I]'1MIGRATION:
ITS
EVILS AN]) CONSEQUENCES.
BY
SAMUEL C. BUSEY, M.D.
"We should become a little more Americanized."-JAcKSON.
NEW YOREK:
DE WITT & DAVENPORT, PUBLISHERS,
160 AND 162 NASSAU STREET 
(,'i\        I''
"- A#
~~E-.. according to Ac,t of Co.-U..s, i. the year 1856, by
DE WITT & DAVENPORT,
Is the Clerk's Office f the District Conc of the United States for the Seothern Distri,t of ~New Yerk.
W. IL TINSON, STEREOTYrER.    ONO. RUOOELL & Co., mINTERS.    0. W. ALERANOER, NSND5R. 
PRE F ACE.
THE object of this book is simply to present to the American peopfe,
in a convenient form, the " facts and figures " in relation to immigration.
The author has studiously avoided hypotheses and conjectures, and relied
solely and exclusively upon positive illustrations to demonstrate practically the evils and consequences of indiscriminate immigration; and the
evidence employed to substantiate any one of the evils enumerated as
flowing from immigration, is only such as is authoritative and indisputable. The census of 1850 constitutes the basis of all the tabular statements, and the conclusions deduced therefrom are only such as seemed
to be clearly within the comprehension of every reflecting mind.  It has
been an especial aim of the author to avoid all mere partisan statements,
and any comment upon any fact which was calculated to exaggerate the
evil or to give to it a coloring not justified by the data, and if in any
instance he has erred it has been an error of judgment.
4-1 
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Introduction.........
CHAPTER II.
Foreign 0. ganizations.......
CHAPTER  III.
Kossuth Mania........
CHAPTER IV.
Remittances from America
CHAPTER V.
Shipment of Paupers and Criminals....
CHAPTER VI.
Labor..........
CHAPTER VII.
Law of Increase........
CHAPTER  VIII.
Washington on Foreigners......
CHAPTER IX.
Evils of Immigration.......
CHAPTER X.
Foreign Immigration.......
CHAPTER XI.
Present Political Power of Foreign Votes...
CHAPTER XII.
Foreigners in Government Employ....
CHAPTER XIII.
Unconstitutional for States to Naturalize Aliens..
4*
18
47
62
66
77
88
90
107
188
151
154 
IMMI GR ATION.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
THE repeal or amendment of the naturalization laws
is one of the political questions now agitating the public
mind, and it is important that all collateral questions or
issues bearing, in any manner, upon this momentous
question, should be fully and thoroughly investigated,
discussed, and understood. The reasons, pro and con,
should be fully and fairly set forth.  It is the object of
this work to show cause for a repeal of the existing
laws, or the necessity of an amendment, which will
extend the term of probation of aliens, and require
them to reside long enough amongst us to clearly coinprehend the workings of a popular government, and to
understand and appreciate the laws and municipal
regulations of the country.   The machinery of the
government is so intricate, yet so nicely adjusted, with
its admirably arranged checks and balances, that, to 
IMMIGRATION.
fully comprehend its operation, it is not only necessary 
to study it theoretically, but to observe it in all its
varied and multiform phases, and to experience, feel,
and enjoy its blessings, its liberality, and its security, to
become acquainted with the scope of its powers, their
necessity, their source, their object, their action, and
their effect.
The untutored alien, however honest and patriotic he
may be, and however thoroughly imbued with the
principles of civil and religious liberty, cannot acquaint
himself with the complex machinery in the brief period
required by the existing laws.
The circumstances under which he was reared, his
education, his training, the associations of his youth,
have impressed upon his mind the peculiarities of his
race and of his country. He has inherited the customs
and habits of his parents, learned their sympathies, and
imbibed their prejudices and animosities. The associations of youth stamp their impress upon the character
of the grown up man, and give bent to the mind. The
endearments of the past cling around him in the future,
and the ties of relationship and- companionship cannot
be severed. 
Every nation possesses distinctive peculiarities, not
only in reference to its habits, customs, dress, and
manners, but also in morals, religion, language, and in
politics; and these peculiarities, whether of the person
or of the mind, of society or of the nature, are so uniform and well marked in all nations, that they have
been regarded as tests. Language and dress are not
the only characteristics of nations. The qualities of the
mind and of the heart of different nations are as dissim
6 
INTRODUCTION.
ilar as their language and dress.  These distinctive
features are essential to the well-being of mankind.
;Destroy them, and the nation will soon cease to exist.
,.nation's nationality consists in its distinctive characteristics; its government is constituted, and its laws are
framed with national peculiarities, and as one nation
becomes blended and commingled with another, its form
of government and laws gradually change, its institutions give way, and others are established. This change
may be gradual or not, beneficial or deleterious, as the
circumstances of the case may be.
Every civilized country has its government, its laws,
and its institutions. The citizens are trained up under
the operation of those laws, and under the established
institutions, and the effect and influence of such training upon the mind, the feelings and impulses. upon the
nature and character are powerful and durable. The
government is the political school of its citizens, wherein
they are taught the justice of its laws, and the liberality
and beneficence of its institutions, and these teachings
form and give direction to all ideas of government, of
laws, and of their effect and purpose.
In his " iNotes on Virginia," speaking of the population of America, the author of the Declaration of Independence said:
"Here I wvill beg leave to propose a doubt. The present desire
of America is to produce a rapid population, by as great importation of foreigners as possible.  But is this founded in good policy?
*  *  *  *  Are there no inconveniences to be thrown into the
scale against the advantages expected from the multiplication of
numbers, by the importation of foreigners? It is for the happiness
of those united in society to harmonize, as much as possible, in
7 
IMMIGRATION.
matters which they must of necessity transact together. Civil government being the sole object of forming societies, its administration
must be conducted by common consent. Every species of government has its specific principles. Ours, perhaps, are more peculiar
than any other in the universe.  It is a composition of the freest
principles of the English constitution, with others, derived from
natural right and reason. To these nothing can be more opposed
than the maxims of absolute monarchies.  Yet from such we expect
the greatest number of emigrants. They will bring with them the
principles of the governments they have finbibed in early youth; or
if able to throw them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded
licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from one extreme to another.
It would be a nmiracle were they to stop precisely at the point of
temperate liberty. Their principles, with their language, they will
transmit to their children.  In proportion to their number they will
share with us in the legislation. They will infuse into it their
spirit, warp and bias its direction, and render it a heterogeneous,
incoherent, distracted mass.   I may appeal to experience, during
the present contest, for a verification of those conjectures; but if
they are not certain in event, are they not possible, are they not
probable? Is it not safer to wait with patience for the attainment
of population desired or expected?  May not our government be
more homogeneous, more peaceable, more durable?"
"Our government," said Jefferson, " is a composition
of the freest principles of the En'glish Constitution, with
others, derived from natural right and reason." Should
a government, thus constituted, be entrusted to the
keeping of those who have neither enjoyed, nor who
understand  the principles,  "of  natural right and
reason?"  "They will," said Jefferson, " infuse into it
their spirit, warp and bias its direction, and render it
a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass." Whence
*tomes the immigrant?  France is monarchical, gpain is
(despotic, Russia autocratic.  Ireland is but a British
8
i 
INTRODUCTION.
dependency; and ours is a government of constitutional liberty, and of "natural right and reason," to
"which nothing can be more opposed than the'maxims
of absolute monarchies.' "  "It is for the happiness of
those united in society to harmonize as much as
possible, in matters which they must, of necessity,
transact together. Civil government being the sole
object of forming societies, its administration must be
conducted by common consent." A government, to be
lasting, durable, uniform in policy and its institutions,
must be homogeneous. This is a political truism. A
government, to be homogeneous, must preserve the
homogeneity of its citizens, of its people, and the
homogeneity of a people can only be preserved by the
continuance or multiplication of its kind by generation
or successive production, and there is not in nature any
spontaneous generation, but all comes by propagation.
Immigration is then, inconsistent with the preservation
of the homogeneity of a nation or of a government, for
" foreigners will bring with them the principles of the
government they have imbibed in their youth, or if able
to throw them off, it will be in exchange for an
unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from one
extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they
to stop precisely at the poilt of temperate liberty."  The
present generation has fully realized this prophetic declaration of the sagacious Jefferson, and were he living at
this time he could not more distinctly and unequivocally
express the evils of immigration, and its blighting and
withering effect upon republican institutions.' IHe could
not have more distinctly shown the evils flowing from
the existence of that great German organization in our
9 
IMMIGRATION.
e
midst, which has its branches in New York, Philadel phia, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Louisville, Baltimore, Rich mond, Pittsburg, and New Orleans, where they have
distinctly avowed their object to be to change the
Constitution of the United States and to abrogate all
laws relative to the observance of the Sabbath.
The framers of the Constitution incorporated into that
instrument the principle of nativism. They laid down
the landmarks by which future generations were to be
guided. They declared by that solemn compact, that
the President of the United States should be a native
born citizen, and, as consequent truths, which necessarily
follow from this principle, they established,
1. That the army of the United States should be in his
native born American hands.
2. That the navy of the United States should be
under native born American control.
3. That treaties should be be organized and made by
native born citizens.
4. That Federal appointments and patronage should
come from this native born source.
5. That the militia of the several States, when called
into the service of the United States, should be under
the President's native born command.
6. That only a native born citizen should have the
Federal veto power.
They provided farther that the Vice President of the
United States should be a native,' and thus the Senate,
which confirms treaties and the Federal appointments,
must be presided over by a native born citizen; and in
the event of a tie, a native born only can give the casting vote.
10 
INTRODUCTION.
They provided also that Congress and the President
should make uniform naturalization laws, that to be a
senator, an alien born, must have been naturalized nine
vears, and to be a member of the House of Representatives he must have been naturalized seven years.
"The President having the appointing power of the Supreme
Judges, a native born alone can name the men who are to 6xponnd
all laws and cases arising under the Constitution, Treaties, and Laws
of the United States.
Thus it is seen that the principle of nativity was kept
constantly in view by the framers of the Constitution,
and was thoroughly incorporated in that instrument.
Our Revolutionary sires had witnessed the engagement
of the German mercenary troops by England, for the
British army in America.  They had met upon the battle-field the twelve thousand and one hundred Hessians
furnished by the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the four
thousand and eighty-four by the duke of Brunswick, the
six hundred and sixty-eight by the prince of Hesse, and
the six hundred and seventy by the prince of Waldeck,
making in all seventeen thousand five hundred and
twenty-six, who had been hired at seven pounds four
shillings and four pence sterling per man by the British
government to aid in subjugating the American colonies.
For seven long years they had struggled to fiee these
colonies from a foreign yoke, and from the tyranny and
oppression of a foreign government. They had experienced the arbitrary power of foreign officials, tand
learned full well the antipathies and animosities of the
foreigners to American liberty, and in thus incorpoiating the principle of nativity, in the magna charta of
11 
IMMIGRATION.
American liberty, they have established aprinciple which
experience had taught to be an essential guard against
foreign influence and an inestimable requisite to secure
the permanency of the American republic. This principle has re-animated the bosom of the American people,
and with the example of our Revolutionary sires before
us, who can doubt its ultimate success and permanent
re-establishment?
12 
CHAPTER II.
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
To borrow the language of that bold and fearless
champion of the American reformation (Hon. Wm. R.
Smith), "The mass of foreigners who come to this country are incapable of appreciating the policies of our
government, they do not sufficiently understand our
institutions. Patriotism is natural in a native, but it
must be cultivated in a foreigner. Their minds are
filled with a vague and indefinite idea of liberty. It is
not the liberty of law, but of unrestrained license.
Their impressions at home have cultivated and nourished inclinations, and they come here too often to
indulge them. The foreigner believes that America is
the natural rendezvous for all the exiled patriots, and
disaffected and turbulent persons of the earth, and that
they are to meet to form plans and concoct schemes to
revolutionize all creation and the'rest of mankind.'"
Well, let us see if there is any truth in these suggestions. Here are the solemn resolutions of the German
Social Democratic Association of Richmond, Virginia
-an association existing in the centre of the "Old
Dominion " —the home of the Presidents.
13 
IMMIGRATION.
Reform in the laws of the general government, as well as in those of
the States.
"We demand: 1. Universal suffrage. 2. The election of all officers by the people. 3. The abolition of the Presidency. 4. The
abolition of Senates, so that the legislature shall consist of only one
branch. 5. The right of the people to recall their representatives
(cashier them) at their pleasure.  6. The right of the people to
change the Constitution when they like.  7. All lawsuits to be conducted without expense. 8. A department of the government to be
set up for the purpose of protecting immigration. 9. A reduced
term for acquiring citizenship."
Reform in the foreign relations of the government.
" 1. Abolition of all neutrality. 2. Intervention in favor of every
people struggling for liberty."
reform in what relates to religions.
" 1. A more perfect development of the principle of personal
freedom and liberty of conscience; consequently-a. Abolition of
laws for the observance of the Sabbath; b. Abolition of prayers in
Congress; c. Abolition of oath upon the Bible; d. Repeal of laws
enacting a religious test before taking an office. 2. Taxation of
church property. 3. A prohibition of incorporations of all church
property in the name of ecclesiastics."
Reform- in the Social Condition.
"1. Abolition of land monopoly.  2. Ad valorem  taxation of
property.  3. Amelioration of the condition of the working classa. By lessening the time of work to eight hours for grown persons,
and to five hours for children; b. by incorporation of mechanics'
associations and protective societies; c. By granting a preference to
mechanics before all other creditors; d. By establishing an asylum
for superannuated mechanics without means, at the public expense.
4. Education of poor children by the State. 5. Taking possession
of the railroads by the State.  6. The promotion of educationat. By the introduction of free schools, with the power enforcing
14 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
the parents to send their children to school, and prohibition of all
clerical influence; b. By instruction in the German language; c. By
establishing a German University.  7. The supporting of the slaveemancipation exertions of Cassius M. Clay by Congressional laws.
8. Abolition of the Christian system of punishment, and introduction of the human amelioration system. 9. Abolition of capital
punishment."
These are the " fundamental principles of reform of
the Social Democratic Society of Germans," and are
not confined to Virginia, but are ramified throughout
the whole Union, wherever the Germans go.
In proof of which, here are the address and regulation of the American Revolutionary League, adopted at
the Revolutionary Congress, held at Philadelphia, from
January 29 to February 1, 1852.
"FELLOW CITIZENS: The Congress of the'American Revolutionary League for Europe' herewith submit the result of their deliberations, to the judgment of the people, all parties of which were
represented in that body.
"Earnestly resolved to find the means of terminating the desperate condition of the liberty-thirsting people of Europe, firmly convinced that the first great step to the attainment of this goal, is the
cordial co-operation of all who seek it; it was for us to explore the
middle ground upon which all parties could honorably and cheerfully unite their forces.
"The conscious determination to achieve a revolution thorough
and complete, was the warrant for our actions; and of you, sovereign people, we ask the ratification of this warrant, in the readiness
with which you shall erect upon the foundation we have laid, the
superstructure of an extensive, yea, a universal fusion of all revolutionary elements.
'" Let us, then, be up and doing! Our cause is noble, is sacred.
The barriers that cramp the growth of active, intelligent, and highsouled nations are to be stricken down; mankind to be restored to
15 
IMMIGRATION.
its humanity.  Let the motto for the strife be, Union in the American Revolutionary League."
Here are the objects of the League, avowed in a
regular form:
"The object of the League shall be the radical liberalization of
the European Continent, for which are required:
"1. The overthrow.of monarchy and the establishment of the
Republic, because in the Republic alone can all the horrors of tyranny be prevented.
"2. Direct and universal suffrage, and the recall of representatives by a majority of their constituents; because this alone secures
the supremacy of the popular will in the workings of popular institutions.
" 3. The abolition of standing armies, and inviolability of the right
of the people to bear arms, because the last resource of forcible
resistance is the only protection against the last device of forcible
usurpation.
"4. The union for these ends of all persons, associations, parties,
and nations, for the annihilation of oppression; because without
such concerted efforts the organized power of the tyrants is invincible."
ART III.-Means.
"SEc. 1. Agitation as well in Europe as in America.
"SEc. 2. Accumulation of a revolutionary fund.
" SEc. 3. Formation of armed organizations desirous of entering
personally into the struggle and of preparing for it by military exercise."
And these are not the mere idle resolves of a club at a
town meeting.  It will be seen that they so arranged
this league as to extend it to every chief town in the
country. So it appears.
16 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
"1. In the principal towns of every State there shall be established a State committee, to consist of the executive board of the
revolutionary association there located. If there are several revolutionary associations in such principal town, they shall elect the
State committee between them.
" 2. The duty of the State committee shall be to receive the communications of the board, and transmit them to the several associations, and to transmit the proposals of the association to the board,
to establish new associations, and generally to make all possible
exertions in furtherance of the cause in the State assigned to its
care."
And here is the platform of principles and purposes
promulgated by the social German democracy of Louisville, Kentucky.
PLATFORM OF THE FREE GERMANS OF LOUISVILLE,  KY., ADOPTED
IARCH, 1854.
"1. Slavery Questiom.-Notwithstanding that we consider slavery to be a political and moral cancer, that will, by and by, undermine all republicanism, we deem its sudden abolition neither
possible nor advisable. But we, as republicans and men, demand
that the further extension of slavery be not constantly urged,
whilst not a single step is taken for its extermination. We demand
that at length real proofs be given of the good-will, so often boasted
of, to remove the evil; that, in particular, slavery be excluded from
all new territories, indiscriminately and forever, which measure
Congress is completely entitled to pass according to the Constitution. We demand this the more, as a republican constitution is
guaranteed to every new State, and slavery, in truth, cannot be
considered a republican element or requisite.  We further demand,
that all and every one of the laws, indirectly transporting the principle and the influence of slavery in and upon free States, namely,
thle fugitive slave laws, shall be repealed, as demoralizing and
degrading, and as contrary to human rights and to the Constitution.  We finally demand that, in all national affairs, the principle
17 
IMMIGRATION.
of liberty shall be strictly maintained, and even in the several
States it be more and more realized by gradual extermination of
"2. ]?eligiozis Quesions.-We consider the right of free expres  sbus of religious conscience untouchable, as we do the right of free
expressions of opinion in general. We therefore accord to the
bcliever the same liberty to make known his convictions, as we do
the unbeliever, as long as the rights of others are not violated
thereby. But from this very principle of liberty of conscience, we
are decidedly opposed to all compulsion, inflicted on dissenting per  suasions by laws unconstitutionally restricting the liberty of expres  sion. Religion is a private matter; it has nothing to do with
policy; hence it is despotism to compel citizens, by political means,
to religions manifestations or omissions contrary to their private
persuasions. We, therefore, hold the Sabbath laws, thanksgiving
days, prayer in Congress and Legislature, the oath upon the Bible,
the introduction of the Bible in the flee schools, the exclusion of
'Atheists' from legal acts, &c., as an open violation of human
rights as well as of the Constitution, and demand their removal.
"3. A[eure for te welfare of te people.-As the foremost of
such measures, we consider the free cession of public land.' to all
settlers; to occupy the natural soil, as exclusive property, this no
individual has a right to do; it is, for the time, the common principal fund of that population which inhabits it, and anybody willing
to cultivate it has an equal right to appropriate a share of the soil,
as far as it is not disposed of; for purposes of common interest. It
is high time the ruinous traffic with the public lands should be
abolished, that the wasting of them by speculation should
18
sion.
"But if this end shall be fully attained, it will be required to aid
poor colonists, at their first settlement, with national means, lest
said measures prove useless for these very persons who most need it.
'" In the closest connection with the land reform question, stands
that of immigration, which, by its general importance, should be
raised to the rank of a national affair, and for which a special office
of colonization and immigration should be created as a particular
department of the United States government. Such a board would 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
have to provide for the various interests of immigrants, who are
now helplessly exposed to so many sufferings, and wrongs, and
abuses, from the place of embarkation in Europe, to the place of
their settlement in America. Nortlh America is neglecting herself,
when neglecting the immigration, for immigration is the mother of
this republic.
"The admission to citizenship must be rendered as easy as possible to the immigrants.
The welfare to a nation cannot be generally and permanently
secured unless its laboring classes be made independent of the
oppression of the capitalist. Labor has an incontestible claim to
the value of its products. Where it is prevented, by the wants of
the necessary capital, to secure this claim, it is, of course, referred
to an alliance with capital of others. But if no just agreement can
be obtained by this association with the capitalist, then the State,
as the arbitrator of all contending interest, has to interfere.
" This must either aid the associations of working men, by credit
banks, or mediate between the claims of the laborer and the capitalist, by fixing a minimum of wages equalling the value of the labor,
and a maximum of labor answering the demands of humanity. The
time of labor shall not exceed ten hours per day.
"In letting our State contracts, the preference should be given,
if it can be done without running a risk, to associations of workmen, rather than to single contractors. But when given to single
contractors, the latter ought to give security for proper wages to
the workmen employed by them.
"In order to enjoy'life, liberty, and happiness,' all, indiscriminately, must have the use of free schools, for all branches of education, in which, wherever a sufficient number of Germans live, a
German teacher should be employed.
"In order that the attainment of justice may no longer remain
a privilege for the possession of money, justice must be dispensed
without fees.
" 4. Constitutional Questions.-Considering, as we do, the American Constitution as the best now in existence, we yet think it
neither perfect nor unimproved.. In particular, we hold the following amendments and additions likewise acceptable for the State
19 
IMMIGRATION.
Constitution, as timely and proper means to check the prevailing
corruption, to wit:
"1. All elections, without any exception, should issue directly
from the people.
" 2. Any eligible citizen of any State may be elected as member
of Congress by the citizens of any other State, and likewise may
any eligible denizen of any county be elected by the citizens of any
other county for a member of the State Legislature.
" 3. Any representative and officer may, at any time, be recalled
by the majority of his constituents, and replaced by another.
"5. Free Trade.-We decidedly profess the principle of free
trade, and will support it in all cases where it may be carried
through without disadvantage to the people, and when reciprocity
is accorded by the other side.
" 6. Foreign Policy.-The policy of neutrality must cease to be
an article of our creed, and ought to be abandoned soon, as contrary
to the interests of North America. The rights of American citizens,
and immigrants having declared their intention to become citizens,
must the more energetically be protected in foreign countries, since
every American appears to monarchical and despotical governments
as a representative of revolution against despotism, and this republic ought to honor this point of view as the only one worthy and
legitimate.
"7. Righits of Women.-The Declaration of Independence says
that'All men are born equal, and endowed with inalienable rights,
and to these, belong life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'
We repeatedly adopt this principle, and are of the opinion that
women, too, are among' all men.'
"8. Rights of Free Persons.-In the free States, the color of the
skin cannot justify a difference of legal rights. There are not born
two men of equal color, but still less, two men of unequal
rights.
"9. Penal Laws.-It is our opinion, that all penal laws can only
have the purpose of correction, but never the absurd purpose of
expiation. We, therefore, consider the penalty of death, which
excludes the possibility of correction, to be as irrational as barbarous."
20 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
All these demands are antagonistic to the fundamental
principles and established usages of the government.
The Bible is repudiated, the sanctity of an oath is
rejected, the observance of the Sabbath is enumerated
among the evils which these Germans seek to correct.
The presidency is to be abolished, all powers are to be
vested exclusively in the masses, and the Constitution
must give way to the whims and caprices of the people.
All the safeguards which protect the minority in the
enjoyment of their rights and privileges are to be broken
down, and every riglit, privilege and immunity, all laws,
the policy of the government, the institutions of the
country, and its relations with other countries, are to be
dependent upon the will of an uncontrollable and licentious majority; the government is to become " a heterogeneous, incoherent mass."
These organizations have not stopped with a mere
enumeration of their principles. They have boldly
entered the political arena, asserted their right to share
with us in legislation and with a zeal and determination
worthy of a better cause, sought to engraft upon our
institutions the " principles which they imbibed in early
youth." The abjuration of their allegiance to the country
of their birth has not divested them of their principles.
The oath of allegiance to ours, has not infused into them
the spirit of our government. They have left home and
kindred, severed associations, and cut asunder the ties
of relationship, but the principles they " imbibed in
youth," still cling to them. They have brought with
them  the  " maxims  of absolute  monarchies,"  or
exchanged them " for an unbounded licentiousness."
Nor are the Germans the only class of foreigners who
21 
IMMIGRATION.
have organized for the purpose of concentrating their
political power, and directing that power at the government.  As early as 1814 the Irish were troublesome to
our people, and were not unfrequently denounced as
such by the press of those days. A firiend has handed the
author a copy of the " Herald of Liberty," published at
Augusta, Mlaine, bearing date April 30th, 1814, speaking
of the envoys sent to Gottenburg, to negotiate peace with
Great Britain; it says in a letter from Washington of
April 12th,
"Whenever any measure displeases these licensed calumniators,
they are as insolent and vituperous against government as they are
mean and fawning when they are pleased.  It is known to Mr.
Madison, who has American feeling, that at a late meeting of the
Tammany Savage society in New York, a motion was made to
denounce him, d la mode de Robespierre, for his message to Congress for the repeal of the embargo law, and that it was negatived
only by a small majority.  This society is principally made up of
the feces of the sewers of Ireland, &c.  I am confident the President
would consent to the introduction of any article in a treaty of peace
which should interdict every species of naturalization, for he knows
it to be a fact,' that these aliens have been the great cause of our
troubles, and disgrace, and until the country is rid of them it will
foster serpents in its bosom.'"
Forty years ago the Tammany Savage Society, composed
of Irishmen, denounced President Madison, for having
recommended to Congress the repeal of the embargo
laws. At that period there were not two hundred thousand immigrants in the country, yet they were organized into societies and into communities, and were, says
the writer, "the great cause of our troubles and disgrace."
The immigrants of 1814 were far superior to those of the
22 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
present day. They came to seek an asylum in this land
of constitutional liberty, and not to govern it; they came
to enjoy the blessings of our laws and not to make laws;
but even then so thoroughly had they imbibed the sympathies and feelings and principles of their respective
races, that it was impossible to divest themselves of
them. Since then the races have degenerated, and the
imlmigrants of the present day are but the inferior specimens of these degenerated races.  The Dublin " Evening
Alail "of April 13th, 1855, contains an account of arecent
election in Cavant county, Ireland, which furnishes us
with a striking illustration of the character of the Irish
elector at home, it says:
"A body of upwards of two thousand men marched into the
town, brandishing formidable sticks, in a truly independent manner,
and shouting for the tenant right and Hughes.  Three  Roman
Catholic clergymen accompanied them, on horseback, and also, it
was stated, ninety voters for Mr. Hughes.  Other large bodies followed in quick succession, and the approach to the court-house was
soon almost blocked up-the aspect of affairs which had previously
worn a rather quiet appearance, becoming very visibly altered. A
lane was formed of fellows brandishing their sticks, through which
the voters going to the court-house were obliged to pass. The position of soldiers and the police, was somewhat altered, in order to keep
this mob back. After a while they began to seize voters and drag
theni into Mr. Hughes's committee rooms.
*      *       *       *       *       *      *       *
"A party of armed men went, between nine and ten o'clock on
Tuesday night, to the house of an elector at Ballinagh, for the purpose of making him promise to vote for Mr. Hughes.  He refused
to do so, and then they demanded that he should swear not to vote
for Mr. Burrowes, and on his refusing this also, THEY THREW HIM
ACROSS THE FIRE, AND HELD HIM THERE UNTIL THE  FLESH WAS
BURNED OFF HIS RIBS.
23 
IMMIGRATION.
"The Catholic party endeavored to force a man named John
Corr to vote against his conscience. After being imprisoned and
maltreated for two hours, the account says:' They put him on his
knees, and tried to compel him to swear that he would not vote for
Mr. Burrowes, but he resolutely refused to do so.  They then dragged
him back into town to the court-house, in the roughest manner and
kicking him and knocking out one of his teeth. They detained a
tally-ticket for him in the liberal committee room; he refused to
take it into his hand, and it was thrust into his breast. Hle was
then brought into the booth, but he objected to vote, on the ground
that he had been kept under constraint; after sitting some time in
the court-house, he was enabled, with the aid of a gentleman
named Gaffney, to return to his home.'"
It must be borne in mind, that these outlaws are
the electors of Ireland, and claimed as the respectable
and intelligent portion of the population. If they prostitute the ballot-box at home, what may we expect from
the less intelligent and more reckless, who flock to our
shores by thousands?
In late years, immigration has greatly increased.
Foreign organizations have become more numerous and
formidable, and their attempts to obtain political power
more frequent.
At a charter election, held in the city of New York,
a few years ago, the following hand-bill was published
by the Irish organization, and extensively circulated, to
wit:
"Irishmen to your post, or you will lose America. By perseverance you may become its rulers. By negligence you will become
its slaves. Your own country was lost by submitting to ambitious
rulers. This beautiful country you gain by being firm and united.
Vote the tickets Alexander Stewart, Alderman; Edward Flannigan,
Assessor, both true Irishmen."
24: 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
About the same time, at an election in the county of
Lasalle, Illinois, a body of Irish immigrants, numbering
about two thousand, brought forward and supported an
Irishman for the office o,f sheriff, in opposition to all
American of the same national politics, and of much
longer residence in the country, and elected him, by
upwards of one thousand majority.
Ill the town of Patterson, New Jersey, but a few
years ago, an election was held, in which the foreigners
elected thirty-three out of thirty-seven township officers.
Numerous instances could be cited where the leaders
of political parties have been compelled to submit to
the decision of the foreign population of their respective
election districts, which of the candidates should be run
by their party for an office; and the political history of
our country, for a few years back, is full of instances,
in which the foreign organizations have demanded of the
candidates pledges.  One of the most remarkable  is
that which occurred ill the city of 13altimore, just previous to the election for members of Congress, in 1853.
The German organization of this city addressed a series
of questions to each of the candidates, and demanded of
them written responses to the interrogatories.  They
were organized and determined to cast their votes as a
body of Germans, for him who answered most satisfactorily. The following is the correspondence between
the organization and the I-onorable Henry May, for
whom they cast their votes, and the reader will perceive
that the purpose; on the part of the Germans, was to
preserve their organization as Germans, to retain their
distinctive characteristics, and to force, by the power of
25
.2 
IMM1IGRATION.
their organization, an American candidate for office to
yield to them:
LETTER TO MR. MAY.
BALTIMORE, June 28d, 1853.
DEAR SIR: At the third meeting of the German Citizens' Convention, being organized to advise the German voting Community of
Baltimore How TO CAST THIIEIR VOTES at the next election, it was unanitnously resolved to authorize the Executive Committee to inquire
of every gentleman having submitted the use of his name as a candidate for Congress, subject to a Democratic nomination:
1st. If he is convinced of thejustice and necessity of our organization?
2d. If he openly pledges himself to represent us in Congress, according to the laws of equality and justice, without any preference
to native born American citizens. A written reply is requested.
By order of the President.
S. B. WENTZ, Secretary.
MPR. MAY'S REPLY TO THE GERMANS.
BALTIMORE, June 23d, 1853.
Sin: I have this morning received your letter of this date, proposing to me two questions. I am prompt to reply.
To the first, that I have not been favored with a perusal of the
constitution of your Convention, but as far as I understand its
principles, I am convinced both of the justness and expediency of
your organization!
To the second: That I pledge myself, if elected to a seat in the
Congress of the United States, to represent my constituents according to the laws of equality and justice, under the Federal Constitution, without giving any preference to native-born American citizens.
As an American citizen or representative, I shall ever stand firmly, I trust, upon the broad basis of equal rights, justice and protec
26 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
tion to my fellow-citizens who enjoy that title under the Constituof our Union.
I am  very respectfully,   -
Your obedient servant,
To J. B. WENTZ, ESQ.,
Sec. of German Convention, Balt., fd.
A pledge of belief in the "justice and necessity" of
the German organization was demanded of each candidate, and the avowed object of the organization, as
stated in the letter of the secretary, was "to advise the
German voting community, of Baltimore, how to cast
their votes."
Ali. May says, in a card published subsequent to the
publication of this correspondence, that he " was glad
to find that all the candidates, except one, agreed in the
same views I (he) expressed."  M/Ir. Preston, who was
the candidate in opposition to the Honorable Joshua
Vansant, denounced, in his reply to the interrogatories,
the object and purposes of the convention.  Mr. Vansant concurred in opinion with  Mr.  May, and both
were elected, and both, by way of attesting their sincere
belief in the "justice and necessity" of German organizations, were opposed to the bill to prohibit the shipment of foreign paupers.
The Philadelphia Pennsylvanian, of April 7th, 1856 (a
Democratic paper), in speaking of the frequent attempts
of foreigners to control the election of delegates to political conventions, says:
"The two prominent causes which led to the organization of the
Native party, and gave it great strength, were the placing of candidates in nomination, who possessed no one pre-requisite for office,
27
HENP,Y )IAY. 
IMMIGRATION.
and the indignation occasioned by the moving of large gangs of
unnaturalized persons from poll to poll, to rob, by their votes, competent citizens of their rights. This latter evil, we regret to say,
still exists. We have been informed, that it is the intention of a
few depraved and worthless members of the Democratic party, to
practise this great outrage at some of the polls to-night. If such a
great wrong be attempted, it should be resisted at every hazard.
The Democratic party cannot be kept intact, if the legal voters
attached to it are to have their votes rendered nugatory, by the
introduction of fraudulent tickets into the ballot-boxes, voted by
aliens. We should have honesty at our primary elections, and
wherever an alien attempts to vote, he should be prosecuted on the
charge of inciting to a breach of the peace. We hope that all good
Democrats will resent the degradation that must attach to our
party, if unnaturalized voters attempt to control our delegate elections."
Such authority as this cannot be doubted nor gainsayed. It comes from one who has been unremittingly
a friend of the alien, and who is strenuously opposed to
any further legislation upon the subject of naturalization.
The Galveston Zeitung of August 19th, 1855, the organ
of the Germans of Texas, contains the following manifesto
to the Germans of that State.
"You have often observed that the continual clashing between
natives and foreigners might easily come to a general eruption,
which would result disastrously to the Germans, unless we consider
in time the proverb that "He who desires peace should prepare for
war.
" The Cincinnati April scenes, and those at Columbus, have shown
that the police in such cases are not fully sufficient for our guard,
or suppression of the mob.   In such cases, we must depend upon
ourselves to defend our families and property, as is our duty and
right. Without an organization this is impossible. In the moment
. 28 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
of an attack it is too late to form such an organization; our duty is
to organize beforehand. I therefore submit the following proposi
tions:
"l1st. To form in every town where there is sufficient German
population, one or more guard companies who shall furnish their
arms.
" 2d. The uniform must be everywhere the same, to preserve
equality.  The uniform is necessary to.prevent confusion and to distinguish our friends.
"3d. The arms must be everywhere the same, and we recommend
as the best the arms of the Turners and revolvers.
"4th. A member of any company shall be recognized as a member
wherever there be such a company formed.  All the companies in
the United States must be in connection with one chief or leader.
"5th. The decade system is the most commendable, i. e., every ten
members to constitute one decade, and make one leader, who in
case of necessity can call together his nine comrades. The leaders,
then elect their officers. Five decades would be enough for one
company."
This is in direct contravention to the laws of the
country, under whose protection they live. It is neither
their duty nor their rilght, to organize as Germans.
They claim to be citizens of the United States, and as
such are entitled to its protection. Their organization as
a society or a community of Germans is inconsistent
with the institutions of the country, and any effort to
protect themselves, not from any armed body of natives,
for none has dared to interrupt them in the enjoyment
of either, their social or political rights, but to protect
themselves from the i?lguence of the free, liberal,
enlightened and republican institutions, by cutting off
and preventing intercourse between themselves and the
natives, is utterly subversive of these institutions.
Their association and free intermingling with the
29 
IMMIGRATION.
natives is disastrous to many of the habits, customs, and
peculiarities, which they have brought with them from
their fatherland, and which they desire to transmit to
their children, and hence it is that these exclusive
organizations aile adhered to.
During the fall of 1855, at an election held at one of
the interior towns of Texas, the Germans marched in a
body to the polls. The lIon. Mr. Wilcox, formerly a
member of the Hiouse of Representatives from Mississippi, gives the following account of the occurrence.
" On the day of election here, the Germans paraded their flag
(instead of the national) through the streets. They marched in procession through the city, chanting German national airs. The
French singing the ]Marseilles hymn. I never felt so mortified
and chagrined in the whole course of my life. Yet, it is said, we
have nothing to fear from German influence."
The German political club of Cleveland, Ohio, in
1852, adopted the following resolution by way of
approving of the offer of "material aid" by the free
negroes of that city.
" Whereas, The colored people in their meeting held on the 17tli
inst., have expressed their sympathy with the German nation by a
resolution to actually aid the German national coalition, the
German political club resolve;
" 1. To  express it! hearty  thanks,  and avail itself of this
opportunity to declare the conviction that the German people, as
soon as they shall have obtained the Democratic republic in the
comining struggle, use all means which are adapted to abolish slavery,
an institution which is so wholly repugnant to the principles of true
democracy.
"2. This resolution shall be published in all the newspapers of
the city."
30 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
On Sunday the 23d September, 1855, the German
democrats of the city of New York, thus carrying out
the principle in their German constitution of abrogating
the Sabbath, assembled in general convention,  composed of delegates from the several wards in the city, to
take into consideration the welfare of the German organization, and to nominate candidates for the city and State
offices, or to exact pledges firom some of the candidates.
The convention was organized by the election of the
following officers:
President,         WILLIAM LETZEISER, of 12th ward.
1st Vice President, GUSTAvE SCHOENKE, of 17th ward.
2nd  "      "      A. I. NEI, of 22nd ward.
1st Secretary,     DP. CHAPLES A. KLEIN, of 17thl ward.
2nd    "           DR. HAENLEIM, of 20th ward.
The convention then resolved to take speedy steps for
the organization of committees in the various wards, so
that the German vote might be thoroughly canvassed,
and polled to its full strength. Various speeches were
made, exhorting the Germans to unity, and encouraging
them to assert their principles, and "dare maintain
them."  And on Sunday, 30th September, aniother German convention in the same city asssembled for a similar pu-pose.
The German citizens of Galena, Illinois, held a meeting at the Court-house in that city, during the month of
January last, which was addressed by:ir. Stibolt, the
editor of the "Vorwarts," a German liberal paper; and
after his address, the following, among other resolutions,
were subscribed to by one hundred and fifty-seven persons of German birth.
31 
IMMIGRATION.
"Resolved, That we, as true democrats, for the present winl
preserve our independence of all political parties, and go only for
principle.
"Resolved, That slavery is a curse to our beloved republic, a
stain for a free nation; and that we, therefore, will stand with all
free men, shoulder to shoulder, fighting against the propagation of
.slavery over free territory, and against the Nebraska bill and its
consequences.
IResolved, That the slavery question is the most urgent and
important question of the present time.
" Pesoleed, That we will support only such candidates for State
officers as are opposed to the Nebraska bill, and to Know-Nothingisml."
Did true democracy admit of a German construction
in this country, the Revolution would long since have
proved a curse, instead of a blessing. When foreigners,
enjoying our hospitality-as they do, assume to set up a
standard of "Democracy" which proscribes a portion
of their benefactors, it is high time that the birth-right
cqualification for office and voting, should be established.
In 1853, according to the New Orleans Creole, a Mr.
Wippretcht (a real jaw-breaking, German name), made
a speech to his " constitutional" fellow "citizens," at or
near New  Braunfels, Texas, in which he belabored the
native-born Americans for their arrogance in claiming
to have any voice whatever in the government of
Western Texas, as that country, according to Mr. WhiTptretcel, had been first settled by the Germans, and therefore belonged exclusively to them.  In conceluding his
speech, Mynheer W. said, " Now, let us manflily and
fi rlly oppose the arrogant assumptions and overbearings of these natives. Let us oppose their further extension of this slave-holding population in Western Texas,
32 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
for we have  cultivated and settled this country before
the natives thought of doing so."
These  disorganizing  sentiments  have  spread  with
fearful success. Read the following extract from a
speech of lir. Reedel to a German meeting in the city
of New York, duLring the month of January, 1855.
' BRETlHREN: For the first time I speak in an assembly like this.
We have not all the same language, but our feelings are the same;
they unite us here with the American people.  For the advancement of these sentiments we must not only unite with them in
speeches, but also in acts.  In our country we have fought for
liberty and many of us have lost, in battle, our fathers, brothers, or
sons.  Here we are free, but not free enough; we want the liberty
of living. [Applause.] We have fought in Germany for liberty of
speech and the liberty of the press. The German press is against
us in this movement; but we need not care for what those papers
say; we must act on our own hook.  IHere we have social liberty,
liberty of speech, and liberty of the press; and when we want anything that is just, we are bound to obtain it. [Applause.] If you
don't know your rights yet, hunger will teach them to you. You
don't get bread nor wood, and there is plenty of them. At our
revolution in June, we obtained three months' credit, because we
were two hundred thousand strong.  I have nothing further to say
than to advise you to put in practice the principles of the social
-Republic. The'Tribune' said to-day, that the rich would give a million, if they were forced to it; but now they will hold their money
in their pockets, anid refuse to give it up. When the wolf is
hungry he has no consideration, and takes his food fearlessly where,
he finds it; it must be the same with the masses. Help yourselves,
and then God will help you.  We must act as the wolf, and we do
not want any auxiliaries!  Let us act by ourselves."
Ile had niothing, further to say than to advise the Germans "to put in practice the principles of the social
Republic."  And as a means to hasten this result, he
said, " let us act by ourselves."
33 
IMMAIGRATION.
Hunger was the excuse for the promulgation of such
sentiments.  Hlunger w-arranted, in the opinion of this
imported socialist, the enforcement of the "principles
of the social republic," that is, the abrogation of the
Sabbath, and the abolition of oaths. Hunger justified
the removal of all moral restraints, and a total disregard
of all laws. If the permanency of the American Republic
is to depend upon the appetites of its alien population,
the contingency will soon arise when it will become
necessary for them to " put in practice the principles of
the social republic."  "iHere," said the orator, " we are
free, but not free enough."  "We are," he should have
added, "under the restraint of law, and have sworn to
support the Constitution; these are but relies of ancient
feudalism, alike unjust and tyrannical.  We  need no
Constitution, no laws, no Sabbath, no Bible, no courts
of law, no President, nor a legislature.  All laws are
curses, and all rulers are tyrants." Such are the sentiments of the social German democracy.   Such are the
principles which the German population seek to establish.
During the past year, Irish conventions have assembled in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia.  These
conventions held their sessions in secret, and are composed of delegates representing subordinate bodies or
societies, which exist within certain prescribed limits.
The Boston convention was probably composed of delegates representing the societies in several of the New
England States; the New York, comprised New YorIk,
and the Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.  No authentic history of these conventions, how organized, and for whlat
purposes, have, as yet, been published; sufficient, howevei, is known to conjecture, gital scne dgree of accu
34: 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
racy, the rules  and  regulations which  govern the
* representative and subordinate bodies.
The following is a sketch of the proceedings of the
New York convention, as reported by the " New  York
Daily Times."  It was in session for several days, and
the only knowledge of the proceedings was obtained
through the ingenuity of the newspaper conductors.
" The various committees appointed the previous day, submitted
their respective reports, which were all, after some debate, adopted.
The committee on the platform, and the one appointed to draft an
address, made reports, which gave rise to long and animated
debates. Bothl reports were finally adopted with some amendments.
"A large amount of general and necessary work was transacted,
but the principal and most important question before the body, was
that in reference to the appointment of a supreme directory. The
consideration of this matter occupied much time, but was not, we
believe, concluded.   Upon the necessity of such a measure, the
delegates seem to be all agreed. The contest, if any should arise.
will be about the men.
"The convention finally determined not to admit, as delegates,
the representatives of the Emmett Monument Association; not that
they doubted their loyalty in the least, but because they believe
they have no power to admit others than those duly appointed by
the State organization of the Emigrant Society.
'The platform and address which have been adopted differ but
little from those promulgated at Boston, some  six montlhs  ago.
The former explains the plan of operations, and ignores all action on
the part of the society not in strict conformity with the laws of the
United States.  The address calls upon all Irishmen to rally once
more for the redemption of their fatherland, now that the time fo)r
triumph has arrived-beseeches them to drop all disputes, forget all
differences, and unite, Catholics and Protestants, for the attainment
of the end desirable-an Irish republic."
Among the imiportant questions wlichl this conven
35 
IMMIIGRATION.
tion had under consideration, was that in " reference to
the appointment of a supreme directory."' Upon th(
necessity, says the report, of such a measure, the delegates seem to be all agreed.   How this "directorv"
was to be appointed, and for what purposes, is not
known.  It is to be presumed, that it is to have the
general supervision of the affairs of the Irish organization in the State of New York.  The State of New
York has a governor, legislature, and all necessary officers to protect its citizens in the enjoyment of their
rights, and with the State authorities the native citizens
are content to entrust their lives, liberty, and property.
But the Irishmen, many of whom are not, as yet, entitled to the rights of citizenship, deem it necessary for
their protection, or for the purpose of enforcing their
schemes or principles, that a " supreme directory," cornposed solelyof Irishmen, should be established. It may
be that this " supreme directory" is a central body
having jurisdiction over the Irish organizations throughout the country, and that the New York convention was
acting, so far as regards this matter, in conjunction
with the other conventions, which had assented.  If
this be so, it is antagonistic to the spirit of the national
government-for the government recognizes no authority higher than itself, over any portion of its citizens.
If these conventions had in view any charitable purpose they might be excusable, but any organization of
foreigners, whether secret or open, is to be regarded
with suspicion in a republic.
A correspondent of the "Philadelphia Ledger," a paper
ineutral in politics, writing from New York during the
session of the convention, says:
36 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATONS.
"A plan, I am told, has been submitted'to reach the heart of
the British Lion,' through his Canadian lungs.   Five thousand
able-bodied Hibernians are represented to be all ready for enrollment to march to Canada, in order to co-operate with some Russian
demonstration, said to be organizing on the northwest coast.
Money sufficient to defray expenses, it is further said, has already
been raised, and the only thing remaining to be done is to find a
man in whom all can have confidence as a leader. Secrecy being
one of the greatest things needed now, pains are taken to keep out
of the newspapers anything like a real record of what is in the
wind. But the facts here related may be relied upon. It is probable, however, that the whole scheme will' burst up,' owing to the
personal jealousies and personal hatreds which govern the convention.
' Another rumor may as well be mentioned; it is a wild one, but
there may be' something in it.' An agent of Russia is said to be
the financial agent, and the chief engineer of the whole concern.
WTho he is, or where he is, I can't say, but it is thought to be something of an object to get up an invasion of Canada, in order to
distract the allies at home, and possibly compel England to transport a portion of her army in the Crimea to the North American
colonies."
If these conjectures be correct, and there has been no
denial, it would seem that the great object of the convention was to organize secretly an army of Irishmen,
either for the purpose of commencing hostilities against
some friendly government, or against this. But the
chief dangers to be apprehended arise from the fact of
the existence of any such organizations, whether they
be civil or military. No candid man will gainsay the
declaration, that if foreigners reside  among  us  as
foreigners, without assimilating, in any manner, with
the American character, that sound policy and true
statesmanship demand the immediate enactment of
37 
IMMIGRATION.
laws, either prohibiting their immigration, or restricting
their political privileges. If it be the purpose of this
convention to organize an army, do they organize it as
Americans or as foreigners?  American citizens have
no such right, and certainly foreigners shiould not
have.  Even upon the hypothesis that no violation of
the laws of the land was contemplated, and that no
improper motive incited these foreigners to organize,
and that no treasonable purpose was in view, does it
comport with the policy of the government to permit
such organizations to exist.  The riots of'44, and those
of Cincinnati and Louisville, sliould warn us of their
danger to life and property.
The ostensible object of these conventions  was to
devise thie ways and iiieans to liberate Ireland. In
relation to which the "Philadelphia Pennsylvanian " (in
politics, democratic) comments thlus:
" We stronglv suspect that the organizat.ious, now under process,
have an object mnuch nearer home than the'Gem  of the Sea.'
' Coming events cast their shadows before,' and the boastful follies
of an indiscreet mind, often serve as an index to the object to be
attained by coIimmotion.  *  *  *  Alrealvdy has our government,
with the most commendable integrity, broken up  combinations
against the peace of sister republics, and tlius declared the illegality
of such associations.  If our own native citizens cannot so infringe
the law, why do those of a particular nativity claim the privilege?
They are our equals before the law, and not our' superiors, nor do
they possess a single privilege not common to ourselves.  If their
design is not against the peace of England, we must look for the
power of the organization to be exercised politically against ourselves.  It can have but one or the other of these objects, and as
bloth are alike criminal, we shall resist both to the last.  We do not
hesitate to say, that we are distrnstftil of its pi'pose, and base our
38 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
suspicions upon the knowledge we have of actors in previous
organizations."
The opinion of the " Pennsylvanian" is based upon a
"knowledge of the actors in previous organizations." It
is certainly true, that if their design is not against the
peace of England, it will, sooner or later, be exercised
politically against this government.
It matters not what purposes prompt the foreigners
to organize into separate and exclusive societies or commiunities.  Such associations must ultimately endanger
the perpetuity of  American  institutions.   No  such
organization can, none ever has, existed long without
engendering animosities amongst the members thereof,
or between themselves and the natives.-  It is contrary to
the laws of nature for any two people so unhlike physically,
mentally, morally, socially, and politically, to live together under the same jurisdiction, and, at the same time,
live as a separate and distinct people4 A conflict innust
come.  The history of the world is replete withl such
collisions. It is a conflict of races, and the struggle is
for superiority.  The Hungarian war of 1849 and'50
arose from a conflict between the Sclavonians and Mag
yars; neither were willing to yield up their respective
nationalities; each appealed to Austria for aid, and
both were subjugated by Austria. The early history of
England furnishes several instances of a conflict of
races, and no country has escaped them, where the
population was made up of different races, and those
races preserved their respective characteristics; even our
own country affords a most striking illustration of the
incompatibility of races.   The Indians hlave almost
39 
rIMlIGRATION.
entirely disappeared, but they yielding nothing.   It
was a bloody conflict, and not yet terminated.
The identity of the population of any country is
essential to the preservation of good order, to the perpetuity of its established institutions, and to the protection of its citizens.  A mere difference of opinion as to
the temporary policy of a government, such as fiequenitly occurs between two political parties, does not
destroy the identity of the people, thou,gh frequently
such conflicts of opinion merely are not unattended
with trouble, even threatening the safety of the government.
To return to the consideration of the Irish organizations. In the foregoing, the objects of these organizations have been merely conjectured; but notwithstanding
the guard of secrecy which covered up and hid all their
operations and purposes, they have not escaped detection. The judicial investigation which recently took
place at Cincinnati, into the alleged Irish fillibustering
movement, has given to the public sufficient of their
internal regulations, and revealed their purposes to an
extent which slhoutld excite alarm in the bosom of every
true American. The Cincinnati organization is denominated the Robert Emmett Club, and it is more than
probable thI at this is the designation in all other portions
of the country.
Here is the address of this club:
ADDRESS OF THE ROBERT EMMETT BRANCH OF THE IRISH EMIGRANT AID
SOCIETY OF OHIO, TO THE IRISHMEN OF THE BUCKEYE STATE.
"FELLOW EXILES: The sun of Ireland's independence, so long obscured by the clouds of adversity, is bursting tliroullh  the darkness
40 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
of centuries, and may soon shine in splendor over a liberated nation!
For ages our fathers fought and bled in vain-for centuries they suffered the penalties of subjection to the stranger, and died in the confident hope that the men of succeeding ages would avenge their
wrongs and liberate the nation from the oppression of the AngloNorman robber.
The day for which they sighed'and prayed has come, and the
spirits of our martyred dead call on us fiom above, to blot out the
shame of centuries, and lift our dear old nation up to happiness and
fireedom. The voice of the exiled Celt has gone forth from the bay of
Boston, to cheer the drooping, to stimulate the slothful, and unite
all Irishmen in one grand rally for the freedom of Ireland! Shall
we, then, the Irish inhabitants of the West, hold back in such an
hour, and in such a cause? Shall the opportune moment be lost,
and the day that God gives us for vengeance be spent in doubt and
fear?
" No! by the faith our race, by the bones of our insulted dead!
by the memory of Clintarf! by the massacre of Mullaghlmart and
Tara! by the recollection of the starved millions of'46 and'47! by
the glorious deeds of Wexford and Vinegar Hill! by the ruthless
perfidy of the Saxon! by the untimely death of Tone and Fitzgerald!
and the uninscribedtomb of Emmett, vengeance is ours, and we
shall repay!
"Awake, then Irishmen of Ohio! and to the rescue.  The day of
England's tribulation is now-the withering breath of an angry God
is upon her, scourging her for the robberies, the murders, the massacres of ages, and dissolving her power like snow before the warm
sun! With the opportunity presented, and freedom before us, shall
we, the exiled sons of a crushed and lacerated mother, remain forever helots of every people who wish to put the yoke upon our necks,
toil through reproach and opprobrium, in the rags of servitude, and
die with slavery's fetters on our limbs, without  an effort to efface
the black and bitter memory of the past?  Ireland speaks to us
tlirotugl the Massachusetts convention.  Shall we not heed her call,
and organize as she directs? Cincinnati has already adopted the
Massachusetts platform and plan of action, and is duly authorized
to organize the State of Olhio.  The Robert Emmett Club of Cincin
41 
IMMIGRATION.
nati, therefore, calls on you, Irishmen, to organize clubs in every
city, town, and village in the State, on the above plan, and every
necessary information will be furnished you here, on application to
our secretary. When the State is thus organized into clubs, a State
conventionwill be called, and a State directory elected who shall
manage the funds and other business of the society.
" Irishmen, let no man fail or falter now. The work is light if
action be united, and every man do his duty.
"Oh! how long have we wept over the tale of sorrow, that weekly
came to us from our own Innisfail, and how  ardently we  watched
for any movement that would cast a ray of hope across the polluted
waters of Irish politics; but never in our most ardent imaginings
and loftiest dreaming, did we hope for such a grand opportunity, as
the God of nations gives this day to the land our of love. Let us, then,
if we are men, prepare to accept the boon, and grasp the liberty of
Ireland with a strong and armed hand.  The man who now holds
back, was made for a slave, and deserves the coward's fate.
" The men of Massachusetts have set a noble example, one worthy
of imitation by every State in the Union, and be assured that nothing will give the true friends of the cause such  buoyant hopes as to
find that Ohio is firm in the ranks of Irish patriotism.
"Let each man's motto be, to cultivate the friendship of his
neighbor, to be sober, prudent, and hopeful, and we cannot fail.
"'  They win the fight that must be won,
The freedom of our land, which they so well begun.'
" Signed in behalf of the Club.
" DANIEL CONAIIHAN, President.
"EDWARD  K-Ex'IFc,  Secretary. 
" INCIN-CIXkTI, Sept. 27, 1855."
This address discloses the whole plan of operation. It
was circulated secretly among the Irish population of
Ohio, and only  gained  publicity through  a judicial
investigation. It exhibits the bitter hostility which the
Irish retain for the Anglo-Norman race, which it styles
" robbers," and attempts to arouse their ancient animos
42 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
ities by appealing to their prejudices, and by recounting
the past injuries which the Irish people as a nation have
received from the hands of England.
That they should retain a vivid recollection of the
massacres of?lullaghmart and Tara, of the glorious deeds
of Wexford and Vinegar Hill, and of the death of Tolne
and Fitzgerald, is natural enough, but that they should
as American citizens, seek to make England atone for
the past, affords indisputable evidence of their want of
fidelity to the government under whose protection they
live. They have abjured absolutely'all allegiance to
any and every government, and sworn to support the
Constitution and the laws of the United States.
The following is the oath of the Robeit Emmett Club,
which was made public during the Cincinnati investigation:
THE OATH.
"In the awful presence of God, I do voluntarily declare.and
promise, that I shall use my endeavors to form a brotherhood
amongst Irishmen of all persuasions, for to uproot and overthrow
English government in Ireland; and I furthermore declare that
neither hopes, fears, rewards nor punishments, shall ever induce me
to make known any of the secrets of this Order. To all this I most
solemnly pledge my most sacred honor."
Are not these developments sufficient to create alarm
and apprehension? Who can calculate the strength of
these organizations? The Irish population of this country now numbers a million, of that number nearly six
hundred thousand are males, and who knows but there
are six hundred thousand armed Irishmen in our midst,
bound together by a solelmn oath and sworn to keep
43 
IMMIGRATION.
their secrets inviolable? Should not the government
interfere and break up these organizations? They have
committed a thousand times greater infractions of the
neutrality laws, than anything charged upon Mr.
Cramrnpton or the British consuls at Philadelphia, iNew
York, and Cincinnati.
"If ever it was incumbent upon a government to preserve its
honor, and strangle the serpent of sedition hissing under its very
eye, now is the time for the Federal Executive to act. Every
leader of these Irish and German leagues, from Robert Tyler down
to the most insignificant Pat or Hans, should be arrested, indicted,
tried and punished. Mr. Tyler has not the excuse of ignorance
which may be pleaded by his dupes, who will be surprised at the
heinousness of their offence, when the veil falls firom their features
of their false prophet. Are we to prevent enlistments under the
garb of Emigrant Aid Societies, which have for their avowed objects
the invasion of Ireland or interference in the affairs of other European governments?"
And as a measure of safety for the future, should not
the legislative department of the government interfere?
A few years more and the golden opportunity may have
passed away.
John Mitchel, formerly the editor of " The Citizen,"
said to the Irishmen of this country.
"Be careful not to truckle in the smallest particular to American
prejudices.  Yield not a single jot of your own; for you have as
good a right to your prejudices as they."
The St. George Society, a society of Englishmen in
the State of New York, at its anniversary meeting in
185O2 adopted the following address to her majesty the
Queen of England.
44 
FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS.
TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
" gay it please your Majesty.
" We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects a committee recently appointed by the St. George Society of the State of New
York, a corporate body, formed for the relief and support of our
countrymen lwho may be in distress within this State, humbly beg
leave to tender to your majesty, in the name of our society, our
most grateful acknowledgments for the high mark of favor which
your majesty has been so graciously pleased to confer upon us, in
permitting a copy of the portrait of your majesty, by Winterhalter,
to be made for our society. This signal proof of the benevolent
regard which your majesty has condescended to entertain for a
body of your majesty's subjects, who, though removed from the
immediate sphere of your majesty's beneficent rule, and the lustre of your majesty's bright example, yield to none in devotion to
your majesty, and your majesty's illustrious family, will be regarded
with sentiments which so gracious an act must call forth.  In venturing, therefore, to intrude upon your majesty with this expression
of their gratitude, the committee beg to assure your majesty that
the members of this society, though far from the land of their fathers
and of their love, can never cease to think of it with tenderness; and
that the prayers which they offer to God firom their home in this
friendly republic, for the long continuance of your majesty's health
and prosperity, flow from hearts as loyal, and are uttered by lips as
true, as can be found in almost any part of your majesty's almost
boundless dominions."
Mlany of the members of this society are naturalized
citizens, and have resided in this country long enough
to have become attached to the government, yet in the
address above quoted, they,, declare, "They yield to
none in devotion to your  (her) majesty," and  that 
"thoughfarfrom the land of tkeir a,ther8 and of their
love, can never cease to think of it (the British govern
45 
IMMIGRATION.
ment) with tenderness."  They further declare that these
sentiments "flow from hearts as loyal, and are uttered
by lips as true," as any of her majesty's subjects. The
ancient maxim is truly verified, "once an Englishman
always an Em glishnan."
46
4k
-0 
CHAPTER III.
KOSSUTH PMANIA.
IT is proper, before proceeding any further, to review
the "Kossuth Mania," which but a few years ago convulsed the country throughout its length and breadth.
Kossuth was an exile firom his fatherland.   He came
to this country by invitation, and by his eloquent
appeals excited the sympathies of the whole people, and
by his representations enlisted many in his cause. His
fame had been wafted across the "briny deep," and our
people, always sympathizing with the oppressed, received him with open arms, and extended to him the
hand always ready to strike in defence of liberty. But
for what purpose did he come? Did he come to live
amongst us and to become identified with a republican
government?   No.  Did he come to this land of constitutional liberty to share with us in the enjoyment of
its privileges and blessings?  No.  He came with the
arrogance of a conqueror, though an exile. He came
not as a pupil, but as a teacher, and what he came to
teach us, we can best learn from his own declarations.
In a speech delivered in England, but a few days previous to his departure for this country, hlie said:
4T 
IMMIGRATION.
" I suppose it is known now that the policy of England and of
the United States can unite; and when they are united, I myself
hope that without wars, the interest of mankind, by that means,
will be secured.       *       *       *        *       *       *
"When I go to the United States, I will consider it to be one of
my duties to try if there cannot be an humble opportunity for this
Union, as I was an humble opportunity for the promulgation of the
solidarity sentiment of nations for the principles of liberty."
In that same speech he characterizes Washington's
policy of non-intervention, as " the letter-marque of despotism." He said: 
"That is the principle-the sovereign right of eery nation to
dispose of itself. But this is not the non-intervention which would
be defined by these words: I do not care whatever be the fate of
humanity-whatever the disposal of the world miay do with Europe,
or with its liberty, because my principle is non-intervention. That,
I say, is not non-intervention; it is the letter-margue of despotism;
it would be an assurance to society to carry with certainty the victory to despotism."
The reader must bear in mind thile fact, that though
he asserted he believed in the principle of non-intervention or neutrality, so far as regards the affairs of other
nations, yet he denounced the principle of non-initervention as enunciated by Washington, as the " letter-marque
of despotism."
When he arrived at New York, a Doctor Somebody
addressed him as follows:
" For my part, and I ask no one to be responsible for what I say,
although I honestly believe that I speak the sentiments of the great
mass of my fellow-countrymen, and especially the sentiments of
those three millions of stalwart, able-bodied, young men of America
whom our laws have designed for military purposes-I believe I
48 
KOSSUTH MANIA.
speak the sentiments of the great mass of intelligent citizens
soldiers, who are not merely household troops, sir, but who have
recently had an opportunity of demonstrating before the world what
use they can make of arms in the enemy's country.   I speak their
sentiments, sir, when I say that the great Kossuth doctrine of armed
non-intervention, is the doctrine and sentiments of America.   Nonintervention for us-non-intervention for all."
To which Kossuth responded:
"The reception I have already experienced relieves me from
much anxiety. If the doctrine of non-intervention is understood as
you state, then the generoats and efficient aid of the United States to
my couLntry's suffering independence is gained.
He came, then, to secure the "generous and efficient
aid of the United States," which was the Kossuth doc.e
trine of non-intervention.  It has been our doctrine from
the foundation of the government, "to stay at home, and
to attend to our own wars-to our own business." This
was the non-intervention principle inculcated by the immortal Washington. Kossuth announced in England his
object to be to unite England and the United States in
the same policy. Was England to yield to us, or we to
England? And when he was informed that his doctrine
of "armed non-intervention" was the sentiment of
"three millions of stalwart Americans," his soul was
unburdened, and he proclaimed that he came to seek
their "generous and efficient aid."
As to the motive which brought him to this country,
lie says:
" The motive, citizens, is that your generous act of my liberation
has raised the conviction throughout the world, that this generous
act of yours is but the manifestation of your resolution to throw
49 
nilIMIGRATION.
your weight in the balance where the fate of the European continent is to be weighed. You have raised the conviction throughout
the world, that by my liberation, you were willing to say,'Ye
oppressed nations of old Europe's continent, be of good cheer; the
young giant of America stretches his powerful arm over the waves,
ready to give a brother's hand to your future.' So is your act interpreted throughout the world."
He goes on to say:
"It is hence, that my liberation was cheered from Sweden, down
to Portu.gual, as a ray of hope. It is hence that even these nations
which most desire my presence in Europe now, have unanimously
told me, hasten on, hasten on, to the great, free, rich and powerful
people of the United States, and bring over its brotherly aid to the
cause of your country, so intimately connected with European liberty."
European liberty, the liberty of Portugal and Sweden,
which countries had cheered him on in the cause of his
country's liberation. He came as the representative of
"European liberty," beseeching our people to stretch
" their powerful arm over the waves," and render "efficient aid" in behalf of those principles with which Portugal and Sweden sympathized. He came as the type
of the social democracy of Germany, of the Red Republicans of France, of the patriots of Italy, who have
exchanged the maxims of absolute monarchies for an
unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from one
extreme to another. He camne as the champion of those
principles which the Germans of Richmond and of
Louisville have here proclaimed, and sought our aid to
re-establish them in Hungary.
Again he said:
"And taking my ground on this principle of union, which I find
lawfully existing, an established constitutional fact, it is not to a
50 
KOSSJUTH MANIA.
party, but to the united people of the United States, that I confideniitly address my humble requests for aid and protection to
oppressed humanity. I will conscientiously respect your laws, but
within the limits of your laws I will use every honest exertion to
gain your operative sympathy, and your financial, material, and
political aid for my country's freedom and independence, and entreat
the realization of those hopes whilch your generosity has raised in
me and mny people's breasts, and also in the breasts of Europeans
oppressed.  And, therefore, thirdly, I beg leave frankly to state that
mv aim is to restore my fatherland to the full enjoyment of this act
of declaration of independence, which being the only rightful existing public law of my nation."
There is a law on the statute book, which makes it
treason for any man to aid in setting on foot any expedition against a firiendly power, and yet Kossuth, notwithstanding his declaration that he would conscientiously
respect our laws, came to seek our "fnanicial, material
and(po7itical aid."  He endeavored by his gifted oratorial powers and his persuasive eloquence, to arouse our
people up and enlist them in the cause of the unbounded
licentiousness of the social democracy of Europe, which
has only served to bind the chains of power tighter and
to add a century to the enslavement of Europe.
A few days subsequent to his arrival in New York he
was invited to review the militia of that city. iHe
appeared before them in Hungarian uniform, and in a
speech to them he said:
"I am told that I will have the high honor to review your
patriotic militia. Oh, God! how my heart throbs at the idea to
see this gallant army enlisted on the soil of freedom against despotism, the world would be free and you the saviors of humanity."
Hiis heart throbbed with joy at the hope that our
51 
IMMIGRATION.
militia would array themselves against the fundamental
principles of their country against the policy of Washington, and in favor of the policy of Louis Kossuth.
His bosom heaved with excitement at the prospect that
his appeals to thelr in behalf of the down-trodden millions of Europe had enlisted them in the cause of German radicalism, and the socialism of France, and that
henceforth the warning of Washington, to avoid all
entangling alliances, would go unheeded by a people to
whom he had bequeathed this rich heritage of ours.
Not satisfied with these appeals to our sympathies, he
even dared to suggest to us, what policy we should
adopt in our intercourse with a country with whom we
were at peace. Here is his language:
"Now as to your minister to Vienna, how you can combine in
letting him stay there with your opinion of the cause of Hungary, I
really don't know; but so much I know, that the present absolutistical atmosphere of Europe, is not very propitious to American
principles. I know a man who could tell some curious things about
this matter. But as to Mr. Hulseman, really I don't believe, that he
would be so ready to leave Washington. He has extremely well
digested the caustic pills, which Mr. Webster has administered to
him so gloriously."
Hiow true are the words, "the absolutistical atmosphere of Europe is not very propitious for American
principles," and how unpropitious for American principles are the " absolutistical" immigrants from Europe!
They ha ve breathed this atmosphere from youth to manhood, and come thoroughly imbued with all the principles which Kossuth himself proclaimed; for in his New
York speech, he stated frankly his object was to perpetuate the Hungarian constitution, which was the "only
52 
KOSSUTH MANIA.
rightful existing public law of my nation," which constitution secured to HIungary independence; that is, independence as Europe understood it, for in the same
speech he said:
"Hungary is a free and independent kingdom (KINGDOM), having
its own self-constituted existence and constitution, and not subject
to any other nation and country in the world. The only tie between
us (Hungary) and Austria, was that we we were bound to elect to be
our kings the same dynasty  which were also the sovereigns of
Austria."
Here, then, it is perceived that European freedom, in
which Portugal and Sweden sympathized, and for which
he, as the representative of the millions of Europe who
thirsted for liberty, was struggling, consisted simply in
the privilege of being compelled (bound is the word) to
elect the sovereigns of Austria their king. This is the
liberty which he sought to re-establish in Hungary, and
which elicited from the German organizations in this
country such enthusiastic co-operation.   It was not for
constitutional liberty, and " natural right and reason," for
which he labored so zealously, but for the privilege of
being governed by the monarch of another nation.
This is not all. On the 4th of July, 1848, Kossuth
presented to the archduke a petition for aid to enable
the Hungarians to keep in subjection another people.
The Sclavonians had rebelled against the authority of
the Magyars, and in their petition to the Emperor of
Austria, for protection, they said:
"Emperor, if you reject our )rayers, we stall know how to vindicate our liberty with you; and we prefer to die heroically, like a
Sclavonian people, rather than to bear such a yoke as is imposed
upon us. Emperor, you know that we prefer, if we must choose
53 
IMMIGRATION.
between them, the knout of the Russians to the insolence of the
Magyars."
To which Kossuth, in his petition to the same, of July
4th, 1848, responded thus:
" The Hungarian nation, which, at this time, when almost every
throne in Europe is tottering, remains, not only the firmest, but the
only firm prop of the Austrian throne. This feeling and this experience have led us to request the kind assistance of his highness the
Archduke John, with respect to the Illyrian rebellion."
This was the beginning of the struggle which terminated in the subjugation of Itungary, and then Kossuth
declared that Hungary, of which he was the dictator,
was the only "firm prop of the Austrian throne."
In 1848, he was petitioning for aid to sustain himself
in the dictatorship of Hungary, and basing his claim for
assistance to subjugate the Sclavonians, upon the ground
that Hlungary, through him as its dictator, was the only
"firm prop of the Austrian throne;" and in 1851, with
that arrogance only becoming to a vanquished despot,
he comes to America to solicit aid in re-establishing the
"only firm prop of the Austrian throne;" but he comles
not in meekness and in sorrow, but with all the pomp
and show of regal splendor, clad in the robes of office,
glittering with the emblems of authority, and accompanied by a suite of subordinates. As such he was
invited by the American Congress to the Capitol,
and welcomed upon the floor of each Ilouse of Congress. Before the American Senate he stood as the
guest of the nation, not as a war-worn veteran, whose
life had been devoted to the cause of constitutional
liberty, but as the exiled protector of the Austrian
54 
KOSSUTH MANIA.
throne, bearing upon his person the insignia of the
dictatorship, and the sword dangling at his side.
His career did not stop here. Elated with his success
thus far, he proceeded to canvass the whole country,
inculcating the principles of European liberty, and sowing broadcast the seed of discord, turbulence, and sedition, and everywhere the German population flocked
around him, singing anthems to his praise, and responding to his demands for "material aid," with a liberality
far more than justified by their scanty means.
He travelled through the South and the West, peddling his dollar, of which here is a curious specimen:
"IHUxGAIIANX. FUND.-On demand, one year after the establishment, in fact, of the INDEPENDENT H-UNGAIIAN GOVERNMENT, the
holder hereof shall be entitled to ONE  DOILAR, payable at the
National Treasury, or at either of its agencies at London or New
York, or to exchange the same in sums of fifty dollars or over, for
certificates bearing four per cent. interest, payable in ten equal
annual installments from one year after said event.
" L. KOSSUTH."
On the 23d June, 1852, Kossuth addressed an assemblage of Germans at the Tabernacle, in the city of New
York, after which the following resolutions were
adopted:
" Whereas. The whig party, in their platform, recently adopted
at Baltimore, which has been adopted by their candidates, have
declared themselves against participating in the fate of Europe;
and, whereas, furthermore, the democratic party in America, which,
at least, in their fundamental principles, cherish progress, have not
declared themselves against partaking of the European struggle for
liberty! and the policy of intervention may be expected to be
65 
IMMIGRATION.
adopted by the democratic party as well as by their candidates;
therefore,
" Resolved, That as American citizens, we will attach ourselves to
the democratic party and will devote our strength to having a
pc,licy, of intervention in America carried out.
" Resolved, That, we expect that the candidate of the democratic
party will adopt the principles of this policy, which has been sanctioned by all distinguished statesmen of the party.
"Resolved, That we protest against the manner in which, heretofore, the government of the United States has interpreted and applied
the policy of neutrality, which is in violation of the spirit of the
Constitution of the United States.
"Resolred, That we ask that every American citizen, not being
attached to the soil, may support the strength of any other people in
the sense as the juries have interpreted the principles of the American
Constitution, and especially of the policy of neutrality.
"-Resolved, That we ask that the United States be officially represented by an ambassador to each nation which is battling against
monarchism, and has framed its own constitution.
" -Resolved, That we will unite, hand in hand, with all GermanAmericans in the Revolutionary Union of Europe for the advancement of the real progressive policy in America and Europe, and that
we desire the committee of arrangements of the meeting to frame
statutes for the said end, and to do everything necessary for the promotion of the said Revolutionary Union.
" Resolved, That we confidently hope that all nations of Europe
struggling for liberty, as well as theirleaders, according to the principles of solidarity, will consider their end a common one, without
interfering with the independence of each nation, and that they rest
united in the days of peace and war.
"R esolved, That wve express our thanks and sympathy to Governor
Kossuth, and to the German agitators, for their noble efforts: that
we promise them results, and that the Germans of New York and
environs will continue to work for the great end of a universal liberation of all nations."
These resolutions contain the principles enuniciated
56 
KOSSUTH MANIIA.
by Kossuth in his speech in the Tabernacle, to give force
to which, and to more generally enlist the Germans in their
behalf he issued the following secret circular, in which
hLe advises the Germans to assert their political power and
influence and to force if possible the democratic and whig
parties to acknowledge the justice and necessity of the
principles therein set forth.
KOSSUTHI'S SECRET CIRCULAR TO THE GERMANS.
"NEW YORK, June 28th, 1852.
"SiR: I hope you have already read my German farewell speech,
delivered June 23th in the Tabernacle at New York, and also the
resolutions of the meeting which were passed subsequently.
"I hope, further, that the impressions whic]h this matter  has
made utpon both political parties has not escaped your attention.
" Indeed, it is not easy to be mistaken that the German citizens
of America will have the casting vote in the coming election, if they
are united in a joint direction upon the platform of the principles set
forth in the speech mentioned.
" They may decide upon the exterior policy of the next adminstration of the United States, and with that upon the triumph or fall of
liberty in Europe.
"Never yet were the German citizens of America in this decided
position.
" The leaders of the political parties have arrived at the
acknowledgment of this power, and they are alarmed, for they
know that in the most unfavorable case, the Germans are able
to make unsafe, at least, any combination or calculation of the
parties.
" Will the German citizens concede this important position, which
will not come back in a century?
"I hope God, the Almighty protector of liberty, may prevent it.
They are neglecting the moment. Won't they esteem principles
higher than names and denominations of parties?
"I hope they will. The position of America is a power-the
3*
57 
IMMIGRATION.
liberty of Europe, of Germany, of Hungary, of Italy, depends upon
them.
"For God's sake do your best; that your German fellow citizens
occupy this position and ratify the principles put up in said speech,
by meetings and resolutions, and declaring the intimated direction
as theirs.
"Act quickly. Keep the power of the position uncompromised
in your hands, until the one or the other party offer substantial
guarantees. This is now of the utmost importance. If I should be
so happy as to induce the German citizens in different parts of the
United States publicly to approve of my principles and of the inti mated direction, thereby furnishing the argument that they would
support this policy, this would put me in a position to carry on effi cient negotiations with the parties, and would enable me to offer
such guarantees to them as will answer the principles and sympathies
of German hearts.
"God sees my most secret thoughts.  He knows itis mere vanity
which agitates my heart. No! the consciousness that European
liberty depends upon the unanimous support of tile German citizens
of America, stimulates me in making this communication.
"My requests are as follows:
"1. Cause a German meeting to be called without delay. The
object of it should be to consent which way the German citizens of
America should take in the pending Presidential question.
" 2. A committee of influential men-if possible of both parties
-should prepare resolutions, among which the following.
" a. That the German citizens of, who are entitled to vote,
approve of the principles laid down in my New York speech of June
23d, and sustain the means and policy which were recommended
there; because they acknowledge them as such that are only and
solely fit to promote the true interest of the United States, and of
freedom in Europe. On that reason they should govern the conduct
of all German citizens.
" b. That they request me publicly not to leave the United
States without having communicated before the German citizens of
whichparty have given the most acceptable assurances, or
rather, guarantees, of being resolved to act on this basis in the Presidential question.
58 
KOSSUTHi MANIA.
c. That they consider especially the repeal, or at least an interpretation of the neutrality laws of 1818, conformable to the principles of the individual rights, guaranteed by the Constitution to the
citizens of the United States, as a specially desirable issue.
(d. That they request their fellow citizens  of other races to
unite with them on that high basis of universal liberty, and of the
honor and welfare of the United States.
"These  proceedings would  be of iinmense  importance; open
actions and secret intrigues are at work to annihilate this success.
"But the Germans have become a power; woe to them if they
should neglect this hint of Providence!  The movement must be
crystallized, that it may not waste it strength. The more it is
manifest that I and my policy may rely upon the support of the
German citizens, the more I can do for that matter which is so dear
also to your hearts.
"In the name of the veneration I entertain for America, in the
name of the oppressed nations of Europe, I conjure you to lend us
your aid in the direction intimated.
" Let us hear of an activity so ardently longed for.
' With high esteem, fraternal respects, and shaking of hands, your
most obedient.
(" Signed.)
"L. KOSSUTl.
" N. B.-So far is this confidential, that the letter is not to be given
to the public, but is to be used only for private communication.
In his footsteps quickly followed the accomplished
Kinkle, delighting audiences with his eloquence and
plausible plans for the liberation of the millions of
Europe; and collecting from "the sage inhabitants" of
the West, from fifteen to twenty thousand dollars per
day either for the purpose of aiding the Revolutionary
League in carrying into effect their plans, or for some
kindred purpose. And these money orators are aided
in their schemes by such appeals as this, issued by the
'Supreme Directory."
59 
IMIMIGRATION.
" To THE GERMANS IN AMERICA! The news brought to these
shores by each successive steamer from Europe, proves that the
hour of insurrection is near; therefore, the refugees mqust organize
and hold themselves in readiness.
" At a mass-meeting, held Nov. 9, 1853, a comnmission was elected
for the purpose of organization, and that commission, finding unoccupied that difficult position which it was requested to take, now
calls upon the German emigration in America to acknowledge them
as the centre in all matters regarding that affair.
"The commission has adopted the following platform as the basis
of its operations:
"We recognize the solidarity of all revolutionary interests; our
first object being, however, the deliverance of Germany from its political thraldom without our presuming to decide by anticipation other
secondary objects.  We expect that the people of Germany will themselves decide upon their future political system, and we place ourselves at the disposition of the revolutionary government."
*       *       *       *        *       *       *
"To our former revolutionary companions we say, Be prepared!
The approaching struggle between liberty and despotism will be
severe, but it will be the last; for it will only terminate with the
annihilation of one of the two opposing irreconcilable principles."
Add to this the sage reflections of Mazzini. In writing
to some friend in this country, probably a member of
some one of the Revolutionary Leagues, he said:
"Twenty-four millions of emancipated Italians will be twenty-four
millions of abolitionists to aid their brethren in America!"
Kossuth sought our aid to re-establish the " only firm
prop to the Austrian throne;" and Mazzini offered as a
compensation for aid in emancipating Italy, the assistance of "twenty-four millions of Abolitionists," to aid
Americans in supporting their Constitution, and to secure
the perpetuity of their institutions. The one sought the
60 
KOSSUTIt MANIA.
dictatorship of Hiungary, the other the destruction of
American institutions. The foreign population afforded
them ample material upon which they could operate.
From the native population they expected but little.
They appealed to the passions, prejudices, and animosities of the iforeigner, refreshed his memory with the
recollections of his youth, and depicted to him in glowing language the injuries and suffering of his fatherland.
Fatherland! In that single word lie concealed all the
hopes of the foreigner. It was the home of his ancestors; in its soil lie buried kindred and friends. He
rejoices over its prosperity, and mourns over its adversity.
61 
CHAPTER IV.
REMITTANCES FROM AMERICA.
ONE who had not taken the trouble to ascertain the
amount of money remitted firom this country, by the
foreign population to their friends at home, would be
startled at the enormous amount of gold and silver
which is, by this means, withdrawn from circulation,
and exported to foreign countries. It is impossible to
ascertain, with any degree of accuracy, the amount, but
the sum known to be remitted annually is very large.
The English commissioners of emigration have returned
the following sums remitted front America, as having
come under their own knowledge:
$2,226,400
2,613,600
4,719,000
4,825,480
5,000,000
$19,384,480
Whole amount remitted during the years of'48,'49,
50,'51, and'52, which came to the knowledge of the
62
1848,
184:9,
1850,
1851,
1852, 
REMITTANCES FROM AMERICA.
English commissioners, amounted to $19,384,480.  The
actual amount must have far exceeded this, for it is
presumed that only that portion of the remittances
which were intended for England, Scotland, Ireland,
and Wales, could come to the knowledge of the English
commissioners. Tle immigration from other countries
during these years has exceeded that from England,
Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and the amount of remittances increases in proportion to the immigration; hence,
it is fair to infer that the remittances to other European
countries equalled that which came to the knowledge
of the English commissioners.
The following paragraph from the Cork (Ireland)
"Examiner," gives the amount of remittances to Ireland
during the years 1853 and'54:
"In 1853, the amount of money sent home for payment of passages. as well as for various other purposes, was ~1,489,000; but in
1854, that amount, vast and wonderful as it was, was far exceeded,
it having reached ~1,720,000, or nearly 300,000 over what it was
in the previous year. In the history of the world there is nothing
like this amazing proof of the strength and attachment which has
ever distinguished and adorned the calumniated Irish race."
Thus it is readily perceived, that the Irisl population of this country remitted, during the year 1854,
eight millions two hundred and fifty thousand dollars;
which amount of money was expended in defraying the
expenses of immigrants to this country.  It is mnore
than probable that every family in Ireland has a representative in this country, who hoards up, from his
scanty earnings, enough to pay the cost of transporta
63 
IMMIGRATION.
tion of the remaining members of the family. This
Irish paper asserts one other fact, viz.: these remittances
evidence the " strength and attachment" of the Irish of
this country to the land of their birth.
We expend annually millions of dollars in maintaining foreign paupers, and a large amount in prosecuting
foreign criminals; we feed the hungry, and clothe the
naked; we grant them the rights of citizenship, and
confer upon them honors and emoluments, and yet they
are not satisfied; we must even pay the cost of transportation.  What aprivilege, indeed, we are thus permitted to enjoy!  We  are not only permitted to invite
" our company and entertain them," but must even pay
the cost of conveyance. What a pleasure! And all
this charity and benevolence on our part but proves the
"strength and attachment" of this calumniated race.
Eight millions of dollars annually expended in Irish
remittances-enough to float our entire navy! In the
history of the world there is nothing like this amazing
generosity-yet they are not satisfied. They live ulpon
our substance, yet they want our political blessings, and
seek to model them after their own crude ideas of
liberty, freedom, and equality.  They sit at our table
and around our hearthstones, and still they grumble.
Their appetite cannot be satiated, their wants cannot be
supplied, nor can their wishes be gratified; yet our
doors are open to them. Hlow long must we bear all
these grievances? "'Self-preservation is the first law of
nature." The time is not far distant when we shall
even be compelled to forsake the "Old Homestead,"
and leave it to the Vandals. Ilow soon it will become
desolate. In view of this result, let us unite upon the
64 
REMITTANCES FROMi AMERICA.
common platform of self-preservation, and pledge " our
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honors," to protect
our rights, to perpetuate our institutions, and to preserve our nationality.
65 
CHAPTER V.
SHIPMENT OF PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS.
THiERE can exist no doubt that the states of continental Europe ship to this country many of their
paupers and convicts; many have been sent here at the
expense of their own government, who had become
nuisances to their own country.   ]tany were inmates
of penitentiaries and prison houses, and have been sent
here as a measure of safety to their own country.
If there be any doubt as to the correctness of this
statement, it is only necessary to examine the past history of the country. General Smith, while mayor of
the city of Baltimore, transmitted to the President of
the United States a German newspaper, in which this
notice was given:
"A transport of inmates from the house of correction in Gotha
will sail for Bremen, under escort of a police officer, and thence to
America, either to New York or Baltimore."
This same gentleman, subsequently, informed the President of the arrival off the ship, and that "the irons
were knocked off the limbs of the convicts only when
they came in sight of our coast."
66 
SHIPMENT OF PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS.
The " Montreal Herald" of Dec. 22, 1840, contains the
report of the " Immigrant Committee of Montreal," and
the speech of Dr. Rolph,' the accredited immigrant
agent of the government of Great Britain," in which he
says that the government of Great Britain had expended, during the nine preceding months, $17,000 in
that city, ill forwarding immigrant paupers.   Of  the
total number of immigrants to Canada during those
months (23,160), but 7,013 were able to defray their
own expenses; and of the paupers, 8,625 came (were
sent) to the United States. England has had in operation, for twenty years past, a system of emigration,
through which means she has gotten rid of the large
portion of " her lower orders " (as she terms them), and
within a few years back, several other of the European
governments have adopted the plan of relieving themselves of the burdens of pauperism and crime, by transporting the paupers and convicts to this country, at the
expense of their respective governments. The press of
England, and in some of the continental states, has firequently urged upon their governments the necessity of
home depletion by emigration.
Captain Marryatt, the English traveller, who visited
this country, and published a journal of his travels, in
describing the scenes he witnessed on board of the ship
in which he came over, uses this language:  "What
cargoes of crime, folly, and recklessness do we yearly
ship off to America."  These were the cargoes which
England was shipping under the auspices of her "Emigrant Aid Societies," of which there were several accredited agents on this continent, and that portion which
was sent to Canada was ultimately re-shipped to this
67 
IMMIGRATION.
country. It was the duty of the accredited agent at
Montreal to forward or to aid all immigrants to the
place of their destination, and in the report, before
alluded to, it is distinctly stated, that the number, 7,013
who were able to defiray their travelling expenses, proceeded to Upper Canada, and that of the remaining
number, none of whom were able to pay their own
expenses, 8,625, came (were sent) to the United States.
It will occur to the reader as a very remarkable circumstance, that all who were not paupers should "proceed
to Upper Canada," and much the larger portion of the
others should "proceed to the United States."  It is true
that England desired to settle Upper Canada, and she
took good care to have an " accredited agent at Montreal," and he a physician, who should cause only those
able to pay their expenses to proceed to Canada.  This
is the system which has been, for twenty years, pursued
by England, by way of depleting herself, and burdening
the United States with the care of her paupers and
criminals.
The English press of the P,esent day teem with laudations upon this policy, and urge the government to
extend her operations, enlarge the sphere of action of
the " emigrant aid societies," to appropriate money to
defray the expenses, and to aid this most charitable and
benevolent English institution to the fullest extent of
her powers.   Other countries have followed in the
wake of England, and now scarcely a day passes, but
that the journals announce the arrival of an immigrant
ship, at some one of the seaboard cities, laden with the
maimed and diseased carcasses of European paupers
and criminals, which have been transported hither by
68 
SHIPMENT OF PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS.
European authorities, either in obedience to their strict
and rigid sanitary regulations, or as a measure of personal safety and security.
During the fall of 1854, a vessel landed in New York
one hundred and fifty paupers, and fifteen convicts,
wearing, as the badges of their conviction, chains upon
their limbs; and a few months subsequently another
vessel, freighted with a similar cargo, was wrecked on
Sable Island, from whence her passengers were carried
to Halifax, and from Hlalifax were brought to New
York, by way of Boston. By an affidavit made by one
of these passengers, it appeared that they were natives
of Switzerland, who, being unable to support themselves at home, were sent hither, at the expense of the
municipality to which they belonged.
The following is the affidavit.
"City and County of New York, ss: We, the undersigned, being
duly sworn, do depose and say out, that we and our families, whose
number is correctly taken down opposite to our names, on the foot
of this affidavit, are natives of Switzerland; that they were poor in
their own country, and could not support themselves there any
longer; that therefore the mayor of their village has paid their passage money direct to New York, and that therefore their passage
money has not been paid by these deponents: that they embarked
at Antwerp, on board the ship Arcadia, which vessel was intended
for New York, but wrecked at Sable Island; that they sailed from
Boston on board the passenger steamboat State of Maine, and
arrived in the port of New York on board the said steamer, on the
2d day of January, 1855; that they are now quite destitute, and
without any means for support, except from commissioners of emigration, and further they do not say.
[Here follow signatures.]
"Sworn before me, this tenth day of January, 1855.
" EDWARD  CASSERLY,
" Comis.ioaer of Deeds."
69 
IMMIGRATION.
About the same time, the Sardinian government
shipped on board a "national vessel (the Degennes
man of war), thirty-fonr convicts-not convicts for political offences, but convicts for crime of the most dangerous description." The arrival of this ship at New
Yorkl  called forth the following letter from Mayor
Wood of that city, to the President of the United
States:
MAYOR'S OFFICE, NEW YORK, January 2, 1855.
T HIS EXOELLENCY FRANKLIN PIERCE, PRESIDENT OF THE U.S.
" DEAR SiR: There can be no doubt that, for many years, this port
has been made a sort of penal colony for felons and paupers, by
the local authorities of several of the continental European nations.
The desperate character of a portion of the people arriving here from
those countries, together with the increase of crime and misery
among that class of our population, with other facts before us, prove,
conclusively, that such is the case.
"It is unnecessary to refer to the gross wrong thus perpetrated
upon this city. It requires from me no allusion to the jeopardy of
our lives and property from this cause.  Men who by a long career
of crime and destitution, have learned to recognize no laws, either
civil or natural, cannot fail to produce feelings of terror at their approach.
"The inherent right of every community to protect itself from
dangers arising from such immigration, cannot be questioned. New
York has submitted to it long enough. The disease and pauperism
arriving here almost daily, from abroad, is, of itself, a sufficient
evil; but when to it is added crime, we must be permitted to remonstrate. We ask the interference of the General Government. As it
is its duty to protect us from foreign aggression, with ball and cannon, so is it its duty to protect us against an enemy more insidious
and destructive, though coming in another form.
" I call your attention to this subject, hoping I will receive from
you that action which its very great importance to the whole
country demands.          I am very truly yours, &c.,
"FErNxANDO WooD, Mlayor."
70 
SHIPMENT OF PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS.
The petty kingdom of Wurtemburg has been in the
habit, for some years past, of shipping to this country
its pauper and infirm criminal population to save the
expense of maintaining them at home.
In some instances, it appears that the Commissioners
of Emigration in New  York, thoughlt that the yoke
imposed upon them pressed a little too heavily, and
thereupon ventured to return certain of the most indifferent specimens of Wurtemburg humanity to their own
country.
Wirtemburg had paid the passage of these lazars to
America for the purpose of getting rid of them, and
while it is congratulating itself on the "artful dodge,'"
lo and behold they re-appear, as tattered and torn as
when they went away. The Commissioners of Emigration having sent them back, paternal Wurtemburg
lashes itself into a passion, and straightway launches
against the American authorities the following manifesto:
" Whereas, it has repeatedly occurred that German emigrants to
America, and among them natives of Wurtemburg, who desired to
return home on account of sickness or incapacity to labor, have
been forwarded to this country by the German Emigration Society;
and
" Whereas, it is desirable that those who have once emigrated to
America, and especially those who have been transported thither at
the expense of the states or the communes, and are unable, whether
or not it be from any fault of their own, to earn their subsistence,
should not return here to be a burden to the state or the commune,
(which in that case will have defrayed the expenses of their journey
in vain;) and
"Whereas, the American authorities are scarcely authorized to
send back those who, having once been admitted to the country,
cannot earn their subsistence in America; and
71 
IMMIGRATION.
" Whereas, it is much less the business of the German Emigration
Society of New York to promote the return of such individuals;
therefore,
" Resolved, That necessary steps are to be taken to prevent their
transportation back to this country."
Wurtemburg thinks that those who have been transported hither "at the expense of the state or the commune,.... should not be permitted to return there to
be a burden to the state or communes." And that we,
because Wurtemburg has succeeded in discharging a
cargo of paupers and criminals at one of our ports,
should not re-ship the same to the kingdom of Wurtemburg.
The following is an extract from a message of Mayor
Wood of New York, to the city authorities, in relation
to the shipment of paupers to that city.
" It has long been the practice of many governments on the continent of Europe, to get rid of convicts and paupers, by sending
them to this country, and most generally to this port. The increase
of crime here can be traced to this cause rather than to defect in
the criminal laws or their administration.'An examination of the
criminal and pauper records, shows conclusively that it is but a
small proportion of these unfortunates who are natives of this country. One of the very heaviest burdens we bear is the support of
these people, even when considering the direct cost; but when estimating the evil influences upon society, and the contaminating effect
upon all who come within the range of their depraved minds, it
becomes a matter exceedingly serious, and demanding immediate
and complete eradication. I know of no subject of more importance; certainly, we have the power to protect this city against the
landing of so vile an addition to our population; the health as well
as the life and property of the people for whom you legislate,
requires somne action at your hands.   I am confident the general
72 
SHIPMENT OF PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS.
government will listen to any representations from you relating to
it, and interpose its national authority in our behalf.
"On the 2nd instant, I made this grievance the subject of an official communication to the President of the United States."
Additional proof from the correspondence of the U.S.
consuils, on file in the State Department at Washington:
"M R. HAARPIsoN TO MR. LIVINGSTONN:
"CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES, KINGSTON, JANIAICA, Ta7ie 28th, 1851.
"SIR: I do myself the honor to inform you that I was called upon
yesterday by most of the masters and supercargoes of American
vessels now in this port, who complained of a law which obliges
all foreign vessels under one hundred tons to take a pauper."
" CONSULATE OF THE UNITED STATES, DISTRICT OF KINGSTON-UPON-HIULL, LEEDS,
" Aug. 30tA, 1886.
"SiR:... The officers of customs are well aware that paupers do
proceed to the United States and Canada; and it has been admitted
by the owners of several vessels trading there, that their passages
are paid by the overseers of the parishes to which they belong....
" A LBERT DARY,
" Consul U. S. A."
"U. S. A. CONSULATE, BREMEN, Sept. 8t71, 1836.
"Sm:... Families, almoners, and civil authorities, in order to get
rid of a burdensome fellow, or troublesome subject, pay what is.
necessary for such a person to cross the Atlantic......
"H. W. BOIEL,
"Consul."
"CONSULATE U. S. A., LEIPSIC, farch 8th, 18837.
"SIm:... Not only paupers, but even criminals are transported
from the interior of this country to sea-ports, in order to be
embarked for the UInited States....
"1 F. LIST,
" Consul."
4
73 
IMIGRATION.
"U. S. CONSULATE, SWITZERLAND, Mare' 27, 1856.
"SIR:... Four authorities and cantonial governments  havo
been in the habit of sending their paupers to the United States,
merely securing their passage to!Kew York."
During the 2d Session of the 28th Congress, Mr.
Berrien made a report in relation to the shipment of
paupers and criminals to this country, accompanied
with the testimony from which the following is extracted. Henry Lampaiter, jun., testified that he
knew of
"The instances of two persons-one named Christopher Brown,
and one named Henry Knapp." And that he had "learned from a
woman who accompanied them, that they both had been sent to
this country from a house of correction in Brunswick."
William Wardenburg said:
"He knows that criminals and paupers have been sent to this
country from Europe; knows that paupers from the almshouses of
Germany were sent here by the government."
Abraham Cuyk said:
"It is well known, any of the German kingdoms are very willing
to empty prisons, and give them five or ten dollars to get rid of
them; and certainly the Bremen merchants do not care how they
load their vessels, if they only get paid for it, if they are murderers,
burglars, or paupers." -
Moses Catzenstein:
"Knows a criminal who was transported to this country; cause,
for drunkenness and robbery."
74 
SHIPMENT OF PAUPERS AND CRIMINALS.
Samuel I. Robbins testified as follows:
"I believe that foreign convicts have been introduced into this
country. This belief is formed upon inquiries made."
George Henry Poulsen swore thus:
"I know of many instances where convicts have been pardoned
and sent to this country at the expense of the government by which
they were pardoned. Ten or twelve such cases have come to my
knowledge."
Lawrence iHerbert deposed as follows:
" It is my opinion and belief, founded upon my observation, that
foreign criminals have been introduced into the United States fromn
some of the states of Germany, by authority of governments or
cities."
Lenon Carolier said:
"That there is no doubt of the introduction into the United
States of a large number of vagabonds and criminals coming from
foreign countries."
Morean Forrest, marshal for the Maryland district,
said:
"The captain of a ship, whose name was Edwards, told me that
he had received from the corporate authorities of Kingston one
doubloon for each of the steerage passengers."
Henry Caton deposed that he
"Has known persons in Bavaria sent by government  to this
country for state offences."
75 
Samuel Cohen swore as follows:
IMMIGRATION.
"It is a practice in Germany for the government to give passports
to criminals and paupers, directing that they shall proceed direct to
Amerfca."
Sufficient has been adduced to prove that there is
now, and has been for a number of years, in operation
a regular system of shipping criminals and paupers
from foreign countries to this. The seaboard towns
have remonstrated against this practice, and appealed
to the state and national governments for relief, yvet
none has been granted. They still groan under the
burden of this evil, which increases every year, and
which is not only a tax upon their pecuniary resources,
but the source of much the larger portion of the distress,
suffering, pauperism, and crime with whic(;h all our
seaport towns are afflicted.
76 
CHAPTER VI.
LABOR.
THE statistics of the occupations of the inhabitants
of the United States are very meagre and unsatisfactory.
The census of 1850 fails, in this respect, in several
important particulars.   The number of persons, both
male and female, pursuing the various trades and occupations is given, but the nativities are omitted.
To institute a comparison between the native and
foreign population, to ascertain the relative proportion
of each class pursuing any particular occupation, and to
deduce from such a comparison the advantages and
disadvantages of imniigration to the various trades and
professions, it is essentially necessary to have authentic
statistics concerning the same. In these investigations,
it has been, and will continue to be, the aim of the
author to base the facts upon, or deduce them from,
official and authentic data.
The only statistics in the census of 1850 in relation to
this subject is a table showing the occupation of passenlgers arriving in the years 1845, 1847, and 1852, from
which, and from the annual report of the Secretary of
State for 1854 is compiled the following table:
77 
IMMIGRATION.
Occupation.
Laborers....
Servants....
Not stated, or no 
occupation..
52,768   115,167   209,131   234,396
The occupations of labors, service, and " not stated,"
or no occupation, have been selected, because they comprise the whole number of immigrants who are brought
in direct competition with Amnerican labor.
The following table exhibits the number of each of
these occupations, and the arrivals for the years stated:
No occupation.
52,768
115,167
209,151
234,396
Half of the arrivals in these four years had no occupation, one-fifth were laborers, and only three-tenths
were mechanics, farmers, and tradesmen.  Seven-tenths
of the arrivals in the years enumerated were laborers
or had no occupation, and it is more than probable that
seven-tenths of the whole number of arrivals or imnigrants are laborers or have no occupation. The effect
of this immense influx of the laboring and " no occupation " immigrants, will inevitably depreciate the value
of American labor. The price of labor depends upon
the demand and supply, and it is indisputably true that
for the last few years the supply has illncreased in a
greater ratio than the demand, and consequently the
value has diminished, and a large accession has been
made to the "no occupation" class of population; or
78
1845.
18,656
1,659
1847.
37,571
3,198
1852.
82,571
948
1&54.
82,420
3,310
Year.
1845
1847
1852
1854
Arrivals.
119,8
239,480
398,470
460,474
Servants.
1,659
3,198
948
3,310
Laborers.
18,656
37,571
82,571
82,420 
LABOR.
many, even among the native, who earn their livelihood
by the "sweat of their brow," have been compelled to
toil for barely sufficient to supply the actual necessaries
of life. The meeting of foreigners which took place in
the city of New York during the winter of 1855, which
was addressed by Roedel, originated in the fact that in
that great city the supply of labor was far greater than
the demand.
This influx of labor from abroad, which is so antagonistic to the interests of the American laborer, is another
circumstance which is likely to hasten that conflict of
races which is daily threatened and from which so much
danger is to be apprehended.
The following table, compiled from the census, exhibits the number of American laborers of the States enumerated as compared with the number of foreign
laborers who arrived during the year 1854. The native
laborers of the male sex only are given; and much the
larger proportion of female laborers, both native and
foreign, are enumerated under the heads of " servants"
and "-no occupation," therefore the comparisons instituted in the table below approach very nearly to abso
lute accuracy:
Emigrant laborers
of 1854.
82,420
(r.
is..
Maine....
New HIampshire
Vermnont...
Massachusetts.
New York..
New Jersey..
Pennsylvania.
Maryland...
79
Laborers.
21,000
13,662
21,993
52,661
l4,867
36,361
148,967
28,908
State.
a 
IMMIGRATION.
Emigrant Laborers
of 1854.
82,420
State.
Virginia....
Ohio......
North Carolina..
Indiana....
Illinois....
The immigrant laborers of 1854 exceed the niumnber
of native laborers in each State, with but three excep tions (Newv York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio).  And the
aggregate immigrant laborers of 1852 and 1854 exceed
the.native in each of those three States.  The whole
number of male laborers (slaves are not included) in the
~United States in 1850, as shown by the census, was
309,786; and the whole number of immigrant laborers
for the years 1845, 1S84T, 1852, and 1854 was 221,218.
Add to the laboring population of any State the immigrant laborers of any one of the years since 1850, or of
any one of the five immnediately preceding that date,
and then conjecture the effect upon the value of labor
in such State.  For instance, in 1850 the native male
laborers of 3]aire numbered 21,000, each one of whom
coumanded a certain price, and it is to be presumed
the supply was equal to the demand.   Say each received one dollar per day, and the number of working
days in a year wvas three hundred. This would give
$300 dollars per year per laborer, and the aggregate
cost of American labor, in M-aine, for the year 1850,
would be $6,300,000.  Add to the American laborers
the immigrant laborers of 1854, the aggregate of the
two classes will be 103,420.   Labor  is worth  but
,6C,300,000 in AMaine, which would yield an average
yeairlv income of $69,91 to each of the laborers of both
80
Laborers.
46,989
86,868
28,143
28,165
27,910 
LABOR.
classes, or 23{ cents per day.   A similar calculation
night be made in reference to the other States.  In
those States where the native laborers number less than
in the State of Mlaine, the reduction would be much
greater, and in. those States where the native laborers
exceed in number those of M\aine, the reduction would
not be so great. The instance cited is sufficient to
demonstrate the practical effect of immigration upon
the value of American labor. The calculation has been
based upon the presumption that the per diem of the
laborers remain the same, thus omitting entirely the
effect of competition, the tendency of which is to depreciate the value of labor.
In view of the consideration here presented, is not
immigration an evil? To the capitalist it is not. It is
the ally of the money power of the country, and this
money power is being constantly exerted to depreciate
the value of labor and of property in which it seeks
investments, and the depreciation of the value of any
description of property indirectly lessens the value of
labor. [The capitalists of this country are the allies of
Great eritain, and the two in conjunction rule the
money market of the world.  American labor is the
great antagonist to this money power, and it behoves
the government of the United States to foster and
nourish it, for it is the great bulwark of freedom, and
the foster-mother of liberty. It is now being crippled
by immigration, and by the  same the money power is
being made more potential.  The augmentation of the
money power will more closely unite America and England, and oppress the laboring classes, and especially
the  American  laborers;  because  immigration  both
81
II
i
ii
i 
IMMIGRATION.
directly and indirectly contributes to this power, in the
first instance, by creating a demand for capital and
money, and secondly, by depreciating the value of
American labor.
CHAPTER VII.
LAW  OF INCREASE.
THE matter of increase of foreigners by birth, is well
worth a careful examination.
The production or increase by birth is in ratio to the
number of females who have reached the age of production, and not to the whole population; because in the
latter event men, children, and women who have
passed beyond the age of production, would be reckoned
in the calculation, and, consequently, the comparison
thus instituted between the foreign and native population would be incorrect; because the number of productive females is much larger among the whole native
population, than the number of productive females is
among the foreign population, yet the proportion of
productive females among the foreign female population
is much greater than it is among the native, and as
the number of children must depend upon the number
of productive females, it must follow that the increase
must bear a ratio to the productive females.
Foreigners generally intermarry with each other, so
far as has been observed.   It is very rare that a native
marries a foreigner or vice veir,i; these few exceptions
82
4-0 
LAW OF INCREASE.
do not affect the general rule. Every day the instances
of intermarriage between natives and foreigners become
less frequent, because the two classes of population are
constantly becoming more exclusive. WVith the Irish,
this rule is almost invariable, and but very few exceptions occur among the Germans.
Among the immigrant population there is a much
larger number of males than females, and it is undoubtedly true, that the marriages among the immigrants
equal the number of productive females, and it is a
verv rare occurrence to find an immigrant female who
has arrived at the proper age, and not grown too old,
unproductive. It is then established,
1. That the increase must be in ratio to the productive females.
2. That marriages among the immigrants are equal
in number to the productive females.
To determine the ratio of increase between the native
and foreign, it must first be ascertained what proportion
of females are productive in both classes of population,
and what is the relative proportion of productive
females of the two classes. In 1841T7, the immigrant
mnales were 139,491, and females 99,328, being in the
ratio of 583 males and 417 femnales, per 1,000 of both
sexes. All females of twenty years of age, and not
exceeding forty, are regarded as productive. This is
the rule, though there are many exceptions to it, but
the exceptions will not affect the result of any caleculation based upon the rule, because there are as many
productive females not included within the rule as there
are unproductive included within it.  Among  those
who came in 1847, the females between twenty and
83 
IMMIGRATION.
forty years old were 49 per cent. of their own sex, and
203 per 1000 of both sexes, and among all the white
natives in 1840 (according to the census), the females of
this age were only 143 per 1000.  This would give the
foreigners an advantage of 41.9 per cent. in this respect,
that is, the per cent. of productive females among the
iminigrants is 41.9 per cent. greater than the per cent.
of productive females aimong the native population.  It
must, then, follow, that if the marriages among the two
kinds are relatively equal, or if the excess is in favor of
the immigrant population, the rate of increase among
the latter is far greater than it is among the native.   It
remains now to ascertain the proportion or per cent. of
marriages among the immigrants and natives, respectively, to the whole immigrant and native population,
and also the relative proportion of the marriages among
the two.  On page 121 of De Bow's compendium of the
census of 1850, the following statistics may be found:
"In Massachusetts and in Boston, where the means of
making the comparisons exist, there is a much greater
proportion both of births and marriages to the population of each kind, among the foreign than among the
native,' within the years 1849, 1850, and 1851.
The following table compiled from these statistics
shows the difference between the marriages among each
kind, in proportion to the population respectively, in
every 10,000 of each kind.
Marriages in
every 10,000
220
450
ts.         Population.
...   830,066
~...   164,448
DUnring these three years there were 220 marriages in
81
.Nfassachi.iset
,Positive
Foreign
No. of Marriages.
18,286
7,414 
LAW  OF INCREASE.
every 10,000 native Americans, and in every 10,000
foreigners there were 450 marriages. The per cent. of 
marriages among the native population is 2.02, and
among the immigrant is 4.05, which is 104.5 per cent.
excess over native ratio.
To test the accuracy of this calculation, it is but
necessary to institute the same comparison between the
kinds of population of the city of Boston, thus:
Marriages ir
every 10,000.
541
799
Boston.
Native...
Foreign...
The per cent. of marriages among the native population, is 5.40, and among the foreign, 7.90, which is an
excess of 84.8 per cent. of foreign over native per cent.
" The productive females in Massachusetts in 1840 among
the native, were 163 per 1,000 of all, and in the United
States, 143 per 1,000; yet, the productive ratio of the
immigrants is 26.3, above that of the people of the
States."   The excess of foreign ratio, in regard to marriages, above the native is much less in the city of
Boston than in the State of Massachusetts, taken as a
whole, but it is sufficient in either instance, to demonstrate the fact, that the proportion of marriages among
the foreign, is far greater than among an equal number
of native, and equally clearly is it demonstrated that
the productive ratio of females among the foreign is
much greater than among an equal number of native;
the inference then is clearly deducible, that the ratio of
birth is far greater among tile foreign than the native,
for it has been shown before, that the births must be
85
Population.
. 75,322
. 63,466
No. of Marriages.
4,678
5,073 
IMMIGRATION.
in ratio to the productive females, but it is best not
to rely upon an inference, the fact is not only deduceable
but easily demonstrated by the following tabular view,
for the years 1849,'50,'51:
Births in
every 10,000.
578
1,491
Massachusetts.
Native..
Foreign..
There were 578 births in every ten thousand natives,
and 1,491 among every ten thousand emigrants, nearly
three foreign to one native.
The same is true of Boston, as is shown by the following table.
Births in
every 10,000.
966
2,053
Boston.
Native..
Foreign..
These fiactls aic admitted in a   pamphlet recently pub lished by A. O. P. Nicholson, public printer, of which
Louis  Schade  (mark  the name)  is the author.   This
pamphlet is entitled " The Immigration into the United
States  of America,"  and  from  which  the following
extract is taken:
"The State of Massachusetts had, in 1850, 830,066 native, and
164,448 foreign born inhabitants, or one foreigner to five natives.
The marriages were, during the years of 1849 to 1851, Americans,
18,286, or 220 in 10,000 of their own race; foreigners, 7,440, or 450
il 10,000. This is 104.5 per cent. of fioreign over native ratio.
The births were in MIassachu,setts in the three years 1849,'50, and
'51, of American parents, 47,982, or 578 in 10,000 of their own
race; foreign, 24,,523, or 1491 in 10,000 of their own race. In
Boston there were, Americani 7,378, or 966 in 10,000; foreign
86
Population.
830,066
164,448
Births.
47,982
24,523
Population.
75,322
63,466
Births.
7,278
13,032 
LAW OF INCREASE.
13:032, or 2,053 in 10,000 of their own race. Of the 32,000 born
in M-assachlusetts in 1854, 16,470 were of American parentage, while
some 14,000 were of parents one or both foreigners; and the
increase from foreign parents was more than twice what it was
from native parents.  At the same rate shortly we s/tall have more
child(ient boie in  Al[cssachtsetts from foreigners than fromn natives;
for in five years the American births have not increased 1,000,
while the foreigib have increased more  than 5,000.  In Suffolk
county already the births in foreign families are more than twice as
numerous as in American, being 3,735, in the former, and 1,737 in
the latter.  Of the parents of Boston children', in 1854, the largest
number was from Ireland, 2,824 fathers and 2,957 mothers, while
there were but 410 fathers and 524 mothers natives of the city, and
533 fathers and 475 mothers natives of Massachusetts, out of Boston,
or of other States. Cambridge had born of foreign parents 422
children to 208 Americans; Fall River, 223 to 88; Lawrence, 322
to 146; Lowell, 596 to 427; Roxbury, 383 to 168; Salem, 344 to
120; Taunton, 221 to 142; and Worcester, 421 foreign to 320
American.'"
Again:
" If we take the census returns for 1850, we will find the number
of births to be 548,835, and the number of deaths 271,890-confining ourselves to the white and free colored population.  The
difference, being 276,945, was the increase of population for 1850
from excess of births over deaths."
The immigration in 1850 amounted to 279,980, which
exceeded the increase of the whole population of this
Country for that year by births 3,035; thus, by the
showing of Mr. Schade and A. O. P. Nicholson, editors
of the " Washington Union," the immigration is greater
than the natural increase of the nation. Since 1850i, the
relative increase of immigration above the natural
increase of the nation, has greatly augmented, and as
this increases, the evil of immigration increases, because
the foreign population, if we add to its increase by
8$ 
IMMIGRATION.
birth, its increase by immigration will double relatively
in half the time that the native will, and of course its
power will increase at the same ratio.
It is useless to pursue this investigation or examina tion of statistics any further. Every issue arising under
the law of increase between the native and foreign popu lation is demonstrated to be in favor of the foreign.
The facts cannot be contradicted, and if the same com parisons were instituted between the foreign and native
population of any other State or city, the result would
be similar.  Miassachusetts and Boston have only been
selected because the census statistics were more complete, and these two had been selected by its author as
illustrations.
The facts demonstrated are,
1. That a greater tendency to marriage exists among
the immigrants than among the natives.
2. That there is a more rapid production among the
immigrant than amnong the native.
To the statesman and patriot these are not unimportant facts.  The rapid propagation of the immigrant
races tends, in a great measure, to prevent the assimilation of those races with the American people, and the
more nearly the two classes of population approach to
an equality of number, the more danger there will arise
of an absorption, either partial or complete, of the American character by the immigrant population.  Another
effect of this rapid propagation among the foreign, is to
preserve and perpetuate the habits, customs, peculiarities, and distinctive characteristics of the immnigrant-s.
It has been shown in another part of this treatise, that
two distinct nationalities cannot exist together lharmo
88 
LAW  OF INCREASE.
niously under the same jurisdiction, and certainly, every
circumstance which seems likely to widen the breach
between the foreigners and the natives, and which seems
calculated to perpetuate and extend the influence of
foreign peculiarities, should demand thie serious consideration of every patriot and statesman.
In three years a foreign population numbering 63,466,
gave birth to 13,032 children.  At that rate of increase,
and at the present rate of immigration, the foreign element will, at no very distant day, infuse itself into every
department of the government, and warp and bias its
direction. These are no idle speculations based upon
inferences, and ocasional observations, but the legitimate deductions from the past histories of nations and
of governments.
In 1850 (DeBow's Compendium) there were 2,244,602
foreigners residing in this country, and the descendants
of foreigners are variously estimated from 700,000, up
to 2,000,000. The descendants of the immigrants of the
present day are far inferior to those of the past half century. When immigration was but a few thousand
annually, they rapidly assimiliated with the American
character, became absorbed, losing all their distinctive
peculiarities, but the absorbent has long since ceased to
perform its wonted task, because it was over-tasked.
89
t 
CHAPTER VIII.
VASHINGTON ON FOREIGNERS.
THE following letters from General Washington, written
during the revolutionary war, and which may be found
in S8parks's Publication of the Washtington Papers, are
commended to the calm perusal of the reader.
The closing sentence of General Washlington's letter
to Gouverneur Morris, dated July 24th, 1778, contains a
sentiment, expressed in relation to the military services
of foreigners, which came from the bottom of the patriotic heart of the Father of his country, and which puts to
7ityt the arguments of all the demagogues of the present day on this question.
"I do most devoutly wish," says Washington, " that
we had not a single foreigner among us, except the
Marquis de Lafayette, who acts upon different principles
fiom those which govern the rest."  Was notWasington
sincere in that " wish," thus " devoutly" expressed?Was he not qualified, to judge of their nmerits and demerits, their aims and purposes?  If not qualified who
was?
"These men," says Washington, in his first letter,
" have no attachment to the country, further than interest
binids them."
" It is," says he;  by the zeal and activity of our own
t0 
WASHINGTON ON FOREIGNERS.
people that the cause must be supported, and not'by a
few hungry adventurers."
Did General Washington utter falsehoods, when he
thus expressed himself?  Are his opinions entitled to no
weight? Is his testimony of no value in the decision
of this question?  Hlere are the letters:
TO RICHARID HENRY I.RE.
" MORRISTOWN, May 17, 1777.
" DEAR SIP:  I take the liberty to ask you what Congress expects
I am to do with the many foreigners they have at different times
promoted to the rank of field officers, and, by their last resolve, two
to that of colonel? These men have no attachment to the country,
further than interest binds them.  Our officers think it extremely
hard, after they have toiled in the service, and have sustained many
losses, to have strangers put over them, whose merits, perhaps, are
not equal to their own, but whose effrontery will take no denial. *
* * It is by the zeal and activity of our own people that the
cause must be supported, and not by a few hungry adventurers. * *
"I am, &c.,
"G. WASHIINGTON."
TO THE SAME.
" MIDDLEBANK, June 1,177TT7.
You will, before this can reach you, have seen Monsieur Decoudray; what his real expectations were, I do not know, but I fear, if
his appointment is equal to what I have been told is his expectation,
it will be attended with unhappy consequences, to say nothing of
the policy of intrusting a department, on the execution of which
the salvation of the army depends, to a foreigner, who has no other
tie to bind him to the interests of the country than honor. I would
beg leave to observe, that by putting Mr. D. at the head of the artillery, you will lose a very valuable officer in General Knox, who i'3
a man of great military standing, sound judgment, and clear conception, who will resign if any one is put over hiam.
*"I am &., G. WAS*                             NT * ON. *
i  ~ ~ ~ ~~-"I am, &C.,                   G. WA5HI&GTON.N7
91 
IMMIGRATION.
TO GOUYERNEUR MORRIS, ESQ.
" WHITE PLAINS, JUy 24, 1778.
"DEAR SIm: The design of this is to touch cursorily upon a sub ject of very great importance to the well-being of these States;
much more so than will appear at first view. I mean the appoint ment of so many foreigners to office of high rank and trust in our
service.
"The lavish manner in which rank has hitherto been bestowed
on these gentlemen will certainly be productive of one or the other
of these two evils-either to make us despicable in the eyes of
Europe, or become a means of pouring them in upon us like a tor rent, and adding to our present burden.
"But it is neither the expense nor trouble of them I most dread;
there is an evil more extensive in its nature and fatal in its conse quences to be apprehended-and that is, the driving all our own
officers out of the service, and throwing not only our own army,
but ou-r military councils, entirely into the hands offoreigners.
"The officers, my dear sir, on whom you -must depend for the
defence of this cause, distinguished by length of service and military merit, will not submit much, if any longer, to the unnatural
promotion of men over them, who have nothing more than a little
plausibility, unbounded pride and ambition, and a perseverance in
the application, to support their pretensions, not to be resisted but
by uncommon firmness; men who, in the first instance, tell you
they wish for nothing more than the honor of serving in so glorious
a cause as volunteers; the next day solicit rank without pay; the
day following, want money advanced to them; and in the course of
a week, want further promotion. The expediency and policy of the
measure remain to be considered, and whether it is consistent with
justice or prudence to promote these military fortune-hunters, at
the hazard of our army.
"Baron Steuben, I now find, is also wanting to quit his irspectorship, for a command in the line. This will be productive of much
discontent. In a word, although I think the baron an excellent
officer, I do most devoutly wish that we had not a single foreigner
92' 
WASHINGTON ON FOREIGNERS.
among u, except the Marquis de Lafayette, who acts upon very
different principles from those which govern the rest. Adieu.
" I am, most sincerely, yours,
' G. WASHINGTON."
TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
"MOUNT VERNON, ran. 20, 1799.
"SIR: I have been honored with a letter from you, dated at Berlin on the 29th of October last, covering one from a namesake of
mine, and who may very probably be a distant relation, as our
families were from the same country-mine earlier than his-two
brothers miigrating during the Commonwealth of Enlgland, or rather
during the troubles of Charles I. Not knowing through what other
medium to address him, I take the liberty of sending my answer to
his request under cover to you.
"You know, my good sir, that it is not the policy of this country
to employ aliens, where it can be well avoided, either in the military or civil walks of life; but for want of provident care and foresight, they will find themselves (indeed they now begin to feel it)
under tlhe necessity of resorting to foreign aid for skillful men in
the  engineering and artillery corps.   If my  namesake is well
instructed in either of these branchessof military science, which, by
the by, is hardly to be expected from his age, there would be no
doubt of his favorable reception-without which I think it would
be deceptious to encourage hopes of employment in the army of the
United States; for there is a species of self-importance in all foreign
officers that cannot be gratified without doing injustice to meritorious characters among our own countrymen, who conceive, and
justly, where there is no preponderancy of experience or merit, that
they are entitled to the occupancy of al] offices in the gift of the
government."-Vol. ii., pp. 391-2.
TO JOHN ADAMS, VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
"SATURDAY, Novemiber 27,1794.
"DEAR SIB: I have not been able to give the papers herewith
enclosed more than- a hasty reading, returning them without delay.
that you may offer the perusal of them to whomsoever you may
93 
IMMIGRATION.
think proper. The picture drawn in them of the Genevese is
really interesting and affecting. The proposition of transplanting
the members entire of the university of that place to America, with
the requisition of means to establish the same, and to be accompanied by considerable emigration, is important, requiring more consideration than under the circumstances of the moment I am able
to bestow upon it.
" That a national university is a thing to be desired, has always
been my decided opinion; and the appropriation of ground and
funds for it in the Federal City has long been contemplated and
talked of; but how far matured, or how far the transporting an
entire seminary of foreigners, who may not understand the language, can be assimilated thereto, is more than I am prepared to
give an opinion upon, or, indeed, how far funds in either case are
attainable. 
" My opinion, with respect to emigration [immigration is meant,
of course], is, that except of useful mechanics and some particular
descriptions of men or professions, there is no need of encouragement; while the policy of its taking place in a body (I mean the
settling of them in a body) may be much questioned; for by so
doing they retain the language, habits, and principles, good or bad,
which they bring with them; whereas, by an intermixture with
our people, they or their descendants get assimilated to our customs, measures, and laws-in a word, soon become our people."Vol. ii., pp. 1, 2.
In an order to the Massachusetts Bay forces, signed
by Horatio Gates, Adjutant General, the following sentence is found:
"You are not to enlist any person who is not an AMERICAN
born, unless such person has a wife and family, and is a settled
resident in this country."
In another, issued from Cambridge Head Quarters;
July 7, 1775, signed by Fox, Adjutant for the Day, in
speaking of the sentries, the following is found:
94 
WASHINGTON ON FOREIGNERS.
"No man shall be appointed to those stations who is not a
NATIVE of the country."
Again, at Valley Forge, March 17th, 1778, in giving
a description of the kind of men to be enlisted, Washingtoni said:
"They must be AMERICAN born."
In a letter addressed to a person applying for office,
dated Jan. 20th, 1790, he said:
"It does not accord with the policy of this government to bestow
offices, civil or military, upon foreigners, to the exclusion of our
ovn citizens."
In a letter to Sir John St. Clair, England, he said:
"I have no intention to invite immigrants, even if there are no
restrictive acts against it: I am opposed to it altogether."
These were the opinions of the immortal Washington.
But he did not stop with them.   In  his farewell
address, he said:
" Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence-I conjure you
to believe me, fellow-citizens-the jealousy of a free people ought
to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of a republican
government."
To this add the following of Jefferson:
"I hope we may find some means, in future, of shielding ourselves from foreign influence, political, commercial, or in whatever
form it may be attempted. I can scarcely withhold myself from
95 
IMMIGRATION.
joining in the wish of Silas Dean-' that there were an ocean of
fire between this and the Old World.' "
And others:
"Foreign influence to America, is like the Grecian Horse to
Troy; it conceals an enemy in the heart. We cannot be too careful
to exclude its entrance."-Madison.
" It is time that we should become a little more Americanized,
and instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of England, feed
our own; or else, in a short time, by our present policy, we should
be paupers ourselves."-Jackson.
"They make our elections a curse instead of a blessing." —azr
tin Van Buren.
"Lord preserve our country from all foreign influence." —Last
Prayer of Gen. Jackson.
"The people of the United States, may  they remember, that to
preserve their liberties, they must do their own voting and their
own fighting."-Harrison.
OTHER TESTIMONY.
The Continental Congress passed the following reso
lution:
" Resolved, That it is inconsistent with the interest of the United
States, to appoint any person not a natural born citizen thereof, to
the office of minister, charge d'affaires, consul, vice-consul, or to any
civil department, to a foreign country."
The following order was issued during the administration of the elder Adams:
96 
OTHER TESTIMONY:
"For cavalry, the regulations restrict the recruiting officers to
engage none except native."
Johni Adamis, in a letter to Christopher Gadsden,
said:
"Americans will find that their own experience will coincide
with the experience of all other countries; and foreigners must be
reoeived with caution, or  they will destroy all confidence  in
government."
MIr. Jefferson in a letter to MIr. Jay, writing from
France, said:
" Native citizens, on several valuable accounts, are preferable to
aliens, or citizens alien born..... To avail ourselves of native
citizens, it appears to me advisable to declare by standing law, that
no person, but a native citizen, shall be capable of the office of
consul."
Henry Lee, in his oration on the death of Washingtonl, delivered, Dec. 20, 1799, said:
"Shut up every avenue to foreign influence."
The bfollowing was adopted by the same Virginia
Legislature which passed the celebrated Virginia resolutions of 1798, and the report of 1799-the great platform  of the Southern States Rights party.   These
resolutions passed December 24th, 1798, and the following twenty-six days after:
"Preamble and resolutions passed by the Legislature of Virginia,
on the 16th day of January, 1799:
"That the General Assembly, nevertheless concurring in the
opinion with the Legislature of Massachusetts, that every constitu                              t.)
97 
~ IMMIGRATION.
tional barrier should be opposed to the introduction of foreigners
into our National Council:
" Resolved, That the Constitution ought to be so amended that no
foreigner who shall not have acquired rights under the Constitution and laws at the time of making this amendment, shall not
thereafter be eligible to the office of Senator or Representative in
the Congress of the United States, nor to any office in the Judiciary
or Executive Department.
" Agreed to by the Senate, January 16, 1799."
At a later date, impressed with the truth of the facts
we have mentioned, Daniel Webster, with the sententious brevity peculiar to the man, recorded it as his
firm conviction:
"That there  is  an  imperative  necessity for  reforming  the
naturalization laws of the United States."
Tile private correspondence of Mr. Clay, recently
published, shows that, in the opinion of himself and
leading friends, his defeat was owing to the foreign vote
which was arrayed against them. It will be seen, from
the following extracts, that the apprehensions entertained by the Americans, regarding the influence of
foreign Catholics, is nothing new.  In a letter, dated
Buffalo, November 11, 1844, Mr. Fillmore writes to
Mr. Clay as follows:
" The abolitionists and foreign Catholics have defeated us in this
State.  I will not trust myself to speak of the vile hypocrisy of the
leading abolitionists now. Doubtless many acted honorably, but
ignorantly in what they did. But it is clear that Birney and his
associates sold themselves to locofocoism, and they will, doubtless, receive their reward.
"Our opponents, by pointing to the ~ative Americans and to Mr.
98 
WASHINGTON ON FOREIGNERS.
Frelinghuysen, drove the foreign Catholics fron us and defeated us
in this State."
In a lettelr addressed to Mr. Clay, by Theodore Frelinghuysen, dated New York, November 9, occurs the
following paragraph:
"More than three thousand, it is confidently said, have been
naturalized in this city alone, since the 1st of October!  It is an
altrming fact, that this foreign vote has decided the great questions
of A merican policy, and contracted a nation's gratitude."
Extract from Washington's wrill:
"It has always been a source of serious regret with me, to see
the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the
purposes of education, often before their minds were formed, or
they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own;
contracting too frequently not only habits of extravagance and
dissipation, but principles unfriendly to republican government,
and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter
are rarely overcome."
In a letter to Nathaniel Macon,  Speaker  of the
House of Representatives, Mlr. Jefferson said:
"A very early recommendation has been given to the PostmasterGeneral, to employ no foreigner or revolutionary tory in any of his
offices."
In 1797, Jefferson drew up a petition for the citizens
of Albemarle, Amkerst, Fluvanna, and Goochland counties, Virginia, which is found among his writings, and
published in the " Baltimore Sun." It seems that Jefferson thought that none but Americans should be placed
on juries. He says:
99
;, I 
IMMIFRATION.
" And your petitioners further submit  to the wisdom of two
Houses of Assembly, whether the safety of the citizens of this Cominonwealth, in their persons, their property, their laws and government, does not require that capacity to act in the important office
of a juror, grand or petit, civil or criminal, should be restricted in
future to the citizens of the United States, or such as were citizens
at the date of the treaty of peace which closed our Revolutionary War,
and whether ignorance of our laws and natural partiality to the countries of their birth, are not reasonable causes for declaring this to be
one of the rights incommunicable in future to our adopted citizens?"
The following is an extract from an oration delivered
by James Buchanan, on July 4th, 1815:
"Above all, we ought to drive from our shores foreign influence,
and cherish exclusively American feeling."
From a report of W. IH. Crawford, Secretary of Wai
unider MIr. -Iadisoni, the following extract is taken:
"It will redound more to the national honor to incorporate, by a
humane and benevolent policy, the natives of our forests in the great
American famnily, than to receive with open arms the fugitives of
the Old World, whether the flight has been the effect of their crimes
or virtues."
Judge Woodward, in the Pennsylvania Convention of
1837, in reply to some strictures upon him, for having
introduced a resolution, instructing a committee to
inquire in the expediency of amending the constitution
of the State, so as to prohibit foreigners from voting
after a certain period, said:
"I believe, that if the time has not yet come, it will speedily come,
when it will be indispensably necessary, either for this body, or
some other body of this State, or of the United States, to inquire
100 
WASHINGTON ON FOREIGNERS.
whether it is not right to put some plan in execution, by which foreigners should be prevented from controlling our elections and browbeating our American citizens."
For this act, the foreigners never forgot him, and
when Judge Woodward was urged for the vacancy on
the supreme bench, the following petition of foreigners
was sent to the President:
"4 TO PRESIDENT POLK.
"PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 18t5, 1845.
"Sin: We are naturalized citizens, and members of the Democratic party, who, having heard with extreme surprise, that Geo. W.
Woodward has been urged upon you as a person qualified to fill the
vacancy upon the bench of the Supreme Court, beg leave most earnestly to remonstrate against any such appointment. In the convention to amend the constitution of Pennsylvania, this gentleman proposed so to amend it,' as to prevent any foreigner, who might
arrive in this State after the 4th of July, 1841, from acquiring theright to vote or hold office in this Commonwealth.' Such doctrines
might have been suited to the days of the elder Adams, but were
considered by every Democrat as entirely at war with the principles
of the great Democratic party. These principles were luminously
expounded in the resolutions of the Baltimore convention, and upon
that faith we urged and advocated your election with all our zeal
and strength. We do sincerely, therefore, trust, that they will be
fully carried out in relation to this great judicial question. There
is an intense excitement among our naturalized citizens, which nothing could restrain, if such a nomination were to be made. We,
therefore, protest most solemnly against George W. Woodward."
While the bill was pending in the House of RPepresentatives, to re-charter the United States Bank in 1816
(Annals of Congress, 1st session, 1815-16),
101
-i 
IMMIGRATION.
" Mr. Randolph moved to add the word native in the clause which
limits the choice of directors to. citizens of the United States; which
motion was agreed to without debate-ayes, 68."
Subsequenitly, on a motion to amend the bill in a similar manner, in regard to the directors of the branch
banks, Mr. Randolph said:
"It was indisputably true, that it was to our system of naturalization laws the United States owed the spirit of faction by which
they had been torn for the last twenty years, and along with it, the
war out of which the country had just emerged. He spoke from the
information of statesmen, inferior to none in this or any other country, that the system of graitiug protection to foreign seamen, was
one of the chief causes of the war with Great Britain, which system
had grown out of our naturalization laws. Much had been said, and
he dared to say much more would be now said, and much more be
written on this subject, for it was a melanchloly truth, that the press
was in the hands of those very people who had long taken upon
them to dictate to the American people, and to tell them who ought
to be their President, who their Vice-President, and who their Representatives, and to direct them in their most essential concerns. He
was aware, therefore, that the press would be at work, and that much
would be said and much printed about what he was now saying;
but that had no terror for him. How long the country would endure
this foreign yoke, in its most odious and disgusting form, he could
not tell; but this he would say, that if we were to be dictated to,
and ruled by foreigners, he would much rather be ruled by a British
Parliament than by British subjects here. Should he be told that
those men fought in the war of the Revolution, he would answer,
that those who did so, were not included by him in the class he
adverted to. That was a civil war, and they and we were, at its
commencement, alike British subjects. Native Britons, therefore,
then taking arms on our side, gave them the same rights as those
who were born in this country, and his motion could be easily modified, so as to provide for any that might be of that description; but
no such modification, he was sure, would be found necessary, for
102 
WASIIINGTON ON FOREIGNERS.
this plain reason. Where were the soldiers of the Revolution who
were not natives? They were either already retired, or else retiring to that great reckoning where discounts were not allowed. If
the honorable gentleman would point his finger to any such kind of
person now living, he would agree to his being made an exception
to the amendment.  It was time," Mr. R. said, " that the American
people should have a character of their own; and where would they
find it?  In New England and Virginia only, because they were a
homogeneous race, a peculiar people.
"They never yet appointed foreigners to sit in the House for thiem,
or to fill their high offices. In both States this was their policy; it
was not found in, nor was it owing to, their paper constitutions;
but what was better, it was interwoven in the frame of their thoughts
and sentiments, in their steady habits, in their principles from the
cradle-a much more solid security than could be found in any
abracadabra, which constitution-mongers could scrawl upon paper.
It might be indiscreet in him to say it, for, to say the truth, he had
as little of that rascally virtue, prudence, he apprehended, as any
man, and could as little conceal what he felt, as affect what he did
not feel. He knew it was not the way for him to conciliate the manufacturing body, yet, he would say, that he wished with all his
heart, that his boot-maker, his hatter, and other manufacturers,
would rather stay in Great Britain, under their own laws, than come
here to make laws for us, and leave it to us to import our covering.
We must have our clothing home-made," said he, "but I would
much rather have my workmen home-made, and import my clothing. Was it best," he demanded, "to have our own unpolluted
republic peopled with our own pure native republicans, or erect
another Sheffield, another Manchester, and another Birmingham,
upon the banks of the Schulylkill, the Delaware, and the Brandywine,
or have a host of Luddites amongst us, wretches from whom every
vestige of the human creation seemed to be effaced? Would they
wish to have their election on that floor decided by a rabble? What,"
he asked, "was the cause of the ruin of old Rome?  Why, their
opening their gates, and letting in the rabble of the whole world to
be her legislators. If," said he, " you wish to preserve among yoeur
fellow-citizens that exalted sense of freedom which gave birth to the
103 
IMMIGRATION.
Revolution-if you wish to keep alive among them the spirit of
'76-you must endeavor to stop this flood of foreign emigration.
You must teach the people of Europe that if they do come here, all
they must hope to receive, is protection: but that they must have
no share in the government. From such men, a temporary party
may receive precarious aid, but the country cannot be safe, nor the
people happy, where they are introduced into government, or meddle with public concerns in any great degree!"
So far as regards the associations of past history, the
American people have as much cause to hate foreigners,
as a cla.ss, as to love them. Foreign soldiers were hired
in Germany, by England, in the Revolution, for the
purpose of being sent here to crush us. And they were
sent, and their devastations and freebooting conduct
became so proverbial, that, to this day, their character
is immortalized in the name of that insect-the Hessian
fly-whose ravages are so destructive to the farmers'
hopes. So far, then, as regards the past, while we ever
should, as the nation does, cherish a feeling of gratitude
for individual instances of devotion to the cause in the
war of thle Revolution, by foreigners, yet, as a class, the
Americans have as much cause to dislike them, as they
have to love them.
-But to come down to the late war with MIexico.  It
is a favorite illustration to compare Arnold with L.Afayette, and thence argue that all foreigners are Lafayettes,
and that as Arnold was a native traitor, it is probable
most natives are traitors.
It may refiresh the patriotism of such traducers of
their countrymen, and advocates of aliens, to read the
tollowing description of an American and foreign soldier, on the same battle-field:
104 
OTHER TESTIMONY.
' A   AMEARICAN SOLDIER. —Most providentially, at that moment,
Taylor arrived with Davis's (Hon. Jefferson Davis), Mississippi
Riflemen and MAay's Dragoons.   The former barely stopped  an
instant, for the men to fill their canteens, then hastened to the field.
Boiling withl rage, Davis called on the Indiana Volunteers to form
'behind that wall,' pointing to his men, and advance against their
enemy.  Their Colonel (Bowvles), the tears streaming down his
face, finding all his appeals fruitless, seized a musket, and joined the
Mississippians as a private.  Time could not be lost; Ampudia was
close upon them.  Davis formed and advanced, with steady tread,
against a body of more than five times his strength. A rain of
balls poured upon the  lississippians, but no man pulled a trigger
till sure of his mark. Then those deadly rifles blazed, and stunned
the Mexican advance.  A ravine separated them from the enemy.
Davis gave the word, and, with a cheer, down they rushed, and up
the other side; then, forming hastily, with one awful volley they
scattered the Mexican head, and drove them back to cover."
"A BATTALIONX or Imsu DESEzrPTEPS CAPTURED.-Notwithstanding the parley, one Mlexican battery continued its fire upon our
troops. This was the 18 and 24-pounder battery of the battalion
of San Patricio, composed of Irishmen, deserters from our ranks,
and commanded by an Irishmian named Riley."
We  would recommend the toadies to tell the War
Department that an Irishman was as brave a man, and
as good a friend to America as a Mlississippian!
As a further proof of the conduct of this Irish battalion, we quote firom the speech of Mr. Butler, a Democratic Senator from South Carolina, on the Homestead
Bill, which wvas to give land to foreigners.  Hle said:
"A man may come reeking from the jails and poor-houses of
Europe; I will go further, and say, that the deserters upon your
field of battle may come —men who fought against those who won
vour territories-can come and take land without having sworn the
oathl of allegiance.  Yes, sir, the very deserters upon the plains of
105 
IMMIGRATION.
Cherubusco, who shot down your regiments, might come and take
possession of your lands...... These deserters were foreigners, who shot down my own regiment," (meaning the Palmetto
regiment).
Hear, also, what General Shields, an Irishman himself, says, in reference to this San Patricio regiment:
"The command which I had the honor to accompany that day
(the day of the battle of Cherubusco), composed of the gallant Palmetto  regiment, the  New  York  regiment, the  United  States
Marines, and also the brigade led by the present President of the
United States, were attacked (and suffered very severely by that
attack), not only by Mexicans, but by a body of deserters, led by a
very notorious character, whose name was Riley. I am not sure
whether he was born in Ireland or in this country, but he was
either an Irishman, or the son of an Irishman."''
This is good democratic Irish testimony.  But General Shields says still more, viz.: that they gave him the
most trouble, "for they were men who fought most
bravely." They fought bravely against the Americans,
fromn whose ranks they had deserted.  Furthermore,
says General S.: "' Iy aid-de-camp went round after the
battle (where these Irish t,rcdors had been captured),
by my orders, and ascertained their names, and the
countries of their birth, and found that they were Germa~, Irish, and one or two E.l~ i-shlmen."  This is the
language of General Shields, himself an Irishman, testifying to the nativity of these deserters!
106 
CHAPTER IX.
EVILS OF I]MMIGRATION.
AMIONG the evils incident to immigration, crime and
pauperism are not the least important.   That much of
the crime and pauperism in this country is due to this
source, no one will deny.   To ascertain the relative
proportion of these two evils among the immigrant and
native population, there cannot be a more impartial
course pursued, than to institute a strict and rigid comparison between the two, and to make fiom such coinparison, such deductions as are logical and evident to
every unbiased and unprejudiced mind.   Upon this
basis, the following investigation will be made:
FOREIGN AND NATIVE PAUPERISM.
The census of 1850 shows that, during the year endimg June 30, 1850, the number of persons who received
"the benefit of the public funds of the different States,"
was 134,972; of this number there were 68,538 of
foreign birth, and 66,434 native Americans. The total
cost of maintenance was $2,954,80S6, averaging $21 90
per individual, making the total cost of foreign paupers
$1,501,882.  The number of foreignl paupers exceed the
107 
18IMMIGRATION.
native 2,104.  From an examination of these statistics
it is seen, that the number of foreign and native paupers
maintained at public expense, is about equal; but it
must be borne in mind, that the native population of
thie United States far exceeds the foreign; and, to correctly ascertain the comparative contribution to pauperisin, we must compare the native and foreign paupers
wvithi the native and foreign population. Thus:
Paupers.    Proportion
pauperism.
66,434:   1 to  317
68,538    1 to   32
Native population   21,031,569
Foreign population   2,240,535
One in every 32 foreigners is a pauper; whereas, but
one in 317 Americans is a pauper; then it follows that
the proportion of native and foreign pauperism is one to
ten. These calculations are based upon the census of
1850, and show conclusively that the source of pauperismin in this country is immigration.  This conclusion is
confirmed by an examination of the pauper statistics of
those countries from whence  come  the immigrants.
The proportion of pauperism to the population of the
European countries, varies from 25 to 15 per cent.  In
the Netherlands, in S1847, one-fifth of the population
were paupers; in Great Britain and Wales, in 1848, one
in every eight persons was a pauper, and when these
facts are taken in connection with the policy adopted by
foreign countries, of shipping to this country their
paupers, it is not at all remarkable that the proportion
of paupers almong the immigrants should be so large.
bIlimigratioon is indiscriminate, consequently, it is not
surprising that the ratio of pauperismr  to the foreign
108 
EVILS OF I]MMIGRATION.
population is so great.  The cause of immigration to
this country, to a very great extent,  is pauperism
abroad; and pauperism here is the consequence of indiscrimninate immigration.
In the foregoing, the statistics of the census of 1850
have merely been considered, which only show the
number of paupers, both native and foreign, maintained
at public expense. It is a well-known fact that a large
proportion is dependent upon private charities.  There
is hardly a family or housekeeper throughout the land,
upon whose charities there is not at least one pauper
dependent; besides, there are many benevolent institutions which maintain by far the largest proportion of
paupers.   Yet the census returns are sufficiently full
and accurate to serve as a basis upon which to estimate
the relative proportion of native and foreign pauperism.
That has been done, and the proportion is as one to ten
-one native to ten foreigners.
Since 1850, immigration has vastly increased, and
with it its attendant evils; and though there are no
official estimates of pauperism since that period, there
exist sufficient data upon which to venture a calculation.
In the State of New  York, during the year 1853,
there were maintained 130,027 paupers, at a total cost
of $1,009,747 65, at an average of $37 86 per individual. Adopting the ratio of native and foreign pauperism (ten foreigners to one native), and it will appear
that this State, during the year 1853, maintained
117,025 foreign paupers, at a total cost of $898,777 89,
nearly one-sixth of the entire revenue for the whole
State, for one year. D)uring, the year ending Juine 30,
109 
IMMIGRATION.
1850, this State maintained 40,580 foreign paupers; in
1853, 130,027-a three-fold increase.
Duning the year 1854:, this State maintained 137,347
pan)pers, of whiclh, adopting  the same ratio, 123,613
were foreigners, at a total cost of $1,008,714 32.
DTuring, the year 1855, there were maintained 204,161,
of which 119,607 were foreigners, at a total cost far
exceeding the previous year.
The Report of the Secretary of the State of New
Yorlk, which was com)municated to the Legislature in
January last, in speaking of the subject of pauperism,
says
"The report dwells in fo)rcible language upon the necessity that
exists of devising some means by which  to meet and lessen the
growing evil of pauperism.  A reform is deemed necessary in the
manner in which provisions are supplied to the poor-houses-many
a superintendent being now the merchant or farmner who furnishes
the supplies, for which he mlak]es his own charges.  Some systematic action is also recommended, by which the labor of paupers can
be made profitable.  The instance of Rhode Island is cited, where
the annual earnings of each pauper was $16 37, while in this State
the earnings averaged $3 15.   Had the averagesl)een equal, this
State would have saved $120,000.  Attention is called to the rapid
increase of pauperism —the number in 1855 having exceeded the
preceding year by 70,000, and the expense by over a nlillion. The
census statistics between 1831 and 1851, show the increase of
pi)oplultion in twenty years to  be sixty-one per cent., and the
increase of pauperism seven hbundsedl aCid six per cent.
' In 1831, there was one pauper to every one hundered and twentythree persons; in 1841, one to every thirty-nine; and this year one
to every,l seventeen.  The same ratio, continued fifteen years longer,
will leave one pauper to every five persons; that is, every five persons in the State must support one pauper.  Fifteen years compose
a short interval for this State to pass over, and it is worth the
-while of its citizens to contelmp)late their condition when every fifth
110 
EVILS OF EMIGRATION.
man will be a pauper.  When the vote of one-fourthl of this State is
cast by paupers, and most of them foreign paupers, the ballot box
will become the object of contempt.  The report considers that the
uncllecked migration of foreigners is the chief cause of the increase
in pauperismn, and urges that while it is the duty of the State to
take care of its poor, it is a question whether New York should be
made the poor-house of Europe, or be taxed to lighten the taxation
ill foreign countries.
Utnder these views, the report urges some action of the Legislature, if any is practicable, by which the tide of pauper and criminal immigration can be checked, and the commonwealth relieved
from  so unnecessary and heavy a burden, withlout awaiting the
tardy, uncertain action of Congress.  This, however, it is thought,
would only effect a partial remedy; as under our liberal laws, the
legitimate immigration would still be enormous; and as most of the
immigrants exhaust their means in reaching this continent,  are
unacquainted with our customs, many with our language, and are
generally ignorant and degraded, they are unfit for employment,
and rear their children as paupers for the State to support. The
report therefore deems it essential that more efficient public means
of educating those who are to be incorporated into the body politic,
in common and religious education, should be adopted by the State.
Instead of permitting the children of paupers to be gathered up by
the police and crowded by multitudes into our houses of correction
and refuge, to learn those vices that lead to poverty, they should be
placed under a disciplinary system, and paternal benevolent influences.
" The development of the resources of a State, the expansion of
its commerce and the growth of its population, do not advance it
one step toward greatness, if vice, and ignorance, and poverty, outstrip them all in progress. Beside, there is a connection between
the moral condition and political well-being of a government or
commonwealth-so intimate that they cannot be separated. They
must move on together."
The report is signed by the Secretary of State, the
Hon. Joel T. Hieadley.
-111 
IMMIGIATION.
The aggregate of the amount expended for the support of foreign paupers during the years 1853,'54, and
'55, is $2,916,206 53.
In BMassachusetts, during 1853, there were maintained
by the State 11,874 foreign paupers. For the year ending June 30, 1850, the number was 9,427; increase,
2,627. During 1853, there arrived in this State, from
foreign countries, 1,135 foreign paupers —thlat is, persons who were actually paupers at the time of their
arrival, and are likely to continue so as long as
the State of Massachusetts provides for their maintellance.
During the year 1854, 809 foreilgn paupers arrived in
this State.
In ten years, the State of Massachusetts  had on
charge 119,623 paupers; of this number 90,834 were
foreigners.
Thie State authorities, in their recent report, state that
222,905 persons had been practically relieved or supported, of whom 89,250 had no legal residence in the
Commonwealth. The whole cost for relieving and supporting paupers, during ten years (including the interest
on almshouses) was  four millions one hundred  and
seventeen thousand two hundred and fifty-one dollars
and sixty-three cents; and much the largest portion of
this enormous amount has been expended to defray the
expenses of foreign paupers.
During the month of November, 1855, the city of
New  York maintained 5,076 foreign paupers, at the
City Dispensary, besides the inmates of the various
hospitals, alms-houses,  and other  charitable  institutions.
.112
I 
EVILS OF IMMIGRATION.
In the Philadelphia Alms Hiouse, during the month
of December, 1854, there were
Americans,.
Foreigners,.
Same nionth, 1855,
merics.....688
Fo e........  1,382
The Report of the Superintendent of the Louisville
Dispensary, for two months, as published in the "' Louisville Journal," gives as the number of patients gratuitously treated at the Dispensary, the following:
Ireland,.
Germnany,.
England,.
Scotland,.
Total Foreigners,
Americans,..
*      *                1
The " Journal " says:
This disproportion of foreigners to Americans, who are recipients of our public and private charities, exists in all the statistics
which have been collected in regard to our charitable institutions.
In this instance, out of 1,024 persons gratuitously furnished with
medicines and medical attendance in the Dispensary for the western
district of our city, more than nine-tenthls were of foreign birth.
"'It will be recollected that during the last winter soup-houses
w ere established in different parts of our city for the poor, and our
various benevolent societies were actively engaged in alleviating
the wants of the distressed.  Doubtless, if the nativities of the reci
113
914
. 2,407
Am ericans,.
Foreigners,.
. 801
. 141
. 11
I
. 954
. 70
.1,024
Total, 
IMMIGRATION.
pients of the assistance from these good Samaritan societies had
been ascertained, it would be seen that the proportion of foreigners
and natives does not differ from that reported by the officers of the
D)ispensary.
"All the public and private charities will continue to be sustained.  We wish to see them nobly and energetically carried out,
but it is certainly arrant ingratitude on the part of the organs of the
foreign party in Louisville to be continually abusing the native-born
citizens, and endeavoring to render the foreign population discontented and turbulent, in the face of such facts.  They show that
there is some good in Louisville, and that foreigners are not so
unkindly treated as the Sag-Nicht papers would fain represent.
The Native Americans of this city have been branded by the antiAmerican press throughout the country as'murderers,''thieves,'
and almost demons. Will these foreign organs, who have been so
prompt to abuse the native-born citizens, give them credit for their
unpretending and freely accorded  charities toward  the foreign
popoulation?"
The patients treated during October and November
1855, at the Louisville Dispensary, were Americans 70,
foreigners 951.
During the month of November 1855, there were
lodges furnished at public expense, at Newark, New
Jersey, Americans 36, foreigners 262.
Fromi the 1st of January to the 1st of October, nine
months, says the " Chalmbei'sburg Transcript," there were
entertained in the poor-house in Franklin county, Pa., a
total of wvayfarinig paupers, amounting to 552.
Americans,...........                       80
Foreigners,............. 522
In the twelfth ward, Philadelpliia, during the year,
the total number accommodated witli lodgings amounted
to 1,822, of which 1,253 were foreigners.
In the city of New Orleanls, for the year 1853, there
were admnitted into Charity Hospital 13,759 paupers, of
-whiclh 1,333 were of foreign birth, and 1,534: natives.
For the year ending June 30, 1850, there were but 423
for the entire State ot Louisiana. The increase is startling, and almost incredible.
lid: 
EVILS OF IMMIGRATION.
During the year S1854 the number admitted was 13,192,
of which 11,606 were foreigners.
The following extract fromn the letter of ex-Senator
Clemens, illustrates the excess of foreign pauperismn
over thle native:
"T Bv reference to the annual report of the governors of the Alns
House, I find that there were in the NT. Y. Alms Ilouse during the
ear 1853, 2,198 inmates-of these only 535 were natives, and 1,663
toreigners, supported at the expense of the city. And niow I propose to use on our side the argument of our opponents that there
are only 3,000,000 foreigners to 20,000,000 natives. According to
that ratio there ought to be about seven natives to one foreigner in
the Alims Iouse, whereas we find more than three foreigners to one
native. No wonder that a people who are taxed to support such a
body of paupers should be the first to set about devising means to
get rid of them.  Let us pursue the record-the Bellevue Hospital,
in the same city, there 702 were Americans-4,134 foreigners; now
the proportion rises to nearly six to one. There were of out-door
poor-that is persons who had some place to sleep, but nothing to
eat and nothing to make a fire-967 native adults, and  1,044
children-3,131 foreign adults, 5,229 foreign children, born of
foreign parents.  This number were relieved during the year with
molney.  Of those relieved with fuel there were 1,248 adult Americans, and 1,801 children-10,355 adult foreigners, and 17,857
children.  But the record is not yet complete-let us turn to the
statistics of crime. In the city prisons there were during the year
6,102 Ainericans-22,229 foreigners.  I pass on to an abode even
more gloomy than that of the prison cell, and call your attention to
those whom God in his wisdom has seen fit to deprive of the light
of reason. In the lunatic asylum there were admitted from the
year 1847 to 1853, 779 Americans-2,381 foreigners.  For the year
1853 there were 94 Americans, 393 foreigners.
"These tables might be made more complete by adding organgrinders, strolling mendicants, and professional beggars; but of
these I have no reliable data, and therefore pass them with the
single remark that I have never seen a native American who
belonged to either class.  These figures are far more conclusive than
anv language could be to prove the necessity of arresting the tide
of immigration.  Let every Amierican impress them deeply on his
memoiry.  42,369 foreign paupers and invalids; 2,381 lunatics, and
22,229 criminals taxing the industry, and blighting the prosperity
of a single city.  In that list of crimes is murder, rape, arsoin, robbery, perjury, and everything which is damning to the character of
115 
IMMIGRATION.
the individual, and everything which is dangerous to society. I,
our section we see but little of the evils of immigration, conipara
tively few among us, and those are generally of the best classes of
their countrymen.  It is not as a State that we suffer most, but at
an integral part of the Republic.  The crimne, vice, disease, destitu
tion, and beggary which flow in with every tide of immigratior
afflicts us but little; it is through their political action —in their
capacity of voters-that the curse extends itself to us. When
thousands upon thousands are carried to the polls and made to votc
in favor of any man, or any party, for a shilling, corrupting thc
ballot-box, and rendering liberty insecure, then we suffer-then the
law of self-preservation gives us a right, and makes it a duty to
interpose.  With such dangers thickening around us, the miemorable
order of Gen. Washington, should be upon every man's lips-" Put
none but Americans on guard to-night."  In time of peace your
public officers are your sentinels. Put none on guard whose bosoms
do not swell with exulting pride at the mention of Bunker Hill,
Monmoutl, of Saratoga, or of Yorktown.   Put none on gua'rd
whose national traditions are not confined to our own commonwealth.  Put none on guard who can dwell by the hour on the eloquence of Daniel O'Connel, but have never heard the name of Patrick Henry.  Put none on guard who turn with indifference from
the story of Niagara and New Orleans, to boast of Marengo, Leipsic
and Waterloo.  They do not love your land as you do —thee will
not watch over it with the same absorbing interest.  Oppression,
not choice, has brought him here, and though he may feel a certain
amount of gratitude fi)r the shelter hle has found, he still looks back
to the green fields of his childhood-he remembers every stone upon
the highways —he reads the history of his native land, and partakes in the pride of its great events-in his heart of hearts he feels
that there is his home, and there his holiest affections are garnered
up.  Fear, necessity, common sense, may keep him here, but he
loves not the land of the stranger-cares nothing for its former
glories-sheds no tear over its former disasters.
" With what reverence can the German regard the name of Washington when he remembers that his pathway to freedom was strewn
wvith the dead bodies of mercenaries?  What exultation can the
Briton feel in the fame of Jackson when hle remembers that it was
won by trampling the lion banner in the dust?  It is not in human
nature that they should feel as we do, and we are false to ourselves,
when we put them in power or give them the direction of the
law."
The ratio of foreign and native pauperism has been
estimated to be in 1850, one native to ten foreigners. The
116 
EVILS OF IMMIGRATION.
additional statistics of 1853 augment this proportion, and
show a much larger proportion of foreign pauperism.
So far, then, as the comparison instituted between the
two classes of population, foreign and native, in regard
to pauperism, is concerned, the conclusion is inevitable
that there is a necessity for a reformation in the naturalization laws. Pauperism is an evil, a curse, a blight,
and immigration is its principal source.
FOREIGN AND NATIVE CRIME.
To continue the comparison between the foreign and
native population, which has been commenced, the
investigation of the subject of crime  comes next in
order.
The census of 1850 shows that the whole number of
persons convicted of crime in the United States, during
tile year ending June 30, 1850, was 27,000, of which
13,000 were of native, and 14,000 of foreign birth.  The
forleign exceed the native, 1,000. The relative proportion of foreign and native crime can be determined by
comparing these statistics respectively with the foreign
and native population, thus:
Population.          riminal.         Proportion of crile.
21,031,569            13,000            1 to 1619
2,240,535            14,000            1 to  154
One out of every 154 foreigners is a criminal, and but
one in every 1,619 Americans. The proportion of native
and foreign crime, then, is as 1 to 10-one American to
ten foreigners.
But another view may be taken of this subject, and
in doing so it will be necessary to again call attention to
the number of criminials who were convicted by the
courts of several States in 1850.  In Connecticut, the
lwhole number of convictions was 850; and of these,
5d15 wele natives, and 305 foreigners.   In Illinois, the
whole number convicted was 316; and of these, 127
were natives, and 189 foreigners.  In Mlaine, the whole
117
Native population
Foreigii population 
IMMIGRATION.
number convicted, 744; and of these, 284 were natives,
and 460 foreigners. In Alassachusetts, the whole number convicted was 7,250; and  of these, 3,336 were
natives, and 3,884 foreigners.   In Alissouri, there were
908 convictions; and of these, 242 were natives, and
666 foreiegners.  In New York, the number of convictiois was 10,279; and of these, 3,962 were natives, and
6,317 foreigners.  In Pennsylvania, the number of convictions, 857; and of these, 594 were natives, and 293
foreigners. In Vermont, the number convicted, 79; of
whom 34 were natives, and 45 foreigners.
By a table published  in the Compendium of the
Seventh CensuLs, giving the nunmber of convicts in the
prisons and penitentiaries of the several States, out of
every ten thousand of the population, the proportion of
natives and foreigners in the number is as follows:
Foreign.  Native.
~            5   to   1
.            6   to  l
*    *      5  to   i
~      8  to   1
15  to   2
In Vermont 
In Soutlh Carolina
n  InAlabama
In Georgia
In Indiana
But says the Hon. James  Cooper, ill a speech delivered in the U. S. Senate, during thie 2nd session of the
33rd Congress:
"It is in convictions for capital offences that the proportion of
foreign and native-born becomes startling.  It is true, we have
found no extended data from which to make the comparison.   But
out of two hundred and twenty convictions which took place, in
about eighteen months, in seven States-viz., New York, Peninsylvania, Missouri, Louisiana, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and lMaryland-there were 139 foreigners to 82 natives.  But our wonder at
the magnitude of the proportion of foreigners to natives vanishes,
when we recollect that hundreds and thousands of convicts, fromn
European work-houses and prisons, are annually landed on our
shores. Trained to crime at home, and sent hither because their
presence endangers the peace and security of society in their native
country, these men arrive here, in many instances, direct from
prison, and consequently destitute of means of support.  To obtain
it, they betake themselves to their old courses; and not only do
they commit crimes themselves, but lead those with whom they
118
F.,,3ig.. N.ti,.
8 to 1
28 to 1
50 to 1
6 to 1
4 to I
In laiiie
li, Ke.tucky
In',Iississilpi
In New York
In Tennessee 
EVILS OF IMMIGRATION.
become acquainted on their voyage, and who are equally needy,
into their perpetration."
To correctly appreciate these statistics, it must be
borne in mind that the negro population has been
included in the native.
If the comparison had been instituted between the
native white population and the foreign, which is also
white, thus representing the American and European
nations, the relative proportion of crime among the two
classes would have been greater, and when the fact is
taken into consideration, that only the white native and
the immigrant or European population are entitled to or
ever exercise the rights of citizenship-which is the
only just political view of the question, for it is the political power and influence of foreigners which we seek
to counteract and destroy-the comparison thus instituted between the two classes of white people would be
more just and appropriate, and would more correctly
exhibit the evil and danger attendant upon indisciiminate immigration, to the institutions, safety, and welfare
of oulr common country.
The above calculations are based upon the census of
1850.  In MassachuLsetts, in 1851, there were confined
in the various jails and houses of correction, 1,832
natives, and 2,615 foreigners; in 1853, 2,117 natives,
and 3,142 foreigners. In these three years, the increase
of native prisoners was 265; of boreign, 527-thus showing the relative proportion of increase to be one native
to two foreigners; yet the native population of the
State is-six times as great as the foreign. Of the number commnitted to jail in the State of Rhode Island,
during the year 1853, 65 were natives, and 256 foreigners.
In the State of New York, during the year 1851, there
were convicted and sentenced to the penitentiary 700
persons, of which 300 were of foreign birth, and 403
natives. The native population of the State was 5 1-7
timnes greater than the foreign, yet the number of native
119 
IMMIGRATION.
convicts was only 1 1-3 times as many as the foreign.
In the Louisiana penitentiary, during the year 1853,
there were 283 convicts, of which 109 were of foreign
birth, and 174 natives.   The native population is 5 2-3
times as great as the foreign, yet the number of native
convicts is only 1 1-2 times greater than the foreign.
From the American Almanac for 1855, the following statistics of conviction are obtained for the year
1854.
State.    No. of con          v ictions,
Rhode Island   174
New York       *702
New Jersey      119
f Pennsylvania  124
is         63
Stat         e.
Mlaryland
Louisiana
Ohio
Indiana
Native.
132
286
43
83
40
The foreign' population in 1850 was about one eighth
of the native and free negro. It would seem, then, but
natural that the convictions among the native should be
eight times as numerous as among the foreign. By an
examination of the above table, it will be seen that the
foreign convicts average, taking all the States mentioned
together, about one half of the number of the native
convicts.
These statistics and calculations clearly prove immigration to be the chief sou'rce of crime in this country.
Besides those who are convicted of crime after their
arrival here, there are many criminals transported here
by the European governinents.  Crime and pauperism
are both evils, injurious to the character and standing
either of a community or a government, and for both of
them we are mainly dependent upon immigration.
EFFECT OF FOREIGN PAUPERISM AND CRIME.
It has been shown in the foregoing, that in proportion
to the native and foreign population, there are ten
foreign paupers to one Amnerican, and ten foreign crimi * The remaining portion are unknown.
t Two Penitentiaries.
120
F.,.ig.,
2
2,D9
76
41
23
N.. f..  142 100
379 265
229 129
141 97
F.,.ig..
42
114
100
44 
of 1850.
A Table stowi7* the Yumber and Cost of Foreign Paupers in the several States.
Nativo  State.
paupers.
4,553   Florida
2,553   Alal)bama
2,043   Mississippi
6,530  Louisiana
1,115  Texas
1,872   Tennessee
19,275   Arkansas
1,816   Kentucky
5,898   Ohllio
569   Mliclhigan
2,591   Indiala
4,9833  Illinois
1,913   Missouri
1,813   Iowa
978, Wisconsin
Cost for.eign   Nativ,
paupers. paulpers.
147        64
531       352
886      248
27,318       183
_-  7
337    994
331        97
8,431      971
25,578     1,904
12,829      649
2.5,597     860
23,217      886
30,963     1,248
1,786       100
10,998      169
66,134
To these amounts must be added the cost of maintaining the county and town paupers, which are separate
from the State paupers.
The money thus expended is collected by taxation;
and even though the paupers may almnost wholly inhabit the cities and towns, yet they are maintained at the
expense of the State, the revenues of which are raised or
collected by a tax, levied upon property and business.
The native population bear the burden of this tax,
6
State.     Foreign
raupers.
Maine             950
N. IHampshire    T47
Vermont         1,611
Massaclhusetts  9,247
Rhode Island  1,44.5
Connecticut       465
New York       40,&S0
New Jersey         576
Peninsylvania   6,S53
Delaware           128
Mlaryland        1,'!8
~irgir.ia         18,5
N. Carolina         is
S. Carolina        0*9
Georgia             58
Cost foreign
pauper s.
$26,600
33,57T
52d,(98
229,759
25,865
2.3,906
553,918
22,4!)7
113,060
3,274
8(0,333
5,513
559
8,782
1,567
For ei,paupers.
12
11
12
390
11
8
1.55
60j9
541
822
411
1,729
35
497
68,538
Total, 
RIMIGRATION.
because they constitute essentially the property-holders,
and the business and financial interests of the country
are almost entirely owned, managed and controlled by
the native-born-excepting (with due deference to tihe
natural instincts and peculiar habits of the foreigners)the brewing and consumption of lager-bier, root beer,
and various other nauseous and disgusting liquors.
States do not tax the products of their soil; consequently, wheat, corn, cotton, rice, sugar, and tobacco, the
agricultural staples of this country, are not taxed in
their natural and native condition. After they have
been matured, collected, and conveyed to market,
where they become articles of merchandise, subject to
the rules, regulations, and pecuniary fluctuations of
commerce and trade-tthe cotton being manufactured
into articles of clothing, wheat into flour, and rice and
sugar prepared for domestic and culinary purposesthen it is that the producers, the husbandman and
mechanic, become consumers of these products of the
soil, and of their own labor and attention.  As articles
of commerce and trade, they have been taxed by the
State authorities, in the form of revenue and license
charges, levied upon the merchants  and tradesmen.
These revenue and license charges constitute a part of
the value of the article, or are estimated by the dealer
as a part of his actual expenses, which is reimbursed to
him by his profits on the articles sold; hence it is clear
that the tillers of the land bear the largest proportion of
all taxes.
It must also be borne in mind that drunkenness and
disease are necessary accompaniments or promoters of
crime and pauperism. An examination of the jail and
work-house statistics (before cited) show clearly that the
largest proportion of offences against morality, good
ordler, and decency, which are never punished by penitentiary imprisonment, are committed by foreigners;
and the expenses of maintaining these petty criminals
or offenders are levied upon the county or town in
122 
EVILS OF IMMIIGRATION.
which the jail, work-house, or  house of refuge  is
located, in which these offenders are imprisoned.
These species of crime are far more deleterious to the
well-being and comfort of society, and prosperity of
business, than those grave offences which are punished
by death, or long  and solitary confinement, because
they are of more frequent repetition, and are soon forgotten by the unobservanlt; and their constant occurrence, and the slight punishments inflicted, inure the
victim to crime and immorality, and prove destructive
to the moral culture and training of the young.
The followning police statistics demonstrate the truth
of these observations:
Statistics of Pauper iscn, Crime, anid Destitution.
JEPSEY CITY PRISON FOR 1854.
Americans,.........
Colored,...........
Foreigners..........
POLICE STATISTICS FOR PHILADELPHIA.
Americans............    448
Foreigners............   1,509
CALIFORNIA POLICE STATISTICS.
Americans............      195
Foreigners..............       805
1855.
PHILADELPHIA-TRIRD WARD.
During the year, the number of arrests made in the Third Ward
amount to 3,276.
Americans.............
Colored.............
Foreigners............
Of the latter, 2,166 came from Ireland!
STATISTICS OF FOURTEENTH WARD.
During the year 1855, the total arrests of this Ward foot up a
total of 623.
Americans (including colored)........    841
Foreigners................                  282
From Ireland, 19S! In this Ward, it will be remembered, the foreign population is
quite limited.
123
44
::'           T
... 1,043
761
:::            6T
... 2,448 
IMMIGRATION.
POLICE STATISTICS OF THE NINTH WARD.
Lieutenant Whittmore, of the Ninth Ward, has collated the statistics of that Ward for the year 1855, ending December 81st, 1855,
from which it appears that the total of arrests amount to 1,207.
Americans............   442
Colored............   41
Foreigners............    724
Of the latter, 644 came from Ireland I
JERSEY CITY PRISON.
Committed for the month of November.......           64
Americans............             5
Foreigners............           59
From Ireland............    52
There were committed to the Jersey City Prison, during the month
of December, a total of 56.
Americans (including colored)........             8
Foreigners............               49
From Ireland, 40.
NEWARK (N.J.) POLICE STATISTICS.
The " Newark Mercury" published a synopsis of the City Marshal'
annual report, from which it appears, that during the year, the
year, the total of arrests amounted to 794.
Americans..................                                               129
Colored................         42
Foreigners................                623
Of the latter, 533 came from Ireland!
Total Arrests for the month of November..........               81
Americans..................                                                16
Colored..................                 3
Foreigners..................                             62
From Ireland, 541
For the month of December, the total of arrests amounted to 94.
Americans......              -...........12
Ctlored..............        7
Foreigners.................75
Of the latter, 69 came from Ireland!
BOSTON POLICE REPORT FOR NOVEMBER.
Whole number arrested..........  1,188
Americans............   219
Foreigners............    969
Whole number accommodated with lodgings at the public expense for the
same period............    726
Americans.........                             214
Foreigners..............    512
124: 
EVILS OF IMMIGRATION.
An examination of the hospital reports and statistics,
exhibits too plainly the source of much of the disease
which infects the large seaboard towns and cities, and
which is from thence propagated throughout the surrounding country. In Philadelphia, New York, Boston,
Baltimore, Norfolk, and New Orleans, which cities are
heavily taxed for the support and medical care of diseased paupers, much the largest portion of the patients
are foreiq)iers, many of whom are transferred directly
from the immigrant ships to hospitals.  In the cities,
those direful and pestilential diseases, ship fever, yellow
fever, and small pox, are almost exclusively confined to
the filthy alleys, lanes, and streets, and low, damp, filthy,
and ill-ventilated haunts, which are exclusively tenanted byfoeeigners.
In corroboration of this statement it is but necessary
to refer to the table below, which gives the number
of patients both native and foreign admitted into the
Pennsylvania HIospital, which was compiled by Mr. Sanderson, and published in his work entitled "Republican
Landmarks:"
U. States.    Iretland.    All other  U.  States.    Ireland.   All other
countries.                   countries.
1842   488   800    86       1849   648   758  246
1848   406   800    99       1850   760   812   248
1844   474   348   116        1851   626   887   853
1845   4i0   054   183       1852   607   783   256
1S46   479   447   147       1858   618   782   307
1847   550   563   155       1854   879  902   350
18483  627   702   217                         ___
~lS,~4S   627  702          21T 7,291  7,938  2,605
The aggregate number of foreigners admitted was
10,343 against 7,291 natives. By a comparison of the
number admitted each year, both of native and foreign,
with the native and foreign of the city of Philadelphia
for eaclr year respectively, it will be seen that the niumber of foreigners, in proportion to the population, far
exceeds the number of native in proportion to the native
population. It is needless to pursue this investigation
any further; sufficient has been adduced to show the
disparity between the foreign and native population,
both morally and physically.
125 
IMMIGRATION.
These convicts, criminals, paupers, and diseased persons, against the "insidious and destructive influences"
of  vlwhich Miayor Wood  appealed to the President for
protection, never exercised any political privilege in
their native  countries.   They  have enjoyed  neither
privilege nor position, and by their "long  career of
crime and destitution have learned no laws either civil
or political;"  and yet, the same persons are by the
existing laws entitled to all the political privileges of
the native born.  Is it just?  Is it right?  Many  of
them have been inmates of jail, penitentiaries, and
poor-houses.
From the foregoing the following are the logical
deductions: 
1. That immigration is the source of crime.
2. That immigration is the source of pauperism.
3. That immigration conduces to disease, disorder, and immorality.
4. It is a tax upon the property and business pursuits of the
native. Besides this, they are bought up at elections, and control
them, and make riot, bloodshed, and murder.
Formerly, the better class came. The old Scotch
merchant and Dutch farmer were clever.  They came
with their substance, not only to adopt a country, but
to help to build it ulp. But they that come now come
to live upon the country.
It needs no comment. No mnore potent argument
could be urged in favor of the present " Amierican
Reformation."  Pauperism and crime are the inevitable
results of foreign immigration.  Yet, to gratify demagogues and unprincipled partisan politicians, must we
continue, by Congressional legislation, to encoriiage the
importation of pauperism, crime, and destitution?  No
national purpose can be promoted, no republican institutions can be sustained, by such a course of policy.
Besides the direct result, there are many  collateral
influences, consequent upon the unrestricted importation of forcigners.
126 
EVILS OF IMMIGRATION.
RELATIVE INTELLIGENCE OF THIE NATIVE AND FOREIGN
POPULATION.
Now, that foreign pauperism and crime have been
fully considered, it is but just and proper that a similar
colnlt)alison should be instituted between the two classes
of population intellectually. It is very readily shown
from fiacts collected fL'om De Bow's compendium of
the 7th census, that the comparative educational superiority of the native far exceeds the foreign.
Thle native white population of the United States is
17,312,487; of these, 4.55 per cent. are uneducated, or
one in every twenty-two natives; the foreign white population is 2,240,581; of these, 8.T71 per cent. are uneducated, or one in twelve; thus it is readily perceived
that the ratio of illiterate or uneducated among the
foreign, is nearly twice as great as among the native.
The accompanying table exhibits these facts:
In the New England States the per cent. of illiterate
among, the foreign is 14.63; whereas, among the fiee
colored in the same States, it is but 8.45. The ignorant
natives who speak our language, have been reared under
free institutions, and are acquainted with the practical
workings of our government; the ignorant foreigner is
totally unacquainted with the language, has not enjoyed
the advantages of experience and practical observation
of the complex machinery of our government, and is
consequently far inferior, intellectually, to the uneducated native. He cannot understand the theory of a
fiee government, because he is destitute of the klnowledge sufficient to comprehlend its objects, purposes and
blessings. I-e cannot acquaint himself witlh its practical
operation and direct and immediate advantages to himself, because he wants the experience and observation,
which fith and habits have taught; besides, he is
totally unacquainted with our language, and has been
reared under institutions hostile to personal liberty, to
free institutions, and to a Republican government; hence
127 
128            ~~~IMMIGR~ATION.
I 
I.
I           -.
I -
II 
I         ~I
_____         
I
I
I
I
I
i
i
i
i
I
f
I
i
128
1-i
t 
EVILS OF IMMIGRATION.
it is, that foreigners are so prone to congregate together,
to o,ganize themselves into clubs, societies, and even
communities, occupying entire sections of a county,
State, and of the country.  These forign organizations
are dangerous to our established institutions; because.
wherever they hlave been in our country, they have
repudiated the fundamental principles of our governmnent.
So far as a knowledge of our institutions is concerned,
the entire foreign population may  be, and should be
classed as ignorant, illiterate and uneducated; for the
experience of the past, has most clearly proved that
their ignorance of Republican institutions constitutes
the most grievous and dangerous evil of foreign immigrationi.  But notwithstanding the ratio of foreign illiterate is nearly double that of the native, yet the ratio
of children between five and fifteen years of age, being
taught ill our schools bears the same relative proportion
among the native and foreign.  The per cent. of native
white children in the schools is 82.25, of the foreign
47.00. This is a most important fact. Our schools are
open to all, free to all, and in most of the States firee of
expense to the parent or child, yet the foreign population refuse to avail themselves of these advantages.
refuse the offer of a firee government, to educate their
offspring. It is not only important, but alarming; it
evinces the tenacity with which this class of our popllationl adheres to the habits, customs, and superstitions
which characterize foreign countries, and unfits them
for the exercise of political franchises in this.
The per cent. of native illiterate, white and free negro,
to the total of both native over 20 years of age, is
10.35. The per cent. of the foreign illiterate to the
total foreign population over 20 years of age, is 14.51.
Thus, in every phase in which we can view this question, the native population possesses superior intellectual
and educational advantages to the foreign.
To  show  more  clearly this intellectual  disparity
6*
129 
IMMIGRATION.
between the foreign and native population, we have
constructed the following table:
Per  cent. of those  Per cent. of children
over 20 years of age,   undor 15 years in
il literate.              schools.
10.35                    82.25
14.51                   47.00
In the native population, in estimating the per cent.
of illiterate above 20 years of ag,e, the free negro population is inecluded; thus giving to the foreign population a very great advantage in the calculation; yet the
native exhibits a much less per cent. of illiterate than
theforeiiyg.  This simnple table, the data for which are
to be found in the census of 1850, demonstrates the fact
that irnmmigration is the source or cause of much the
largest proportion of ignorance, blind and superstitious
ignorance, lwhiel is spread over this land, marring the
beauty of its institutions and clogging the wheels of a
free government, whiclh can only move regularly and
systematically when guided by intelligent beings.
130
P,,, a.t. f to
P.P"I.ti..,
il'ite,.t.
4.55
8.71
Native populatioi,
Foreign population. 
CHAPTER X.
FOREIGN IMM I G R A T I O N.
THE immigration to this country
From 1790 to 1810,....
":   1810 to 1s20,.....
" 1820 to 1830,..
i   1I30 to 1840,....
i   1840 to 1850,......
" 1850 to 1856,.......
And statistics show that during the present decade,
firom 1850 to 1860, in regularly increasing ratio, nearly
four millions of aliens will probably be poured in upon
us.
With this alarming decennial ratio of increase-with
the astonishing statistical facts that nearly four-fifths of
the be,ggary, two-thirds of the pauperism, and more
than three-fifths of the crime, spring, from our foreign
population; that more than half the public charities,
more than half the prisons and alms-houses, more than
half the police and the cost of administering criminal
justice, ate for foreigners-the people should demand
of their statesmen, and wise  statesmanship suggests,
that National and State legislation should interfere to
direct, ameliorate, and control these elements, so far as
it may be done within the limnits of the Constitution.
The calculation in the Census (see Abstract, p. 30) is,
that if it increases as it has, in thirty-five years froml
this time, the population of this country will exceed
that of France, England, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, and
111
120,000
~.    114,000
21)3,979
776,500
~. *1,542,850
..  1,899,025 
12IMMIIGlATION.
Switzerland, all combined. And anv one who will
make the calculation will find that in fifteen years the
foreign will outnumber the native population.   The
quantity of the immigration is therefore alarming; but
the quality is still more so.
In  1854, the number  of foreign immigrants was
460,4:4, of which 307,639 arrived at the port of New
York.  The white population of North Carolina is only
a little over 500,000, so that nearly enough canme to
settle a State as populous as North Carolina in one
year.
The following table exhibits the white population of
the States therein enumerated, and the excess of foreign
immigrants to this country, during the year 1854,
above the respective populations of the several States;
or, in other words, it demonstrates the alarming fact
that the foreign immigration of 1854 was more than
sufficient to settle a State as populous as any therein
mentioned. The third column, headed, the "ratio of
foreign immigration to the population," shows the number of States, equal in white population to the State
mentioned, which might have been settled by the immigration of one single year, 1854:
A TABLE COMIPARING THE WHITE POPULATION OF THE STATES THEREIN
ENUMIERATED WITH THE FOREIGN IMMIGRATION OF 1854, AND SHOW  ING THE EXCESS OF FOREIGN IMMIGRANTS FOR THIS YEAR ABOVE
THE RESPECTIVE POPULATION OF TIlE SEVERAL STATES.
'VI ite    Excess of   Ratio
pop~ulatioRl. illmmigration. of, &c
41,943    42,531       1
395,(071    65,403       1
295,718    164,756       1.55
317,456   143,648        1.50
143,875    316,699      3
154,034    306,440       3
213,402    247,072    2
804,756   155,718    1.55
White    Excess of
State.    population. immigration.
Arkansas,        162,189   298,285
Alabama,         426,514    83,960
California,       91,685    868,839
South Carolina, 274,563    185,911
Connecticut,    863,099      93,375
Delaware,         71,169   8&9,305
Florida,          47,203    413,271
Iowa,            191,881    268,593
Louisiana,       225,491    234,981
Analyze this table.  The last Congress passed an act
tfo thle organization of the Territories of Kansas and
132
Ratio
of, &c.
2.85
1
4
1.67
1
6
10
2
2
State.
Maryland,
Michigan,
Mississippi,
N. Hampshire,
Rhode Island,
Texas,
Vermont,
Wisconsin, 
FOREIGN IMMIGRATION.
Nebraska, in which it granted the elective franchise to
every immigrant, who might settle in either of said
Territories. If this principle, thus established by the
National  Government, is hereafter  to  become  the
organic law of future States, the subjects and serfs of
European despots will soon exercise an absolute control
over the Federal Legislature.  As soon as the Territories acquire the requisite population, they have a right
to ap)ply for admission into the Union, upon an equal
footing withli other States.  By reference to the foregoingo table, it will be seen that the foreign immigration
of 1854 was sufficient to have settled nearly three States
equal in white population to Arkansas, two equal to Iowa,
three equal to Texas, four to California, three to Rhode
Island, six to Delaware, or ten to Florida; so that under
the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska law, while immigrants continue to come at the rate of 1854, there may be
waithin one vear ten new States applying for admission into
the Union, entitled to their twenty senators in the U. S.
Senate; and yet, this would be but the senatorial representation of 460,474 foreigners.  These  ten States
would be equal each in white population, to the State
of Florida, each one of which would be entitled to a
representative in the House of Representatives, and two
senators. If the ratio of immigration continues to 1860
as it has been since 1850, during the years from 1850 to
1860 there will have comle four millions of foreigners,
enough to settle one hundred States equal in white population to Florida, thirty equal to Rhode Island, sixteen
equal to Louisiana, Iowa, Arkansas, South Carolina, or
Vermont, or eight equal either to Alabama, Connecticut,
IMaryland, 3Iichigan, AIississippi, New Hampshire, or
Wisconsin, or forty equal to California. So that it is
within the range of possibility for the senatorial representationi of foreigners to reach two hundred senators
and one hundred representatives. The Senate is now
composed of but sixty-two senators, representing thirtyone States.  Is not this a most startling revelation?  Is it
133 
IMMIGRATION.
not time to heed the warning voice of the immortal Washingotoi i?
"Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence-I conjure you to
believe me, fellow-citizens-the jealousy of a free people ought to
be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of a republican governilent."
Thus spoke the Father of his country, and has not the
" future" arrived, to which the sagacious Jefferson
referred, when hlie said
'; I hope we may find some means, in future, of shielding ourselves
fi'om foreign influence, political, commercial, or in whatever form
it rnmay be attempted. I can scarcely withhold myself from joining
inii the wish of Silas Dean,' that there were an ocean of fire between
this and the old world.'"
Truly, indeed, have  the prophetic wiords of Washing,ton been fuilfilled-"foreign influence is one of the
rnost ba)iefuljfoes of a republican governm ent."
The question will naturally occur to every reader, is
there sufficient territorial area which may thus be settled
byforeigners?  The present territorial area is 1,723,821
square miles, or 1,103,245,440 acres of land, which is
suflicient to form fobrty-six States equal in size to either
Kentucky or Mlaine. Adopting either as the basis, one
representing the slave States, the other the free States,
the danger to the settled and established institutions of
cithier class of States is apparent to every reflecting
mind; and, judging from the present ratio offoreign
immigr'ation, who is there who  will deny that these
dangers may  not overwhelm  us during the present
decennial period?
The density of the population of the United States in
1850 was 7.90 persons per square mile.  The imnmigration of 1854 would settle at this ratio of density, sixtyfour thousand square miles.
The following table exhibits the number of square
134: 
FOREIGN IMMIGRATION.
miles of the States enumerated, as compared with the
numbelr of square miles which, at the density of the
population of the United States, would be settled by the
immigration of 1851, also, the present representation
of each in the House of Representatives, and  the
number of representatives to which the immigration of
18.54 would be entitled according to the representatives
of the States respectively.
-.~ ~~~~ E3                                       333 X |9.   
7    9    Maryland,   11,124   64,000   6    84
2    3.  Massachusetts, 7,800   64,000  11    88
4   52    N. Hampshire, 9,280    64,000  3   21
1   44    N. Jersey,      8,320    64,000   5   38
10   15    R. Island,      1,306    64,000   2    96
7   14
4
MI
Alabama,    50,722
Arkansas,   52,198
Connecticut, 4,674
Delaware,    2,120
Kentucky,  87,6S0
Maine,       31,766
Thus it is seen that at the rate of density of the population of the United States, the immigration of 1854
will settle sixty-fibur thousand square  miles, which,
according to the representation by square milies of the
States respectively, would entitle the immigration of
1854 to the number of representatives under that head,
(in Congress) opposite the States respectively in the
above table.   But this is a matter more of curiosity
than of any practical bearing, under existing laws, upon
the legislation of the country, because representation in
the popular branch of Congress is in proportion to the
population, and not to the square mile.
The comparison, to be properly instituted between
the States and the immigration of 1854, should be based
upon the density of the population of each State
respectively, and the number of square miles which the
immigration of 1854 would settle at the rate of density
of the population of the States respectively, thus:
135
z -
_ F,
5._ 
64,000
64,000
64,000
64,00o
64,000
64,000 
IMMIGRATION.
114,297       2      4
780,464      2       8
311,131       1      5
1 21,808      2      5
65,120      4       4
516,261       2       5
81,873      8       5
By this table it is shown that thie immigration of 1854
would settle an area of territory as densely as Arkansas,
which would make two States equal in area to the State
of Arkansas, and consequently be entitled to four representatives in Congress, it would likewise  make  four
equal to California, and be entitled to eight repr-esentatives, two and a half equal to Iowa, and be entitled to
five representatives, and so on.
Again, the imnmigration of 1854 is greater than the
aggregate of the population of Rhode Island and Wisconsin, which two States have five representatives in
Congress.  The effect of immigration upon the national
legislature may be further exemplified by dividing tie
immigration of 1854 by the ratio of representation; it
will give five as the number of representatives, and if the
aggregate of the immigration for the years 51, 52, 53, 54,
which is 1,581,276, be taken, it will give 17 as the
number of representatives due to immigration, were a
new apportionment now made.
The density of the population in any of the States
enumerated in the last table is far greater than it is in
any of the territories of the United States, and the
immligration of 1854, properly distributed, is sufficient
to give to each and all of the seven organized territories
the requisite population to entitle them to admission into
the Union as States, and in each territory a majority of
the population would be foreigners, thus the immigrationi of one single year would be entitled to seven representatives in the Hlouse of Representatives, and fourteen
136
.'G.R
I 
p
4. "
'59
1'48
3.78
1..OT
o.s9
. 5.66
.i.2
i
r,
I
.1
Arkansas,.
California,.
Florida,.
Iowa,
Michigan,.
Texas,.
Wisconsin.
53,198
1,)5,980
59,268
50,914
,56,243
23T,504
53,924 
FOREIGN  IMMIGRATION.
senators, and in that event the number of States under
the absolute control of foreigners would constitute 5.42
of the whole number of States; and the immigration of
the past five years is sufficient to give the requisite
population to entitle them to State organizations, to
eighteen territories, exclusive of the native population
which  may emigrate to the same.   These are practical
illustrations of the political power of foreigners, based
upon positive data.
The exercise or abuse of the elective franchise, are
not the only political evils incident to immigration;
these may be corrected by the enactment of stringent
laws, but so long as immigration is permitted, the population increases by virtue thereof, and in the apportionment of Federal Representatives to the States, the
foreign population enters into the calculation, consequenitly great injustice may be done to certain localities
or sections of the country.  Political power and ascendency may be thus transferred firom one section to another, and the equilibrimn between the various interests
of the several sections be thus destroyed. The immigrant population is becoming every day more disposed
to settle in certain parts of the country, and even, if
they should not be permitted to vote, they would augment the political power and influence of that particular
section of the country by adding to its Federal representation.   To avoid this evil, immigration must be
arrested, or only the native population must be considered  in  apportioning  Federal  representation  to
the States; but even in the latter case, the influence
of foreigners would not be gotten rid of, because it
would be exerted through the native children of foreigners. The only means, then, which can be adopted
to get rid entirely of all these evils, social, moral, physical, and political, is to arrest immigration.
137 
ClIAPTER XI.
PRESENT POLITICAL POWER OF FOREIGN VOTES.
UNDER this head it is proposed to consider the power
now possessed and exercised by the foreign population
in the popular elections of the country.
InI 1850, there were 2,240,581 white foreigners in this
country; of which there were
961,719     Natives of Germany
278,675     Natives of British America
70,550     Natives of France
29,868    Natives of all other countries
The foreign is 11.46 per cent of the whole free population of this country. Since 1850, foreign immiglation
has vastly increased; but in all the tables vlwhichl follow,
the calculations, estimates, and results, are based upon
the above data, which are to be found in the census  of
1850, and which, even though thley do not reach the
present political power of the foreign population, demonstrLate sufficient to startle even the nmost skeptical.
Thte following table shows the popular vote of the
States at the last Presidential election; the foieitgn
pol)ulation and foreign vote of each State in 1850; and
the relative proportion of the foreign to the native vote.
It will be perceived that the comparison is too liberal to
the foreign population, because its political powel of
1850 is colmpared with the popular vote of 1852, when
the foreign vote must have been much stronger than
two years previous.
138
Nat.ives of Ireland
Natives of England
Natives of Sc,)tland
Natives of Wales
.573,225
14T,700
54,4)69
95,022 
--        -             __         -      {J)
-                     -            0                 _     -
-.                         0                                     -
_      0                            0 0 0 -. -
- __                     -.  0                              -  - -    -.
0~~~~      -~_ _-  n
PO * r.-'' 
.                -    CD
O  _  c+ O X,  n:: O  (~ID lt O
l c3          CD >  p      o
CD    CD 0  -            -,          0
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- _     _ -  -  C,o &
*..*.......................
0..........................................
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CD                               C,) C,)  -            -.              -  0    -
W 0                                              0   &-     CDCD 0
0                                                       H -                           -
CD      CD
CD                                                     -  --                       4 -
H                                                    -.       i —C,)-                 -.   0
CDC,)                                   -                          -          C,)   - C,)
--  --   C,)                   C,) C,)        0     -        - - 0    CD               -
C,) C,)   C,) C,)C,)C,)C,)C,)C,)    -  -  IC,) C,) WC,)C,)C,)C,)    H      -. - - - 0   
-                   -.     -
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- CDC,)0& 
0                                                         -       CD C,) -'' -     CD - 0
0                                                   -     -      - - CD -         C,)CD  -
H 0 -. -
0C,).0  W
CD    oo0'00ooooooooo0'0'o0oooo0'0'ooo0'oo               - -           CD          0 -.
.C,)         -   -  -C,)-                              H      CD      CD  CD  CD 
--      --                              -   -       70    - -      CD - - -. H - CD   -    
C,)'            CD      CD    CD
"' C~
mW. tt
CD ~
e-I
(" ~
0 
-
~ CD'
;tCD
~ p
0 -
0 GO
.0 o
'd,
-1. 
IQ 
Id
o t
~-  
0
I..-I
x
t
-3
0
t1
0
0
o
tQ
ct
co
*
-3
CD
Q2
0
*             *   * ~..     *.................
I
g_.
r,P
p
*........................... 
IIMMIGRATION.
birth; in Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York,
one-third; in Wisconsin and Louisiana, about one-half;
in Texas, one-fifth; in California, Illinois and Ohio, onesixth; in Michigan, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Co)nnecticut, from one-eighth to one-ninth, and in Vermont
and New Jersey, one-seventh.  In these fifteen States,
the foreign vote constitutes a very formidable political
power. In all the remaining States it is sufficiently
potent to be felt in closely-contested elections. Missouri, Texas, Louisiana,  and Maryland  are Southern
States; the others, Northern; and yet, notwithstanding
the difference in their domestic institutions, they suffer
equally from this foreign influence. In view of these facts,
and the impending danger from this foreign political
.induence, is it not important that the present naturalization laws should either be amended or repealed? Should
not this influence, which Washington declared to be
" one of the rnost baneful foes of c relu1icarn govern~Gent," be arrested?  The period has surely arrived.
This table demonstrates one othler fact.   All the territorial possessions lie in the west, northwest or southwest.  Il these three directions the tide of immigration
is rapidly tending.  It wvill be observed that the border
States, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, Wisconsin,
Illinois, Michigan, and Ohio, are most seriously affected
by this foreign influence; and the inference is clear and
indisputable, that all the territorial possessions will be
settled by f(-)reigners. These results are not merely conjectural. The facts and evidences are before you, and
it needs but little foresight and political sagacity to
ant icipate a result so dangerous to republican institutions.
Again, during the year 1S54, there were 460,474
immigrants.  Five out of every nine foreigners are males,
and five out of every seven of these males are adults;
consequently,  there were  205,805  males,  of which
1S2,720 were adults. Under thie present laws, and the
laxity of their execution, how easy it is to imanutacture
these adults into voters.  In one single year the iimni
140 
PRESENT POLITICAL POWER OF FOREIGN VOTES.  141
grant adult population exceeded that of any State in the
Union, excepting New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio.
The immigrant male adults who arrived in 1850 were (if
they have availed themselves of the privileges of the existing laws), entitled to vote in 1855, and those who arrived'
in 1851 will be entitled to vote during the present year,
so that the popular vote of each year has been increased
by the addition of an average of one hundred thousand
1oreigin votes for the past five years.
There is one other idea which may be considered in
this connection. The fifth article of the Constitution of
the United States, provides that the Constitution shall
Inot be amended, unless the amendlment is proposed by
two-thirds of both Houses of Congress, " or on the applicationI of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several
States," which amendment must be " ratified by the
legislatures of three-foLrths of the several States, or by
conventions in three-fourtls thereof."   Mlay it not be
possible-indeed, it is highly probable-that when, in
the course of events, the freign population, now pouring in from Europe, shall have obtained the numerical
strength which has been shown may soon occur, this
very constitutional provision may be seized hold of,
and through it some odious and oppressive feature may
be engrafted upon the Constitution bequeathed to us by
our forefathers? What that feature may be, no living
being can tell. It may be that slavery will be interdicted or freedom suppressed. It may be the union of
CHURCIt AND STATE, and that Church may be the Catholic or the Protestant, the Mormon or German infidelity.
It may be that some despot will sway over this broad
and firee land, under the authority of suffrage, as Santa
Anna and Louis Napoleon have done in their respective
countries. Let us ponder on these reflections, these
probabilities of the future.  Is there no remedy? I-ave
we already reached the " slough of Despond," and forgottten the warning of the great and good Washington?
Let us retreat from this yawning gulf we have approached 
IMMIGRATION.
too near. The danger is imminent, peril is certain. In
what direction shall we beat our retreat? The horde of
foreign immigrants is pressing upon us.  Shall we close
the portals of entrance? or shall we curtail their political powers and privileges?   "Self-preservation is the
first law of nature." Justice to ourselves and to posterity demands some enactment, by which the impendming danger may be averted, the institutions of the countiy preserved intact, and  the liberty for which the
patriots of the revolution fought and bled, perpetuated.
In the foregoing estimate of the foreign vote, the
greatest liberality has been shown; but one-sixth of
the entire foreign population in a State has been set down
as voters, whereas five-ninths of the adult foreign population might, with more justice to the subject, have been
estimated as the proportion of foreign vote to the foreign
population; if such had been adopted as the rule in
making the calculations, the number of foreign votes
would have far exceeded the number at which it has
been estimated.
FOREIGN VOTERS IN THE CITIES.
Certain presses throughout the country, have asserted
aid re-asserted that the foreign vote is so small, that
its influence could not be felt in any election.   An
examination of the following statistics, plainly exhibits
the controlling influence of the foreign votes in the
cities named.  The proportion of  votes in the two
classes is based upon the established rule-that oneseventh of the population are voters. This is true with
regard to the native population.   Among  the immigrant population, as has been previous stated, the relative proportion of females and children to the males, is
niuchl less than among the native population;  consequtently, the proportion of voters among the foreigners
is muchl greater than one-seventh; but this rule has
142 
PRESENT POLITICAL POWER OF FOREIGN VOTES.  143
been adhlered to in the following table, so as to allow the
foreign population every advantage in the calculation:
Foreign
population.
16,591
35,49}2
46,6i77
15,782
54,541
9.923
12,461
42,782
4,086
48,6,}1
235,733
121,699
88,397
Albany.
Baltimore
Boston           *.
Chicago
Cincinnati
Detroit
Louisville
,lilwaukie
Mobile
New Orleans
New York
Philadelphia
St. Louis
In Chicago, St. Louis, and lIilwaukie, the foreign
vote exceeds the native; in New  Orleans, Detroit,
New York, and Cincinnati, they are nearly equal; in
the remaining cities, the foreign vote is about one-half
of the native. In any one of these cities, the foreign
vote is sufficiently powerful  to  decide  the contest
between either of the old political organizations.
By this it will be seen that not only may aliens
control the local elections, and thus secure themselves
a large part of the corporation patronage, but, by
impressing themselves upon the State elections, secure
to themselves an undue influence upon the Federal
Government. With this astounding proportion which
the alien bears to the native population, it is not surprising that the watchmen, police officers, and other
subordinate officers, should be filled chiefly with men
who have too recently arrived in the country to comprehend or to care for its interests. Let us, therefore,
limit this power of political action on the part of the
aliens, and our people will be more contented, and our
institutions more permanent.
During the year 1851, 307,639 foreigners arrived in
the city of New York. According to the usual rule,
* A recent census of this city, gives a total foreign population of 86,336, and the
nativo 76,293.
F.,,aig.
.t..
2,3TO
5,070
6,668
2,240
7,793
1,417
1,780
6,111
583
6,943
33,190
lT,3Tl
5,5
N.ti,.
P.P,l.ti..
-1,162
130,491
88,498
13,693
68,558
11,055
25,079
7,181
9,565
50,470
277,752
286,346
36,529
N.ti,
-,.t".
4,4,52
18,642
12,642
1,956
9,937
1,579
3,582
1,(,26
1,3,-.6
7,210
39,822
411,906
5,218 
IMMIGRATION.
one-seventh of these will in five years be voters.  At
the expiration of five years, provided the existing
naturalization  laws be strictly enforced,  the voting
population of that city will be increased forty-four
thousand.   Even  now,  its native vote exceeds  the
foreign vote only 6,000.  It is true, many  may not
remain in the city of New York, and well it may be
so, or else the city would, of necessity, be under the
absolute control of persons unacquainted with its institutions and their management.
The following statistics in relation to the city of New
York, are copied from the " N. Y. Express" of a recent
date:
ALIENS IN NEW YORK CITIES.
The State census discloses the following facts, as the number of
aliens in the cities of the State:
Albany....    18,8344
Auburn....       1,461
Hudson....         841
Poughkeepsie..      2,164
Buffalo...    26,086
Brooklyn...    62,105
Rochester...    12,701
Total.......
CURIOUS CITY STATISTICS.
The inequality of the Senatorial districts in New York city is
remarkable. This table excludes aliens and people of color not
taxed.
T d se.....50&1
Fut  dtr r  Pt..... 87,600
Ftir rS r.....64,846
Sit  ir r  B k..... 83,348
The aliens in the above districts, who are not included in the
above enumerations, are
3d district...   41,468           5th district...  80,404
4th district...   58,016         6th district...  102,790
Mr. Brooks  thus  represents  183,349-but  29,629  less  than  his
colleagues. In the same (6th) district, the numiber of
Native voters are.......  19,817
Naturalized........  "i18,596
Excess of native over foreign vote...    1,821
144
New York
Utica
Syracuse
Oswego
Troy.
Schenectady
232 6T8
::' 5:825
6,192
::. 4,144
... 8,736
.. 1,653
...          3TT,930
Third distriet-Ir. Sickles
Fourth district-Mr. Petty
Fifth district-Mr. Spencer
Sixth District-Mr. Brooks 
PRESENT POLITICAL POWER OF FOREIGN VOTES. 145
If the laws remain as at present, immigration will
increase, and the annual increase of foreign voters will
at least reach half the number before stated.  Is it not
time, then, that some steps should be taken to rescue
the city fi'rom the impending danger?'The city of New
York is not alone. Most of the seaboard towns are
suffering firom  the same cause.   It is true, Congressional liberality, or rather demagogisrn, has  enticed
miany to the uncultivated wilds of the West, and the
evils of foreignism  have  been  thus  extended  and
diffused. Several of the new States are now completely  under the  control of foreigners; and, unless
further legislation is had, curtailing their elective privileges, we venture the prediction that every State hereafter admitted into the Union will be absolutely under
the control of the foreign voters.
THE INFLUENCE OF FOREIGN VOTERS IN THE LAST PRESI                   DENTIAL ELECTION.
The following table shows that the popular majority
for Pierce over Scott falls far short of the foreign vote.
Thus:
Pierce's vote,........
Scott's vote,.........
Pierce's majority,.......
Foreign vote,........
Pierce's majority,.......
..    1,602,66
~.   1,385,990
~.         216,678
367,320
~.      -216,673
150,647
The  foreign vote exceeded Pierce's majority over
Scott, 150,647 votes.
But there is another view which may be taken of this
election. It is contended that the foreign vote is so
scattered over the country that its effect is not perceptible, at any particular point.  The following tabular
statement of the election in 1852 for President, shows
thait the foreign vote in the States mentioned exceed the
majorities given to General Pierce.
7 
IMMIGRATION.
States.
New York,.
Pennsylvania,
Maryland,.
Louisiana,.
Missouri,..
Illinois,..
Ohio,..
Wisconsin,.
Iowa,..
Rhode Island,.
Connecticut,.
Delaware,.
New Jersey,.
California,.
Foreign
vote.
93,317
43,300
7,287
9,615
10,938
15,980
31,157
15,781
2,995
3,4(4
5,4S2
749
8,543
10,000
258,548
Pierces,
majority.
27,201
19,446
4,945
,1,392
7,698
15,653
16,694
11,418
1,IS0
1,109
2,890
2a
5,749
5,694
120,094
It is thus demonstrated that in each of these fourteen
States the foreign vote was larger than the majority
given for General Pierce; and it is also demonstrated
that the aggregate foreign vote of these fourteen States
is mote than twice the whole number of the aggregate
of General Pierce's majorities in said States. If even
one-/a7,f of the foreign vote had been given to General
Scott, he would have been elected instead of General
Pierce!
In North Carolina, too, the foreign vote was 366, and
General Pierce's majority but 686; so that if Scott
instead of Pierce had received this foreign vote, he
would have received the electoral vote of North Carolina by a majority of 146 votes!
Tile time is not far distant when even Virginia, by the
increase of joreign voters, will be under their influence
and control, if the contests in that State continue to be
carried on between the former rival parties.
These simple calculations demonstrate clearly that
the foreign vote is sufficiently powerful to decide the
contest between any two political parties, which has
heretofore divided the native citizens of this country,
and firom the existence of that fact has grown many of
the abuses, and much of the corruption which are calculated to bring discredit upon the nation, and to effect
146
F.,,,ig.
P.P.I.ti...
655,224
303,105
51,011
67,,308
76,5TO
111,860
218,699
110,4TI
20,968
23,S32
38,3T4
5,243
.59,804
21,628
El'.,.l.to
f." Pi."..
35
27
8
6
9
11
23
5
4
4
6
3
7
4
152 
PRESENT POLITICAL POWER OF FOREIGN VOTES.  147
ually destroy that great safeguard of American libertythe ballot-box.
The equality of the two former great political parties
has given to the foreign vote additional power, because
each, aiming at success, have bid for the foreign vote,
and in too niany instances purchased it at the sacrifice
of principle and of American nationality.  The election
of 18S52 is a fair illustration, but equally fairly and
clearly would prior elections exhibit the strength of, and
the power wielded by our foreign born population in
the elections of the country. lThe success of either of
the former political parties depended upon the foreign
vote, and upon whichever side that was cast, success
resulted thereto; and this circumstance demonstrates the
vacillating character of the foreigners, at one time voting
with one party, and at another with the other, thus holding out to each an inducement to pander to their
caprices, and to shoulder their absurdities. They held
the balance of power and exercised that power for their
own aggrandizement.
The samne investigation might be made in reference to
the elections of S1844 and 1848, with a similar result,
but this and previous tables contain all the information
necessary to convince any one, who is not hopelessly
blind to the truth, that the government of the United
States will, unless the influence of foreigners be curtailed, be ultimately overwhelmed with it.
A VIEW OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRE                      SENTATIVES.
The present ratio of representation in the House of
RPepresentatives is 93,423.  The following table exhibits
the foreign population of the States therein named, in
1850, and the number of Representatives in Congress
due to this foreign population. 
IM1MIGRATION.
State                 Foreign
population
.Aassachusetts..  163,598
New York...  665,224
Pennsylvania..  8'03,'300
-Ohio.....  218,099
No. Rep-    State
resentatives
1        Ilinois.
7         Wisconsin
8
2
This is the actual and undeniable representation of
the foreign population in the popular branches of the
,?ational Legislature.
The nuimber of Representatives due to the foreign
population in the States above mentioned has been
obtained by  dividing the foreign population of the
States respectively by the representative ratio (93,433).
But there are thiirteen members assigned, under the late
law apportioning the representatives,  to those States
hlaving thle largest residuary firaction, over and above
the ratio of representation.
In nine of the thirteen States which were entitled to
an  additional  representative, in consequence of the
residuary fr'action, the foreign population exceeds the
"r(esid(zrgi~ fcction," viz.: Miassachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, M]]aryland, IKentucky,
Missouri, Indiana, and Louisiana-conseqnenitly, according to the cenisus of 1850, the representation due to the
forei,gni population in the House of Representatives is as
follo ws
Massachusetts..
New York..
Pennsylvania i. 
Ohio... 
Illinois...
Wisconsin                                         i..
,iaryland...
1
1
1
1
1
1
24
Tliese statistics show that the foreign representation
in the popular branch of Congress is twenty-four members, tweintv cominig fiomn the free States and four from
the SouLtle[n States.  We hlave obtained this number
(t'we ltyi-foul) by exaining  carefully the statisties of
eahl  S       ntate, and relative pioportion of its foreig,n and
ilative population; bLut if wve take the aggregate foreign
)popIIlIttion, 2,240,S1, and divide it by the ratio of i-ep
148
F.,ig.
P.P.".ti..
... 111,860
... 110,4Tl
",Z'i.R,ti
I
1
15
2
7
4
2
1
1
1
Rho e Island
Connecticut
Kentucky.
Mi,sourl.
I,Cti,l.a.
Louisiana 
PRESENT POLITICAL POWER OF FORE[GN VOTES.  149
resentation (93,423), wve obtain precisely the same number, twentv-ifour.
Thus it is clear that theforeiyn representation in the
United States House of Representatives amounts to this
numnber, and certainly it will not now be contended that
foreiy,bism is not sufficiently powerful in this country to
impress itself upon the legislation of the country.  Indeed, scarcely a session of Congress has passed, within
the last five years, that one-third of the timte has not
been wasted in legislating exclusively for the foreigner,
each member vying with the others in his generosity
to this class of population.
SHOULD THIE SOurH FEAR IMMIGRATION?
The entire foreign population in 1850, was 2,240,581,
of which 378,204 resided in the Southern States, which
would give, under the existing law regulating represeutation, four representatives to the So)uthernl and
twenty to the ~Northern or friee States.  This simple
calculation demonstrates that the representative preponderance of the free States is owing to immigration. The
present Federal representation of the Northern States is
144l members, and of the South 90, which gives to the
North 54 majority.  If the representation due the foreign immigration of the North be deducted from its
present representation and added to that of the South,
the North would have 124 members and the South 110,
or if the representation due to the foreign population be
deducted from each, the North would have 120 members and the South 86, a majority of 34 in favor of the
North, whereas now the majority is 54, showing a gain
ti- the South of 20 members.
The fears of the South from the North consist in the
rapid advancement of the latter in political power, and
this political power is increased annually by immigra 
IMMIGRATION.
tion from Europe, and in the rapidity of increase of the
foreign over the native population.
Besides the political power, the South has other dangers to apprehend from other evils.  By a table (before
cited) published in the compendium of the seventh census, giving the number of convicts in prisons and penitentiaries of the several States, out of every ten thousand of the population, the proportion of natives and
foreigners to that number is as follows:
Foreign.  Native.          Foreign.  Native.
In Maine....  5  to  1  In Vermont...  8    to  1
In Kentucky... 6  to  1  In South Carolina. 28  to  1
In Mississippi...  5  to  1  In Alabama... 50    to    1
In New York... 3  to  1  Ill Georgia...  6    to  1
In Tennessee... 15    to    2  In Indiana...  4    to    1
The relative proportion of foreign crime to native in
the States of Kentucky, Tennessee, South Carolina, and
Alabama, is far greater than that among any of the
Northern States, and in Georgia and Mississippi it is
equal to any of the Northern States.
In Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, and South Carolina, the aggregate foreign population in 1850 was 64,079, of whom, in every ten thousand, the average proportion of convicts was 30.43,
whereas in every ten thousand of natives, the average
proportion was but 1.65.
The proportion of convicts in the various prisons and
penitentiaries, on 30th June, 1850, native white, foreign
and negro, in every ten thousand of the native white,
foreign and negro population, in the Northern and
Southern States, stands thus:
Native White.  Foreign.    Ne.ro.
Southern States...    1.673  11.684.988
Northern States...    1.991  5.868  28.743
And the total proportion of the foreign of the North
and the South is three times as great as that of the
negro in both sections.  It is clearly deducible froum
these facts that the South has most to fear from immigration.   Besides the physical and political  power
150 
PRESENT POLITICAL POWER OF FOREIGN VOTES. 151
which immigration gives to the North, of which the
South has so long complained, the South suffers comparatively more from the accompainying evils of immigration, crime and pauperism, than the North.
CHAPTER XII.
FOREIGNERS IN GOVERNMENT EMPLOY.
IT is impossible to determine positively the relative
proportion of foreigners in government employ, because
the nativities of all the ermployes are not to be ascertained.  The "Blue Book "-" a register of the officers
and agents, civil, military, and naval in the service of
the United States," is the only authority upon which
any calculation can be based. This register is published
biennially by the government, the last was issued in the
fall of 1855, and contains all the data upon which the
following table has been constructed.
The nativities of 4084 are reported, of which 607 are
of foreign birth.  The nativities of the Post Masters and
Superintendents of Light houses are not reported. The
following table comprises the civil and diplomatic
appoinments of the State department, the employees in
the War Department, the employds in the Treasury and
Interior Departments at Washington, and all the employds of which tihe nativities were given, in the other
branches of the General Government mentioned. The
Minits, Light houses, and Coast Survey, properly belonging to the Treasury Department, as do the Indian
Pension and Patent Offices to the Interior, but they
have been arranged, as in the table, for convenience
merely. In the Navy Department at Washington all
the civil employes are American born...
4* 
IMMIGRATION.
Natives.   Foreigners.
Proportion.
F.     N.
1  to  5
1  "   8
1 " 4
1  "   1
1  "   9
1   "  1
1  "   9
I  "   7
1  "1 6
1  "   5
1  "  10
1 "  15
1 " 9
1  "  15
1   "   1
1  "1 4
1  "   5.77
State Department
Mlinisters Abroad
Consuls
Conmmercial Agents.
Treasury Department
Coast Survey
United States Mints
Keepers of Light houses
Custom Houses
Department Interior.
Patent Office
General Land Office.
Indian Office
Pension Office
Commr. of Pub. Buildings
War Department
Tt               07. 0 24
...      25
.    160
':       9
.    830
~.    ~           43
~..      55
.    874
~..  1,9(8
~..      19
.     66
~..  3847
;.. 144
~..   180
*    *.      71
Total             3,477
According  to the statistics in the offices  above
named, 14.86 per. cent of the employ6s are foreigners,
more than one-sixth, to whom is paid annually out of the
Treasury, $567,300.42.
In the New York custom-house there are employed
107 foreigners; iil the Philadelphia, 27; Baltinmore, 11;
New Orleans, 54, and in San Francisco, 23. In Iowa
there are but three surveyors of customs, and two are
foreig,ners. In Indiana three, and two foreigners. In
the custonm-hlouse at Chicago there are seven foreign
employes, and two American born.   At  Milwaukie
there are six foreign and three American  employds,
a Norwegian, two Germans, and three Irishmen, and
three Americans. The average salary of the iforeigners
is $685.20, of the natives but $560.  At Chicago the
average salary of the foreigners is $804.04; of the
Americans but $480.  In the United States Coast Survey the average yearly pay of the natives is $713; of
the foreigners $1,082.  These are the relative salaries of
the natives and foreigners employed in the office at
Washing,ton, as taken fiom the pay-roll for July, 1855.
In this office, Charles A. Schott and Thomas W. Werner, both foreigners, receive an average of $1,456 per
annum, while Eugene Nutly, an American, for performing similar duty, receives $1,200. George MIcCoy and
152
S.I.,y f F..ig'-.
7,400.00
13,500.00
40,000.00
3,000.00
42,500.00
. 37,SSO.00
12,000.00
22,870.00
280,3SO.82
2,593.00
5,000.00
35,156.00
15,6ilO.00
15,640.00
13,1)20.00
20,760.00
56T,300.42
H.,, E.pl.y,,d.
5
3
42
8
35
35
6
55
805
4
5
82
is
12
23
19
607 
FOIREIGNEIRS IN GOVERNMIENT EMIPLOY.
A. Rolle, foreigners, receive, as engravers, an average
of $1,850 per annum, while John Knight and F. Danlkworth, American engravers, receive but $1,700.  Four
of the assistants are foreigners; two receive $2,500 per
annum, one $1,600, and one $1,500.   One  of these
assistants is not naturalized, and probably two of them.
Ill the office of weights and measures there are but
four Americans, and seven foreigners.  In this office
the standard weights and measures of the United States
are manufactured, and it will hardly be contended that
there are no American mechanics competent to manufacture the American standard weights and measures.
The foreign population is 11.46 per cent. of the whole
white population of the United States. The foreign
office-holders is 14,86 per cent of the whole number of
office-holders.  Again, the foreign population is about
one-eleventh of the whole population, yet the foreign
office-holders are nearly one-sixth of the whole number
of office-holders.  If the offices were distributed in due
proportion to the two classes of population, native and
foreign, the foreigners should only have one-eleventh of
the whole number.  Out of 4,0841, the foreigners should
have but 3S8, whereas they have 607,129 above their
due proportion. These facts may be c,ed as additional
proof of the disposition of the immigrantl population to
acqlire and to hold on to political power, and not only
political power, but to feed upon the government.
Besides the immense amount expended in this country
to maintain foreigni paupers, to prosecute foreign criminals, and to import foieignlers, the additional sum of
$567,300 is paid out of the treasury of the United States
in the shape of salaries to foreigners, and iii several
instances foreigners are the disbursing agents of the
governmenit.
Americans are certainly entitled to a pro rata share
of the honors and of the offices, yet so powerful is the
i,fluenlce of the foreign population, that this pro rata
share has not been allotted to them.  The foreigners
153 
IM-fMIGRATION.
enjoy the excess. If such discrimination is to be exercised against the "American born," is it not natural
that they who, it must be admitted, have the prior
right to the honors and offices, wilt hasten that conflict
of races, which, whenever it comes, will deluge the land
in blood? America should be ruled by America.
CaHAPTER XIII.
UNCONSTITUTlIONAL FOR STATES TO NATURALIZE ALIENS.
Tiis subject is one of the highest importance.  Prior
to the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the States
possessed and exercised the Tpower of granting naturalization.   The consequence of it was, that there were
various and discordant rules adopted.   Even since,
several of the States have, by provisions in their constituitions, admitted aliens to the right of citizenship,
upon a residence of six months, and a simple declaration
of an intention of becoming a citizen.  Such provisions,
ill any of the State constitutions, are clearly in violation
of the Constitution of the United States. An alien, to
becomne a citizen of the United States, must have resided
within its limits five years, and taken the oath of allegiance, and no one can be a citizen of any one of the
States without being a citizen of the United States; if
it be otherwise, there must necessarily be two classes of
citizens within thie United States, viz.: State citizens,
and United States citizens.  Again, if a State can natturalize an alien, it can confer citizenship upon a person
who is not a citizen of the United States.  Hence, a
pecon might bie enjoying all the privileges of a citizen
within a State, entitled to the elective firanchise, and to
the protection of its laws, and possessing the right to
vote for inenbers of Congiess, President of the United
154
4-0
.1 
FOREIGNERS IN GOVERNMENT EMPLOY.
States, and for members of the State legislature, which
elects the senators of the United States, and yet not be
a citizen of the United States. The Constitution provides, that members of the IHouse of Representatives
sliall be elected in the same mianner as the members of
the popular branch of the State legislature are elected.
If a State can naturalize or confer the elective firanchise
upon all alien, and grant him the privilege of voting for
the members of the popular branch of her legislature,
she, at the same time, grants him the privilege of voting
for a member of the Hlouse of Representatives, and yet
he is not a citizen of the United States.
The following extract from an address, written by
sIr. Vespasian Ellis, editor of the " Americart Oran,"
clearly sets forth the unconstitutionality of naturalization by a State.
"' Mr. Madlison, in page 202 of the "Federalist," advocating the adoption of the Federal
Constitution, says:
" i In one State, residence for a short time confers all the rights of citizenship; in another, qualifications of greater importance are required.  An alien, therefore, legally
incapacitated for certain rights in the latter, may, by previous residence only, in the
former, elude his incapacity; and thus the law of one State be preposterously rendered
paramount to the law of another, within the jurisdiction of the other.'
"Thlis was the condition of things whilst the different States exercised the power of
naturalization. The evils of it are manifest.  Another writer (Rawle on the Constitution, page 85), after describing the evils of these conflicting provisions, adds,
"' The evil could not be better remedied than by vesting the exclusive power in Congress.'
"'The provisions of the Constitution on this subject are in the following words.  In
article I., section 9, it reads  "' Congress shall have power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization.'
"In article I., section 9, it reads' The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing
shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year
18:)S.'
"In article IV., section 2, it reads' The citizens of each State shall be entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."
" These are all the provisions of the Constitution affecting this question.  By the first
clause cited above, the general polwer is granted to establish a uniform rule. By the
second clause cited, the power of prohibiting immigration is conferred. The suppression of the slave-trade was, no doubt, particularly aimed at in this clause; but the
term' migration, or importation of such persons,' &c., cannot be confined to any specific class of persons. They are general and comprehensive terms; arid, there being no
ambiguity of expression, they ust be construed  to mean what they plainly import.
The tlird clause cit ed, makes the citizens of each State citizens of the whole Uniteil
States. Under those three clauses, it seems plain that the most ample authority is conferred upon Congress to regulate the whole question of immigration exclusively. Congress may establishl the rule, change the rule, abrogate the rule, and prohibit foreign
isimnigration entirely.  The power, whilst exercised by the States, produced the evils of
conflicting legislation, and contradictory rules.  That evil was to be renmedied.  It was
remedied by transferriing the power to the national legislature, where it most properly
155 
N6LAIIGRATION.
belongs.  Is not, then, this power in Congress exclusive?  PRawle so considers it, in hit
treatise before cited, page 85. Bayard so considers it, in his view of the Constitution,
page 71. lie says:
'  This power is, from its nature, exclusive; for, if the several States could legislate
on this subject, tney might require very different qualifications for citizens, and  aliens
would become citizens of the IUnited States upon very unequal termis, according to the
laws of the particular States in which they might be naturalized.'
" It was held in the Circuit Court of the United States, at Philadelphia, in 1792, in the
case of Collet q,s. Collet, 2 Dallas, 294, that the State governments had concurrent
authloritv with Congress, upon the subject of naturalization.  But this decision has been
overruled. Ili the Circuit Court, in 1854, Judge Washington decided in the case of Goldeln vs. Prince, 3 Washington's Circuit Reports, 314, that this power was exclusive  in
Congress.  And at a later period in the case of Chirac  s. Chirac, 2 Wheaton, page 269,
Chief Justice Marshall said, that,  It certainly ought not to be controverted; that the
power of naturalization was vested exclusively in Congress.'  In the case of Houston vs.
Moore, 5 Wheaton, page 49, Justice Story, alluding to this power, considers it exclusive,
on the ground of there being a direct repugnancy or incompatibility in the exercise of
it by the States.
"In the very able commentaries of this same judge, upon the Constitution of the
United States, vol. 3, chap. 16, sec. 538, he uses the f    oll owin g language:' It followvs from
the very uature of this power, that to be useful, it miust be exclusive; for a concurrent
power  in the States would bring back all   the evils and embarrassments which tie uniform rule of the Constitution was designed to renedy.  And aqcordingly, though there
was a momentary hesitation when the Constitution first went into operation, whether
the power might not still be exercised by the States, subject only to the control of Congress, so far as the legislation of the latter extended, as the supreme law, yet it is now
firmly established to be exclusive in Congress.'
Chancellor Keot, in co     mnenting  pon this subject, and reviewing the althlorities,
does not hesitate to say that' the weight of authority, as well as of reason,  may tl-ierefore be considered in favor of this construction.'  If, the, the opinions of Bayard,
Rawle, Story, and Kent, sanctioned by the decisons of the circuit andcl Supreme Courts
of the United States, are to be regarded as authority, the position is impregnable, and
the question clear beyond all cotroversy, that Congress has the exclusive power  of
legislation on the important subject of naturalization. Indeed, if it were  otherwise,
what would prevent New York, or any other State, firom naturalizing a million of Africans, who, ipso.f,teto, would be' entitled to all the privileges and im iiunities of citizens
in the several States,' inder the 2d section of the 4th article of the Constitution?   Justice, reason, and authority, forbid such a construction as this.   If it should still be
insisted, however, tlat because the Supreme Court has decided that the power of Congress to pass a uniform bankrupt law is not exclusive, but that, in the absence of a law
of Congress, a State  nay pass insolvent or bankrupt laws, and that forasniuch  as
the power of Congress over this subject is conferred in                the same clause with the power
to establish a uniform.  rule of naturalization, therefore the same  principle of construction should apply; it mlay be answered, that the effect of the exercise of the two
powers bvy individual  States, would  be totally different.  We  lave seen  that if the
several States coulld naturalize foreigners, w'ilst the clause of the Constitution conferring upon the citizens f each State all the immnities of citis o      of the several States,
is unrepealed, it woul)d be in  the pow6r of any one State to confer  upon foreigners the
right to be citizens of all the other States.  But the insolvent or bankrupt laws of an
individual State couhll only operate wvithin its limits.  It has been decided repeatedly,
that'the discharge  f an insolvent under a State law will  ot discharge a debt due to
a citizen of another State who does not make himself a party to the proceeding undier
the law.'  See 2d vol. Kent's Co-n., page  92, and the cases there cited.  It may also be
observed, that whilst the power over the subject of naturalizati on was conferred  upon
Congress to remedly an evil which wo uld again prevail under the const ru ction that this
power in Congress is not exclusive, the power to establish an  uniform bankrupt law
was not conferred to remesty any particular existing evil, but granted to enable  Con   gess to effect a positive good, wh ils t the failure of CPgress to exercise  the latter
prower would not result in any immediate general  misclief.  For the se reasons, doubt les, tle same courts and the same jurists have held the one power to be exclusive and
th otlher not so. We repeat, then, that the power of Congress over the subject oinatu    lii   foreigners is general, comprehensive, and exclusive.. The    individual  States,
-lhcefce, cannot pass laws of naturalization, for they have surren sderel this power to
Cosnigress, sisd it uay be exercised or not, in the discretion of that body.  If exercised,
th.esefi.re, it would sem also to be iidlisputable, that Congress uay impose whatever
156 
FOREIGNERS IN GOVERNMENT EMPLOY.
conditions, limitations, and restrictions it may please in reference to the time, mode
and terms of naturalization."
Diurinog the discussion of the bill to admit  iichligan
into t   te Union, in the constitution of which was a clause
alloTwing aliens to vote, Ai-. Calhoun said:
"The Constitution confers on Congress the authority to pass uniform laws of naturalization. This will not be questioned; nor will it be, that the effect of naturalization
is to remove alienage.
" To remove alienage, is simply to put the foreigner in the condition of a native born.
To this extent the act of naturalization goa, and no further.           *         *
"The next position is no less certain, that when Congress has exercised its authority
by        passing a uniform law of naturalization (as it has) it excludes the right of exercisi         lg a   similar authority on the part of the State.  To suppose that the States couldpas,
qnatttlt,lizatioit acts of their own, after Congress had passed an uniform law of naturalization, would )be to make the provision of the Constitutioni nugatory.       *    *
" I have shown that a citizen is not an alien, and that alienage is an unsuperable
barrier, till removed to citizenlship; ad t that it can only be removed  by complying
with the act of Congress. It follows, of course, that a State cannot, of its own authoritv, make an alien a citizen without such compliance.           *         *         *
"Whatever difference of opinion there may be as to what other rights appertain to a citizen, all must, at least, agree that le has the riglt to petition, and also to claim the protection
of his government.  These belong to him as a member of the body politic, and the possession of them is what separates citizens of the lowest condition from aliens and slaves.
To suppose that a State can make an alien a citizen of the State, or, to pr esent the question
more specifically, can confer on h      im the right of voting, would involve the absurdity
of giving hi-n a direct and immediate control over the action of thle General Government,
from which he has no right to claim the protection, and to which he has no right to
present a petition. That the full force of the absurdity may be felt, it must be borne in
ind, that every department of the General Goernemient is either directly or indirectly
under the conitrol of the voters in the several States.  The Constitution wisely provides
that the voters for the imost numerous branch of the Legislatures in the several States,
shall vote for the rmetbers of the House of Representatives; and as  the members of
this body (Senate) are chosen by the Legislatures  of  the States, and the Presidential
electors either by the Legislature, or votes in the several States, it follows, as I have
stated, that the action of the Genleral Government, is either directly or indirectly under
the control of the voters in the several States.  Now, admit that a State may confer
the right of voting on ail aliens, and it will follow as  a necessary consequence, that we
mlight hlave almong our constituents, persons who have not the right to claim the protection of the government, or to present a petition to it.               * *      *
"But a still greater difficulty remains.  Suppose a war should be declared between
the United States, and the country to which the alien belongs; suppose for instance,
that South Carolina should confer the righit of voting onl alien subjects of Great
Britain  es iding within her limits, and that  war s hould be declared between the two
countries; wvhat, in such an  event, would be the condition of that portion of our
voters?  They, as alien enemies would be liable to be seized under the laws of Congress,
and to have their goods confiscated and themselves imprisoned, or sent out of tihe
country.  The principle that leads to such conseque.ces cannot be true; and I venture
nolhing in asserting that Carolina, at least, will never assent to incorporate, as
e ers of her body politic, those who might be placed in so degraded  a condition,
.lnd so completely under the con trol of the General Government.
But let lie pass from these (as it appears to  e       conclusive) and inquire what were
the objects of the Constitution, in conferring on  Congress the authority of passing
uniform  laws of naturalization; from which, if I mistake not, arguments not less colnclusive may be drawn in support of the position for which I contend.
In conferrin this power, the framers of tile Constitutionl must have had two objects
in view: one to prevent competition between the States, in holding out induceme,its
for the inisnigration of foreigners; and the other to prevent their improper influence
15, 
1IMMGRATION.
over the General Governnment, through such States as might naturalize foreigners, and,
could confer on them the right of exercising the elective franchise before they could be
sufficiently informed of the nature of our institutions, or were interested in their preservation.  Both of these objects would be defeated if the States may confer on aliens
the right of voting, and the other privileges belonging to citizens."
In answer to the argumient urged by his colleague,
3Jr. Preston, that the constitutions of  ermont, Nortlt
Caiolina and RPhode Island, permitted aliens to vote,
AMr. Calhoun said:
"It is sufficient answer to say, that their constitutions were adopted before the existenee of the General Government, and that the provisions which  permitted aliens to
vote, constituted ai portion of their coustitutions, when they camle into the Uiion.
North Carolina has since amended hlers, anul limited the right of voting to citizens.
If *erm,ont and Rhode Island have not done the saime, it most be attributed to that
vis i-Yesltie which indisposes most States to alter their constitutions, or to accidental
omission.  But we have  the authority of the Seinator frosi  North Carolina, (Mr.
Mangumn,) and also the Senator from Vermont, (Mr. Prentiss,) that under the decisions
of tie courts, of the respective States, their constitutions have been so constructed,
since they enitered the Union, as to confine the right of voting and holding lands to
citizens of the States, so as to conform to the principle for which I contend. To cite a
case in point, my colleague ought to show that under the constitution of any State,
formed since the adoption of the Constitution of the Union, the right of voting has
been conferred on an alien.  There is not, I believe, an  example of the kind; * from
whichl I infer the deep and universal conviction which has pervaded the public mind,
that a State has no authority to confer such a right."
In answer to a question put by Mr. Preston, Mr.
Calhoun said:
"M Iy colleague cites the example of Louisiana, which was admitted into the  UJmi~,
without requiring the inhabitants, at the time, to conform to the act of naturalization.
I must think the instance not in point. That was a case of the incorporation of a
foreign community, which had been acquired by treaty, as a member of our confederacy. At the time of the acquisition, they were subjects of France, and owed their allegialice to that government. The treaty transferred their allegiance to the United States;
and the difficulty of incorporating  Louisiana into the  Union, arose, not under  the
naturalization, but the right of acquiring foreign possessions by purchase, and the
right of incorperating such possession into the Union.  These were felt at the time to
be questions of great difficulty. Mr. Jefferson himself, under whose administration the
purchlase was made, doubted the right, and suggested the necessity of an alteration of
the Constitution to meet the case; and if the example of the admission is now to be
used to establish the principle, that a State may confer citizenship on an alien, we may
all live to regret that the Constitution was not amended according to the suggestion.
"MNy colleague insists, that, to deny the right for which he contends, would be to
confer on Congress the right of prescribing who should or should not be entitled to vote
in the State, and exercise the other privileges belonging to citizens; and portrayed in
strong language, the danger to the rights of the States from such authority. If his
views are correct in this respect, the danger would, indeed, be imminent; but I cannot
concur in their correctness. Under the view which I have taken, the authority of
* Since then Illinois, Wisconsin and Indiana have tdopted such provisions in their
constitutions.
158 
FOREIGNERS IN GOVERNMENT EIPLOY.
Congress is limited to the simple point of passing uniform laws of naturalization; or,
as I have shown, simply to remove alienage.  To this extent, it may clearly go, under
the Constitution; and it is no less clear that it cannot go an inch beyond, without
palpably transcending its powers and violating the Constitution. Every other privilege
except those which necessarily flow from the removal of alienage, must be conferred by
the Constitution and the authority of the State."
In  speaking  directly  in  reference  to the  bill he
said:
"This bill prescribes that the people of Michigan who shall vote for the convention
to form her constitution, on becoming a State,    *       *     *     I ask who are the
people of Michigan? Taken in the ordinary sense, it means every body, of every age,
of every sex, of every complexion, white, black, or red, aliens as well as citizens.
Regarded In this light, to pass this bill would sanction the principle that Congress may
outh/sorize an alien to vote, or confer that high privilege on the run-away slaves from
Kentucky, Virginia, or elsewhere, and thus elevate them to the condition of citizens,
enjoying under the Constitution, all the rights and privileges inthe States of the Union,
which appertain to citizenship.    *                   *         *                  *
"If it be meant by the people of Michigan, the qualified voters under her incipient constitution,  *    *    *  then are we sanctioning the right of aliens to vote.
Michigan has attempted to confer this right on that portion of her inhabitants. She
has no authority to confer such right under the Constitution. I have conclusively
shown that a State does not possess it, much less a territory which possesses no power,
except such as is conferred by Congress. Congress has conferred no such power on
Michigan, nor, indeed, could confer it, as it has no authority, under the Constitution,
over the subject, except to pass uniform laws of nattsralization."
In a speech delivered by Senator Clayton, upon the
amendment submitted by him * to strike oit of the
Kansas Nebraska bill, that clause which granted the
elective fi-anchise to aliens within the territories of
Kansas and Nebraska, he said:
"Citizen and alien have been properly considered as correlative terms.  A citizen is
not an alien, and an alien is not a citizen. A citizen may be defined to be any person
residing in any State or territory of the United States, who enjoys all the rights,
privileges, and immunities of a man of full age, born and resident in those States or
territories.  What is naturalization?  It is sufficient for my purpose to define it as that
process, by which the Congress of the United States removes the disa(tbilities of
stlienage.  Now, what  are the disabilities of alienage?  In the first place, an alien
cannot vote unless the power is specially conferred on him.  In the next place, an alien
is not entitled to, and cannot demand protection from the government. He is under
no obligations to it, and may make war upon it, without incurring the penalties of
treason. He cannot petition the government for any wrong which he has suffered. If
he be here while the country from which he came is at war with the United States, he is
liable, under an act of Congress, to be ordered out of the country within a given time,
and therefore he has no right of permanent residence here in such a contingency as
that which I have mentioned.  These are all known  and acknowledged  disabilities of
alienage. The disqualification of an alien to vote does not merely arise from an act
of Congress, or an act of a State Legislature.  It exists as an incident to alienage here
and everywhere.   It must be removed by competent authority, and by positive enactment, before an alien can exercise the rights of suffrage. It is inherent in the very
nature of alienage, that it cannot exercise a right by which it may govern others.
* Known as the "Clayton amenlment."
159 
IMMIGRATION.
There can be no just ideas of popular rights and national sovereignty, or national independe nce when the notion prevails that an alien ought to  vote.  Give this right to
foreigners, as is proposed by this bill, and you surrender all that distinguishes him from
an Am-erican.  Nay, you give thlese rights to strangers, with whom you may be at war
to-niorirow, whiile you refuse to your own citizens in one State, the right to vote in
another.  For by the law of nearly every State in this Union, some qualification is
required for a voter bes ides naturalization, and generally, among others, residence for
a stated period is an indispensable pre-requisite.  But, by the provisions of this bill,
any alen niay vote in these territories without previous residence, or paying a cent of
tax to support the government, whiclh hle is to control by his vote.
"Nw, sir naturalization being nothing more nor less than the removal of the disabilities of alienage, Congress call pass a law for that purpose, provided it be' uniform,'
either for the removl of tle whole of these disabilities in one law, or for the removal of
any olne, two, or three, or any other niumber, in separate bills or laws. That inference
flows irresistibly from the previous position. Congress, therefore has the power, under
the Constitution of the United States, to provide, that aliens may vote in all the States
and territories, sub ject in the State to such restrictions as a State may impose, in the
exercise of its reserved powers, on all voters.  That would be naturalization pro  tas,to,
that is, to that extent, it would remove the disability of alienage, and would be constitutional, because i t would be uniform.
" Fu rtler, C    ongress can grant the right of petition, or any other of the rights of citizenship.  It may grant them altogether, or it miay, as I have said, grant them separately, always taking care that the grant is unifor m;, but Congress cannot grant one of
these constituent parts which may make up the aigregate of all the attributes or rights
of citizenship to one State, and refuse it to another. It cannot, by a direct law, allow
an alien to vote in Virginia, and deny him the right to vote in Delaware.  If this does
follow, as I clearly tlin k it does, then I undertake to say that Congress cannot grant
exemption from any disability in Nebraska, and refuse it in the other territories, and in
the States of the Union, withlout violating that clause in the Constitution of the Union
which declares that Congress shall rave power to make                        I uniform' laws of naturalization. A law removing all the disabilities of alienage, and thus making them citizens in
Nebraska, and yet not exten dig that provision to the other territories and States,
would be, I suppose, by everybody admitted, to be unconstitutional. Then, is it not a
fair anl irresistible consequence, that if Congress only remove a part of the disabilities
of alienage, or if it proceed but partially or pro tanto, to naturalize the aliens in
Nel)raska, without extending the same privilege to other sections of the United States,
it is decidedly and clearly unconstitutional?"
The amendmnent of Senator Clayton to the Kansas
Nebl'aska Bill, provided, in effect, that in Kansas and
Nebraska "the right of suffrage and holding office shall
be only exercised by citizens of the United States,"
which was adopted by the following  vote:
Yec(,s.-Messrs. Adams, Atchison, Badger, Bell, Benjamit, Brodhead, Brown, Butler, Clay, Clayton, Dawson,
Dixon, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Ioinston, HIunter, Johnson,
Jones, of Tennessee,'aason, Morton, Pratt, Sebastian,
aitl( Sledell-23.
Yay/s. —Aessrs. Chase, Dodge of Wisconsin, Dodge o.f
Iowa, Douglass, Fessenden, Fish, Foote, Gwinn, l1amlin, Jones of Iowa, Nonris, Pettit, Seward, Shlields,
.160 
FOREIGNERS IN GOVERNMENT EMPLOY.
Smith, Stuart, Summer, Toucey, Wade, Walker, and
\Williais —21.
The unconstitutionality of granting the elective franchise to aliens was thus affirined by the Senate of the
United States.
This same question, subsequently, came before the
Senate in precisely the same bform, upon the motion of
Senator Pearce, of Aiaryland, who moved to strike firom
the bill which had passed the HIouse of Representatives,
to organize these territories, the same words which were
included in the " Clayton Amendment."  Utpon this
motion, Senator Brown, of Mississippi, said:
" If the section passes as it stands, it is, beyond all question, that foreigners in the
territory, and not being in the service of the United States, may vote, no difference
what may have been their character abroad, or what their inducement to come herehowever discreditable to the country from which they came, they have nothing to do
but lo make a declaration of their intentions to become a citizen, andtake an oath to
support the Constitution, to entitle them to vote; while American citizens, who have
been so from their birth, and whose characters are above reproach, if they are in the
military service of their country, in the territories, will by the same act, be denied the
right to vote.          *       *      *       *          *       *       *       *
"The officers commanding your army, the soldiers who are serving under your bann er
and who are placed upon your frontier to defend your women and children from the
tomahawk of the savage, will be denied thle etectivefranchise, while thousands and tens
of thousands who are pouring upon our shores from every part of God's habitable
globe, will be entitled to that sacred privilege.   *    *    If Santa Anna should be
expelled from Mexico tomorrow, as he may be, and should take up his residence in one
of these territories, he may vote the day after lie gets there, if this bill passes; and
Winfield Scott, whlose name is elrblazoned on every page of his country's history; and
whose impress is on every battle-field from the St. Lawrence to the city of Mexico, if he
was there stationed at the order of the President, would not be allowed the same
privilege.        *       *       *      *       *       *       *        *       *
"I have heard before of putting foreigners on equal footing with Americans, but this
is the first time when I have been called upon to give them an advantage.       *    *
"I cannot reconcile it to my sense of right to vote for a proposition which gives to a
foreigner, and I care not who he may be, or under what circumstances he may come to
our shores, the right to vote in these territories."
Senator Benjamin said:
"The Amendment now before the Senate, offered by the Senator from Maryland,
commends itself to my deliberate judgment. I voted for it before."
Senator Bayard of Delaware said:
"The moment you admit the right of citizens of another country, or those who are
not citizens of ours, to assume equal political rights with our own citizens, you take a
long step in the progress of demationalization.  * * Do you not denationtalize your
country when you enact that, because the man who has come here to-day declares that
he means to become a citizen, he shall exercise the same political rights and privileges
as if he were a citizen.        *      *       *       *        *        *        *
"I consider the principle of this amendment absolutely necessary for the permanence
161 
IMMIGRATION.
of the institutions of this country, and therefore I can record my vote for no bill whichl
authorizes a right of voting to others than citizens of the United States."
The bill finally passed with the alien clause retained
in it, and aliens now exercise the elective franchise in
these two territories.
THE END.
162 
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T HE HIUNTERS' FEAST:
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CONVERSATIONS AROUND THE CAMP-FIRE.
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AUTHOR OF "THE RIFLE RANGERS," "THE SCALP HUNTERS," ETC.
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WE venture to say that there is no book extant which gives Such a tlhrilling and yet
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Interesting and instructive volume before us. The author, whose powers of description
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takes every occasion to inform the delighted auditory of the habits, haunts and clharacteristies of the animal under discussion, and this he does in a manner which cannot fail
to fix the information in the memory of the reader.  The following Synopsis of Contents
may serve to give some idea of the adventures to be met with in this extraordinary
work.
CONTENTS.
A Hunting Party.
The Camp and Camp-Fire.
Besangon's Adventures in the Swamps.
The Passenger Pigeons.
Hunt with a Howitzer.
Killing a Cougar.
''Thle Cougar.
Old lke's Adventure.
T!le Musquash.
A Rat-ltunt.
Mosquitoes and their Antidote.
The'Coon andi his Habits.
A'Coon Chase.
Wild Hogs of the Woods.
Treed by Peccaries.
A Duck-Siooting Adventure.
Hunting the Vicuna.
A Cllacu of Vicunas.
Suirrel Shooting.
Treeing a Bear.
DE WITT & DAVENPORT, Publishers,
16f & 1Ifi2 NA'1sAr STRFFT  N. Y
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The Black Bear of America.
The Trapper Trapped.
The American Deer.
Deer-liun t in a 11 Dug-Out."
Old Ike and the Grizzly.
A Battle with G —Izzly Bears
The Swa.s of A-,e-ica.
Hunti.g the 31.ose.
The Prairie Wolf and IV.lf Killer.
Ilutiti,.g tl Tapir.
Adventure witl a Buffalo.
The Bi3on.
Trailing tie ]3uffalo.
App-o.,cll.g tl,e B.ffz,lo.
U,,e.pect,,l Gu,2sts.
A Supper f Wo'f-,Nlutt,,n.
liai-e liu.ti,,g and Cricket D-ivin,,-.
A Grand Battue.
The Route Home. 
WH I TEC HIEF.
'i  of  O         tth Wtxto
BY
CAPTAIN MAYNE REID,
AUTHOR OF "RIFLE RANGERS," "SCALP HUNTERS," "HUNTERS' FEAST," ETC., ITC.
Ooze volume, 12mo., Beautifully Illustrated. Cloth, Price $1 25.
This is another of those popular works of adventure which have
taken such a hold of the American public-adapted as they are to rouse
all that feeling of enthusiasm and thirst for bold deeds which seems
to be inherent in the breasts of our people. Few writers have risen
to such popularity in so short a time.   The SCALP  HUNTERS-RIFLE
RANGERS-HUNTERS' FEAST and WHITE  CHIEF, form a library in themselves, for they contain not only thrilling narratives of Wild Wood Life,
but are full of information as to the habits and natural history of the
denizens of the woods and forests, lakes and streams, be they four-legged
or two-legged, or no legs at all.
We commend these volumes to all who wish to combine in their
reading utility with amusement.
The above work will be forwarded by Mail, free of postage, on
receipt of price.
DE WITT & DAVENPORT, PUBLISHERS,
160 & 162 NASSAU STREET, X. Y.
W. H.  TINSON, Printer & Stereotyper, 24 Beekman St., N.Y.
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THE 
SCALP H UNTJERS;
OR, ADVENT-URES AMONG THE TRAPPERS.
BY CAPTAIN MAYNE REID,
AUTHOR OF; RIF-LE RANGERS,"  THE WHITE CHIEF," "IIUNTERS' FEAST," ETC., ETC.
Ote solusec, 12mszo., Beauttiftully Illzustrated.   Clothi, Piice  $1  25.
So marked was the success of the " RPIFLE  RANGERS," both in this country and in
Europe, tlat the author was induced to publilsh at an early day, the volume whose title
heads this page; a work of more thrilling adventure, bolder incident, and glowing description tlhan lad ever before appeared in the same  field of literature.  These two books
speedily achlieved a high reputation for thle writer, whichl he has sedulously striven to
enhlance by the publication of several other works of a somewhlat kindred cliaracter.  In
all of these volumes has the powerful descriptive facuity of the author stood out in bold
relief, and marked him as the DE FOE of AMERICA.  The Publishers are happy to say thtit
having secured the right to publish all of this series, they are enabled to offer to the
public a collection of volumes, vwhich in point of initense interest, are not only unsu rpassed, but seldonm equalled.  A brief Synopsis of Contents will be found below.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER
I. The Wild West.
11. The Prairie  lerclants.
III. Tie " Prairie Fever."
IV. Ri le upon a 13uffalo Bull.
V. In a Bd.cl " Fix."
I. Sant a                                                                  F6.
VII. The Fan,.dango.
III. Seui, te Scalp-liunte-r.
IX. I,-ft Bah hind.
X. The Del Norte.
XI. The' Journey of Deatlh."
XII. Zoe.
XIIt. Seg,guin.
XIV. Love.
XV. Lighlt and Shade.
XVI. An Autobiography.
XVII. Up the Del Norte.
XVIII. Geography and Geology.
XIX. The  Scalp-Hiunte rs.
XX. Sharp-Slhooting.
XXI. A Feat a la Tell.
XXII. A Feat a la Tail.
XXIII. T.he Pr-,ogrammlrne.
XXIV. E1 Sol ald La Luna.
XXV. Tie War-T-ail.
XXVI. T'h,ree Days in the Trap.
XXVII. The Diggers.
XXVIII. D aco a.
XXIX. A Din-ner wit', two Dishes.
CIHAPTER
XXX.  Blindlintg  the Pursuer-A Trap             per's R,use.
XXXI. A  Buffalo " Surrouid."
XXXII. Another " Coup."
XXXII. A  Bitter Tap.
2XXXIV. T'lhe Pitamntomn City.
XXXV. The Jouetain of Gold.
XXXA7I. Nava joa.
XXXVII. The N igit Am-              ibuscade.
XXXVIII.  A                dele.
XXXIX. The White  Sc alvp.
XL.'Ie Catonl Fiught.
XLI. The    BarrTap.cl         c
X,lII. The Foe.
XLIII. New M)isery.
XF,IV. Tthe Flag of Truce.
XLV. A Vexed Treaty.
XLVI. A Conflict  witlh closed Doors.'
XLN7II A  Queer Encounter in a Cave.
XLVIII. Smokedl Out.
XLIX. A Novel Mode of Equation.
L. A Fast Dy-e.
LI, Astonisling the Natives.
LII. Running a Muck.
LIII. A C,,,,flict upon t Cliff.
LIV. An Un.iexpected Iteutconltre.
LV. T,e Rescue.
LYI.  I' P;o I)el Noi-te.
LYII. Touclhin,g'he Chlords of Memory.
XXNIl D.c.oli,a        D~.                LYI. ~l Pa  Del Non-e.
The above-work wille forwarded lby Mlail, free of postage, Oil
receipt of price.
DIE  VWITT & DAVENPORT, PUBLISIIHERS,
70         1 4. TA      A     &          162 NASSAU STREET, N. Y.
_ W.H.TS, Pri A&  2 4   B,94B. 11eek4.R.:.
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