of Dr. H.. T. Dupree. I was on the barbecue grounds, by invitation, to a joint discussion of the issues of the day; I heard Judge Johnston's speech through, and that of Captain Fisher up to the beginning of the disturbance; there was much confusion in the crowd around the stand, and among other defiant remarks I heard made was one of a negro, who said, "What in the hell is the use of our listening to Johnston? haven't the white folks been telling us lies ever since the surrender, and they continue to do so," and from the defiant words and actions I became convinced that they, the negroes, were seeking a pretext for a difficulty; Fisher had been speaking ten or fifteen minutes when I heard some one, about a hundred yards off, halloo very loudly, which I supposed some one drunk, but immediately a large crowd of negroes rushed in that direction crying out for the police, and to arrest them, &c., but quickly this cry was turned into " Kill them," "Kill them;" the crowd continued to gather around the scene, and the further and louder cry of " Kill the damned sons of bitches," and many of the negroes had their pistols in their hands and others drawing their pistols; I could not tell what white men they were after at that time; I kept my stand and saw the dense crowd still gathering; their demoniac cries beggaring all description, for blood and slaughter, increasing, until presently the firing commenced, when the crowd swaying backward revealed to me the fact that tt hey had been surrounding a small squad, eight or ten, of white men; before the firing commenced the negroes beat their drums furiously; among the white men thus surrounded, I saw Captain White, Martin Sivley, Dr. Bracey, Frank Robinson, and Willie Sims coming out; they had their pistols in hand, but I think they were all empty; I started for Clinton, some half mile distant, and fell in with Major Harper and his son, and as we moved on I heard a cry behind us of "Shoot them, kill them, they are the damn sons of bitches who killed ourmen;" I recognized the same; white 24 MISS 370 MIISISSIPPI ELECTION-HINDS COUNTY. men named above, being hotly pursued by a large crowd of negroes; among the crowd of white men I recognized Henry Page, a negro and a republican, trying to protect our white men; these white men were now protesting for peace; I immediately turned and exhorted the negroes to be peaceable, that the law should be resorted to; that they knew the men, and they could be had whenever called for by the law, I would go their security that they should be forthcoming; the negroes answered, " There is no law now, kill them, God damn them, kill them;" the negro who made this reply most loudly was a yellow negro, whom I have since been informed was one of the Caldwell family; by this time these white men were overtaken and' partially surrounded by the negroes, and one of the white men (I think Frank Robinson) was knocked down, and Henry Page, the colored man before referred to, took him, Robinson, off the ground and carried him away, being pursued by a large number of other negroes out of this crowd; I took advantage of these negroes following Robinson, and moved on toward town, with the'other white men following me; we had gone about one hundred yards, still being menaced by negroes following, but not in such force until Robinson's pursuers again overtook us; they came up again with their cry of "Kill them," and the white men begging for their lives; one or more of them surrendered their pistols to the negroes; among them thus surrendering was Martin Sivley, who handed up his pistol, and immediately another negro struck him over the head (I think the same yellow negro Caldwell, before spoken of) with a pistol, knocking Sivley down and breaking the pistol; Siv]ey got up and ran, and I think Dr. Bracey with him, hotly pursued by mnany negroes, this same yellow negro in the crowd; Sivley jumped the fence and ran about one hundred yards in a field, and soon I heard demoniac yells and many shots from toward the direction Sivley ran, and where I think his body was found; took advantage of the absence of the negroes that ran after Sivley and Bracey, and I moved on toward town, again followed only by Captain White and Willie Sims; I got near to the railroad-crossing, nearly a half mile from where the fighting first commenced; we were still being pursued and menaced by many negroes, and at or near the railroad-crossing, a negro, who I am informed is called Wade Walker, assaulted Captain White, swearing he would kill him anyhow; then I again tried to parley with them, the negroes, again telling them the white men could be had when wanted by the law; this big black negro hesitated for a second, and said, " God damn you, then give me your pistol." Captain White handed him a little pistol; he then demanded my pistol, and I gave it to him; he, the negro, cursed, and I started down the dirt road and White down the railroad, diverging so that I lost sight of him, (White,) but he was again overtaken and beaten and left for dead, as I have since learned. I moved forward again and got near the depot, and hearing shots again looked back and saw a white man (Calvin Wells) coming in his buggy, and saw a negro who had, as I thought, his horse by the bridle, while others from both sides of the road were advancing on him, (Wells,) firing at him; just at this time Captain Montgomery came to Wells's relief with a double-barrel shot-gun, and, firing both barrels, the negroes gave back and the horse bounded forward and was running away, Wells not having the lines, which were down under the horse's feet. Wells hallooed to me to stop his horse, which I did, and he told me that he was wounded, and to get in and take him.home. I am satisfied that there were not more than seventy-five white men, and not more than fifteen or twenty were armed, and 1,000 or 1,200 negro men, very many of whom were armed, and many women and children. This was on the 4th September, 1875, in Hinds County. H. T. T. DUPREE. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 10th day of September, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. The sworn statement of D. W. Rice. I am, and was, on the 4th instant, a clerk in the store of T. G. Rice, merchant, in the town of Clinton, Miss. Under the instructions of my employer, I closed the store about 10 o'clock a. m. on the 4th instant, and went to the meeting then being held about three-quarters of a mile from town, arriving there just before the conclusion of Judge Johnston's speech. I went up to the speakers' stand. Judge Johnston concluded his speech, and Mr. Fisher had been speaking some five minutes, when I saw a negro running from a bottom some one hundred yards from the speakers' stand, who said there was a fight between a white and colored man. A crowd of negroes immediately went down. The same negro again returned, and proclaimed the same thing, saying, in addition, " Come down, boys, come down!" Immediately the whole crowd of negroes ran down to the bottom. I then went down to about twenty-five yards of the crowd, hoping to preserve peace. I saw Simon Jackson (colored) backing Wade Walker (colored) out of the crowd, begging him to keep quiet. Walker was very violent, declaring that he would kill the " damned rascal;" about that time a kettle-drum was beaten rapidly for a minute or so; then I heard a shot fired in the crowd, which was TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 371 followed by rapid firing and hallooing. When the firing began, I had changed my position to a point about fifty-yards from the crowd, and heard cries in every direction,'"Kill every damned white man on the ground;" about this time I was shot myself. Up to the time I was shot, I had been doing all in my power to preserve the peace, and had shown no weapons; I then drew my pistol, there being about me a dozen negroes with pistols in their hands, firing and shouting, "Kill every white man on the ground!" The negroes were infuriated beyond my power to describe; I felt that it was death to a white man to remain on the ground. I made my escape to town as soon as I could, and got ammunition and returned. As I passed the railroad-crossing when I escaped to town, a negro, Wade Walker, was standing there with a pistol in his hand, calling upon the negroes to rally; as I passed him, he fired on me. I am sure there were not over seventy-five white men on the ground when the fight occurred, not over twentyfive of whom were armed. D. W. RICE. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 9th of September, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. The sworn statement of H. C. Marshall. I live near Clinton, Miss. Having been informed that there would be a joint political discussion at Clinton on the 4th of September, I attended the meeting. I stood in about ten feet of the speakers' stand while Judge Johnston was speaking; was surrounded by negroes, among whom were many young negroes, who throughout Johnston's speech were cursing the whites, and, in boisterous tones, contradicting the speaker, making such a noise that I was unable to hear what was said: they frequently rubbed against me, putting their arms upon my shoulders, and by every word and act seeking to insult and provoke me. Being the only white man in the immediate crowd, I kept quiet to avoid a difficulty, if possible; my attention was attracted to the difficulty in the bottom, some hundred yards off, byseeing the crowd rush down; I then tried to go to the place to learn the cause; after I got down, the drum beat; the white boys were then falling back, and the negroes were pressing on them; I could, once in a while, see the boys' heads; the crowd of negroes was very dense around them; soon after the drum beat and the firing began; about the third shot the crowd of negroes scattered some, but rallied again and pressed on the boys; the negroes came from the speakers' stand to the bottom, brandishing their pistols, crying, " Kill the damned rascals!" I could not tell how many white boys there were, as I was soon cut off from them entirely after the firing began, and never did succeed in getting to them where they were; the negroes soon began shooting at me, and I made my escape as soon as I could; I suppose I saw from three hundred to four hundred negroes armed with pistols, and shooting in every direction; I think seventy-five would include all the whites on the ground during the day; I think there were more than 1,500 negro men on the ground, besides women and children; the negroes continued to follow and shoot at me until I crossed the railroad and got nearly to the town. H. C. MARSHALL. Sworn to and subscribed before me on this 4th day of September, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. The sworn statement of Waslhington Slayton (colored.) I am a colored man, and about twenty-seven years old; am a citizen of Hinds County, where I have lived for ten years or more; I live near Raymond; am a republican, and a member of the Raymond Republican Club. On the 4th of September, 1875, I went to Clinton with my club to attend a republican meeting, where, I was told, there was to be a joint political discussion; the first I saw or knew of the difficulty which occurred that day was in this wise: while Judge Johnston was speaking a colored man created a disturbance in the crowd; immediately a colored man came up and called for a policeman, and told him to go down the hill, as there were some white boys making a fuss; I asked him what he wanted with a policemafi, telling him there was no one down there going to start a row; I said to the policeman, " Come back;" that his business was at the stand; " Let us do as the white people did at Raymond, and keep quiet and listen to the speech, and pay no attention to that affair;" he said he was here to arrest any man who did not behave himself; he had heard that the boys had a bottle of whisky down there, and he was going to arrest them; I at once left the stand myself, Charles Caldwell, sen., going at the same time; he got to the white boys and said to the colored people, " Go back, we will' qualify' these young men directly;" I got in then, and said to the colored people, "For God's sake, do go 372 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION H —INDS COUNTY. back, and start no fuss here;" there was then a large crowd of colored people around us, led by a big colored man crying "re-enforce, police;" the colored people kept coming down the hill; I got a few to stop; before a pistol fired Caldwell said, "God Almighty, people, are you not going to hear me when I speak to you?" the same big black man again cried, "Re-enforce down here, men-God damn it, let us kill the men-don't be fooling with them any longer;" at that time the colored people were between fifteen and twenty feet deep around the whites, who were falling back and the colored people pressing on them; I then broke ranks, got out of there, and jumped my horse and run; I was satisfied there would be a fight, for the negroes around us had out their pistols, and I saw a large crowd of them running down the hill with pistols drawn, and heard as many as twenty crying, " Kill them, kill them damned white folks;" I am a true republican, but I give it as my deliberate judgment that if the colored people hd.c behaved themselves there would have been no fuss; the white people seemed to do all in their power to avoid it; they had kept quiet and respectful all day; I do not believe there were over fifty or sixty whites on the ground; the boys had no pistols out when they were surrounded as before said, except that a boy named Waddill picked up a rock or something, and Mr. Martin Sivley took out his pistol and said to him, "If you do not behave yourself, I will knock you down with my pistol;" Sivley immediately put up his pistol. his WASHINGTON + SLAYTON. mark. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 10th day of September, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Statement of Frank Guiol, (white.) I reside in Clinton; I went out to the grounds where the barbecue and speaking were had on last Saturday; reached the stand while Judge Johnston was speaking; I was near Charley Chilton, about thirty steps from the speakers' stand; about the time that Fisher (republican) commenced speaking. Mr. Chilton said he would go home, and he then left for home; Chilton's residence was about a quarter of a mile fiomu the stand; after Fisher had spoken about five or ten, perhaps fifteen minutes, I noticed some excitement off in the direction of a little branch, about 100 yards distant; a white man and a negro seemed to be disputing; the crowd of negroes commenced to move in that direction; I heard a negro say, " There is a fight.," and the same person said, " Go down, boys," to the negroes: then the drums were beaten; there was one drum at the stand, and another in the crowd, thirty or forty steps fiom the stand; as soon as the cry of a fight was raised, these drums were beaten; the negroes all rallied in a crowd, and rushed down towards the spot where the excitement first commenced, which I have already described; up to this time not a shot had been fired; when the drums were beaten, and the large crowd of negroes had rushed down to this spot, then a shot was fired, and the firing instantly became general; I do not know who fired the first shot; when the drums were beaten,I heard, several negroes say, "Rally, boys, rally," and this was before a shot was fired; the.negroes near the drums, and where this command was given, were about one hundred yards from the place where I witnessed the altercation, and I do not think it possible that they could have known anything about the merits of the altercation, and.beyond the fact that an altercation or dispute was going on between a white man and a negro; as soon as the firing commenced, being unarmed, I started for Clinton; when I reached the hill-top, about 150 or 200 yards from the spot where the fighting began, I met three or four white men who were also unarmed;.we proposed to keep together, if possible, and make our way to Clinton; in the excitement we became separated; the next thing I saw was a mulatto man, (I think from Jackson,) stamping on the ground and holding a revolver in each hand; other negroes, quite a crowd, were coming behind him; I seemed to have attracted their attention; I said to the man with the pistols, " For God's sake stop this shooting, and quiet this thing;" he replied by saying, "Stand back," and then fired at me; I continued to retreat as rapidly as possible; at this moment, young Martin Sivley, who had fallen near the top of the hill, struggled to his feet and attempted to escape; this attracted the attention of the negroes in my vicinity; they turned on Sivley and commenced firing on him; I did not remain to see him killed, but availed myself of this opportunity to escape; I have been told that Sivley was killed about 150 or 200 yards from the spot where I last saw him alive, and fleeing for his life; when I reached the railroad crossing, that is where the Upper Vicksburgh dirt-road crosses the V. & M. R R., about one-fourth of a mile from where the fighting commenced, I saw Wade Walker, a negro, beating a white man who was lying on the ground in a helpless condition; the white man, I have since learned, was Captain White; Wade Walker was beating him with a stick, and held a pistol in one hand; there was a crowd TESTIMONY OF FRANK JOHNSTON. 373 of negroes around Walker at the time; a son of White, a lad about seventeen, apparently unarmed, was begging the negroes for God's sake not to kill his father, he begged them to kill him but to spare his father; the negroes shouted, " Kill him, kill all the white men," and they knocked him down and beat him; I passed this group as near as ten or twelve steps, and saw this in passing; they seemed to be occupied with Captain White and his son, and did not seenr to notice me; I also saw a group of negroes shooting at a white man in a buggy, shouting, " Kill him, stop him;" I have been told that Calvin Wells was the man in the buggy; I reached Clinton safely; there were about 1,200 colored men on the grounds during the meeting; I saw about 40 or 45 white men on the ground; many white men in Clinton did not go out to the speaking; indeed I believe that the greater part of the white men of Clinton did not go to the speaking at all; during the day, in town and on the grounds, the white men were sober, quiet and orderly in their conduct and bearing, and I saw no disposition whatever manifested on their part to create any disturbance, or to interfere in any way with the negroes or republicans. F. GUIOL. Sworn to and subscribed before me this September 9th, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Sworn statement of Silas Thomas, (colored.) I am a hired farm-laborer, and have lived for several years with Thomas Wells, and worked on his plantation, eight miles south of Edwards Depot, Hinds County, Miss.; have been there and in the neighborhood all the latter part of August and September, up to yesterday, when I came to Raymond; on or about Thursday, the 19th of August, A. D. 1875, a colored man, who said he was from Clinton, Hinds County, came to Haffa's school-house, where the Oak Ridge Republican Club met, and made a speech to that club; I am a member of that club, and was present on that day; the said school-house is about two miles from where I live; in his speech he said he had come down to tell them to come to Clinton on the 4th of September; that Caldwell was going to make a big speech there; that the white folks had said that Caldwell should not speak there, "But we will show them he shall speak there; come prepared for business;" that if we did not hold up our heads on this side of Big Black, we would be justlike Vicksburgh was; that he wanted us to come mounted and prelpared, and Marcus Kelly, president of the club, arose and said, "Gentlemen, you all know what that means, donlt you L" We all understood that he meant for us to come armed; said that those who did not have horses must borrow from those who had more than one. The club agreed to come to Clinton, elected their officers, formed two companies-William Jones, captain of one company, and James Richards, captain of the other. Did not see the companies going, but saw some of the men returning; and they told me that the companies did go to Clinton on Saturday, the 4th. Saw them returning home on Sunday morning. The men told me they had been in the fight on Saturday. They said they did not know what it started about. Said white folks trying to run over the black folks,but we showed them better than that. his SILAS + THOMAS. mark. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 9th day of September, 1875. SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. Statement of P. H. Hooker. I was standing in front of the speaker's stand during Judge Johnston's speech, to which very little attention was paid by the negroes and radicals. When Fisher commenced speaking, I changed my position, and in moving met a negro who told me that some loud talking, which was heard, was between a white man and a negro. The loud talk, or quarreling, increased until the drums commenced to beat a rally, when I left my position, and immediately the firing commenced, and it seemed a hundred shots were fired. I then crossed the railroad and halted, when a negro man near by exclaimed, "What are those boys doing?" and commenced to cry out, "Rally, boys; rally, boys." I then started for home, and had gone about a mile from the grounds when young Thompson, who was killed, passed me, riding furiously from the scene. About a half mile further on I passed Thompson. He told me he was badly wounded in the leg. We started on to try to get to Mr. Campbell's. Thompson spoke of no other wounds. We galloped on, and I in front; but when I got to Mr. Campbell's, and looked back for Thompson, I saw nothing of him. When I last saw him he was a mile and a half from the barbecue grounds. P. H. HOOKER. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 9th day of December, 1875. [SEAL.] SILAS J. CAREY, J. P. 374 MISSISSIPPI ELECTION —HINDS COUNTY. Statement of Ramsey Whiarton,jr., as to ite difficulty at the republican meeting at Clinlton on the 4th of September, 1875. I cannot state from my present knowledge how this difficulty commenced, as I was standing only a short distance from the speaker's stand, where it was said to have begun. I then noticed a rush among the crowd of negroes towards the wagon in which I, with others, came from Raymond, which was about seventy-five or one hundred yards from the speaker's stand, and went in the same direction. Many of these negroes were shouting, " Go for the Raymond boys! Kill them!" &c. About fifteen or twenty steps from the wagon I overtook Charles Caldwell, sr., colored, when I asked him to try and stop the fuss. He then said, "Gentlemen, for God's sake stand back," or used some such language. I did not then have a pistol in my hand, nor did I exhibit a pistol until after I was shot in my head by a negro man who was only three or four feet from me. At this time I was standing near this wagon from Raymond, and talking to said Caldwell. I did not hear any firing until after the drum was beat, when the firing commenced. I do not know who fired the first shot. I did not exhibit a pistol until after I was wounded, as before stated, and then used it for the protection of my life. After I was shot I was knocked down and stamped by negroes, and I am satisfied I would have been killed by them when on my way to Clinton, after this fighting was over, but for the interposition of Hiram Turner, a colored man, who lives near Raymond, who used his influence with the negroes for the protection of the lives of Vassar Shearer and myself. I am nearly twenty years of age, and a native of Hinds County, Mississippi. RAMSEY WHARTON. Sworn to and subscribed before me, a justice of the peace for Hinds County, Mississippi, September 10, 1875. [SEAL.] J. W. COVINGTON, J. P. Sworn statement of T. G. Rice, a merchant in the town of Clinton, Miss. I was on the grounds on the 4th instant, where the difficulty occurred. While Mr. Fisher was speaking I heard loud talking in a bottom some one hundred yards from the stand, and saw a great number of negroes running down. I at once went down myself. When I got there I found five or six white boys, among whom were Martin Sivley and Frank Thompson, in front of whom were about a hundred negroes pursuing them, and the boys gradually giving way-going back thirty or forty f